The Reproduction of Inequalities Through Emotional
Capital: The Case of Socializing Low-Income Black Girls
Carissa M. Froyum Published online: 9 October 2009 # Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009 Abstract The concept of emotional capital suggests that adults transfer emotion management skills to children in ways that are consequential for the social reproduction of inequalities. Using ethnographic data from a popular after-school program, this study analyzes the emotional capital transmitted to low-income black girls by staff. They passed on four aspects of emotional capital: stifling attitude, being emotionally accountable for peers, sympathizing with adult authority figures, and emotional distancing from cultural dysfunction. Staff intended to teach girls to manage their emotions as a way to counteract racism, but the socialization largely promoted emotional deference, thereby reinforcing racialized, classed, and gendered ideologies. Keywords Emotion management . Social reproduction . Inequality . African Americans . Children . Socialization Emotion management is the power-infused way individuals cultivate particular feelings among others or themselves. It entails stir[ring] up a feeling we wish we had, and at other times [trying] to block or weaken a feeling we wish we did not have (Hochschild 1983, p. 43). In Arlie Hochschilds The Managed Heart, company scripts increasingly determined how workers were supposed to think and feel, alienating them from their true emotions. Since then, research has focused on the identity-related and emotional consequences of adults emotional labor, but Hochschild said that individuals learn to manage emotions far earlierin childhood. Whats more, she argued that adults socialize children to manage emotions in classed and gendered ways that lead to inequality along class and gender lines. Spencer Cahills (1999) and Diane Reays (2000) notion of emotional capital further offers a framework to connect emotions to social reproduction through socialization of youth. Studies on socialization and emotions suggest competing social processes may be at work. If only individuals from dominant groups learn a detached emotional capital Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 DOI 10.1007/s11133-009-9141-5 C. M. Froyum (*) Department of Sociology, Anthropology & Criminology, University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Falls, Iowa 50614-0513, USA e-mail: carissa.froyum@uni.edu characteristic of high status, socialization likely recreates inequality across class, gender, and race groups. Passing along the high-status form to marginalized youth may facilitate social advancement. Alternatively, this socialization may create emotional dissonance (Hochschild 1983), or gatekeepers may require deferential emotional capital by some but not others. In turn, the unintended consequences of socialization are important to consider. This study clarifies how inequalities get reproduced through emotions by examining the emotional capital that mostly black women adult staffers taught to low-income black girls at a popular after-school program. It makes three contributions. First, it integrates the emotional labor and childhood socialization literatures to theorize what emotional capital is and how it works to reproduce inequalities. Second, it pays particular attention to the dynamics of racialization, which are largely ignored elsewhere, in relation to emotional capital. Staff intended to equip girls to combat racism by socializing them to do four things: stifle attitude, be emotionally accountable for peers, sympathize with adult authority figures, and distance themselves from their dysfunctional pasts. This emotional capital was largely deferential, even though it fostered emotional restraint. Third, it illustrates the consequences of socializing children in emotional restraint versus deference. The former is unlikely to translate into widespread social advantage because gatekeepers are less likely to reward it among black girls. The latter comes at the cost of reinforcing racialized, classed, and gendered ideologies that contribute to the girls marginalized statuses in the first place. The socialization of emotional capital and social reproduction Much of the emotion work research treats adults emotional lives as if they operate in isolation from their lives outside of or before work. But Arlie Hochschild argued that families train children to manage emotions (see, Chaplin et al. 2005; Garside and Klimes-Dougan 2002). Other adults are important too. For example, teachers at a therapeutic school taught emotionally disturbed children how to identify particular emotions and express them appropriately (Pollak and Thoits 1989). This top-down direct form of emotion socialization is only one sort, and it pertains to what adults teach and not to what children feel or do. Corsaros (2005) interpretive reproduction framework suggests that children do not simply imitate the adult world but appropriate, adapt, and reject information from it to create their own cultures (see also Mayall 2002). Peers especially shape how children construct identities and behaviors (Adler and Adler 1998; Thorne 1993). Nonetheless, as Pollak and Thoits (1989) show, adult culture and socialization provide the background against which children develop feelings and act. In this study, the didactic emotion lessons at the after-school program Girlworks (GW) are especially relevant. The black female direct care staff intended to teach black girls how to manage emotions given that they routinely encountered whites who imposed their cultural standards upon them. The program provided a safe environment for girls to practice responding to these cultural standards with few serious consequences. GW adults 1 further presumed that other dysfunctional socializing agents, girls families and peers, ignored or misunderstood the broader racialized context. The notion of emotional capital (Cahill 1999; Reay 2000) offers a framework for understanding the socialization of emotions and the broader role that it plays in reproducing 1 I use the generic term adults to refer to both direct care staff (most of whom were black women) and white male administrators. I use the term staff or workers to refer to the staff who worked directly with girls. GW staff refers specifically to the all-woman staff at the Girlworks site, nearly all of whom were black. 