Feedback Seeking and Social Networking During Job Search

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Feedback-Seeking and Social Networking Behaviors During Job Search: A

Conceptual Model
Bogdan Yamkovenko and John Paul Hatala
Human Resource Development Review 2014 13: 102 originally published online 30
September 2013
DOI: 10.1177/1534484313497948
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HRD13110.1177/1534484313497948Human Resource Development ReviewYamkovenko and Hatala
Theory and Conceptual Article
Feedback-Seeking and Social

Networking Behaviors During
Job Search: A Conceptual
Model
Human Resource Development Review

2014, Vol. 13(1) 102124
2013 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/1534484313497948
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Bogdan Yamkovenko1 and John Paul Hatala1
Abstract
This paper combines research on self-regulation, social resource theory, and weak
tie theory to propose a conceptual model for why some people network more than
others when searching for a job. This article explores the hypothetical relationship
between social networking behaviors and self-regulatory mechanisms. Specifically,
the focus is on explaining the differences in the job seekers feedback-seeking and
networking behaviors and how they vary depending on state and trait goal orientation,
motives for feedback seeking, and types of ties the job seekers connect with. A
conceptual model of self-regulation and social networking behaviors presents a set
of testable relationships that can be explored using correlational and experimental
methods. The article also proposes specific research directions for testing the model
and discusses the practical implications of the relationships.
Keywords
goal orientation, social networking behaviors, feedback seeking, job search
In a recent editorial published in HRDR, Hill, Kuchinke, and Zinser (2013) argued that
human resource development (HRD) and career and technical education are not quite
ready to meet the needs of the 21st century. In addition, the authors posit that while
jobs in science, medicine, and engineering are available, they go unfilled because
1Rochester
Institute of Technology, NY, USA
Corresponding Author:
John Paul Hatala, George Brown College, 200 King Street East, PO Box 1015, Station B, Room 490F,
Toronto, Ontario, M5T 2T9.
Email: jxhism@rit.edu
Yamkovenko and Hatala
103
many candidates lack required skills. What is HRD research and practice doing to
address this issue?
At the 2013 Academy of Human Resource Development (AHRD) conference a
keynote speaker, Dr. Carnevale, discussed how during economic crises in the past many
people who lost their jobs would often go back to the same jobs when the recovery
began. Carnevale (2013) suggested that this is no longer the case because many jobs
that were lost during the last crisis were low-skill jobs that may not have a place in the
current economy. Therefore many job seekers may require reskilling and relearning.
How can HRD help? We believe one way is to capitalize on one of HRD competencies
of developing and designing an environment conducive to learning. Another way is to
develop marketable skills, which include job-specific skills and interpersonal skills.
But relearning as an adult may depend on self-regulation. Skill acquisition is not just
about ability to learn, it also requires knowing which skills you need to learn. For that
job seekers need to reach to their social resources. This problem therefore combines
two fields of research and practiceself-regulation and social networking behaviors.
Since the beginning of the global economic slowdown in 2008, job search has been
an important concern and often a necessity for many who have become unemployed.
While the level of unemployment has been declining, it is a misleading number. This
number does not include those that are not actively looking for work (Bureau of Labor
Statistics, 2013). This group of people, called discouraged workers, is a part of a larger
group known as workers marginally attached to workforce. The marginally attached
workers are those that are not in the labor force, want work, and are available for work,
while discouraged workers are those that believe that no work is available for them. Of
long-term unemployed (4.7 million, or 36% of all unemployed), 2.6 million persons
are marginally attached to workforce and 885,000 are discouraged workers (Bureau of
Labor Statistics, February, 2013). The situation of the discouraged workers is particularly interesting because it may be indicative of combination of personal and situational factors, some of which could be addressed by practitioners in career development
fields and HRD in general.
Combining several theoretical perspectives may be a potential interdisciplinary
solution to a problem of discouraged workforce, long-term unemployment, and skill
upgrade to better prepare the workforce for the needs of the 21st century. This approach
combines research and practice in HRD, career development, and social psychology.
This article proposes a framework that unifies self-regulatory skills, social networking
behaviors, and self-directed learning in an effort to explain job search success.
Although there are a number of different approaches to address this phenomenon, we
chose to focus on self-regulation framework due to the grounded research that has
already been conducted in explaining the intricate mechanisms of how individuals
seek feedback. Feedback is instrumental in skill development, learning, and monitoring ones progress toward a goal, which are all important in the job search process
(Ashford, Blatt, & Vande Walle, 2003). Therefore, the conceptual model developed in
this article attempts to explain the feedback-seeking mechanisms that occur based on
goal orientations that either facilitate or hinder social networking behaviors and the
outcomes they lead to.
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Human Resource Development Review 13(1)
This article is structured as follows: We first review the research on self-regulation

