ris Raaw, Tehran 1344sh/1965 ; Mrz

Muhammad Khal l Mar ash , Maj ma

al-tawrkh , Tehran 1328sh/1949 ; Laurence
Lockhart, Nadir Shah , London 1938; John
Perry, del Shh Afr, EIr .
Ernest Tucker
Ahmad b. Hanbal
Amad b. Muammad b. Hanbal
Ab Abdallh al-Shaybn al-Marwaz
(164241/780855), also known as Imm
Ahmad or simply as Ahmad, is the ep-
onym of the Hanbal school (madhhab) of
law and theology and the most signicant
exponent of the traditionalist approach in
Sunn Islam. Numerous traditions that he
transmitted to his disciples were compiled
by his son Abdallh b. Ahmad into one
of the major /adth collections, al-Musnad .
Ahmads unique personality and everyday
conduct endowed him with the nimbus of
a renunciant (zhid) , who instilled moral
standards of behaviour in a growing circle
of disciples. His adherents in later genera-
tions were named Hanbila (sing. Hanbal),
and the verb ta/anbala (to join the Hanbal
school by accepting or supporting Hanbal
doctrines) was derived from his name.
Ahmad b. Hanbals profound inuence on
almost every area of Sunn Islam continues
to the present.
1. Li fe
The main sources for the life of Ahmad,
based on numerous anecdotes conveyed
by the smaller circle of family members
and devoted disciples, are varied and de-
tailed. The most productive transmitters
of anecdotes are Ahmads sonsSlih (d.
265/879), who, as Ahmads biographer,
also recorded his problematic relation-
ship with his father, and Abdallh (d.
290/903), a meritorious scholar, Ahmads
favourite son, and the reason for Ahmads
kunya , Ab Abdallhhis cousin Hanbal
b. Ishq (d. 273/886), and his concubine
Husn. The information that they conveyed
appears in several biographies, the earliest
of which was written some decades after
Ibn Hanbals death.
The most famous biography of Ahmad
b. Hanbal was that by Ab Bakr al-Khalll
(d. 311/923), no longer extant but largely
retrievable from its incorporation into the
entry on Ahmad in the Tabaqt al-/anbila
of Ibn Ab Yal (d. 526/1131), which also
provides numerous details on Ahmads
relationships with his disciples, family
members, and adversaries in its entries
on other Hanbals. Later biographies by
Ab Nuaym al-Isfahn (d. 430/10389)
and Ibn al-Jawz (d. 597/1200) share the
laudatory style of the hagiographical lit-
erature called manqib . Emphasising the
renunciant aspects of Ahmads everyday
conduct, these works construct parallels
between the detailed descriptions of the
prophet Muhammad in the sra literature
and the descriptions of Ahmad. The rst
modern biography of Ahmad, Walter
Pattons A/mad b. Hanbal and the mi/na , is an
uncritical reading of one of the mediaeval
sources. An excellent biography, based on
numerous sources, including later Hanbal
works, is Ab Zahras Ibn Hanbal . Michael
Coopersons Classical Arabic biography (see
chapter 4), Nimrod Hurvitzs The formation
of Hanbalism , and Christopher Melcherts
Ahmad ibn Hanbal offer critical readings of
the mediaeval biographies (for additional
mediaeval and modern biographies, see
the bibliography).
Ahmad b. Hanbal was born in Rab
I or Rab II 164/Nov. or Dec. 780 in
Baghdad or Marv (Ibn al-Jawz, 13). His
nasab (genealogy), consisting of some
thirty-six names and going back as far as
the mythical Abraham, indicates that he
amad b. anbal 15
belonged to the Ban Mzin tribe, which
took part in the conquest of Iraq and Iran.
In spite of subtle disagreements among
his biographers as to the authenticity of
the earliest elements of his genealogy,
his nasab establishes his impeccable Arab
origins (Laoust, Ahmad b. Hanbal, open-
ing remark). Except for his grandfathers,
Hanbal b. Hill and al-Husayn b. Musab,
who held high military posts in Khursn,
none of Ahmads known ancestors gained
fame or fortune (for thorough discussions
of Ahmads descent and references to the
relevant biographies, see Ab Zahra, 148;
Hurvitz, Formation 2730; and Melchert,
Ahmad , 14).