38 Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 inequalities. Borrowing from Bourdieus (1984; Bourdieu and Passeron 1977) theory of cultural capital, emotional capital treats emotions and their management as skills or habits that translate into social advantages. Emotions are thought of as interactional resources. For example, in Cahills (1999, p. 111) study, mortuary science students were not horrified by death because they had all lived, played, and/or worked in and around funeral homes. Rookie book sellers in Schweingruber and Berns (2005) used their emotional investment in family or religion to motivate moving on to the next call. Workers transformed their emotion resources into job skills necessary for stability and advancement. GW adults had similar intentions: to transfer emotional capital that would facilitate the girls educational and workplace achievement. According to Bourdieu, cultural capital plays a central role in reproducing social advantages, especially by class. Families instill children with class-specific cultural capital; upper-class families transmit the tastes of luxury that illustrate freedom of choice (Bourdieu 1984). Because schools both embody and reward high cultural capital, upper-class students excel in school and receive more education. Their credentials, in turn, allow them to get better jobs and more capital. Thus, students reproduce their parents class status through the acquisition of cultural capital. By extension, adults facilitate particular forms of emotional capital among children by reinforcing group-specific emotion work strategies. Children internalize the emotional capital of their group. Within a given context, gatekeepers either reward or punish displays of particular forms of emotion management. Scholars have critiqued Bourdieus notion of a universal form of high cultural capital (Kingston 2001), illustrating that cultural hegemony varies by social context (Morris 2007; Tyson 2003). Non-dominant groups establish their own cultural codes, which they use to include or exclude others within their cultural milieu. It is unclear if there is a high emotional capital. While high-status individuals seem to be free to express anger, they develop a removed and restrained form of emotional capital that often appears effortless (Erickson and Ritter 2001; Hochschild 1983; Pierce 1995; Smith 2008). Mortuary science instructors, for example, train students to see cadavers analytically, as cases, rather than as the body of someones beloved grandmother (Cahill 1999). Emotional control and autonomy, in turn, may be universalized markersand requirementsof high status. Like some of the cultural capital literature, this suggests the presence or absence of a particular form of emotional capital may be a primary instrument of social reproduction. Adults, then, could foster social advancement via its socialization among marginalized children. Class The emotional capital literature on class points to the dominance of emotional self-monitoring and self-control. Adults seem to foster this form of emotional capital among middle-class (and higher) but not working-class youth. Basil Bernstein (2003) found that feelings were the modus operandi for interaction and discipline in personal middle-class families. Parents persuaded children to adapt their behavior based on others and their own feelings so that they internalized their parents standards. Kohn (1977) also found that middle-class adults controlled children by creating feeling rules (Hochschild 1983): they disciplined based on childrens feelings and intentions rather than behavior. By setting feeling rules early, adults teach children to be self-regulating and to display emotions to get their way. Middle-class emotional capital, thus, means getting needs met through emotion-based self-monitoring and self-assertion, and these forms of emotion work seem necessary to successfully navigate institutions associated with the middle class. Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 39 Feelings tend to be deferential and externally controlled in working-class settings, which lead children to stifle resentment or risk being disciplined. Bernsteins working-class positional families externalized authority based on status positions. Parents expected children to do as they were told, and they appealed to their status as adults to establish legitimacy. Kohn (1977) found that working-class families punished children based on disruptive or disobedient behaviors; their emotional states were less important. Among working-class children, thus, obedience and conformity are at a premium; emotional acuity is not. They learn to manage their own emotions in response to higher status individuals around them. This form of emotional capital, in turn, prepares working-class children for low-status work, which often requires deferential emotional labor where the boss or customer is always righteven when demanding publics (Williams 2003) sexually harass or degrade them (Newman 1999; Pierce 1995). Low-status individuals engage in caretaking where they are required to be emotionally available to bosses, providing comfort and validation (Lively 2000). Gender The gender literature, however, challenges the notion of a universally rewarded form of emotional capital. Instead, even though emotional detachment and restraint may characterize high-status jobs, they themselves seem to be gendered. Employers overvalue these masculinized forms of emotion management as professional (Lewis 2005; Lively 2000). Men also dominate jobs that have the emotional autonomy and authority to set feeling rules for others, while women dominate jobs that require deferential aspects of emotional capital like empathizing and validating others (Guy and Newman 2004; Hochschild 1983; Pierce 1995). Moreover, gatekeepers reward and punish different forms of emotional capital based on the gender of the actor. Pierce (1995) found that while men paralegals were to be aloofly polite, women paralegals were to be engaged, friendly, and supportive. Supervisors often evaluate women as cold or uncooperative when they perform masculinized emotional detachment (Wharton 1999). Engaging in deferential emotion work also seems to be required of girls, creating a standard of femininity at a young age. Emotional accommodation of others is a central way for middle-class white girls especially to gain approval as appropriately feminine so that it becomes a focus of their socialization. As Brown (2005, p. 155) explains, Nice girls are kind, caring; they listen; they do not hurt others, get in trouble, or cause scenes; they do not express anger openly or say what they want directly; they do not brag or call attention to themselves. Girls learn early on that adults and boys expect emotional deference, and caretaking brings their approval. Parents dismiss girls expressions of anger but reward sadness, fear, and anxiety (Chaplin et al. 2005; Garside and Klimes-Dougan 2002). Emotional detachment or assertion for girls/women, thus, often comes at the cost of gender deviance (Fordham 1993; Morris 2007). Race The scarce literature on race and emotion management further challenges the claim that a universal form of emotional capital functions similarly across groups. Black adults are keenly aware of the emotional double bind (Smith 2008; Thoits 1985) that accompanies being black. Many white gatekeepers resent assertive black children whom they perceive as disrespectfuland they punish them for emotional willfulness that they reward among white boys (Ferguson 2000; Suizzo et al. 2008). To counteract this, many black adults 40 Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 foster a sense of history, pride, self-respect, and independence (Constantine and Blackmon 2002; see McLoyd et al. 2000 for a review). They socialize children to distance themselves emotionally from racist discourses that dysfunctionalize them. Children, in turn, may develop positive senses of self and connection to other blacks, while maintaining the emotional control that a high status demands. But black adults with class anxiety seem to take a different approach: fostering deferential forms of emotional capital in black youth to demonstrate respect for authority or overcome racist views of blacks as troublemakers (Kaplan 1997; Morris 2007; Tyson 2003). Hill (2005) found that newly middle-class families taught children to deal with racism by being submissive and respectful of white authority. In Anderson (1999) and Kaplan (1997), class-anxious adults who considered themselves to be role models were respectful of and deferential to authorityand they expected children to be too. Similarly, those who socialized