and job search and discuss how self-regulatory skills, goal orientations, and implicit
theories of personality interact to explain different ways people deal with uncertain
and autonomous achievement situations; we then incorporate social resource theory
and discuss how the social networking behaviors, quantity and types of ties people
have, may depend on self-regulatory skills. Finally we combine these variables into a
conceptual model, which is currently undergoing empirical testing, and which is
designed to suggest practical courses of action to HRD and career development practitioners, to not only increase the likelihood of reemployment in the short-term but to
also improve the skill set of the workforce well into the future.
HRD Relevance
This paper contributes to the research in HRD in several ways. First, in terms of career
development research, which has been one of the established focal points of human
resource development (McDonald & Hite, 2005, p. 418), it suggests an explanation
to why people choose to persist and relearn or withdraw from job search. Herr (2001)
suggested that career development serves the purpose of support for establishing new
career directions. This implies that career development does not just occur on the job
but also takes place during job search. The ability to establish a new career direction
depends on ones ability to adjust to a new job or career requirements and it is within
the role of career development and HRD professionals to determine what can be done
to manage this process.
Second, while self-directed learning (SDL) has a large body of literature, there
is a need to add depth to this line of research (Ellinger, 2004). Among the research
directions in the SDL domain, it is important to examine the influence of contextual
factors on SDL. The job search context provides a very interesting and unique context for SDL. By using our proposed model as a framework, researchers can investigate the variables that affect SDL in the context of job search and other autonomous
tasks.
Finally, there has been a growing interest in HRD in the concept of social networking behaviors and how these behaviors affect individual and organizational
outcomes (e.g., Hatala, 2006; Hatala & Fleming, 2007; Storberg-Walker & Gubbins,
2007). This article attempts to explain social networking behaviors in the job search
context from the standpoint of self-regulation theory. In other words, it is an attempt
in HRD and the psychology literature to explain why some job seekers use networking and others do not. It has been shown in research (e.g., Hatala, 2007) that job
seekers who network find jobs faster than those that do not. Understanding why this
happens may allow HRD practitioners to develop tools and methods to help job
seekers reach out to others for help in finding job leads, getting feedback on their
skills and skill gaps, and obtaining support when experiencing setbacks. All this may
seem counterproductive to an organizations efforts to retain employees; the effort
will not only increase the number of individuals in the candidate pool but also
increase the quality of people applying.
105
Job Search
It is important at the outset to define the variables critical to the job search process and
specify the boundaries of this study. First, the distinction should be made between the
job search and the outcomes of the job search. The most important outcome of the job
search is employment status (employed versus unemployed). The employment status
is often measured by asking an individual to report whether they are employed or
unemployed by some predetermined time period. The other two employment outcome
measures are job search duration and number of job offers (Kanfer, Wanberg, &
Kantrowitz, 2001).
One of the main antecedents of these outcomes is the job search intensity, which is
a common measure of the job search (Saks, 2006). Job search intensity is often measured by asking an individual to indicate the frequency with which he or she engages
in particular behaviors typical of the job search process (e.g., submitting resumes,
going to job interviews). Job search effort is another measure of job search, and
involves a self-reported perceived amount of effort exerted during the job search.
Although this second measure has stronger relationships with job search outcomes, it
is more vulnerable to exaggeration and impression management on the part of the
respondents (Kanfer et al., 2001). In addition, the job search effort measure does not
capture the variety of behaviors that are salient in the job search process. For example,
in assessing the intensity of the job search process researchers can determine whether
job seekers engaged in such behaviors as attending job fairs and resume writing
classes, soliciting feedback on their resume characteristics, tailoring resumes and
cover letters to each specific position, and reaching out to various social resources.
Often, the process of finding a job is long and arduous, and requires effort and commitment from the job seeker. Kanfer et al. (2001) suggest that looking for a job is
equivalent to an unstructured, ambiguous, and autonomous work task. It requires significant self-regulation on the part of the job seeker. The individual must set appropriate goals, structure the approach to the job search task, make decisions about the
intensity of effort to exert, and periodically adjust efforts and strategies (Blau, 1994).
Therefore, Kanfer et al. (2001) defined job search as the outcome of a dynamic, recursive self-regulated process.
The self-regulated nature of the process of job search suggests that it is likely to
change over time, which means that the intensity of the job search, and therefore frequency of various job search behaviors, can decrease, increase, or remain stable
(Wanberg, Glomb, Song, & Sorenson, 2005). Wanberg et al. (2005) suggest that getting discouraged, adjusting the goals, and uncertainty about what to do next may all
contribute to the change in job search intensity. This complexity of the job search
behaviors is a function of interaction of personal tendencies, personal and social conditions, and desire to obtain employment (Kanfer et al., 2001).
Job search is also not a process many people are accustomed to and feel comfortable in. Often they find themselves in the job search process unexpectedly, like after
an abrupt organizational change, and must initiate and navigate the job search process
on their own. Reaching out to others during this process may be instrumental not only
106
in finding job leads but also in dealing with setbacks and understanding what skills or
knowledge must be acquired to secure the next job. It is therefore instructive to examine the job search process in terms of these self-regulatory mechanisms. In the next
section, we will review self-regulation research and introduce some applications of
this area to the problem of job search.
Self-Regulation
Self-regulation is a purposive process of making self-corrective adjustments to stay on
track (Carver & Scheier, 2012). Staying on track may imply moving toward or sometimes away from a goal. Self-regulation may be conceptualized in terms of three main
components: goal setting, goal operating, and goal monitoring (Burnette, OBoyle,
VanEpps, Pollack, & Finkel, 2012). Goals are a hierarchical concept. For example in
the process of job search goals may be arranged from high-level goals of being a provider for the family or a successful individual, to lower level goals of obtaining a position of employment, acquiring a new skill, or writing a cover letter for a specific job
(Carver & Scheier, 1998). Not only is job search a self-regulated process, but it also
consists of many subprocesses that are by their nature self-regulation processes.
Getting discouraged, dealing with setbacks, and adjusting goals are the elements of
the complex system of self-regulatory mechanisms. Based on socio-cognitive theory,
planning and forethought, reflection, self-efficacy evaluation, and self-monitoring are all
important in this process (Bandura, 1997). Alternatively, Carver and Scheiers (1981)
self-control theory provides a very similar conceptualization of self-regulation processes. Both approaches are conceptually similar, but self-control theory offers a clear
division of self-regulatory processes into three components: goal setting, goal operating,
and goal monitoring (Figure 1). After the goal is set, people enact strategies to achieve
the goal or operate the goal. As they do so the information on progress and distance from
goal serves as an input function for goal monitoring, which results in strategy adjustment. This represents a negative feedback loop on which control theories rely. All three
are enacted in the job search process, and constructs like job search intensity can be
clearly linked to the goal-operating process, while other self-regulatory variables like
goal orientation can be linked to goal-setting and goal-monitoring processes.
A part of the job search process may be learning new skills required to secure ones
next position of employment. Those job-seekers who are no longer in the educational
system face different challenges then those who are attempting to make the transition
from school to work and as a result any learning that occurs during the job search may
be self-directed. SDL can take place in the formal or informal learning context
(Ellinger, 2004). In addition, the SDL process has been conceptualized as a self-regulatory process in several models (e.g., Garrison, 1997; Merriam & Caffarella, 1999).
Many models that incorporate cognitive and metacognitive processes in explaining
self-directed models include self-management, goal-setting, and self-reflection as
important elements of SDL (Merriam & Caffarella, 1999). In other words SDL may be
affected by the same self-regulatory variables we will discuss in this article.
107
Figure 1. Self-regulation process based on Carver and Scheiers (1998) control theory.
Source. Adapted from Burnette et al. (2012). The path between goal setting and goal monitoring is
changed from unidirectional to bidirectional to represent the possibility of adjusting or changing to goal
based on goal monitoring.
More importantly, SDL does not have to occur in isolation, as learners can and do
draw on social resources to assist them (Ellinger, 2004). They can do so in two ways:
by obtaining learning resources from their contacts and by seeking feedback on the
current state of their skills and progress toward goals. The feedback-seeking behavior
is also rooted in self-regulation theory (Ashford & Cummings, 1983). Feedback seeking is part of monitoring of ones progress toward the goal. People seek feedback
based on three types of motives: instrumental, ego-boosting, and image-preserving
motive. The motives result in different methods of feedback seeking, inquiry versus
monitoring, and in different outcomes of the feedback. For example, when people seek
feedback based on instrumental motive, they are specifically interested in direct evaluation of their ability and are less likely to use monitoring, or comparing themselves
with others (Ashford et al., 2003).
Implicit Personality Theories and Goal Orientation