Ahmads parents moved from Khursn
to Baghdad a few months before he was
born. According to his favourite disciple,
Ab Bakr al-Marwaz (or al-Marrdh, d.
275/888), Ahmad told him that he was
born in Baghdad and that he never saw his
grandfather or his father (Ibn al-Jawz, 15).
The sources offer little information about
the circumstances of his upbringing, for
which his mother took most of the respon-
sibility. Ahmad inherited at least two houses
in Baghdad from his father, but he and his
mother lived modestly. For example, when
he was a baby, his mother pierced his ears
and fastened two pearls to them, but he
was forced to sell these pearls in his youth,
presumably to nance one of his journeys
(al-Isfahn, 9:163; al-Dhahab, 11:179;
Slih b. Hanbal, 26; Ab Zahra, 189;
more on the relationships with his mother
in Melchert, Ahmad , 23). Several anecdotes
portray the young orphan as literate, highly
moral, and reasonable in his conduct,
standing out from his contemporaries (Ibn
al-Jawz, 202; Ab Zahra, 21).
At the age of sixteen Ahmad studied
/adth and other Islamic sciences from
Baghdad teachers, many of whom were of
low professional status. Early in his studies
he showed tolerance for different theologi-
cal doctrines. His long-term participation
in classes given by the Hanaf Ab Ysuf
(d. 181/798) in Baghdad indicates that
the young Ahmad was tolerant of the
doctrines of ahl al-ray and not the devout
traditionalist that he would later come to
be (Hurvitz, Formation , 44). At the age of
nineteen he set out for Kufa and Basra,
and then for Mecca, Medina, Yemen,
and Syria, following the Islamic ideal of
al-ri/la f talab l-ilm (travelling to acquire
knowledge; Ibn al-Jawz, 223). As he
himself testied, his main purpose was to
write down /adth accounts from prominent
scholars like Abd al-Razzq (d. 211/827)
in Yemen and Sufyn b. Uyayna (d.
196/811) in the Hijz. His later teachers
were highly esteemed traditionists, such as
Abd al-Rahmn b. Mahd of Basra, Waq
b. al-Jarrh, and Yahy b. Sad al-Qa;;n
(all three d. 198/8134; Hurvitz, Formation ,
4455; Melchert, Ahmad , 224, 334, 369;
Ab Zahra, 2130).
In his thirties Ahmad began to associate
with well known scholars of his generation
and came to be widely appreciated. The
question of his association with al-Sh
(d. 204/820) is disputed. Goldziher claims
that Ahmad took lessons from al-Sh for
three years. On the other hand, Laoust as-
serts that only Sh-leaning sources claim
that he studied with al-Sh, for their
purpose of establishing the latters supe-
riority over Ahmad, and that he seemed
to have met al-Sh only once (Laoust,
Ahmad b. Hanbal; doubts in this regard are
also raised by Hallaq, 590). Hurvitz, after
pointing out the biased nature of Hanbal
and Sh sources, suggests that the two
scholars indeed maintained a professional
relationship during the year 198/8134,
which benefited both parties: while al-
Sh relied on Ahmads way of trans-
mitting traditions, Ahmad learned Islamic
16 amad b. anbal
jurisprudence from al-Shfi (Hurvitz,
Formation , 525; for anecdotes fabricated
to build up Ahmad b. Hanbals image at
the expense of al-Sh, see Cooperson,
Arabic biography , 14950).
In his later thirties Ahmad married
and established a family. His two wives,
isha (or Abbsa) and Rayhna, and
his concubine Husn were highly respected
by Ahmads disciples. Along with detailed
descriptions of Ahmads household, which
was constantly on the verge of poverty (Ab
Zahra, 7580; Cooperson, Ibn Hanbal,
778; Ibn al-Jawz, 2234, 22639, 3001;
Ibn Ab Yal, 1:5635; Slih b. Hanbal,
40), his biographers emphasise his modest
lifestyle, characterised, for instance, by
humble clothing and a strict diet. These
habits drew from precedents set by the
prophet Muhammad and his companions.