children during the particularly turbulent pre-Brown v. Board of Education era conveyed messages of fear of whites and a need for deference (Brown and Lesane-Brown 2006). In class-anxious environments, then, black adults may socialize black youth in deferential emotional capital that promotes suppressing anger in favor of self-restraint that explicitly respects authority. Together, these literatures suggest different processes of social reproduction. Some evidence points to social reproduction through the socialization of a detached and assertive form of emotional capital. Adults may facilitate upward mobility among low-status children by socializing them in this dominant form. Other evidence suggests that emotional capital functions differently among low-status and high-status groups. I set out to clarify the sort of emotional capital socialized at GW, the role that racialization played in that socialization, and the consequences of advocating emotional restraint versus deference. Data and methods After-school programs play an important role in the development of children, particularly their academic and social skills. This analysis arises from an ethnographic project conducted at Girlworks (GW), an after-school program in a mid-sized southern city that provided recreational, educational, and life-skills programs. The mission was to help girls achieve their potential and become productive adults through youth development. The larger study analyzes the youth development strategies used to change the cultural capital of (mostly) low-income black girls and boys. GWs parent organization had six program sites throughout the city, two of which were primary sites of my participant observation between October 2004 and June 2006. The parent agency had a white male executive director, a white male assistant director, and an elite board of 34 white businessmen, eight white women, and one black man. Each site had direct care staff, many of whom resented the racial and gender hierarchy within the agency. Experienced black women staffers, in particular, felt mistreated by white administrators. They felt that they had to repress their anger and frustration in public, however, in order to keep their jobs. The analysis here relies heavily on the observations at GW and the interviews with staffers and volunteers who worked directly with girls. GW was the program site that served black girls between six and 12 years old. 2 It was located within a predominantly black, low-income neighborhood. 2 The second primary site of observations was Boyworks, a similarly organized program for low-income black boys ages six to 12. Boyworks, with mostly black men as workers, also housed a teen program for mostly black girls and boys. Other sites had a mixture of boys and girls from various backgrounds. Their staff consisted of black, white, and Latino women and men. Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 41 Ninety-five percent of GW girls were black, and they were disproportionately low-income. About 150 girls attended the after-school program daily for up to five and a half hours. GWhad two full-time salaried positions: a director, who managed the programming, budget, and staff; and a physical education director, who ran recreation programs and supervised part-time staff. About a dozen part-time workers, generally college students, and a wide range of volunteers also worked with girls. GW staffers were all women, and only one or two were not black at any given time. The board, administration, staff, and volunteers all believed in the organizations mission, but the black direct care staffers implemented the mission and had considerable autonomy over how to do so. I participated in nearly every aspect of after-school life, including life-skills groups, sporting events, art classes, volunteer orientations, and fundraising events. While technically a volunteer, I used Thornes (1993) friend strategy of distancing from authority to bond with the kids from the start (also Moore 2001). I played with the girls and sat with them during groups and timeouts. Both girls and staff tried to get me to discipline girls, but I only did so when serious harm or my credibility with the staff was at stake. As the girls got to know me, I invested more time in socializing with the staff but rejected authority positions whenever possible. This analysis developed out of my conflicted experience of being expected to act like an adult who disciplined the girls, while participating as the object of discipline alongside the girls. Also, GW discipline took on a harsh and emotional character not present at the other sites for boys and kids of various backgrounds. Thus, a focus of my analysis became understanding the discipline GW staffers used, its origins, its comparison to other possible strategies, and the unintended consequences. I spent around 300 hours in the field and collected around 2,000 pages of fieldnotes and transcripts. My analysis strategy was inductive in nature, following a modified grounded theory approach (Charmaz 2001). It was designed to explicate and theorize social processes by generalizing across social situations or specifying the influence of context on particular processes. Observations focused on descriptions of the field sites, verbal and nonverbal communication among staff and children, and cultural styles. I wrote detailed extended field notes. Theoretical memos, self-reflections, and note-on-notes were early analyses. More thorough analysis came in the form of analytic memos. I also conducted semi-structured in-depth interviews with 40 direct care staff, adminstrators, volunteers, fundraisers, a board member, and kid clients. Sixteen adults worked directly with girls: seven were women GW staffers (one was white), six worked with girls at other sites (three black men, one white man, one black women, one white woman), and three volunteered (two white women, one black woman). This analysis also includes information from interviews with three administrators and a board member. 3 Interviews were designed to capture adults work experiences, their relationships with kids and staff, their evaluations of kids, and experiences of racism. Each lasted one and a half to two hours. My analysis focused on understanding how the staff and volunteers made sense of their work and its consequences. The final form of data was documents. I collected promotional brochures, curriculum books for the life-skills programs, posters, websites, fundraising materials, volunteer mailings, print ads, and newspaper articles. For both the interviews and artifact data, I used the same inductive coding strategies as I did with the fieldnotes. 