COMMENTARY

Economic & Political Weekly EPW july 20, 2013 vol xlviii no 29
23
Demystifying Sheikh Abdullah
Altaf Hussain Para
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah has
been the most dominating
political gure of modern Jammu
and Kashmir who played a
signicant role in shaping its
post-1947 politics. Frequently
mentioned in various works, both
scholarly and journalistic, his role
is often viewed in black and white
terms. This article attempts to
place his political work in the
contexts of its times and nd clues
to the regions present
predicaments from a study of
Kashmirs modern history.
A
n eminent scholar and journa list,
M J Akbar, rightly regards Sheikh
Mohammed Abdullah as the archi-
tect of modern Kashmir saying: The
modern history of Kashmir begins with
the greatest Kashmiri of modern times,
Sheikh Abdullah (Akbar 1991: xii). Sheikh
Abdullah was, without question, the
dominant gure in Kashmir from 1930s
until his death in 1982.
1
He was the most
enigmatic and complex political leader
of Kashmir. He had a meteoric rise to the
top slot of Kashmir politics and continued
to dominate the political scene for more
than 50 years with enduring impact.
However, notwithstanding his abiding
contribution, perhaps no other person
has become as controversial as Sheikh
Abdullah did. In this article, I intend to
revisit his role with a view to understand
the politics of modern Kashmir.
Sheikh Abdullah was the harbinger
of national consciousness
2
and instru-
mental to introduce political modernisa-
tion in the state of Jammu and Kashmir
(J&K). Those who met Sheikh Abdullah
during his political hay day attest to his
enormous charm, considerable pres-
ence, and unquestioned charisma and
autho rity though his political wisdom
was always not so evident. By establish-
ing the Muslim Conference, Sheikh Ab-
dullah not only started political life in
the state, but also his organisation be-
came an important pressure group over
the feudal establishment which com-
pelled the state to introduce different
socio-economic and administrative re-
forms. The organisation, with Sheikh its
moving sprit, championed civil liberties,
freedom of the press, spread of modern
education and economic emancipation
of the downtrodden sections of the soci-
ety.
3
Undeterred by the state-sponsored
communalism and non-Muslim sub-
jects (barring exceptions) reactionary
role,
4
it was, through Sheikh Abdullahs
persis tent efforts that the slogans like
Hindu-Muslim-Sikh Ithad, Zindabad
Zindabad became the rallying slogans
throughout the struggle for freedom.
Since Sheikh Abdullahs secular politi-
cal discourse was in accordance with
Kashmiri mass psyche, which believes
in religious syncretism, he was well-re-
ceived by common Kashmiris. It is no
wonder then that during 1947, when the
whole sub continent was burning in the
communal re, Gandhiji saw a ray of
hope in Kashmir where Muslim majori-
ty protected the life and property of
non-Muslim minority.
5

No Ideology
Although, Sheikh Abdullah was deeply
religious and staunchly secular, his
politics, however, was never truly rooted
in ideology, rather he used ideologies to
raise his own stakes. Although the
National Conference was founded on lofty
ideals, after he abandoned the platform
of the Muslim Conference, in reality,
however, the new creed was preached
by him to free himself from the domina-
tion of Punjabi Muslim inuence.
6
In the
Altaf Hussain Para (altafhussainpara@gmail.com)
is with the Government Amar Singh College,
Srinagar.
COMMENTARY
july 20, 2013 vol xlviii no 29 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
24
same way, Sheikh Abdullahs closeness
with the Indian National Congress (INC),
particularly to its brand ambassador,
Jawaharlal Nehru was not motivated by
any ideological uniformity but rather by
mutual interests. It is not an unknown
fact that from 1940s INC became the big-
gest source of funding to the National
Conference.
7
By afliating himself with
Nehru, it was not only that Sheikh
Abdullahs popularity received an enor-
mous boost at the national level, but it
also helped mitigate the intensity of
pro paganda made against him by Kash-
miri pandits. In return, the Congress
needed Sheikh Abdullah as a counter-ar-
gument to Jinnah's two nation theory.
8
Sheikh Sahib was unfortunately a poor
judge of crucial situations. The Indian
Partition of 1947 and the Bangladesh
Crisis of 1971 are only a few cases in
reference. He disastrously failed to antici-
pate the partition as late as in 1946. In
May that year when the prospects of Pa-
kistan were as bright as the daylight, he
considered it as a hypothetical ques-
tion.
