Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Dimiter G. Angelov
Byzantine Empire (ca. -), the dominant political and cultural power in the Balkans for more than a millennium, left strong and
lasting traces in the cultural identity of the peoples of Southeastern
Europe. Signs of the long shadow that Byzantium cast on posterity are easy to
detect, the most obvious being the Orthodox Church and the Cyrillic alphabet,
which is a byproduct of the Greek script and is in use in several Balkan countries. Yet, for an empire that never made it into the modern age Byzantium
ended its formal political existence in as the Middle Ages were drawing to
a close its influence on the Balkans of today appears to be truly remarkable,
at least according to some recent scholarly surveys of European history. Even
more remarkable is the agreement among their authors: the Byzantine legacy
in the area consists not solely of elements of cultural identity (such as religion,
language, and historical memory), but also and mainly of a crippling historical legacy that has left this part of the world different and backward when
compared to the European mainland. Two aspects of Byzantine civilization are
usually pointed to as the formative or rather de-formative historical experiences that have affected the present-day Balkans. These are Byzantiums political culture and its unique dynamic of church-state relations, both of which are
considered to have fallen short of medieval European standards and to have
become a burdensome legacy in Southeastern Europe.
Instances of this way of seeing Byzantium and its influence on the contemporary Balkans have multiplied in the past several years. A general survey
of the history of Eastern Europe asserts that the impact of Byzantine political culture on the mentalities of Eastern Europeans has been strong and long
lasting. The Byzantine legacy in social attitudes, transmitted through the
uncanny ways of orthodoxy, has led the Balkan peoples to confuse politics
and morality, to seek unanimity rather than decisions by a majority, to view
political leaders as sources of salvation (Longworth , ). Another similar historical survey underscores the role of caesaropapism the subjugation
of the church by the state as the historical experience that differentiates the
Balkans and Russia from Western Europe. According to this analysis, Byzantium missed the formative experiences of the Investiture Contest, the Reformation, and the Renaissance. Furthermore, Byzantine caesaropapism persisted
as a mindset in the Balkans after Byzantiums fall, impeding the separation
of the secular and the spiritual spheres in Southeastern Europe (Bideleux and
Jeffreys , ). A recently published history of the Byzantine Empire concurs with these opinions. It concludes that the Byzantine legacy, together with
the Ottoman and communist heritages, has discouraged the development of
democratic institutions in the Balkans and has deepened the tendency of the
Balkan people to depend on the government and to distrust businessmen and
politicians (Treadgold , ).
Further, the harsh judgments on Byzantium have left the pages of history
books and entered the discourse of political analysts and journalists. For an influential political scientist, the lack of separation and recurrent clashes between
Church and State, an unquestionable sign of a Byzantine influence on the
Slavic-Orthodox world, is a good enough reason to draw a sharp dividing line
between the developed West and the backward Balkans (Huntington , ).
their cognitive structure. Byzantinism, like Balkanism, is a concept of otherness by which Byzantium is turned into the crippled other of the cultural
construct of Europe. As such, Byzantinism, like Balkanism, involves the stereotyping and categorization of a world that lies on the borders of what the West
sees as its own cultural territory. Byzantinism, like Balkanism, categorizes the
other as an imperfect and incomplete image of the self, thus fitting it into the
common cultural construct of European civilization as a sort of caricatured
self-reflection. In this respect, the Byzantinist constructs differ from Saids
Orientalism, for they deal with variations on a single type, but do not seek to
differentiate between two different types.