3 Three interviewed adults have had more than one role within the organization. For example, one administrator is a former direct care worker at GW. Thus, she is reported as both a (former) direct care worker and an administrator. Analysis of her interview takes into account her dual role. 42 Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 Findings Stifling attitude As with many who serve low-income black youth, GW direct care staffers were anxious that the girls would struggle to achieve academically and economically. Their biggest hope was for them to have stable careers and fulfilling family lives as adults, but they feared the prospects for success were tenuous. Within this context, workers considered emotional displays by black girls to be not just annoying but dangerous. Acting out of emotion, particularly anger or surliness, suggested girls were out of control and difficult. Emotive girls, according to the staff, had attitude. They bucked traditional white definitions of femininity by being unladylike: not demure, accommodating, or friendly but hot-tempered, assertive, difficult to handle, even mean. Emotional displays seemed to exemplify the stereotypes of black girls as unfeminine, irrational, and angry. As Danielle Brown, a black college student working part-time at GW, described, girls with attitude get upset easily. Maybe say something they shouldnt. Lashing out was the essence of attitude for Amber Johnson, another young black part-time worker. Even though she recognized it as stereotypical, Casey Owens, a black college student on the full-time staff, considered many girls to be argumentative and combative: This is truly a Girlworks, cause you could tell they had attitudes. Some of the older girls just walk around with attitudes. You could tell they had attitudes, and its always arguing. Most of the arguing was he say, she say. I know its still a stereotype, but it was girly. . . . They say girls have attitudes, especially black females have attitudes. Its just how it is. Attitude fundamentally meant being subversive, of making ones own rules for behavior, rather than following those expected by authority figures. It could be accompanied by eye rolling, sucking teeth, or getting in someones faceall considered blatantly disrespectful. Thus, staff routinely criticized girls for being emotive, especially when they did not get their way. In those cases, they told the girls to dry those crocodile tears, stop crying, cut the attitude, or man up, as a poster in Caseys office put it. All of the staff considered girls to be full of unnecessary drama, which made their work lives more difficult and drained them emotionally. From their perspective, dramatic girls were unpredictable and unresponsive to reason. Instead, their emotions dictated their reactions, which resulted in overreactions that sometimes escalated into dramatic scenes that required extensive handling. Emotional reactions, staff thought, made problems worse rather than better. In the same way, staff feared that emotional displays left already vulnerable girls subject to mistreatment by others, particularly white teachers. Attitudes got girls into trouble, they believed, because they prompted adults to punish them for being disrespectful. Acting out of rational deliberation, alternatively, seemed to offer protection to girls because adults would be more responsive and slower to judge. Girls routinely complained during life-skills groups that teachers punished them unfairly. They attributed their (mis)treatment to racism: their white teachers held biased views that black kids were troublemakers and so assumed that they were misbehaving. Many girls, particularly the older preteens, took great offense at their teachers targeted discipline, and they struggled with how to respond. Negotiating these dynamics was a primary topic of conversation between group leaders and the girls. Based on their own personal experiences, including at GW where white administrators made racially offensive comments and demanded black women staffers do menial tasks, staff thought displaying attitude could get blacks into trouble. The more extensive the Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 43 staffers contact with whites at GW, the greater their concern about the consequences of girls displaying emotional willfulness. They thought girls needed better ways of dealing with their mistreatment, just as they themselves had to develop them in response to GWs white administration. Thus, GW workers taught girls to suppress resentment and anger, as they themselves did, so that they could engage in calm dialogue. During a discussion of how to handle arguments, Danielle Brown, who led many of the life-skills groups, instructed girls: Contemplate, right? We can contemplate what were gonna say before we say it. Thats a big thing because if you do, then you stop yourself. Danielle told girls that as she got older she learned to control her temper. It was this self-control that allowed her to have adult-like relationships. Danielle laid out similar rules for girls who felt wronged by teachers. She taught the girls to control their emotional responses to teachers as a sign of maturity and accessibility: Danielle: Okay, when you have a disagreement with your teacher, what can you do? A girl named Selma Blackman says, Id walk away. Danielle: You cant just walk away. Thats your teacher. Thats an authority figure. . . . When you have a disagreement with your teacher, or you dont think she understands, what can you do? Sharlene Maguire, another girl, says: Switch classes. Danielle: Well, if its in the middle of the year, you cant switch classes. What else can you do? Sharlene: Maybe talk to your teacher. Danielle: Whens the best time to talk to your teacher? Several girls: Before class. Danielle: Before class. And? Girls together: After class. Danielle: Talk to your teacher. Pull her aside and ask to speak to her after class. Thats the best thing to do. Thats an authority figure. In this exchange, girls responded to Danielles question by suggesting acts of resistance: they would walk away from the teacher they viewed as illegitimate or simply avoid him/her by switching classes. From Danielles perspective, these actions would be counterproductive because they would either reinforce negative stereotypes of black girls or anger the teacher. A better solution was to acknowledge the teachers power and talk things through. If the girls were not respectful (i.e., deferent), they could undercut their own legitimacy and the teachers goodwill. Controlling their emotional displays was part of gaining the teachers favor. Life-skills curricula that laid out decision-making steps designed to control emotional responses in favor of rational ones reinforced the staffs lessons. The violence and gang prevention program directly connected decision making to impulse control across nine weekly sessions. After dissecting a situation in which conflict has arisen, young people 44 Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 learned to slow down and recognize their own and others emotional reactions, particularly anger. In labeling anger, young people could differentiate between their feelings and their actionsand implement a series of calming strategies, such as deep breathing and counting, to gain self-control. Then, the curriculum instructed, they could analyze the causes of the conflict and try to see the situation from the other persons perspective. Children then reflect on the positive impact of controlling their impulses and the negative effect of failing to so that they make decisions that produce a non-violent, conciliatory result. They practiced this rational, instrumental model of decision making through role playing. This model defined emotional control as the appropriate aspect of emotional capital but also gave girls practice in developing it. Being emotionally accountable for peers Emotional accountability for others was the second aspect of emotional capital at GW. Staff framed girls as responsible for each other so that they would develop empathy and a sense of obligation for others. Doing so could facilitate what adults viewed as appropriate, mature behavior: focusing on school work, staying out of trouble, and being respectful to others. Occasionally, accountability came in the form of framing the girls as part of a larger group (e.g., girls, blacks, non-smokers). Being part of the group meant having an