The renunciant nature of Ahmads diet, as
well as his reported recommendations of
other austerities, could be interpreted as
conveying moral criticism of the way of
life of the Abbsid leisure classes (Hurvitz,
Scholarly circles, 9923). Even so, Ahmads
diet is based on regular Middle Eastern
ingredients known since antiquity. For
instance, his habit of seasoning a piece of
bread in vinegar, although described in one
of the sources as a rule originally set by the
traditionist Talha b. Musarrif (d. 112/730;
al-Isfahn, 5:20), has Biblical echoes (cf.
Come thou hither, and eat of the bread,
and dip thy morsel in the vinegar, Ruth
2:14). As for Ahmads daily conduct, there
are indications of mystical elements in his
personal piety, suggesting that he associ-
ated with proto-Sfs (Melchert, Hanbila,
355ff.).
Ahmad b. Hanbals reputation as a /adth
transmitter and jurisconsult attracted eager
students, and his circle of adherents grew.
In these classes he dened his uncompro-
mising traditionalist position: Religion is
only the book of God, the reported sayings
(of early Muslims), the standard practices
(sunan) , and sound narratives from reli-
able persons of recognised, sound, valid
reports [of /adth ], where these conrm
one another. . . . The upholders of rea-
soned opinion and analogical reasoning
in religion are innovators and in error,
except where there is a reported saying
from any of the earlier reliable imm s
(trans. by Watt, Islamic creeds , 39, from a
creed transmitted from one of Ahmads
disciples; for the doubtful authenticity of
the text, see al-Dhahab, 11:286). In sum,
Ahmad regarded religious knowledge as
derived from the Qurn and /adth and
disapproved of the use of reasoning in
religious matters. He did, however, allow
himself a certain degree of reasoning, as
the nal clause above indicates (see also
Abrahamov, Islamic theology , x). Ahmads
appeal as a teacher arose also from his abil-
ity to guide his disciples in their everyday
conduct. A well-known saying by al-Sh
points out the aspects of Ahmads per-
sonality and behaviour that his adherents
found the most appealing: in addition to
his celebrated prociency in /adth , Qurn,
qh , and the Arabic language, he was con-
sidered a role model for his piety (wara)
and renunciation (zuhd) , as well as for his
ideology of poverty (faqr) (Ibn Ab Yal,
1:2334). Most of Ahmads disciples faded
into oblivion, apart from Ibrhm b. Ishaq
al-Harb (d. 285/898) and Ab Dd al-
Sijistn (d. 275/889), the compiler of the
Kitb al-sunan (The book of traditions),
which is one of the six canonical books of
/adth (for a description of Ahmads classes,
see Ab Zahra, 3545).
The dramatic chain of events that
elevated Ahmad b. Hanbals persona in
the eyes of his adherents began in Rab I
amad b. anbal 17
218/April 833, when the rationalist caliph
al-Mamn (r. 198218/81333) instituted
a procedure called mi/na (lit., testing
or trial, often rendered inquisition;
for possible explanations of al-Mamns
motivation in introducing the mi/na , see
Nawas, 61529; for descriptions of the
mi/na see Patton, Hinds, and Melchert,
Ahmad ibn Hanbal, 816). Since the
traditionalists were widely perceived as
authoritative legislators, al-Mamn de-
cided to challenge them, by forcing them
to accept confessions of faith prescribed by
him, thus reestablishing his position as the
successor of the prophet Muhammad and
the guardian of Islamic law. Al-Mamn
favoured the doctrine of the createdness (as
opposed to eternity) of the Qurn (khalq
al-qurn) , which was in accordance with
several rationalistic arguments made by the
Mutazils. One of these arguments takes
Qurn 43:3 (We have made it (jaalnhu)
an Arabic Koran) as an assertion that God
created the Qurn, as He created every-
thing in existence. Al-Mamn sent letters
to Ishq, his deputy in Baghdad, directing
him to summon the traditionalists in the
region and test their views on the creat-
edness of the Qurn. Ishq tested thirty
leading traditionalists, most of whom, with
the exception of two, acknowledged this
doctrine, and then, following the caliphs
orders, sent those who did not acknowledge
it to Tarsus for a further interrogation by
the caliph himself. Ahmad b. Hanbal was
one of the two who were sent in irons to
the caliph. Luckily for them, al-Mamn
died suddenly on Rajab 218/August 833,
and the two were sent back to Baghdad.
