“As part of the UK, Scotland gets the best of both worlds. We’ve got thriving companies across Scotland that are able to sell their goods and services to the 60 million people in other parts of the UK without any barriers to trade. That means more jobs and opportunities for the 5 million people who live in Scotland.
“The research we are publishing today provides clear evidence that an international border would lead to a ‘border effect’ that would damage Scotland’s economic prospects. This is real evidence that if you want to protect Scottish jobs you should vote no in September.”
“As part of the UK, Scotland gets the best of both worlds. We’ve got thriving companies across Scotland that are able to sell their goods and services to the 60 million people in other parts of the UK without any barriers to trade. That means more jobs and opportunities for the 5 million people who live in Scotland.
“The research we are publishing today provides clear evidence that an international border would lead to a ‘border effect’ that would damage Scotland’s economic prospects. This is real evidence that if you want to protect Scottish jobs you should vote no in September.”
“As part of the UK, Scotland gets the best of both worlds. We’ve got thriving companies across Scotland that are able to sell their goods and services to the 60 million people in other parts of the UK without any barriers to trade. That means more jobs and opportunities for the 5 million people who live in Scotland.
“The research we are publishing today provides clear evidence that an international border would lead to a ‘border effect’ that would damage Scotland’s economic prospects. This is real evidence that if you want to protect Scottish jobs you should vote no in September.”
July 2014 Soct_devo_doc_2014 covers.indd 1 02/07/2014 10:54 Introduction As part of the United Kingdom, Scotland benefits from an open border with the wider UK. Together, we are part of a dynamic single market of 63 million people. Within our one domestic market, we can trade as openly and freely as possible, while reducing administrative burdens for cross-border workers. This provides the foundations for a flexible labour market: allowing us to best utilise the skills and qualifications of the people of Scotland and of those of the rest of the UK too. The border areas between Scotland and England are areas with long and proud histories, unique within our islands. While in past centuries they were areas of conflict and illicit business, today they are a major link, carrying the majority of Scotlands exports to our largest market and closest neighbour. Our economic successes do not exist in isolation. Independent academic studies show international borders reduce trade and harm economic integration even where free trade agreements exist. In Scotland, we can buy and sell goods as easily with someone in Carlisle as Cumbernauld. We can work across the border without wondering about different tax regimes, National Insurance payments or how it might affect our pensions. We can be confident that businesses will be regulated in the same way and that our rights as consumers are protected. Crossing the border Free movement of labour benefits our integrated economy. Where people can move freely, it supports an effective distribution of skills and expertise. In total, around 95,000 UK residents have moved in or out of Scotland to or from other parts of the UK over the past ten years. 1 This flow is not one-sided and applies to all demographic groups at all stages of life. Around 30,000 people travel between Scotland and the rest of the UK on any given working day for employment, crossing seamlessly between parts of the UK. 2
This is not true outside of the UK. Even within the European Union, free movement of workers is subject to laws and regulation. But more significantly, between different EU member-states there are varying tax systems, benefit systems, National Insurance systems and state pension frameworks. Separation would make it more difficult for individuals and families to live on one side of the border and work on the other, or to move around regularly with their jobs. On a national level, this would reduce the number of people who travel cross-border and the opportunities available to all of us. Cross-border jobs How we co-operate with the rest of the UK matters. Around 600,000 Scottish jobs are created by companies based in the rest of the UK or depend on exports there. Within that figure, we know 1 in 5 jobs in Scotland are with companies owned in the rest of the UK. We have a long history of taking university students from other parts of the UK, coming to Scotland to learn and study. Some move on, while others will make a
" #$%&'()( *%(+, -$ ./01 2)345+(6 7+* 89": 8 0;16 #$$4%& <-<4&%=)-$ (45>+'6 89"" home here in Scotland. Equally of our own graduates, 3,000 started jobs in the rest of the UK in 2011-12 taking advantage of the economic opportunities available in the rest of the UK. Better for business The UKs domestic market is 12 times the size of Scotlands and our productivity is supported by our united economy within a political union. This is part of the reason why 65 per cent of Scottish exports are to the rest of the UK, with a value of 48 billion. Over 70 per cent of our imports are from the rest of the UK. Scottish exports by main destination (2002-11)
Many products remain within Scotland or are exported overseas. Our single domestic market provides benefits here too. Around 30 per cent of all materials used to create Scottish products and services are sourced from the rest of the UK only 10 per cent come from the rest of the world. For some Scottish-based businesses, the rest of the UK is their biggest market, outweighing their sales in Scotland itself. In terms of financial services products, 89 per cent of ISAs, 91 per cent for pensions and 84 per cent for mortgages sold by Scottish firms are sold outside of Scotland. The border effect The effect of an international border on trade has been studied internationally and has become known as the border effect. It reduces flows of trade, labour and capital between states. This occurs even between countries where free trade agreements are in place and where there is no physical boundary between states. Independent academic evidence has shown that the US-Canada border reduces trade by 44 per cent between the two countries. 3
The effect is particularly pronounced in regions close to an international border, where free flows of trade would otherwise be expected.