emotional investment in following norms for behavior that mark the group. For example, during a GW life-skills group, several girls gossiped about a disagreement involving someone in the room. The group facilitator, a black college student volunteer, tried to stop it by translating gossip into a violation of their emotional responsibility for others: We are all women, she explained. As women we need to be nice to [each other]. Were a minority group. Weve come a long way. We need to lift each other up, not tear each other down. As individuals with a shared status, the girls were to empathize with each other, making them responsible for protecting each others feelings. Staff also encouraged girls to join clubs and groups at GWto shape their behavior by creating a sense of responsibility to each other. Casey Owens started Kids Against Tobacco, an anti-tobacco program. During meetings, the girls swapped stories about the grossness of smoking, proclaiming I hate tobacco! It makes you smell bad! They researched statistics on the risks of smoking and then took to the streets: they held up anti-tobacco signs and shouted slogans at passing motorists. This group was more than an education program; it created a sense of group cohesion so that membership fostered positive peer pressure to avoid smoking. Girls responsibility was not just to their own health but to the fulfilling each others expectations to remain tobacco free. Staff used similar frames to promote sexual abstinence and dedication to schoolwork. More often, the staff fostered emotional accountability for others under the guise of being role models. They framed mentors as having an emotional responsibility to act appropriately because other girls looked up to them. Making good decisions helps you be a better peer helper, Danielle Brown explained to a group of 10- to 12-year old girls. All of you are peer helpers. Look up there [referring to a poster listing many positive character traits she wanted the girls to espouse].Here, we really need you. Other girls look up to you. Being a peer leader meant that girls were supposed to make good decisions so that others could mimic their behavior. For this reason, staff required older girls to read to younger girls: it was their responsibility to make sure that each girl was succeeding in school. Peer mentorship was a way for girls to help others. Helpers (Grant 1984; Moore 2001), then, could take pride in their peers acting appropriately or getting good grades. Indeed, many girls took pride in the labels helpers, peer leaders, and junior staffers. When asked during interviews how they came to be peer mentors and what they got out of Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 45 it, girls cited their ability to help people as the primary motivation and reward. Their accountability for others could bring a sense of fulfillment that comes with emotion work (Lewis 2005; Williams 2003). In practice, the staffs efforts only occasionally translated into the sort of mentor-mentee socialization they hoped. Girls spent much of their time in age-graded groups that inhibited it, and the older girls had a room to themselves to spend free time. Still, older girls did socialize younger girls in GW rules and appropriate behaviors when individually empowered to do so. Sharice Harnett, a black full-time GW worker in her late 20s, for example, assigned 11-year-old Andrea Pixler as my helper in the computer lab. Andrea took charge: turning on the computers and monitoring the girls. She checked the girls screens to be sure they were doing homework rather than playing games, and she kicked out girls who broke rules. Maryann Dushane, a 12-year-old junior staffer, took charge during a summer lunch, as my fieldnotes recount: Although the girls seem relatively quiet, several staff members work to quiet them more. They dim the lights, yell out Quiet! and initiate a clapping call and response. When these dont work, they resort to timeouts: calling out girls and sending them to the coatroomwhere they stand facing a wall. Maryann also sends girls out. She picks two at a time, calls them by name, and points, Tammy, Maureen, you go. Then she trails her finger from them to the door, motioning them to leave. They all leave when ordered. Even though Maryann frequently broke the rules herself, she used her position as junior staffer to yell at people, as another girl described the role. Being in charge or picked by the staff made girls feel important and powerful. Girls gave orders to other girls, but they rarely justified their actions or interpreted them in emotional terms like the staff did. The most frequent form of peer emotion socialization was to tell another girl to stop crying or its okay after an injury or argument. Peer leader titles, thus, mostly served to control the older girls emotions and, thus, their behaviors directly rather than the younger girls actions indirectly through peer socialization. Whats more, being accountable for others could foster negative feelings. Girls who failed to live up to GWs standards not only let themselves down but they let the staff and other girls down. Occasionally, GW staff used disappointment and other negative emotions to motivate appropriate behavior. Most often, they pointed out the potentially negative effects of particular actions on others, evoking a sense of guilt or shame. A life-skills program manual, for example, applied the rational decision making model to sexual activity. Girls were to ask themselves a series of reflective questions, including, Can I handle the guilt and emotions that I may feel if I decide to have sex? and How will my decision to have sex impact others, like my family and friends? These questions framed sexual activity as breaking others expectations, and the girl who engaged in it as potentially stricken with guilt as a way to motivate her sexual restraint. Shaming was evident during group punishments in which the staff held the entire group responsible for the misbehavior of a few. GW staff silenced the group or placed them into timeout for extended periods of time. The more irritated the staff grew, the more hostile their tone and the more biting the emotional lesson. The following description from my fieldnotes was typical of group timeouts at GW, although the timeout lasted longer than usual: Casey Owens comes out of the library: Ladies in the games room, sit down. Her tone is stern and on the edge of cracking from anger. Thats it. Sit down, right now. You are too loud. Sit down. The girls and I sit down on the floor. Casey yells at the girls in the back, Move forward. Get away from the back wall. Lucinda Dunway, a 46 Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 black part-time front desk worker, is standing there now. She becomes the guardian of the girls in timeout. She stands behind the desk, arms crossed, watching them. Every few minutes, Lucinda rebukes, I dont want to hear nothing, not even breathing. Then, The longer you talk, the longer you sit. Why are you still talking? I still hear talking. Other staff members chime in. The program director from her office: I know you all arent talking. Libby Stewart, a black part-time worker, responds, Shh. Yes, they are. Casey walks into the room and instructs a group of girls, Move up away from the wall. Here, like at other times, staff conveyed their disappointment in the girls with their tones and body language. They reiterated that while individual girls had violated the expectations of the staff, all girls were responsible. The emotional lesson was clear: breaking of the rules required immediate and severe correction, and they ought to feel bad about it. Sympathizing with adult authority figures Staff also encouraged girls to develop sympathy for adult authority figures, as a way to take on their perspective. They emphasized the negative effects of girls behavior on the staff. The girls actions mattered because the staff had feelings and reputations invested in them. For the black women staffers, GW work was often exhausting. Their sense of accomplishment from seeing girls improve or do well in school was the biggest reward of their work, particularly for the staff who routinely interacted with the white administrators they regarded as disrespectful and racist. Girls bad behavior, in turn, left a sense of betrayal. Staff conveyed the emotional toll on them directly to the girls during times of heightened frustration. When some girls stole video games, for example, Sharice Harnett, one of GWs full-time workers, rebuked the girls by highlighting her feelings: Dont tell me that you dont know who has it. . . . Moneys not the issue. That was my game, and Im upset. If you know who has it, speak up. If you have my game, you better bring it back. And rest assured, youll be gone from here for a while. Sharice described the videogame as my game, emphasizing that the games were hers, not the agencys. This discursive possessiveness characterized the girls misdeed as a personal affront to Sharice. She became the object/victim so that the girls actions were thought of in relational and subjective terms. Girls were to consider the effect of their behavior on her and her feelings by placing themselves in her shoes. Black direct care staffers frequently took symbolic possession of the girls by referring to them as my girls or our girls, or by calling the program my Girlworks. Taking ownership illustrated a sense of a shared community. But it also had the consequence of personalizing the girls practices as either a sign of respect or disrespect to individual staff members. When girls acted out, then, the staff personalized it by framing their actions as an affront targeted at them, as Sharice did. Libby Stewart, a black college student working part-time, similarly personalized poor school performance as disrespectful to her: Im very disappointed in your report cards. . . . Were here to help you. Thats our job. But we cant read your minds. You have to tell us if you need help with something. Tell me or Miss Danielle. Were here to help you. Im very disappointed. Very. Not acceptable. Makes me look like Im not doing my job. (emphasis added) White administrators at GW considered Libby responsible for the girls school performances, so she drew sympathy from the girls by pointing out that their misbehavior made her look incompetent. She expected girls to do better, in part, to please her and to Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 47 show others that she was good at her job. Laura Herman, a stern white GW full-time worker, similarly told girls, Im tired of you talking.You need to be quiet. Im tired of this [emphasis added]. Other workers explained during interviews that girls obedience in general represented respect to them. As Amber Johnson put it, If you present yourself [to the kids] as an authority figure, theyre going to respect you. Staff believed that it was only when girls did not respect authority that they misbehaved. GW staff, thus, routinely personalized the girls behaviors as a way to shape their behavior. They requested girls be quiet and obedient as a sign of respect for the staffs investment in GW. Sympathy, in other words, bolstered the staffs authority. Although rarer, GW staff sometimes expected girls to prioritize the emotional needs of adults over their own. They legitimized white teachers by teaching girls to sympathize with them. Their position entitled them to respect and obedience, a lesson some girls resisted because they considered teachers racist. When Danielle raised the issue of stereotyping to the girls during a life-skills group I observed, Maryann Dushane, the junior staffer, said a teacher once called her stupid. Her story provoked other girls to frame adults as incompetent bullies. According to the girls, teachers judged them based on their friends, which, as 12-year-old Portia Cooper put it, meant they stereotype you based on who you hang out with. Even though you dont do what they do, [teachers] stereotype you. Although Danielle was trying to prevent the girls from stereotyping others, the girls transformed the discussion into one about their victimization and attempts to counter it. I asked the group why they thought some people stereotyped others. Tanika Bartky, a preteen with a street style, responded: They do it to make you real small so that they feel big. Lisa Martin, another girl in the group: They get to feel bigger than you. A girl named Alexandra Meeker points out that some kids act badly, though. Danielle: What Carissas trying to get at here is, think about why the teachers think what they do about you. What sort of behavior makes them think that? Not your behavior. But how do kids act that make them think that? Alexandra: Crazy. Danielle: Yeah, so the teachers learn they act that way. In this exchange, Danielle reframed my question to force girls to take the subject position of their teachers. The focus shifted from the teachers behavior from the girls point of view to the girls behavior from the teachers point of view. Doing so made the teachers behavior, even if wrong in some moral way, make logical sense. This framework forced girls to sympathize with the authority figure they thought had mistreated them. Sharice Harnett, the full-time GW worker, handled girls complaints of racism similarly. A girl complained to her that Im not getting good grades cause this ladys old and shes white. Sharice described her response to me in an interview: [I] talk to them about [how] its not a race thing. Its the problem that youre dealing with. And then I always ask them when they start having problems, I always ask them, well, what have you done to try to rectify the situation? Have you went and talked to the teacher? Or are you just going to take it and leave it? And how if you did 48 Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 go talk to the teacher, how did you approach them? Did you approach them with an attitude? That type of stuff. Sharice again trained the girls to consider how they interacted with adults by encouraging them to reflect on their behavior as an instigator of mistreatment. Doing so framed the teachers behavior as logical and, therefore, legitimate, while discounting the girls critique of racism. Emotional distancing from their dysfunctional pasts Finally, the staff trained the girls to distance themselves emotionally from people who shared their background and experiences. Direct care staff, volunteers, and administratorswhite and black alikeframed the girls cultural backgrounds as problematic, if not dysfunctional, during interviews. They viewed women as single moms who partied too much and cared too little. Warner Thomas, an experienced black direct care worker at a site for black boys and teens, described, for example, Theres some parents that could just care less. Give me my crack. Give me my marijuana. Give me my beer. Give me my cigarettes. And thats all I want to deal with. Leave my kid here until 8:00 [late at night]. Adults feared daughters would also become single moms who partied and devalued education. In response, the direct care staff conditioned