The self-regulation process outlined above in terms of goal-setting, goal-monitoring,
and goal-operating phases offers a simplified picture of what happens in an achievement situation. However, this process does not illuminate what affects each component and why there are differences in the way people handle each phase. One of the
explanatory variables that have been considered in research is the implicit personality
beliefs. Dweck and Leggett (1988) suggested that people vary in their beliefs about
malleability of the human attributes. Specifically, some people see their abilities as
108
fixed and someas malleable. This difference is encompassed in what is known as

entity and incremental theories of personality, respectively (Dweck & Leggett, 1988).
Such beliefs affect the way people approach achievement situations, in that incremental theorists believe that achieving a goal depends on exerting effort, and a discrepancy
between the current state and a desired state can be reduced by ramping up the efforts.
Conversely, the entity theorists believe that the achievement of a goal depends solely
on their ability, and the discrepancy between the current state and a desired state is
indicative of the lack of ability. Clearly, such differences may result in very different
ways people set goals, operate the goals, and monitor the progress toward the goals.
Implicit theories may affect the types of goals people set at the goal-setting stage,
strategies they choose during the goal-operating stage, and the way they manage negative emotions and expectations during the goal-monitoring stage (Burnette et al.,
2012).
At the goal-setting phase, people may set one of the several different types of goals
as a function of their implicit beliefs. They can set performance or learning goals, at
the most basic level of distinction, and then each of these types of goals can be further
subdivided into approach and avoidance types. These are known as goal orientations,
and they contribute to the self-regulatory process by affecting the types of goals people
set (Kanfer, 1990). Learning and performance goal orientationtwo broad dimensions of one constructhave been shown to influence different types of performance
outcomes and to evoke various types of behaviors in performance settings (e.g.,
Arenas, Tabernero, & Briones, 2006; Button, Mathieu, & Zajac, 1996; Sujan, Weitz, &
Kumar, 1994; VandeWalle, 2001). Because of the nature of this construct, it is specifically related to dispositional and situational goal preferences in achievement situations
(Payne, Youngcourt, & Beaubien, 2007).
Individuals with high learning goal orientation focus on increasing their learning or
task competence, seeking challenges, and persisting in the case of failure (Dweck &
Leggett, 1988). In contrast, individuals with high performance goal orientation are
interested in demonstrating task competence through gaining positive and avoiding
negative judgments of competence. The performance-oriented individuals tend to
avoid challenges, decrease their effort and persistence following failure, and fear negative evaluation by others (Button et al., 1996). Performance goal orientation was later
dichotomized into performance approach and performance avoidance goal orientation
(VandeWalle, 1997). Although this conceptualization is interesting for the nomological studies of goal orientation, for the current purpose the distinction between learning
and performance goal orientation is sufficient. Performance goals, be they approach or
avoidance, are rooted in fixed perceptions of ability. Consequently, performance
avoidance and approach individuals tend to assess their performance through normative comparisons and may not set challenging goals (VandeWalle, 1997). This entity
perception of ability and relying on normative comparisons is the key distinction
between learning and performance goal orientations.
Performance goal orientation is essentially manifested in a shortsighted effort to
look good to others (VandeWalle, 2001). Therefore, it can be surmised that goal
orientation indicates whether an individual is interested in long-term success and
109
development or short-term attainment of an objective. Performance goal-oriented