Byzantinism has an old history that predates both the Western discovery of
the Balkans and the construction of the Balkanist stereotypes. The stereotypes
of the Byzantines appeared during the Middle Ages, and the history of their
development clearly shows that Byzantium was at that time conceived of as
the other within a common cultural family. The reasons for this are apparent. Western medieval authors perceived Byzantium as a sibling culture that
shared with them the same Greco-Roman heritage and Christian religion. Yet,
attitudes toward the empire of New Rome became ambiguous as political relations soured between Byzantium and the West. The events that led to increasing animosity between the West and Byzantium are well known: the revival
of the Holy Roman Empire by Charlemagne in ; the formal split between
Eastern Orthodox and Western Christianity in the mid-eleventh century; and,
above all, the passage of the Crusades through Byzantium in the twelfth century and the sacking of Constantinople in . Indeed, negative stereotypes of
Byzantium multiplied in Western sources at the time of the Crusades. Based on
the ancient Roman stereotypes of the Greeks, these stereotypes were nothing
other than slurs (see Petrocheilos ). Thus, medieval chroniclers perceived
the Byzantines as perfidious and treacherous people. They also slandered Byzantines as being by nature servile, effeminate, and unwarlike. Perfidy explained
the chronic instability of the Byzantine imperial office and also served to justify
the Latin conquest of Constantinople in (see Villehardouin ).
The negative medieval stereotypes of the Byzantines persisted into the intellectual traditions of the West after Constantinoples final fall to the Ottoman
Turks in . Their endurance on a popular level in Western literature, visual
arts, and music during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries is
an unexplored subject that certainly merits a study. Many of the very same
negative stereotypes that emerged during the Middle Ages later became interwoven into Byzantinist views in the Enlightenment.
The true emergence of Byzantinism occurred after the Ottoman conquest of
Constantinople, at a time when Byzantine studies had already become established as a respectable academic discipline in Western universities. The foundations of Byzantine studies as a scholarly discipline were laid in France during
the seventeenth century. It was in this period, for example, that the grandiose
project for the publication of the collected works of the Byzantine historians,
the Paris corpus, was undertaken. Furthermore, Byzantium captivated the
minds of the French monarchs, who took a personal interest in it and patronized the study of its civilization. For example, the Bourbons liked to model their
court ceremonial on the Byzantine. Pierre Poussines, a French philologist of
the Age of Absolutism, considered it a special honor to re-dedicate an eleventhcentury Byzantine work of court oratory to the Sun King, Louis XIV. A treatise
on kingship written under Justinian circulated widely in the French royal court,
and Louis XIII himself translated parts of it from Greek into French.
Yet, Byzantium was not to stay in fashion for very long. The eighteenth century ushered in the period of the Enlightenment, which passed a harsh judgment on Byzantine civilization. Byzantium became the embodiment of what
the Age of Reason opposed: an authoritarian political system; a culture permeated by blind religious belief and lack of creativity; and a society fervently
hostile to any notion of reform. Examples abound of Byzantiums condemnation by the luminaries of the Enlightenment. For Voltaire (-), Byzantine history was nothing but a worthless collection of declamations and
miracles, a disgrace for the human mind (Vaseliev , ). In his Outlines
of a Philosophy of the History of Man published in , the German philosopher Herder (-) presented a similarly negative picture. He admitted
that Byzantium made some positive contributions to Western culture, such
as the transmission of the classical Greek intellectual heritage. Yet, he saw in
Byzantium itself no sign of progress of the human spirit, bemoaned the inextricable fusion between the Byzantine church and state (a situation for which
he deemed Emperor Constantine the Great to be responsible), and wondered
how such an empire stood for so long (Herder ). The German philosopher Hegel (-), who built upon Herders ideas in his Lectures on the
Philosophy of History, was harsher and has left us one of the most caricatured
descriptions of Byzantine civilization:
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the human spirit incompatible with the individualism inherent in the German
soul ([] , ). A historian of the Empire of Trebizond and of Frankish
Peloponnese, Fallmerayer worked as a journalist in Istanbul and throughout his
life supported the ideas of German liberalism. He found no saving grace either
in Byzantium or in its legacy. He defined modern Greek identity in a notoriously
racial fashion, hypothesizing that the Greeks completely lost their connection
with the ancient Hellenes during the Byzantine period and became nothing
else than Greek-speaking Slavs, themselves a low race in the Hegelian scheme
of evolution. Fallmerayer also denounced the Byzantine legacy in Russia. In his
essay Rome and Byzantium, Fallmerayer saw an uninterrupted line of ideological continuity between Byzantium and the Russian empire. Condemning
the Byzantine emperors as despots and caesaropapists, he considered Byzantine autocracy to have been reborn in Moscow. But most of all, he was horrified
at the prospect of restoration of a Greco-Slavic Byzantine empire dominated
by Russia on the Bosporos ([] , -). Byzantinism became thus synonymous with an ideology of despotism and expansionism. Even Karl Marx
(-), in an article about the Crimean War written in in London and
published in New York in the New York Daily Tribune on August , saw
Russias Byzantinism as the antithesis of Western civilization and as synonymous with monarchism, expansionism, and a reactionary ideology.