Trade impact of the US-Canada border
Even where states work together to implement free trade agreements, or the close integration and harmonisation between states found within the EU, the border effect can still be shown to exist. The amount of Irelands trade going to the UK has fallen from just under 90 per cent immediately after the establishment of
: 1=4,)+( ?)=+, )$ !"#$%&'( *'&%+,-,. /&"0#1"#'#2-" &'( 3-,"&% 4105#02&'"1 the Irish Free State in the 1920s to between 20-30 per cent in the 2000s. This decline continued in spite of free trade agreements and membership of the European Union. Academic studies point to a weakening of social ties and the emergence of different financial and legal systems between the UK and Republic of Ireland as contributors to this decline in trade. The effect would likely be drawn out. As a separate Scotlands regulation, welfare, employment and taxation policies diverged, the reduction in trade would become more pronounced. Common regulation Major drivers behind the border effect include different regulatory schemes and the additional paperwork required for cross-border exporters and workers. UK labour laws are largely reserved and workers can be assured of the same rights and standards of health and safety regardless of where they take up work within the UK. Even under the enhanced devolution proposals coming about as part of the Scotland Act 2010 and the proposals published by the Scottish Labour Party, our taxation structures are and will remain closely harmonised. Additional payments, like National Insurance, are administered in the same way around the UK. Between sovereign states, there are generally considerable administrative burdens attached to the import and export of goods. This is true even within the EU, where free movement of goods is emphasised. For example, where a businesss EU cross- border trade exceeds 250,000 businesses are obliged to file additional monthly declarations through the Intrastat programme. Investment in Scotland Scotland is an attractive location for international investment. The wider UK has been shown to be the second biggest destination for foreign direct investment (FDI) in the world with a total of US$1.2 trillion coming into the country in 2011. Estimates from a survey by Ernst & Young indicate that FDI was responsible for 4,867 Scottish jobs in 2012. Undoubtedly Scotlands free access to the large UK domestic market has positive consequences for FDI, as well as its labour mobility with the rest of the UK. This is particularly pronounced in several industries, such as financial services, where many businesses have made clear that links with the rest of the UK are an important part of their success. Social policy The principle of allocating spending according to need and regardless of postcode, has for a long time been an underlying principle of UK social policy. This means that fiscal transfers support areas with the greatest deprivation, regardless of local tax income. The principle of this sharing union also applies across the nations, sharing the risks each face and sharing the rising costs of pensions, unemployment benefits and health care. Through this partnership, the differences between Scotland and England have narrowed to the point of broad parity. This achievement stands out from other countries for having successfully promoted greater social equality between nations. The typical person in Scotland today earns 96 per cent of the average in England. This can be contrasted with the experience of EU countries which form a union without the deeper fiscal transfers and pooling of resources. The typical person in Latvia has an annual income of just 20% that of the average person in Luxembourg, one of the wealthiest European nations. A similar picture is seen within the United States, a looser fiscal union than the UK. The average person in Arkansas has half the income of their fellow citizens in New Hampshire. The UK can therefore justifiably claim to be an international model of the pooling and sharing of risks and resources across nations. Scotland leaving the UK would put this remarkable achievement at risk through ending our shared social partnership. Support for our sharing union A recent poll of people across the UK demonstrates overwhelming support for this principle of sharing risks and resources. What it shows in public opinion fundamentally questions the nationalists case because it demonstrates their different cultures narrative is simply false. A consistent and overwhelming majority of people across the nations of the UK support both funding and sharing public services and social security across the UK. Remarkably, having been at the heart of the nationalists proposition for forty years, more than 6 in 10 people in Scotland support the money raised from North Sea oil being used to pay for public services across the UK as a whole. This underlines the unique success of the UK whereby we retain our distinctive sense of identity, whilst at the same time understanding the benefits of working together in partnership. How open would a border be? The UK has existing relationships with the Crown Dependencies and the Republic of Ireland allowing for relatively open borders between these island territories and over the Irish land border. This is known as the Common Travel Area. The Irish government does, however, impose identity checks on air and sea travellers from Great Britain, as well as being able to carry out spot checks on the land border. The modern agreement on borders was agreed following the Second World War. This was negotiated following similar immigration policies being adopted, similar levels of border control and co-operation between the two governments on day-to- day matters of entry. Despite the advantages of maintaining an open border between Scotland and the rest of the UK, there are reasons which may overwhelm these advantages. If a separate Scotland was, as many nationalists have suggested, to adopt radically different immigration, entry or customs policies, the open border between the two areas would be called into question. At a basic level, this is dependent on the actions of a future Scottish Government and will have to be a consideration when policies are made. Conclusion The lack of an international border between Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom provides a huge economic advantage for us all. While attempts may be made to mitigate the negative effects caused by the erection of an international border whether by mutual trade agreements or passport-free travel they continue to exist regardless. Even a small decline in cross-border trade could have an enormous impact on Scottish jobs, wages and tax revenue. The UK Government has estimated that Taking the lower end of the estimates suggests that exports from an independent Scotland to the continuing UK would be 83 per cent lower after 30 years than if Scotland were to remain a part of the UK. Exports from the rest of the UK to Scotland would be 77 per cent lower. Migration lows could fall below ten thousand per annum in both directions, compared with average rates of over 40,000 people per annum in recent years. There is a consistent principle: putting up barriers to trade with our neighbours has negative effects on trade and the wider economy, while reducing the opportunities available to people on both sides of a border.
Scottish Labour Devolution Commission Interim Report April 2013 2 4607_13 Reproduced from electronic media, promoted by Ian Price, Scottish General Secretary, Scottish Labour, on behalf of the Scottish Labour Party at 290 Bath Street, Glasgow, G2 4RE. Soct_devo_doc_2014 covers.indd 2 02/07/2014 10:54