individuals select a task they know can be accomplished using what they know,
because they tend to believe their skills are fixed, and are discouraged by mistakes and
failure (VandeWalle, 2001). These individuals may not persevere when obstacles arise
and will avoid challenging tasks. Because being discouraged by failure and criticism
may curb development and lead to subpar performance, performance goal orientation
may lead to goal abandonment and downward adjustment of goal difficulty.
Learning goal orientation, on the other hand, affects achievement situations differently. Individuals with learning goal orientation are focused on developing new skills,
attempting to understand new skills, and successfully achieving self-referenced standards for mastery (Ford, Weissbein, Smith, Salas, & Gully, 1998). They prefer challenging tasks, and therefore may aspire to achieve more than their counterparts with
performance goals do. They believe that their efforts lead to success and exhibit greater
persistence in the face of difficulties. In uncertain and new situations, learning goal
orientation may help individuals deal with obstacles and view errors as learning opportunities. In addition, learning-oriented individuals view negative feedback as useful
information that can help facilitate skill development (Arenas et al., 2006; Ford et al.,
1998). The differences in the feedback-seeking behaviors that result from different
goal orientations are key to the propositions we are making in this article.
Current literature suggests that assessment of ability and task characteristics may
influence goal orientation. Dweck (1986) and Vandewalle (1997) conceptualized goal
orientation as a relatively stable trait-like construct. However, some studies induced
learning and performance goals, thus showing that goal orientation may also be seen
as a state (Kozlowski et al., 2001; Martocchio, 1994; Stevens & Gist, 1997; Van Hooft
& Noordzij, 2009). The possibility of inducement of a particular goal orientation
makes it an important variable in the job search context and many other HRD-related
contexts that involve learning, relearning, and adapting to new circumstances. Unlike
traits that are relatively stable and difficult to alter, self-regulatory mechanisms like
goal orientation can be changed through interventions, which means they can be
advantageous in job search training contexts. This also means that HRD and career
development professionals are well positioned to affect the state goal orientation in
achievement contexts, specifically in job search. Elements of training design, training
delivery, approach to goal setting, and designing supportive environments within
employment agencies are fruitful avenues to influence the state goal orientations, perhaps maladaptive responses triggered by trait goal orientations. In the next section we
will examine current research on the role of goal orientation in job search.
Goal Orientation and Job Search

Earlier in this paper, we mentioned Kanfers (1990) assertion that job search is a
dynamic, self-regulatory process, akin to performance in an uncertain, autonomous
job task. As such, both goal orientations play an important role in this process. Van
Hooft and Noordzij (2009) suggest that job search consists of a deliberative phase during which individuals process information available to them and a behavioral phase
110
during which the job seekers act on their intentions and attempt to achieve the goal.
The deliberative phase is an intentional phase and mirrors the goal-setting phase proposed by Carver and Scheier (1998) and discussed above. This phase ends in the formation of state goal orientation, which in turn guides the behavior job seekers engage
in during the process of a search for a job. This is also congruent with the theorizing
by Kozlowski and Bell (2006) that contextual factors at the goal-setting phase or during task initiation create performance versus learning goal content and thus induce
goal orientation states. The goal-operating phase proposed by Carver and Scheier
(1998) parallels the behavioral phase discussed by Van Hooft and Noordzij (2009).
Given that goal orientation is a motivational construct (Payne et al., 2007), the way in
which goals are constructed with the goal orientation are those that define direction,
level, and intensity of effort. This means that the behavioral phase, which comes after
the deliberative phase, will be to some extent determined by the decisions made in the
deliberative phase.
If an individual adopts learning goal orientation, particular behaviors may be likely,
such as feedback and advice seeking, persistent attempts at solving problems, and use
of various strategies. At the same time, other behaviors are less likely to occur, such as
challenge avoidance and withdrawal after negative feedback (Elliott & Dweck, 1988).
We also know that learning goal- and performance goal-oriented individuals select and
set goals of varied difficulty (Elliott & Dweck, 1988). This means that in a job search
situation, performance goal-oriented individuals may set goals of lower difficulty and
lower standards for themselves. This could translate into sending out fewer resumes,
making fewer contacts, or not applying to positions similar to the ones from which an
individual gets rejected. These behaviors suggest lower intensity of job search and, as
discussed above, lower intensity of job search behaviors leads to lower likelihood of
finding a job. Therefore, performance goal-oriented individuals may be at a disadvantage in their job search efforts.
Lower intensity of job search may also stem from the perceptions of ability as fixed
and viewing the need to increase effort as an indicator of low ability (Dweck &
Leggett, 1988). Performance-oriented individuals perceive that their failures are the
results of their low ability and an increase in effort will not lead to an improved performance. Therefore, any failure in the job search process, like a rejection letter, lack
of interviews, or absence of a callback, is predictive of future failures to such individuals. Because performance-oriented individuals attempt to avoid failures and only
engage in tasks that help them display their competence to others, they may limit their
job search activities, thus reducing their chances of getting an interview and eventually
finding a new place of employment.
Van Hooft and Noordzij (2009) posit that the difficulty and independent nature of
the job search process calls for an individual that sets challenging goals and persists at
achieving these goals. Therefore, learning goal orientation and learning goal orientation training may increase the job search intensity, thereby increasing the likelihood of
finding a job. Because learning goal-oriented individuals attribute failure to effort, any
setbacks in the job search process are attributed to low effort. The effort is then
increased by analyzing and changing job search strategies (Van Hooft & Noordzij,
111