Thus Byzantinism, originating from the stereotyping and essentializing of a
medieval civilization, was transformed into a popular construct used by journalists and politicians, and detached from original historical reality of Byzantium. It became a political slogan, a rallying cry against the conservative governments in nineteenth-century Europe. The understanding of Byzantinism
as hatched during the nineteenth century has passed intact into the modern
vocabulary of Western languages. The Websters Dictionary of the English Language equates Byzantinism with state domination over religion, a definition
that corresponds to Burckhardts views. In German, Byzantinismus means despotism and servility in the face of authority, the true marks of Byzantine political culture (Brockhaus Enzyklopdie ).
In French and Italian, Byzantinism has a slightly different meaning. It is
described as the propensity to discuss subtle and trivial matters, perhaps by
analogy with the petty religious disputes of the Byzantines, and is also a synonym of decadence and verbal intricacy (Larousse ; Dizionario Enciclopedico Italiano ).
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The evolution of the Byzantinist discourses did not stop with the creation of
an essentialized, stereotypical understanding of a medieval civilization and the
coining of a concept that entered popular language. A new step was taken in
the nineteenth century among journalists and political thinkers, who imposed
Byzantinism as a legacy on Eastern Europe. At the time when Fallmerayer and
Marx imputed to Russia a Byzantine ideological heritage, in tsarist Russia itself
the word Byzantinism (vizantinizm) also entered the political vocabulary
with a meaning similar to Fallmerayers and Marxs. In contrast to the West, in
nineteenth-century Russia the assessment of Byzantium was gloatingly positive and its legacy welcome. Konstantin Leontiev (-), a blue-blooded
Russian aristocrat, Panslavist, diplomat to the Ottoman Empire, and prolific
essayist, saw Byzantinism as the principle of imperial autocracy. Yet, he viewed
Byzantinism positively as the ideological alternative to Western bourgeois liberalism, defining it as the body of religious, political, philosophical, and aesthetic ideas that made Russia unique. One may be struck by the remarkable
similarity in the construction of the Byzantinist discourse in nineteenth-century Russia and in the West: in both cases Byzantium was reduced to an essence
(the autocracy that differs from Western liberalism) and was grafted onto the
present as a historical legacy. The sole difference lay in the fact that the Russian intellectual admired what the German stigmatized.
Byzantinism was projected as a historical legacy not only onto Russia, but
also onto the Balkans. It was a crippling legacy that sealed the historical fate of
the region. The British diplomat Sir George Young, whom the Carnegie Endowment for World Peace commissioned after the end of the Second Balkan War in
to investigate the causes for conflict in the Balkans, blamed the failure of
the Ottoman Empire to modernize on nothing else than Asiatic Byzantinism.
The British diplomat saw in Byzantinism a decadent social system with no
democracy, no simple virtues, and no sound vitality. The decadence of the
Turk, he wrote, dates from the day when Constantinople was taken and not
destroyed. The imperial legacy of Byzantinism, transmitted through the symbolism of the city on the Bosporos, was diametrically opposed to European
nationalism, which Sir Young (writing shortly before the outbreak of World
War I) viewed in very positive terms. The failure of the Turks, he concluded,
is due to Byzantinism, the daughter of the horse leech (, ).
With the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the final establishment
of the modern Balkan states, Byzantinism continued to be viewed as a sort of
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historical stigma on the area. For English novelist, historian, and social anthropologist Robert Briffault (-), the Byzantine legacy had inflicted irreversible historical damage on the Balkans. In his philosophy of history (characteristically, he entitled one of his chapters Barbarism and Byzantinism)
published in he wrote:
Byzantium contributed nothing to human culture and civilization,
nothing to the resurrection of Europe. To those countries which
developed under its influence, to Russia and to the Balkan people,
it has bequeathed those elements which constitute not their civilization but their barbarism. (, ).