Only Ahmad survived the hardships of the
return journey. In Baghdad he was kept
in detention because the new caliph, al-
Mutasim (r. 21827/83342), adopted the
mi/na policy of his predecessor. The ordeal
suffered by Ahmad during al-Mutasims
reign shaped his public image beyond
the circle of his adherents, as reflected
in a saying attributed to one of his con-
temporaries, Ahmad b. Hanbal was put
under the bellows and emerged [as pure]
as a bar of red gold (al-Isfahn, 9:170;
Ibn Kathr, 10:363). In his public trial in
Raman 219/September 834, he refused,
despite a severe ogging, to acknowledge
the createdness of the Qurn. Soon after-
wards, the admiring biographers tell us, he
was released, as the Baghdad masses ap-
plauded. On the other hand, biographers
of Mutazil inclination, who did not hold
Ahmad in high regard, especially his con-
temporary al-Jhiz (d. 255/869), claim that
he could not refute the Mutazil arguments
and remained speechless even when forced
to deal with /adth material. Moreover, ac-
cording to those sources, he was ogged
until he did acknowledge that the Qurn
was created, and was then released. After
the trial of 219/834, Ahmad resumed
his teaching career, but maintained a low
prole because of the ongoing mi/na during
the reign of the next caliph, al-Wthiq (r.
22732/8427).
The events of the mi/na and their re-
percussions have been treated at length in
Western research. In the eld of religious
thought, the most important result of the
mi/na events was the consolidation of the
theory of the uncreated Qurn, which is
probably the most signicant contribution
of Ahmad b. Hanbal to Sunn thought. In
the eld of jurisprudence, the mi/na had
several consequences, the most important
of which was the discrediting of the caliph
as the arbiter of Sunnism (Melchert, Ad-
versaries, 235; for a discussion of Ahmad
b. Hanbals capitulation and the way in
which Hanbal-inclined literature dealt
with these claims, including anecdotes of
a miraculous nature, see Cooperson, Arabic
biography , 12551).
18 amad b. anbal
In 232/847 the caliph al-Mutawakkil
(r. 23247/84761) embraced the tradi-
tionalist faith and abolished the mi/na ,
and Ahmad b. Hanbals status changed
dramatically. In 237/851 al-Mutawakkil
invited him to the court in Smarr, in
order to teach /adth to the young prince
al-Mutazz. Ahmad b. Hanbal, now aged
and ill, made the journey to Smarr and
was welcomed with great honours. Never-
theless, because he had reservations about
associating with the ruling elite, he asked
the caliph to be released from this task,
and he returned to Baghdad. He refused
because he was convinced that the caliphs
wealth had its origins in wrong conduct (see
Ab Zahra, 817).
Ahmad b. Hanbal died in Rab I
241/July 855. His funeral, in which thou-
sands of Baghdads participated, became
a symbol of the triumph of traditionalist
precepts over Mutazil rationalism. Later
biographers used the impressive descrip-
tion of Ahmads funeral as a criterion by
which to measure the prominence of this
or that public gure (see, for instance, the
description of the funeral of the leading
Damascene Hanbal scholar Ibn Taymiyya,
d. 728/1328, by al-Karm, 65).
2. Works
Much if not all of Ahmad b. Hanbals
surviving theological and jurisprudential
thought was in fact written down and
edited by his disciples, of whom the most
prominent are his second son, Abdallh,
and Ahmads preferred disciple, Ab Bakr
al-Marwaz. Another prominent scribe of
Ahmads work is Ab Bakr al-Khalll, a
disciple of al-Marwaz. (For al-Khallls
role in preserving Ahmads writings, consult
the relevant entries by Laoust in EI2 ; for
Ahmads views on writing, the role his dis-
ciples played in the gathering of his teach-
ings from his notes, and his refusal to write
down his qh , see Ab Zahra, 194218, and
Melchert, Ahmad ibn Hanbal , 6570.) Every
known work attributed to Ahmad opens
with a chain of transmitters, indicating that
the material was transmitted orally from
master to disciple. The following is a short
description of his most celebrated works.