2009). This means that learning goal-oriented individuals may engage in a variety of
job search behaviors, and adjust these behaviors if some of the behaviors or strategies
are not effective. For example, after sending out resumes and not getting callbacks,
learning goal-oriented individuals may expand their efforts by going to job fairs, calling people they know, and participating in job search educational programs.
Much of the research that examined the influences of goal orientation on important
vocational, educational, and life outcomes focused on trait goal orientation (Chiaburu
& Marinova, 2005; Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Vandewalle, 1997). In older studies of
goal orientation, it was suggested that trait goal orientation is a trait-like construct but
if a situation offers strong contextual cues about rewards, competition, effort, and
evaluation standards, such cues may influence goal orientation (VandeWalle &
Cummings, 1997). Van Hooft and Noordzij (2009) induced stage goal orientation
while controlling for trait goal orientation. In their study, they found that a workshop
that helped job seekers set learning goals resulted in higher reemployment probabilities and higher intentions to engage in job seeking than a workshop on setting performance goals. This finding has important implications for job search in general and for
the argument that the authors of this article are developing.
Feedback Seeking
The way in which people seek and process feedback is very important in most HRD
contexts. For example, seeking feedback is critical in developing emotional intelligence and interpersonal competence (Ashford et al., 2003). It is also instrumental in
skill development, career exploration, and error identification (Russ-Eft, 2002).
Helping job seekers set learning goals rather than performance goals may reduce
their focus on normative comparisons. The difference between an intrapersonal standard and a normative standard may have serious implications in the job search process.
People who make normative comparisons and want to avoid tasks that may expose
their perceived low ability to others may refrain from important job-seeking behaviors
like feedback seeking. Ashford (1989) suggested that people evaluate the costs of
feedback-seeking behaviors and among these costs are ego and self-presentation costs.
Negative feedback may increase perceived ego costs. Performance goal-oriented individuals may refrain from seeking feedback because they may perceive the ego costs
and self-presentation costs to be very high as they consider negative feedback and
exposing their need for help to be an evaluation of their level of ability (VandeWalle
& Cummings, 1997).
Research showed that the people differ in their motives for seeking feedback. Some
individuals seek feedback to boost their ego or maintain self-image, others seek feedback for instrumental reasonsto improve their performance (Ashford et al., 2003).
In job search, feedback seeking is often an important part of the process. Job seekers
who seek feedback with instrumental motives may benefit significantly from asking
for feedback on their resumes and cover letters, soliciting feedback from others on
their interviewing abilities and even asking for feedback from job interviewers to
obtain information about the skills and experience they may be missing.
112
If the motive for such feedback-seeking behavior is ego boosting or image maintenance (Ashford et al., 2003) learning is not likely to occur. In addition, normative
comparisons often expose ability and skill discrepancies between self and others,
which also presents a threat to ones ego. An individual who is concerned with preserving ones image and boosting ones ego is unlikely to reach out to others, due to the
fear of exposing ones weaknesses. Given that normative comparisons are often made
by performance goal-oriented individuals, by definition, any discrepancy between self
and others is attributed to lack of ability rather than effort. This may result in learning
being perceived as exerting futile effort for reducing the discrepancy.
To extend the notion of feedback seeking further, similar mechanisms may operate
in situations that require interaction with others in the job seekers network or outside
of it. Many parts of the job search process, including job fairs, job search education
programs, and reaching out to acquaintances to inquire about openings, may have
similar ego and self-presentation costs and may be perceived by the job seeker as
opportunities to expose a weakness or low ability to others. It can be concluded from
the above discussion that performance goal orientation may lead to two debilitating
factors in the job searchlower likelihood of feedback seeking, and therefore less
SDL.
While the influence of trait goal orientation on job search intensity has been shown
in several, albeit limited number of studies (e.g. Creed, King, Hood, & McKenzie,
2009; Van Hooft & Noordzij, 2009), the link between goal orientations, and feedback
seeking and networking in job search has not been established. In fact, as stated earlier,
we do not know why some people network more than others during the job search.
However, an even more interesting link that is missing in the literature is between the
state goal orientation and these variables. Kozlowski and Bell (2006) discussed how
goal content, which is manifested in situational cues that either signal focus on mastery or performance, leads to inducing learning versus performance goal orientations.
Research has also shown that setting performance goals where learning is required
may not be the best strategy (Seijts & Latham, 2001). It is natural for job seekers to be
focused on finding a job as soon as possible, which is in essence a performance goal.
Many employment agencies may promise and focus on the same outcome, which is
naturally in their best interest. Although counter intuitive, the focus on finding a job
may not only be the down fall of the job seeker but the agency themselves, as their
funding is heavily reliant on the satisfaction of their clients. However this does not
necessarily address the long-term problem discussed at the outset, which is the problem of long-term unemployment and discouraged workers, possibly caused by the gap
the skills employers require and job seekers possess. Besides, during long-term unemployment, even high-skilled employees may experience skill atrophy, which may also
require relearning and networking to keep up-to-date on what is required in the labor
market (Kim & Polachek, 1994).
The value of social resource in the job process may seem apparent. But we only
have a surface-level understanding of the impact of trait and state goal orientations on
the networking behaviors, unless we consider social resource theory, and weak tie
theory. Research suggests that many jobs are often found through some sort of
113
networking, which includes contacting friends, acquaintances, and family (Granovetter,