9
It was this misjudgment and blind
eye to the events of such importance
which caught him unprepared in 1947.
In the same way, he took short-term con-
sequences of 1971 crisis as a nal verdict
of history and reached to a hasty accord
with Indira Gandhi.
Instrument of Accession
Abdullah was essentially a Kashmiri
patriot inspired by the socialist rather
communal aspiration, who would have
preferred independence for his state had
it been possible or failing to it, to retain it
as a semi-independent entity under the
protection of Nehrus India.
10
In Jinnahs
Pakistan, there was no possibility of
enjoying special positions and powers.
11

However, with Poonch revolt
12
shaking the
basis of Dogra Raj in August-September
1947, and the tribals thundering towards
Srinagar shouting slogans against the
National Conference and creating panic in
its rank and le, it became a case of India
or death for Sheikh Abdullah.
13
His hasty
slogan freedom before accession was
rendered irrelevant due to the force of
circumstances. It was against this back-
drop that Sheikh A bdullah provided his
fullest support (Poplai 1959: 75) to the
accession offer made by the defeated Ma-
haraja of Kashmir, Hari Singh, to the In-
dian dominion. Nehru was fully aware
that Sheikh A bdullah had waded through
blood to shake hands with India. Thus, in
the I nstrument of Accession which was
subsequently signed, Sheikh Abdullah
remai ned Nehru's prime concern.
By lending his crucial support to the
accession, Sheikh Abdullah got three
things in return: (a) control over the
state administration; (b) a provisional
accession; and (c) its limited character.
The reference in Hari Singh's letter to
his desire to call upon Sheikh Abdullah
to form an interim government and the
governor general expressing satisfaction
at this gives a clear impression about the
conditions attached to the accession. By
the Instrument of Accession, Hari Singh
accepted only three subjects foreign
affairs, defence and communications as
ones which the dominion legislature may
make laws from the state. It is quite
probable that a prior understanding was
made between Nehru and Sheikh Abdul-
lah to grant the state autonomy in its in-
ternal matters.
14
While accepting the ac-
cession it was made clear from the outset
that its nality was strictly conditional on
a reference to the people of the state.
Nehru declared on 2 November 1947 his
government's pledge to hold a referen-
dum under international auspices such
as the United Nations (UN) to determine
whether the people wished to join India
or Pakistan.
15
For Sheikh Abdullah this
provision was signicant in two ways.
First, he used it as an argument that
p eople, not Hari Singh, had the right to
conrm the acce ssion. Second, through
this provision there was an escape route
if at any point Indian state fails to full
its commitments.
By the above-cited provisions of the
Instrument of Accession, Sheikh Abdul-
lah became a true successor of Hari
Singh with unbridled powers, backed by
democratic India, to deal with those who
do not subscribe his views on accession.
In the pursuit of establishing a regi-
mented state, scores of intellectuals and
leaders were banished and imprisoned
for showing disagreement with the
views of Sheikh Abdullah.
16
He became
the champion advocate of Kashmir's
accession with India both within the
state and at the international fora. He
would project accession as the ultimate
goal and logical culmination of Kashmiris
freedom struggle.
Against Plebiscite and Pakistan
Being a mass leader, Sheikh Abdullah
was, however, aware about two harsh
realities: (a) that his stand about acces-
sion was unpopular, and (b) that there
was a strong pro-Pakistan constituency
in his state. It is not surprising then that
he started advocating against both the
plebiscite and the Pakistan.
Many may be surprised to note that
the rst open opposition against plebi-
scite was not made by the Indian Right,
but it came from Sheikh Abdullah only
nine days after Nehru made his pledge.
Making the destruction caused by the
tribal invasion as an excuse, Sheikh
Abdullah declared: there may not be a
referendum at all after this disaster at
Baramulla, Uri, Pattan and Muzzaffara-
bad and other places.
17
His lieutenant
and the iron man of the National Confer-
ence, Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad, con-
rmed his leaders views a few days later
when he commented that the people of
Kashmir are more likely to be asked to
ratify the provisional decision to accede
to India at the general elections than to
vote in a referendum to decide the future
of the state....
18

In the same manner Sheikh Abdullah
became the worst critic of Pakistan and
strongly refused to accept it as a party to
the Kashmir issue. A few lines from his
famous speech at the UN in February 1948
will sufce to substantiate this. Speak-
ing both against the plebiscite and the
Pakistan in the same breath he declared:
I had thought all along that the world had
got rid of Hitlers...but from what is happen-
ing in my poor country, I am convinced they
have transmigrated their souls into Paki-
stan... The (plebiscite) offer (was) made by
the prime minister of India when, I think, he
had not the slightest need for making it, for
Kashmir was in distress...I refuse to accept
Pakistan as a party in the affairs of Jammu
and Kashmir; I refuse this point blank...We
have seen enough of Pakistan.