(For a complete list of Ahmads works,
existing manuscripts, works attributed to
him, nonextant works, and translations into
European languages, see Laoust, Ahmad
b. Hanbal; GALS 1:30912; GAS , 1:5028;
and the introduction to Ahmads al-Ilal ).
Al-Musnad is a /adth collection arranged
according to the names of the original
transmitters; the rst part contains all the
traditions that were transmitted by Ab
Bakr, and the following parts contain tra-
ditions transmitted by other companions
in descending order of seniority. Based
on Ahmads notes, al-Musnad contains
approximately thirty thousand traditions
reportedly sifted by Ahmad himself from
nearly 800,000 traditions. A small part of
the material in al-Musnad was declared by
later scholars to be forged (mawc) . This
did not undermine the position of the work
as one of the preeminent /adth compila-
tions. (For /adth collections derived from
al-Musnad , see GAS , 1:5046; for Ahmad b.
Hanbals methods of scrutinising /adth ma-
terial, see Siddiqi, Hadth literature , 4952;
Melchert, Musnad, 3251; and Melchert,
Ahmad ibn Hanbal , 3948).
Al-Masil (the responsa) is a collection
of responses to questions posed to Ahmad
b. Hanbal by disciples and others. These
are based mainly on /adth material; when
the latter is indeterminate or inconsistent,
Ahmad refuses to use personal judgement
or analogical reasoning, thus leaving the
matter unresolved. Susan Spectorsky con-
cludes that Ahmad should be considered
more a traditionist (mu/addith) than a juris-
consult ( faqh ; for a refutation of a similar
amad b. anbal 19
view expressed by the Mlik qc Iy
al-Sabt, d. 544/1149, see Ab Zahra, 78).
There are to date several printed versions
of al-Masil , by Ahmad b. Hanbals sons,
Abdallh and Slih (different versions), and
by his disciples Ab Dwd al-Sijistn,
Ishq b. Mansr al-Kawsaj (d. 251/865),
and Ishq b. Ibrhm b. Hni al-Nsbr
(d. 275/889). Another version, by al-
Marwazs disciple Ab Bakr al-Khllal,
has been published in part. In addition,
many extracts of a lost Masil collection
or collections appear in Ibn Ab Yals
Tabaqt al-/anbila . (For details, see GAS
1:507; and for a comparison of three of
the above-mentioned versions, with their
discrepancies, see Spectorsky, 461ff., n. 1.)
Several works derived from al-Masil and
organised by subject-matter were published
under the names of their main transmit-
ters, primarily Ab Bakr al-Khalll.
Kitb al-zuhd (The book of renuncia-
tion) was probably collected exclusively
by Ahmads son Abdallh, as the mate-
rial is conveyed in the rst person by him.
Through anecdotes from the lives of twelve
models of ancient renunciation, starting
with the prophet Muhammad and going
back to Biblical and other pre-Islamic
gures (Adam, Noah, Abraham, Joseph,
Job, Jonah, David, Solomon, Luqmn, and
Jesus), it gives a detailed description of and
moral justication for renunciation.
Kitb al-wara (The book of piety)
contains Ahmads recommendations for
the pious, as reported by Ab Bakr al-
Marwaz, in many aspects of life, based on
the Qurn and /adth and anecdotes from
the lives of prominent ascetics, such as
Ysuf b. Asb; (d. 196/8112 or 199/814).
The manuscript has been printed several
times, in one case under the name of al-
Marwaz.
Al-Radd al l-zandiqa wa-l-Jahmiyya ,
Ahmads best known work in the eld of
polemics and one quoted often by later
Hanbals, treats almost every aspect of the
Islamic creed, by presenting detailed argu-
ments attributed to various heretical sects,
mainly the Mutazila, and offering system-
atic refutations of them that demonstrate
Ahmads skills in rational argumentation.