1995; Schwab, Rynes, & Aldag, 1987). In addition, there is extensive research that
investigated the value of networking in industries where positions are not typically
advertised in the media, and in employment among graduating college students. In
both cases, the findings suggest that networking is an effective informal method of job
search (Meyer & Shadle, 1994; Stevens, Tirnauer, & Turban, 1997). But not all ties in
ones network are equally instrumental in the job search, and the relationship between
self-regulatory variables we have discussed so far may differ for different types of
connections. To fully understand the implications of social networks for the job search
process, it is instructive to review some research in this area.
A Social Network Theory Approach to Job Search

Research has suggested that an individuals network is critical to social mobility
(Dominguez & Watkins, 2003; Erickson, 1996; Lin, 2001; Stanton-Salazar &
Dombusch, 1995). More specifically, individuals with higher levels of social capital
have access to social resources that can be utilized to achieve a desired objective, such
as searching for a job (Burt, 2001; Flap & Boxman, 2001; Lin, 2001). As a result, those
people who possess effective networking skills may experience a more favorable
social position within their network and consequently have a greater exposure to job
related information (Blau, 1993; Brass, 1984; Lin, 2001; Mehra, Kilduff, & Brass,
2001; Pfeffer, 1991). The social position determines the potential benefits the individual may receive from their network. These benefits can be viewed as the ability to
access social capital, where certain structural attributes (e.g., centrality, structural
holes, strength of ties) lead to resources that will help achieve the desired objective.
Therefore, an individuals social position within a network may help to determine the
utility of the network itself.
The term network typically refers to a set of objects or nodes and the mapping of the
interaction and relationships between the objects (Parker, Cross, &Walsh, 2001;
Wasserman & Faust, 1994). Social network theory refers to the objects as people or
groups of people. By measuring the interactivity of individuals through mapping relationships, researchers can uncover the dynamics that exist between and within groups.
Social capital is one example of why social network theory is studied. By understanding the mappings connecting individuals to a set of others, we stand to learn
much about how individuals use their connections to achieve desired outcomes
(Coleman, 1988). From a job search perspective, actors within the network can
improve behaviors or gain access to job-related information based on the connections
they possess. In addition, the level of social capital helps to determine how individuals
use their position within a network to accumulate power in social settings. The process
in which social network theories were tested and validated involved the empirical
rigor of social network analysis.
Some of the formal theoretical properties in the network perspective include centrality (betweenness, closeness, and degree), position (structural), strength of ties (strong or
weak, weighted or discrete), cohesion (groups, cliques), and division (structural holes,
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partition; Scott, 2000; Wasserman & Faust, 1994). These represent the building blocks
for developing and conceptualizing network theory (White, 1997).
A social network theory approach to conducting a job search (Auslander & Litwin,
1988, 1991; Specht, 1986) suggests that social networks establish norms for behavior
within a group, including accelerated job-search activity. Social networks may provide
information and opportunity that are relevant to becoming re-employed by supplying
additional contacts
One approach to conceptualizing social capital is weak tie theory (Granovetter,
1973). In essence, the weak tie theory focuses on the characteristics of the ties between
actors. The strength of weak ties theory demonstrated that job opportunities for midlevel managers were most likely to come from an individuals weak ties versus the
strong connections in their network. Strong ties consisted of close relationships (family,
coworkers, close friends) that provided information that was widely shared and became
quickly redundant within the clique. Granovetter (1973) viewed weak ties as a connection to densely knit networks outside the individuals direct contacts that could provide
nonredundant information. It was more likely that weak ties rather than strong ties
would provide a greater opportunity for new information about job leads.
On the basis of this conceptualization, examining the job seekers social network
will help to reveal the ties an individual possesses and how they affect their job search.
Those individuals that seek support from their weak tie connections are not only more
likely to receive nonredundant job-related information but also to gain access to job
opportunities not found in traditional sources (Yakubovich, 2005). In the job search
context, weak ties could be acquaintances, contacts of close friends, recruiters, interviewers, and others with whom the job seeker does not interact regularly. If barriers to
connecting with weak ties exist, the transition back into the labor market may be
delayed. This delay can have severe implications for self-efficacy and other selfregulatory mechanisms, which, in turn, may restrict ones ability to affectively conduct the job search (Fort, Jacquet, & Leroy, 2011).
Goal Orientation as a Barrier

In view of the discussion of the weak ties and their instrumentality in achievement
situation, it is important to consider goal orientation and goal content as a barrier to
connecting with weak ties. For example, performance goal trait and state imply that
individuals are unlikely to seek feedback with instrumental motives, because that
would suggest they perceive that ability is malleable. Performance goal-oriented individuals are by definition entity theorists and therefore seek feedback with the motives
to boost ego or preserve image. Based on a conceptualization by Ashford et al. (2003),
people seek feedback either by direct inquiry or by monitoring. Monitoring would be
equivalent to assessing ones progress toward the goal using normative comparisons.
This implies that job seekers with trait or state performance goals may monitor their
progress without directly reaching out to their social resources. This effect may be
attenuated by the nature of the social resources people have at their disposal. It is possible that in a job search situation, a person would ask ones close contacts, or strong
115
ties, for help, regardless of the goal orientation, or even goal content. But, given the
weak tie theory, such contacts may not be able to provide one with the resources
needed to learn new job skills or find job leads.
Given the distinction between weak ties and strong ties, we can further elaborate on
the effects of trait and state goal orientation on feedback seeking and networking in the
job search process. The first important distinction can be observed in the goal-operating
phase and can be found in the motives for seeking feedback. Job seekers with performance goal orientation may seek feedback with ego-boosting and image-preserving
motives. Exposing ones status of unemployment may be perceived as equivalent to
exposing ones shortcomings, like lack of skills and ability. Exposing these shortcomings to those outside ones immediate network may be perceived as a serious threat to
ones ego. Therefore, a performance goal-oriented job seeker would rather limit the
networking and feedback-seeking behaviors to his or her closest contacts. In other
words, such individual may not seek feedback from employers on interview results
and performance; refrain from asking others to review and edit ones resumeto not
expose ones perceived skill level and achievements to others; and avoid calling on
acquaintances to inform them about a need for a new place of employment. All these
situations may have high ego costs and may be threatening to performance goal-oriented individuals who are concerned about preserving their image and exposing low
ability to others. Such limit may restrict ones access not only to job leads, but also to
objective assessment of ones marketable skills, and therefore learning needs.
The second important distinction is apparent on examining the goal-monitoring
phase in the self-regulation process. The goal-monitoring phase takes place after individuals have already set the goals and engaged in some strategies to achieve the goal
(Carver & Scheier, 1998). At this point, they can examine their progress based on two
criteriadistance from the goal and the rate with which the distance is decreasing.
These two criteria are known as action loop and meta loop, respectively (Carver &
Scheier, 1998). Carver and Scheier (2012) also suggest that one key response to the
assessment of the action and meta loops is affect. Specifically, if the distance between
the current and desired state is relatively small, and if the rate with which this distance
is reducing is satisfactory, positive affect is experienced. If the assessment of both
loops is unsatisfactory, dejection or agitation emotions may ensue.
Burnette et al. (2012) suggest that implicit theories affect the way people process
the assessment of the loops during the goal-monitoring phase. They posit that people
with entity beliefs of ability, who find that the rate at which they progress toward the
goal is too slow, may attribute this to the lack of ability, experience dejection, and
withdraw from the activity. Conversely, people with incremental beliefs of ability may
attribute this to the lack of effort, experience some agitation, but then respond in an
increased effort and modification of strategies used to reach the goal. Similar relationship can be argued for performance versus learning goal orientation traits and states,
because the goal orientation differences are attributed to implicit theories of personality (Dweck & Leggett, 1988).
What does this mean for connecting with ones weak ties? Reaching out to people
who are not in the immediate network may be another source for information that
116
represents objective assessment of the distance from the goal and the rate of closing
that distance. Given that such information may be a cause of negative affect, performance goal-oriented individuals may avoid situations that cause emotions of dejection. Because any negative feedback is perceived as assessment of ones fixed
ability, and perceptions of low ability lead to dejection, which in turn leads to withdrawal and other self-defeating strategies, performance goal-oriented individuals
may withdraw from job search activities before they can gain any benefits from their
social resources.
A Conceptual Model of Goal Orientation, Social