19

That was Sheikh Abdullah at the
prime of his power. Outside power he
would speak a different tune.
COMMENTARY
Economic & Political Weekly EPW july 20, 2013 vol xlviii no 29
25
With plebiscite and Pakistan syn-
drome refusing to die, particularly after
the UN resolutions,
20
Sheikh Abdullah
launched a massive project to win over
the people for an anticipated referen-
dum. On the one hand, he introduced
sweeping land reform,
21
perhaps un-
known to any non-communist state, and
on the other, he systematically used his
regimented state apparatus to eliminate
all the opposing views. But things re-
mained as they were. Sentiments die
hard. The observations made in this re-
gard by Indira Gandhi
22
from Srinagar
and Sardar Patel in their letters to Nehru
on 14 May 1948 and 3 July 1950 respec-
tively, were as much relevant then as
they are now. Patel informed Nehru:
it appears that both the National Conference
and Sheikh Sahib are losing their hold on
the people of the valley and are becoming
somewhat unpopular...In such circumstanc-
es...plebiscite is unreal.
23

The memories of communal passions
roused by the Partition politics, the
Jammu massacre
24
and the treatment
to the National Conference workers on
the rst appearance of the Indian army
in the state
25
were still fresh in the
popular psyche.
New Avatar
Seeing the growing anti-India sentiment
and the prospects of winning plebiscite
becoming dark, Nehru got apprehensive
of Sheikh Abdullah and in frustration
pressurised him to ratify the accession on
the oor of the constituent assembly.
26
It
was unacceptable to Sheikh Abdullah in
view of his popular alienation and isola-
tion. To regain his inuence he came out
in a new avatar. He started voicing his
reservations on acce ssion and started
again dreaming of an independent
Kashmir.
27
In an emotional speech at
Hazratbal on 25 April 1952 he said: it
would be better to die than to submit to
the taunt that India was our bread giv-
er.
28
With Sheikh Abdullah becoming a
liability to India, he was unceremoni-
ously sacked at the direct orders of his
best friend, Nehru.
29
It set an unhealthy
precedence which has honestly been fol-
lowed by the Indian state since then.
Once out of power, Sheikh started
preaching the gospel of Kashmiris right
to self-determination for more than two
decades by patronising the plebiscite
front.
30
He also acknowledged Pakistan
as an unavoidable fact of the Kashmir
issue
31
using symbols like Pakistani salt
and green handkerchief (Koul 1993) to
inuence the simple minds of common
Kashmiris. His consistent advocacy for
22 years created a deep-rooted mass
psyche and memory which he himself
failed to eradicate when he abandoned
the platform of plebiscite in return to the
state chiefministership. He added an insult
to the injury by disowning Kashmiris
longest political struggle for the right to
self-determination by calling it Siyasi
Aawaragardi (political waywardness).
When Congress dislodged him again
in 1977, he also tried to interpret the
Accord of 1975 in his own typical way.
He said, since the Congress Party has
withdrawn its support, the accord that
had been concluded between him and
Indira Gandhi should be deemed to
have ended.
32
Thus, Sheikh Abdullah was not only
the architect of accession, but also its
demolisher. He used accession as a
bargaining ploy to secure for himself
the kingdom of Dogra and in the course
created a disputed identity of the masses
he claimed to represent. True to his split
personality, he made frequent U-turns
and somersaults and left his people
where they nd themselves now. The
need of the hour is to revisit the role
of Sheikh Abdullah in the light of
present political scenario of J&K so that
many complexities related to it are
better understood.
Notes
1 For detailed information about Sheikh
Abdullahs early life and times see his own
auto biography, Aatash-i-Chinar, Srinagar,
2006. See also Bazaz (1954); Saraf (1977); and
Taseer (1968). A few political biographies which
give us different perspectives on Sheikh Abdul-
lahs political life include, Puri (1983); Koul
(1985) and Bhattacharjea 2008.
2 On the emergence of national consciousness,
see Zutshi 1986; Bazaz, op cit; Khan 1980 and
Yasin and Raqi, 1980.