The historian al-Dhahab (d. 753/13523)
doubted the authenticity of al-Radd ( Siyar ,
11:2867; Shuayb al-Arn;, the editor
of the Siyar , has endorsed al-Dhahabs
doubt in a well reasoned footnote). Indeed,
even though Ahmad generally mounts his
counter-arguments mainly on the basis of
Qurnic verses, in al-Radd he actually uses
rationalistic techniques such as argument
from disjunction ( qisma or taqsm ); this,
and the perhaps anachronistic use of the
phrase bi-l kayf (accepting formulations
in the Qurn and /adth without [ask-
ing] how; al-Radd , 92; and see below in
Doctrines) put in question the attribution
of this work.
Kitb al-alt (The book of prayer)
is a short epistle, listing twenty-six things
necessary for the validity of ritual prayer.
Although lled with /adth accounts, it also
conveys Ahmads own views.
There are also numerous sayings at-
tributed to Ahmad b. Hanbal in the works
of later Hanbals, such as Ibn Aql (d.
513/1119), Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328),
and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350),
and in the biographical sources. Six full-
text creeds (aqid) attributed to Ahmad ap-
pear in Ibn Ab Yals Tabaqt al-/anbila .
Other doctrinal texts, including creeds, are
quoted by disciples in al-Masil , Ibn Jawzs
Manqib , al-Khallls Kitb al-sunna , and
Mujr al-Dn al-Ulayms (d. 927/1521)
al-Minhaj al-a/mad . These creeds, as well as
the major corpus of the masil and sayings
attributed to him, are a valuable source for
understanding Ahmads dogmas, although
their authenticity remains to be examined
20 amad b. anbal
through a meticulous inspection of themes
and style (for a list of Ahmads creeds, see
Williams, 457, note 23).
3. Doctri nes
Ahmad b. Hanbals paramount principle
is the acceptance of only the Qurn and
/adth as the bases of religion, while em-
phasising that only a few are authorised
to interpret the sacred texts. One of the
creeds attributed to him opens with Praise
be to God, who in every age and interval
between prophets (fatra) elevated learned
men possessing excellent qualities, who call
upon him who goes astray (to return) to
the right way (Ibn al-Jawz, 167; al-Radd ,
52). In this creed Ahmad explicitly op-
poses the use of personal judgement (ray)
and analogical reasoning (qiys) as bases
of jurisprudence; in that respect he is an
authentic spokesman for the traditionalist
position against al-Shfis legal theory
(ul al-qh) . In spite of his reservations
about ray , he did exercise judgement in his
/adth criticism, and there is evidence that
he gave his own opinion in legal matters
(Melchert, Ahmad ibn Hanbal , 734). The
rule of relying only on the Qurn and
/adth in religious matters applies also to
Ahmads theological thought. Thus, doctri-
nal principles appearing in the creeds that
are attributed to him seem at rst glance
to be fully compatible with /adth material.
Ahmads theological thought evolved not
only from the need to guide his adherents
but also from the growing need to refute
what seemed to him to be heretical views,
which explains the polemical tone of his
creeds.
As more a diligent traditionist than a
thinker or theologian, Ahmad did not
leave a coherent theological system. His
theological aphorisms required much ma-
nipulation by later Hanbals, such as Ibn
Taymiyya and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya
(Holtzman, Human choice). Two distinc-
tive contributions to the eld of theology
that are usually attributed to him are not
actually entirely his and can be traced
in the sayings of his predecessors as an
inherent part of the traditionalist position
against rationalist ideas.
(1) The best known contribution of
Ahmad b. Hanbal to traditionalist theol-
ogy, the formula kalm Allh ghayr makhlq
(the speech of God, uncreated), meaning
that the Qurn, as the speech of God,
is uncreated, was moulded from sayings
attributed to his predecessors, including
Mlik b. Anas (d. 179/796). Although
lacking explicit roots in the Qurn or the
/adth , this formula became, as Wilferd
Madelung (521) puts it, a shibboleth of
Sunnite orthodoxy. Its origins are in fact
vague and disputable. The traditionalist
position prior to Ahmad was apparently
merely hostile to rationalistic arguments
that the Qurn is created, without using
the term uncreated (ghayr makhlq) .
Ahmads own view evolved gradually, but
his conviction that the Qurn is Gods
knowledge (ilm) , or part of it, and as such
is uncreated led him to the nal formula,
which has since appeared in almost every
traditionalist creed (for the gradual shap-
ing of this formula, see al-jurr, 88; on
Ahmads position on the pronunciation
of the Qurn, see van Ess, TG , 4:2125).