Networks, and Job Search
In view of the discussion of self-regulatory mechanisms, social networks, and job
search research, it is clear that networking behaviors and goal orientation are important concepts to consider. Whereas research has examined the individual influences of
goal orientation and networking behaviors on job search success (Van Hooft &
Noordzij, 2009; Wanberg, Kanfer, & Banas, 2000), we found no studies that examined
the interaction of these variables. In addition, the studies that looked at predictors of
networking behaviors studied stable individual characteristics like extraversion that
have a high genetic component and attitudinal variables like networking comfort
(Wanberget al., 2000). Such variables, albeit informative, offer only limited help in
designing an intervention to increase job search success, because traits are stable and
attitudes may not influence all three motivational decisions about exerting effort, setting a level of effort, and persisting at that level of effort.
State goal orientations and their effect on feedback seeking presents a practitioner
and researcher with an opportunity to influence the way job seekers navigate the job
search without the obstacles presented by stable traits. While much of the early
research focused on trait goal orientation, recent findings show that state goal orientation is an important factor in an achievement situation (Kozlowski & Bell, 2006). The
research on the effects of state goal orientation on trait goal orientation is still limited.
But the effectiveness of the goal content interventions in experimental studies discussed earlier suggests that HRD and career development practitioners can influence
goal content, and therefore possibly self-regulatory behaviors during the job search
process.
What emerges is a conceptual framework that may help explain two important
phenomena in the job searchSDL and networking. This framework encompasses
trait goal orientations, goal content, which induces state goal orientation, types of
network ties, and feedback-seeking motives. All these variables are nested within
the larger self-regulatory process of goal setting, goal operating, and goal monitoring, while accounting for the source of trait goal orientation. The model is presented
in Figure 2.
The model we present here combines several unanswered research questions in
self-regulation and job search research. First, it combines trait and state goal orientations in a specific self-regulatory context. The trait goal orientation is considered
117
Figure 2. Proposed model of self-regulation and social networking behaviors.
only as a moderator. Examining this empirically may help establish how stable trait
goal orientation is and whether it can be suppressed by induced goal content. While
preliminary findings show that goal content affects persistence on the difficult tasks
beyond the effects of trait goal orientation (Martocchio, 1994), more research is
needed in this area. Second, it combines goal orientation, state, and trait, to explain
feedback-seeking behaviors. Ashford et al. (2003) in their latest review on feedback
seeking, suggest that goal orientation is a prime candidate for explaining differences in feedback-seeking behaviors and that this relationship requires more empirical research. Third, it provides a theoretical explanation for differences in
networking behaviors during job search, through the perspective of weak tie theory
and social resources theory. Empirically testing the relationships discussed here
may help explain why some individuals network more than others, and how to
develop social networking skills that help individuals make the most of their social
resources.
Suggestions for Research in HRD

Based on the model presented above we offer specific research questions that lend
themselves well to empirical research. The first direction is to examine whether there
are differences in the number and frequency of weak tie contacts among long-term job
seekers based on their differences in goal orientation. This can be accomplished
through either longitudinal designs or cross-sectional designs. For instance, social networks analysis data collection techniques allow us to determine social networking
behaviors using instruments called name generators (van Duijn & Vermunt, 2006).
These tools ask individuals to list people with whom they interact for a particular purpose and with a specified regularity. The differences in responses can then be examined as functions of trait goal orientations.
The authors of this study have already begun examining this question. The findings
of this study have been accepted to and will be presented at the upcoming UFHRD
conference, in Brighton, England, in 2013. One of the interesting findings was that
higher learning goal orientation scores are associated with more weak ties. However,
as the performance goal orientation score increased the number of weak ties also
118
increased, albeit at a lower rate than for learning goal orientation scores. This finding
is consistent with the mixed findings in the goal orientation research. Many conflicting
findings do not allow us to draw conclusions about the importance of learning versus
performance goal orientation in achievement situations, because often both lead to
positive outcomes (Burnette et al., 2012).
One important criterion that often makes learning goal orientation more favorable
in achievement situations than performance goal orientation is its effect on learningrelated behaviors. As we argued earlier in this article, learning, and especially SDL,
is required in the job search, and using social resources in this context may be instrumental to learning. It is logical, therefore, that learning goal orientation should lead
to more networking outside of ones comfort zone, which may gradually build social
self-efficacy. However, more studies are needed to establish this connection. An additional approach that fits within this direction would be to study discouraged workers
rather than just long-term unemployed. Discouraged workers were discussed in the
beginning of this article and it would be interesting to assess the implicit beliefs, goal
orientations, and networking behaviors of this group. For example, if the discouraged
workers differ in implicit beliefs (entity vs. incremental) and in scores on performance and learning goal orientations, other variables need to be identified to explain
their perceptions of the job market. One such variable is self-efficacy. Addressing
discouragement and disillusionment from long-term unemployment involves developing self-efficacy beliefs in ones ability to overcome obstacles in the job search
process. According to Bandura (1997), one of the ways self-efficacy beliefs are
developed is through mastery experiences. This means that as a job seeker sets learning goals and achieves small successes, his or her self-efficacy will improve, which
in turn will facilitate setting higher learning goals and making progress toward
employment.
The second important direction for research is to determine the effects of inducing
goal orientation in the goal-setting and throughout the goal-operating stage of the job
search. Studies show that goal content can be manipulated (Kozlowski & Bell, 2006).
However, it is not clear how long these effects last. Job search is a long process and it
is critical that the individuals do not revert to self-defeating strategies, normative comparisons, and increased and persistent negative affect. The goals that career development practitioners and employment agency trainers set for job seekers may either
induce performance or learning goals. Experimental designs may be used within the
agencies to determine which conditions result in higher job search intensity, while
specifically focusing on networking as one of the job search strategies. It is possible to
track how often job seekers from either condition reach out to their contacts and what
sort of contacts those are (weak or strong).
A third direction is to determine whether inducing goal orientation actually suppresses trait goal orientation. Measuring trait goal orientations prior to inducing the
goal content may show whether state is affected by trait or vice versa. This will also
help disentangle the relative effects of trait versus state on feedback-seeking behaviors. Given Ashford et al. (2003) statement that goal orientation should be examined
as a factor that affects differences in feedback seeking, this research direction will not
119
only fill this gap but also expand the knowledge by considering state and trait goal
orientation.
Finally, the model we proposed can be applied outside of the job search context.
Feedback seeking and networking are important in many situations in the work setting and outside of the occupational domain. Feedback seeking is a critical variable
for learning and development. While research has examined feedback seeking in
lower level jobs, one area that remains unexplored is feedback seeking among managerial employees. Ashford et al. (2003) discuss the phenomenon called CEO disease. The role of senior managers often comes with little structure, a lot of ambiguity
and a lot of autonomy. In some way this is very similar to a job search process. It has
been shown that high-level executives do not like to seek feedback, and this often
comes with high costs in terms of leaders ability to detect errors (Morrison &
Milliken, 2000). The model we present in this article can be used to explain differences in feedback-seeking behaviors among leaders and whether inducing learning
goal content leads to fewer errors in leader decisions. It would seem that leader performance criteria by definition create performance goal content and thus induce performance goal orientation. A question then becomes is learning goal content even
possible in that level of the job? Of course, if it is not, then learning is not valuable
for performance in high-level jobs; in other words, learning should have occurred
prior to assuming leadership position and at this point a leader has to have skills necessary to perform. We believe that this assumption is not realistic, especially in the
current business environment, where people and organizations find themselves constantly adapting to changing circumstances. Therefore testing the paths in the model
proposed here presents opportunities to address many questions in HRD, related to
career development and job search, leader behaviors, individual learning, and social
networking behaviors.
Implications for Practice and Role of HRD