3 For demands of Sheikh Abdullahs political
organisation see two historical documents, viz,
National Demand signed by the leaders of the
National Conference on 29 August 1938 and
Naya Kashmir Manifesto passed in 1944 annual
session of the organisation.
4 On this issue recently two authoritative
works have been published. See, Rai 2004 and
Zutshi 2003.
5 Mahatma Gandhi used the accession of Kashmir
to Indian Union as an argument to douse
Hindu communal reactions to Partition. At a
prayer meeting on 29 December 1947, Gandhi
said: My sole hope and Prayer is that Kashmir
will become a beacon of light in this benighted
subcontinent, Tendulkar (1958), p 222.
6 After rst meeting with Nehru in North-West
Frontier Province (NWFP) in 1936, Sheikh
Abdullah was so impressed that he declared in
a press conference at Amritsar: Communal
tension in Kashmir is the result of propaganda
by the communal leaders of Punjab. We want
people of Punjab not to interfere in our internal
affairs. Our next programme will be to follow
the principles of the Congress Party and after
returning to Kashmir, I will strive to set up an
organisation which supports national ideology,
Aatish-i-Chinar, op cit, pp 209-11.
7 See for example, the condential report to
M A Jinnah, 20 August 1943, Indian Ofce
Records, R/1/1/3913.
8 Nehru who was aware about the potential signi-
cance of Sheikh Abdullah, wrote to Krishna
Kriplani on 6 March 1940 that Sheikh Abdullah
was denitely a man who counts and will count
and paid rst of the three goodwill visits to Kash-
mir to woe the National Conference leadership.
He was followed in succeeding years by a chain
of Congress leaders. Nehru Papers, Teen Murti,
New Delhi, 41/2601.
9 Khidmat, Srinagar, 6 May 1946.
10 See my unpublished PhD theses entitled
E mergence of Modern Kashmir: A Study of
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullahs Role, Kashmir
University, 2008. See particularly chapter on
Accession.
11 Ibid.
12 Between August and October, 1947, a major
local revolt against the Maharajas oppressive
rule developed among the Muslim population
of north-western Poonch area of Jammu. For
details see, Birdwood 1956, pp 50-51.
13 It is interesting to note here that the slogan of
the raiders was reported to be: Down with the
National Conference and Sheikh Abdullah.
See Secret Eighth Meeting of the Defense
Committee Held at 11 am on Saturday, the
25 October 1947.
14 See the text of the letters exchanged between
the Maharaja and Lords Mountbatten and the
Instrument of Accession as set out in the Govern-
ment of Indias White Paper on Jammu and
Kashmir 1948, pp 47-48.
15 Nehrus broadcast from New Delhi on 2 Nove m-
ber, ibid, pp 52-54.
16 The National Conference regime ironically,
suppresses all the opposition against its views
in the state, no healthy opposition was allowed
to grow. The state government promulgated an
Ordinance entitled the Enemy Agents Ordi-
nance allocating for the arrest and summary
trials of those suspected of pro-Pakistan lean-
ings Bazaz 1965, p 12. For more details, see Butt
1981, pp 46-47.
17 Hindustan Times, 12 November 1947.
18 Times of India, 17 November 1947.
19 Varshney cited in Raju and Thomas, pp 194-95.
20 Full text of UN resolutions is given in Korbel
1966.
21 On land reforms see, Thorner 1956, p 50,
See also Ladjensky 1977, pp 179-80.
22 On 14 May 1948, Indira Gandhi wrote to her
father from Srinagar: they say that only Sheikh
Saheb is condent of winning the plebiscite,
Gandhi 2004, pp 512-18.
23 Patel to Nehru, 3 July 1950, Das, p 317. Compare
also ex defence minister Krishna Menons answer
to a journalist who enquired, in 1956, why India
had never held the promised plebiscite: because
we would lose it. Quoted in Sayeed 1967, p 266.
COMMENTARY
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26
24 On this little known and still controversial
episode, see my thesis, op cit, pp 133-35.
25 About seven National Conference workers were
killed during the night of 5 November 1947 near
Rambagh by Indian army. See Whitehead 2007:
p 184.
26 See Nehrus condential Note for Sheikh
Abdullah, dated 25 August 1952.
27 GM Sadiqs letter to Sheikh Abdullah on 11 Sep-
tember 1956.
28 As cited by Noorani 2006.
29 For detailed description, see my dissertation,
op cit, Chapter IX.
30 Ibid.
31 Ibid.
32 Mir Qasim, Dastan-I-Hyat, (Urdu), p 385.
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