Madelung points out the crucial role of
the mi/na in this development: Ahmad
initially refrained from adding anything to
the formula The Qurn is the speech of
God, and it was only after the mi/na that
he added uncreated.
(2) Ahmad b. Hanbals second most
distinctive contribution to the field of
theology is his position regarding the an-
thropomorphic accounts in the Qurn and
the /adth , which endow God with human
traits, whether bodily parts (e.g., hands,
amad b. anbal 21
face, legs) or feelings (e.g., anger, happiness).
As opposed to the Mutazil position, which
insisted on interpreting these accounts
guratively, Ahmad simply repeated the
anthropomorphist descriptions of God as
they appear in the Qurn and /adth , stat-
ing that God should be described exactly
as He describes Himself (a quotation from
Ab Bakr al-Khalll as it appears in Ibn
Qayyim al-Jawziyyas Ijtim , 2:211; for
Ahmads restrictions of the use of hand
gestures while transmitting anthropomor-
phic /adth accounts, see Holtzman, An-
thropomorphism). Later authors ascribed
to Ahmad views that correspond with the
Ashar doctrine of bi-l kayf , that is, accept-
ing, without attempting to interpret, the at-
tribution of physical characteristics to God
(see a creed by Ab l-Fal al-Tamm, d.
410/1210, quoted in Ibn Ab Yal, 2:294;
the passage was analysed by B. Abrahamov,
Bi-l kayfa, 3667). It is noteworthy that
Ahmad did not coin the phrase bi-l kayf ;
this was a task for later generations, start-
ing with al-Ashar (d. 324/935). (For al-
Ashars adherence to Ahmad, see Makdisi,
261, and for Ibn Taymiyyas view, 1:270.
The view that Ahmad used the bi-l kayf
method was challenged persuasively by
Wesley Williams).
In other issues of dogma, Ahmads ap-
proach seems to rely heavily on the /adth
material. In general, he recommends avoid-
ing all discussion of complex matters of
faith and clinging instead to the sacred texts
(Ibn al-Jawz, 173). On the question of pre-
determination (al-qac wa-l-qadar) , Ahmad
asserted that the true believer knows that
everything, the good and the bad, [exists]
through Gods predetermination (Ibn
al-Jawz, 166). The principle that Ahmad
presented is based on /adth material and
was certainly nothing new in that respect.
Nevertheless, he also promoted another
principle, ignored later by Hanbal scholars
such as al-Barbahr (d. 329/941) and Ibn
Ba;;a (d. 386/997) and rejected altogether
by Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzi-
yya: according to him, even the evil deeds
of humans are predetermined by God. In
several places in the Masil and in one
of his creeds, Ahmad declares: Adultery,
theft, wine-drinking, homicide, consuming
unlawful wealth, idolatry and all other
sins [come about] by Gods decree and
predetermination (trans. by Watt, Islamic
creeds , 33; Ibn Ab Yal, 1:25; Ab Bakr
al-Khalll, 3:545).
Bi bli ography
al-jurr, Kitb al-Shara , Beirut 2000; al-Dha-
hab, Siyar alm al-nubal , ed. Shuayb al-
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14019/19818 ; Ibn Ab Yal, Tabaqt
al-/anbila , ed. Muhammad Hmid al-Fiq,
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al-Masil wa-l-rasil al-marwiyya an al-imm
A/mad b. Hanbal , ed. Abdallh b. Salmn
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2
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Livnat Holtzman
Ahmed II
Sul;n Amed II (r. 11026/16915)
was the son of Sul;n Ibrhm I (r. 1049
58/16408) and Muazzez Sul;n. Born
6 Dh l-Hijja 1052/25 February 1643,
he succeeded his brother Sleymn II
(r. 10991102/168791) on 26 Raman
1102/23 June 1691. His succession was
favoured by the grand vizier Kprlzde
Fzl Ahmed Pasha, who was conrmed
in his post after Ahmeds accession to the
throne. After long years of war against
Austria, Poland, Venice, and Russia (1094
1111/168399), the need for money, sol-
amed ii 23