girls to (re)interpret their background as something to reject and move past. Getting kids to not settle and to lift themselves out of that, as a white administrator and direct care worker at another site put it, meant [seeing] beyond the walls of their community. It meant rejecting their pasts in favor of something more. It did not matter if the characterization of families was inaccurateas it often wasbecause what staff rewarded was the cultural orientation of moving outward and upward. They demanded that the girls want to be better than their parents: We have so many different situations over here, parents not here and that type of stuff. But you pick up in the kids that they want to have a better life because they dont want to do what Mom and Dad did. . . . And they will go to every program area, and they will come to anything you offer. And those are the kids that you know are reaching out for your help, that need just that little push. And with that little push theyre going to be well on their way. (interview with Sharice Harnett) Staff sought out girls who want a better life and dont want to live like Mom and Dad to give them an extra push and opportunities. Libby Stewart evaluated girls by the same criteria: successful girls used their background and struggles to motivate change in their lives: And what I tell them is, The things you go through in life should be your stepping stone. . . . If you dont like your situation, thats why you need to go school. . . . You gotta make that your stepping stone. Youre already being told by that to do more for you. [Its a sign that you want more.] Your mom aint doing it. Your mom might not be in a situation where she can do more. But you do more for you when youre able to. . . . Just let the things that go on in your life that you dont agree with or you wish could be changed or wish could be better, you let that be your strength to do [more] for yourself. In other words, if a girl did not want to be poor and destitute like her mother, she must aspire to do more, to be more. Adults evaluated these girls as having initiative. Demonstrating their commitment to hard work and success, thus, meant creating emotional distance between the Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 49 past and the future, bad and good, others and self. Distancing from problematic others was the solution, reinforcing that the girls were entitled to a better life because they were morally superior to those who shared their same background and identities. Discussion Emotional capital is an important but too often overlooked subject of childhood socialization, particularly in the race literature. This study set out to examine two aspects of that socialization: how adults taught a marginalized group of children to manage emotions, and the consequences of socialization for the children and the reproduction of inequalities. Girlworks staff taught girls to recognize the broader cultural meanings of particular aspects of emotional capital. While displaying an attitude could help girls get their way, authority figures frowned on it as unfeminine and symbolic of a troublemaker. Stifling attitude, on the other hand, reportedly promoted responsible behavior among the girls, which could protect them from getting into fights and invest them in doing well in school. Staff also touted the importance of emotionally investing in helping others, which symbolized a girls maturity and appropriateness for leadership. Staff trained girls to avoid or suppress negative emotionsand replace them with a sense of obligation to foster positive emotional states in others. While emotional capital emphasized emotional restraint, doing so was largely reactive and deferential: to fit the expectations of powerful others around them. Staff were intentionally didactic in their lessons. They wanted to equip the girls with strategies to stifle their negative emotions and develop emotional connections to those in power. From GWs example, we see that racism provides a precarious broader context in which adults try to foster attainment among children. Staffers believed the girls faced biased evaluations and treatment from white adults, especially teachers. Although they take different approaches, black adults routinely train black children to recognize and respond to racism (Constantine and Blackmon 2002; McLoyd et al. 2000). At GW, fitting in meant adopting emotional capital in order to ease their interactions with authority figures, and rejecting the capital considered dysfunctional. These largely deferential forms of emotional capital were to serve as emotional bridges (Schweingruber and Berns 2005) between the girls current selvespurportedly incomplete, socially dysfunctionaland the selves they were to becomesuccesses in a white world. Of course, girls did not simply internalize the emotion lessons of GW, as the resistance to life-skills lessons illustrated. Children are social agents who react to and shape their own social realities (Corsaro 2005; Mayall 2002). While more research is needed on marginalized childrens actual emotion practices, this study illustrates a background against which children learn to manage emotions. Furthermore, it offers its own theoretical implications for how emotions reproduce inequalities. Here, as with Pollak and Thoits (1989) study, adults were most restrictive about emotional capital when children deviated from emotion norms, particularly when expressing anger (see also the flight attendants in Hochschild 1983). The deliberative transfer of deferential emotional capital at GW played out because of two processes with broader ramifications. First, the staff wanted respect as authority figures. The girls misbehaviors reflected their supposed incompetence as workers, and they took disobedience personally. Their accountability for so many girls led to role overload that was exhausting (Lois 2006; Thoits 1985). Thus, staff mitigated their own negative emotions and, ultimately, emotional burnout, by socializing girls in deferential emotional capital. Because white administrators often left their emotional needs for reassurance and a sense of importance 50 Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 unfulfilled, the black staff turned to meeting them from the source they could readily control: the girls. The girls deference made their work easier and left staff feeling important. To a similar consequence, poor black teens with few status resources reinforce the centrality of their own heterosexuality and shun their homosexual peers (Froyum 2007), and fast food employees emphasize their identity as workers and contrast it to the lazy non-workers around them (Newman 1999). In each case, individuals with a low status redefined their own social position as dominant in relation to their peers. Thus, in mitigating the negative emotions attached to their own marginalized statuses, individuals often reinforce inequality along new lines (e.g., age, sexuality, worker status). Second, the staff most exposed to whites in authority over them most vehemently promoted deferential emotional capital. The racial and gendered hierarchy within the agency built resentment among black women staffers with the longest tenures, for whom managing anger was critical to preventing burnout and defiance that might jeopardize their jobs. In other words, the staff were teaching girls to negotiate at school the same struggles they negotiated at work. The staffs solution was to repress their negative emotions in public because they feared expressiveness would jeopardize