It is natural to focus on finding the job as quickly as possible and, as we said earlier,
employment agencies try to help job seekers do just that. However, such an approach
may induce performance goal orientation. In that case setbacks may be felt much more
acutely and individuals may eventually withdraw from the process because the underlying reason they are not successful in the job search is not addressed. Many discouraged workers do not have the skills required in the market today and by focusing on
the outcome of getting a job as soon as possible does not allow time and opportunity
to identify what skills are missing.
We suggest that creating learning goal content in the early stages of job search may
lead to more favorable outcomes in terms of learning, feedback seeking, and networking. Career development practitioners can design workshops for new job seekers that
incorporate elements to induce learning goals. In addition, interventions could be set
up at regular intervals during the job search that allow us to assess the progress toward
goals, process negative feedback, set further learning goals, and choose new strategies
for goal operating.
120
The first workshop would focus the job seeker on helpful job search behaviors like
resume writing and looking for job leads, and also reduce the focus on competitive
nature of the process, thereby increasing the chances that job seekers will focus on
own skill development. In other words, this would help deal with perceptions of fixed
ability and helplessness, define steps to learn what is necessary and emphasize the
importance of networking, especially outside of ones immediate network. For example, some defining characteristics of this workshop would be the explanation of the
nature of ones ability and skills and how they can be increased by targeting other jobs
that allow them to develop these skills versus the job they may have been originally
seeking; the discussion and practice of feedback seeking and how to process negative
feedback; learning the approaches to manage negative affect; examining their network
and identifying individuals that may support goal attainment; and working out a large
number of strategies to achieve the goal. In subsequent interventions career development practitioners could work through specific issues encountered at goal-operating
stages and goal-monitoring stages. It is very important to manage the extent to which
normative comparisons are used as a source for feedback at these stages. Reducing
reliance on this source of feedback will encourage continuous learning, help individuals to interpret the setbacks in less damaging ways, and reduce dejection-related
emotions.
If job seekers are taught to set proper goals, they may become more persistent in job
search and cope better with the setbacks during the process, view their social network
as a source of feedback and assistance, and in general be more successful in achievement situations, such as a job search. Learning goal-oriented individuals may not only
seek feedback from their contacts more often than performance goal-oriented individuals but may also reach out to their weak ties more frequently. Setting learning
goals may lead to a more structured approach to job search and may increase ones
chances to learn new marketable skills. Simple training interventions may help reduce
not only the time it takes to find a job, but also the pool of unemployed. Such workshops conducted with discouraged workers could reduce the number of people who
are marginally attached to the workforce, increase their skills by encouraging SDL,
and increase their social resources.
HRD should play a prominent role in addressing the fallout of the economic crisis,
specifically unemployment. Job search is inextricably tied to the learning and development of an individual. As such, it provides fertile ground for HRD research and practice. The cross-disciplinary nature of HRD offers an exceptional opportunity to address
this situation by focusing on intervention design, goal setting, and inner workings of
social networks. In addition, the research and practice of adult learning will help
inform the design of training programs for job seekers that would focus on job search
techniques and mastery of new skills required by the workforce of the 21st century.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
121
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of
this article.
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Author Biographies
Bogdan Yamkovenko is an assistant professor at the Rochester Institute of Technology within
the Human Resource Development program and an adjunct professor at the Chicago School of
Professional Psychology, IO program. His academic research focuses on self-regulation, goal
orientations, and their effects of performance in complex tasks.
John Paul Hatala is a Professor at George Brown College within the Career and Work
Counesllor program, a senior research fellow at the University of Ottawa and an adjunct at the
Louisiana State University. His academic research focuses on job search, career development,
social networking behaviors, social capital in the workplace, human resource development, and
learning transfer.

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Feedback-Seeking and Social Networking Behaviors During Job Search: A

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HRD13110.1177/1534484313497948Human Resource Development ReviewYamkovenko and Hatala

Theory and Conceptual Article