The Hegelian assumptions of the author emerge clearly from the books title,
Rational Evolution. Therefore, his views of Byzantium and Byzantinism need
not surprise us.
Byzantinism appeared in yet another form after the Soviet Revolution in ,
this time viewed as a macabre historical legacy that led to the establishment of a
Marxist regime in Russia. R. Jenkins, a twentieth-century historian, wrote as the
Cold War was raging that the study of Byzantium, and in particular the understanding of Byzantinism, can help one comprehend better the Soviet Union.
He saw Byzantinism primarily as a political and ideological legacy, and was of
the opinion that the Soviet Union had adopted its theocratic and monolithic
structure, its divinely sanctioned claim to world domination, its instinctive
hatred and its mistrust of the West from Byzantium (, ). In another
book Jenkins elaborated on the idea of a Byzantine legacy in Russia. He explicitly declared his theoretical assumption: [A]s in the development of species, so
in the development of ideas or moulds of thought, sudden and radical change
is unknown. Accordingly, Byzantium was considered to have left a gruesome
legacy among the Russians in the form of an imperialistic and authoritarian
ideology. The medieval empire and not the Marxist ideas formulated in nineteenth-century Germany and England was called upon to account for the
ruling ideology of the Soviet Union (Jenkins , , ).
The mechanisms through which Byzantinism is constructed appear clear
cut. Byzantinism begins from simple stereotypes, passes through reductionism and essentialization, and then proceeds to impute Byzantiums supposed
essence onto the modern Balkans or Russia as a burden of history. It is a construction that seeks to categorize the Balkans as Europes other through the
glib creation of a historical context. The premise underlying the various permutations of Byzantinist discourses is simple: nothing has changed since the
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pose in a meaningful way the question about the relation between the secular
and religious spheres in Byzantium. Indeed, a famous historian has proposed
the term dyarchy, or two powers, as a more appropriate designation for the
dynamic of church-state relations in Byzantium (Ostrogorsky , -).
Caesaropapism refers to a political system in which the head of state is also the
head of the church and supreme judge in religious matters. To quote Webers
famous definition, The caesaropapistic ruler exercises supreme authority in
ecclesiastic matters by virtue of his autonomous legitimacy (, :). In
Byzantium, the emperors control over the church consisted of some important
rights, such as the appointment of patriarchs, changes in the diocese structure,
and convocation of ecumenical councils. On the other hand, the Byzantine
emperor had less control over the appointment of bishops than over the designation of the patriarch. According to the legal regulations, the patriarchal
or episcopal synod was empowered to elect the bishop from among three or
more candidates nominated by an electoral college consisting of city notables
and clergy. Laymen were explicitly prohibited from interfering in the election
and ordination of bishops (Brhier , ff; Dagron , -).
Furthermore, imperial control over the church never meant that the emperor
managed to impose in a lasting way new dogmas and belief practices. Indeed,
the church was a powerful institution that no emperor could ignore. In all the
dogmatic conflicts throughout the centuries where emperors and the church
crossed swords the Christological controversies, iconoclasm, the Union of the
Churches, and so on the church always gained the upper hand. On occasion,
Byzantine patriarchs opposed and excommunicated emperors. To be sure, a
persistent struggle between rulers and popes, like the Investiture controversy
in the West, never took place in Byzantium; yet, like in the West, strong-willed
patriarchs did at times claim an ideological superiority over the emperor and
even developed hierocratic theories of patriarchal kingship.
The concept of caesaropapism reduces church-state relations in Byzantium
mainly to the power of the Byzantine emperor over the church. The moment
when the inquiry is broadened beyond the position of the emperor with respect
to the church, the secular and the religious spheres appear to coexist in Byzantine society on an equal footing. Secular and ecclesiastical learning, secular and
ecclesiastical courts, Roman and ecclesiastical law, all coexisted in Byzantium.