their good standing with white administrators. Instead, anger became something they expressed privately to other blacks and whites whom they trusted. This was the same generic approach they promoted with the girls. Repeated racist encounters with whites, thus, seem to foster the class anxiety evident in the non-emotion racial socialization literature. For those adults, fitting in with whites through cultural assimilation or emotional deference is key to school and work achievement (Anderson 1999; Brown and Lesane-Brown 2006; Tyson 2003). Maintaining a secure job that pays a consistent wage is an important byproduct of deferential emotional capital; the personal emotional or identity costs are less important to them than material stability. But there are substantial personal costs of promoting deference, which further clarify the connection among emotions, identities, and ideologies that reinforce inequalities. At GW, staffers, administrators, and volunteers promoted a white middle-class feminized version of emotional capital characterized by emotional accommodation (Brown 2005; Chaplin et al. 2005; Fordham 1993; Garside and Klimes-Dougan 2002). Emotional investment in helping others was a way for girls to illustrate that they were worthy, regardless of their race or class. It also allowed them to challenge the stereotype of black girls as assertive and intimidating, thereby informing gatekeepers perceptions that they were conventional and well behaved rather than different and in need of controlling. Inherent within this project (Morris 2007, p. 510), however, was the overvaluing of white middle-class feminized cultural standards and an assumption that black and working-class youth were culturally deficient. After all, it was the cultural practices connoted with these marginalized groups that supposedly needed correcting. Whats more, GW adults framed emotional deference as directly contradicting socialization by the girls families and peers. They conditioned the girls to distance themselves from loved ones and displace their own resistance to being stereotyped, even though the girls felt deeply connected to their families and their indignation kept them from being paralyzed by the fear and shame that accompanies marginalized statuses. Rather than directly counteracting the message of cultural deficiency inherent within promoting emotional deference, then, the staff often reinforced it or drew on it to shape the girls behavior. By teaching them to become emotionally accommodating, staff fostered negative ideologies attached to the girls own identities. Ironically, they did so that girls could cope with racism and achieve. Emotional deference among marginalized youth, furthermore, often comes at the stake of positive racial identities, high self-esteem, and school achievement. It produces a confusing emotional dissonance (Hochschild 1983) or norm-state discrepancy (Thoits Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 51 1985) regarding who they are and what that means. In turn, girls likely have more anger and anxiety to mask, creating greater feelings of inauthenticity and alienation (Erickson and Ritter 2001). In Fordhams (1993) study, for example, the pressure to be silent and invisible in order to fit whitewashed and sexist expectations at school left black girls feeling unsupported in their academic pursuits and isolated from their peers. Similarly, teachers often disciplined girls who appeared unladylike in Morris (2007) study. Most girls eventually acquiesced by rejecting the bolder, assertive aspects of femininity traditionally associated with black cultures, eventually undercutting their academic performance. At times, GW staff counteracted messages of cultural deficiency with positive messages about being a girl. But they rarely did so in terms of being black, leaving the connotation that black is bad in particular unchallenged. Previous research shows that redefining blackness as an asset is critical to maintaining a positive sense of self and connection to community (Constantine and Blackmon 2002; McLoyd et al. 2000). As Tyson (2003, p. 339) argues, Positioning minority students for success requires a delicate balance of explanation and affirmation. That is, adults must contextualize their socialization lessons while simultaneously reinforcing racial pride to mitigate costs to individuals. Without both parts, furthermore, deferential emotional capital reinforces the ideologies that devalue marginalized statuses in the first placethe notions of blackness, poverty, and girlhood as inferior and dysfunctional. This study also illustrates that subordinate positioning often requires emotional restraint and detachment, calling into question a universally appealing emotional capital. Social positioning shapes how others interpret emotional capital. Individuals from marginalized groups risk negative assessment through their emotional assertiveness. In high-status positions, then, detachment serves as a means to dominate others by setting the emotional agenda and requiring particular emotion work by others (Schwalbe et al. 2000, pp. 434439). It is this power dynamic and not the type of the emotional capital per se that matters. Outside of their peer relations, black girls lack the authority and autonomy to dominate through emotion management. Thus, teaching marginalized children the emotional capital of the dominant groupto be emotionally assertive and detachedalone is unlikely to facilitate social advancement or widespread acceptance in white-controlled institutions as long as gatekeepers interpret their emotion practices in raced, gendered, and classed ways. At the same time, socializing children in deferential emotional capital facilitates othering along new dimensions of inequality. It also facilitates racialized, classed, and gendered ideologies that create emotional dissonance and inauthentic feelings. The clearest way to mitigate these consequences is to positively redefine what it means to have a marginalized status (i.e., to be black or a girl), and to fashion youths identities and emotional capital around those definitions rather than around fitting the dominant groups expectations. Conclusion This study points to the potential of conceptualizing emotional management as a skill practiced early in childhood rather than just adulthood. Much more research is needed, however, to understand the development and use of emotional capital. Future research should compare the emotional capital taught to young people from different class, race, and gender positions. Also, we should explore the extent to which children internalize or resist the emotion lessons taught to them by adults and the emotion management styles that develop. Finally, we need more research looking at the payoffs of different forms of emotional capital: how adults reward or punish them and the real opportunities that develop. 52 Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 Acknowledgments This research was funded in part by a grant fromthe Institute for Nonprofits, North Carolina State University, and by the Faculty Summer Research Fellowship, College of Social and Behavioral Sciences, University of Northern Iowa. 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Her research examines the reproduction of inequalities in organizations designed to foster economic opportunities for low-income black youth. 54 Qual Sociol (2010) 33:3754 Copyright of Qualitative Sociology is the property of Springer Science & Business Media B.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.