In some respect, Byzantium appears to have drawn a more rigid line between
politics and religion. Unlike the medieval West where the pope was empow-
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tion, in which Byzantine politics lay throughout the centuries, was a sign of
the openness of the imperial office to any candidate. The late Roman tradition,
by which the senate, the army, and the people elected and acclaimed the new
emperor, was an important part of Byzantine political thought. This constitutional theory, together with Old Testament models of rulership, provided a
constant justification for rebellions against emperors deemed not to have fulfilled their political duties. Indeed, the right of rebellion against an unjust ruler
constituted an important element of the political thinking of the Byzantines, a
political principle that looks too modern to be included in Byzantinist models
(Karayannopoulos , -).
One may also discover Byzantine practices of governance in the late Middle
Ages that paralleled contemporary European trends, yet do not fit into the evolutionist model of formative historical experiences and are therefore excluded
from the imputed essence of Byzantium. Twenty-five popular assemblies convened in Byzantium between and , at a time when representative parliaments were emerging also in medieval England and France (Tsirpanlis ,
-). Some of these assemblies were even convened in order to approve the
introduction of new taxes. The similarity with the constitutional principle of
taxation versus representation embodied in the Magna Charta is obvious. Even
expansionism, the denounced ideological principle of a universalist empire,
was not the ideology that drove Byzantine foreign policy in the late period
of its history. The re-conquest of lost territories did indeed play a significant
ideological role during the reign of Justinian (-) as well as in the ninth
and tenth centuries. However, in late Byzantium, as the empire became smaller,
fragmented, and more ethnically homogenous, the ideology of political unity
among the Hellenes emerged as an important political principle (Ahrweiler
, -).
The comparison between Byzantinism as a construct and Byzantium as a
real historical phenomenon may continue endlessly and proceed to focus on
ever-greater details. This is not our goal, nor is it particularly expedient to do
so. It seems that no sane historian nowadays would claim that a millennial civilization could easily be reduced to a simple essence. And certainly others have
bemoaned the grave injustice that Byzantinism as a construct has inflicted on
the real Byzantium. Twentieth-century scholars, whose life-long devotion to
Byzantine studies often made them appreciate their subject, have already tried
to crack the nut of Byzantinism by attempting to place the real Byzantium in its
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or unconsciously. Byzantinism may be dealt with in the same way as has been
done with Orientalism and Balkanism. We may deconstruct it by examining
its structure and usages; we may disprove it by putting Byzantium in its proper
historical context while at the same time not idealizing it; and in the end we
may just dismiss it as a simple paradigm, as a pure construct of language. Yet,
dangers do exist. The way Byzantinism has been projected onto the troubled
region of the Balkans reaffirms age-old perceptions and deflects attention from
real problems. By using a stereotype derived from and about a medieval empire,
we may unawares push the Balkans back into the Middle Ages.
N C O
I should like to thank Professor Todorova for her helpful comments and encouragement while I was writing this article.
See Todorova (, -) on the differences between Orientalism and Balkanism.
Other aspects of Orientalism, such as the presence of exoticizing and colonialist discourses, seem to be absent from Byzantinism.
On the beginnings of the scholarly study of Byzantium and on some harsh judgments
of the Enlightenment, see Vasiliev (-).
The court of Louis XIV had adopted elements from Byzantine ceremonial. See Kantarowicz (-).
Poussines published the eleventh-century oration of Theophylaktos of Ohrid on Constantine Doukas in . He rededicated it to Louis XIV and furnished it with a new
title more appropriate for the occasion (Gautier , -).
On the enduring popularity of the treatise by Agapetos the Deacon in France, see
evenko and Blum (-).
The fact that Herder knew of Gibbon is evident from a footnote comment in his Outlines of a Philosophy of the History of Man, published six years after the publication of
Decline and Fall. In it Herder defended Gibbon against the detractors of his book, who
accused its author of having made an offense against the Christian religion (Herder
, ).
See also G. Dagron ().
The definition is by the father of the discipline of sociology, Max Weber (-).
See Weber (:).
On the use of caesaropapism as a slander, see Dagron (-).
As Toumanoff himself admits, much of his analysis is indebted to the nineteenth-century French historian Fustel de Coulanges and his famous La cit antique (The ancient
city) (). For an analysis of the ideas of Fustel de Coulanges about church-state
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