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SHARAD PAT1L
ACCORDING to some scholars, kula and gotra were but the synonyms of
clan, the basic unit of the ancient Indian tribal society. The orthodox
argument that gotra was an exclusively Brahminical institution, and only
later adopted by the KSatriyas, has up to this time been countered by the
contention that it smacked of Brahminical communalism. But, when it
comes from such a distinguished and scientifically objective sociologist as
Irawati Karve, one is bound to have second thoughts before dismissing it
outright:
A great deal is written about whether the Kshatriyas had gotras or
not. The above discussion makes it clear that the Kshatriyas did not
possess gotras. The Kshatriyas adopted gotras in imitation of the
Brahmin gotras in post-epic times but the adoption merely amounted
to adding an appendage to the family name and was not functional as
in the case of Brahmins. Buddha is supposed to be of Gautama gotra.
His family was Ikshvaku. The Janakas were also a branch of the same
family and ruled over what is at present known as the southern portion of Nepal, a region to which Buddha's family also belonged. The
priest of the Janakas was supposed to be Shetananda, a Gautama, and
that is why Buddha is called a Goutama. Many Kshatriyas are suppcsed to have adopted the gotra of their priests.'
CLAN MOTHER
TO TRIBAL MOTHER
43
44
SOCIAL SCIENTIST
following four marriage rites are lawful for the Brahmins: 1) Brahma
2) Prajapatya, 3) Arsa, and 4) Daiva, the Asura and Raksasa rites for
the Ksatriyas, and the Gandharva and Paisaca rites respectively for the
Vaisyas and Sudras.5 The main division as far as the marriage rites are
concerned, is between the Brahmins to whom belong the former four rites,
and the rest of the castes to whom belong the latter four rites. The
Nibandhakaras make a significant observation to the effect that a bride
who is married according to any one of the former four rites, adopts the
gotra of her husband, while a bride who is married according to any one
of the latter four rites, remains in the gotra of her father:
The Smrti passages that condemn cross-cousin marriages are explained in a peculiar manner by the Sm. C. and the Par. M. When a
woman is married in one of the four forms, Brahma & c. she passes
into the gotra of her husband, becomes a sapinda to the husband's
family and so s.he is severed from her father's family (as to gotra and
sapinda relationship); but when a woman is married in the asura,
gandharva and other forms, she does not pass over into the gotra of
her husband, but remains in the gotra of the father and her sapinda
relationship with her father and mother continues. Therefore the son
of such a woman if he marries the daughter of his mother's brother,
would be marrying a girl who is a sagotra and sapinda of his mother.
The Sm. C. and the Par. M. and other works say that the smrti
texts forbidding marriages with maternal uncle's daughter refer to a
person whose mother was married in the gandharva, asura and the
other two forms, but not to a person whose mother was married in the
brahma and the three other approved forms....
This explanation of the prohibition or permission of cross-cousin
marriage inadvertently admits that the Brahmins who followed the gotra
system were patriarchal, while the rest of the castes were matrilineal. The
option allowed to the Ksatriyas and Vaisyas not only proves that gotra
system was totally foreign to them, but clearly suggests that they followed
a matrilineal clan system; for it is ridiculous to suppose that the lower three
castes were without any clan system. This is also proved by Panini's rule
IV. I. 147, which is explained by V S Agrawala as follows:
.... According to Panini, one's designation after the gotra name of
one's mother (gotra-stri) implied censure (IV. I. 147), because it was
supposed that the mother's name would be adopted only in the event
of the father's name being unknown (kasika, Pitur-asaimhvijnane
matra vyapadeso,
patyasya
kutsa)
....
CLAN MOTHER
TO TRIBAL MOTHER
45
a person being called after his mother's gotra at the time of Pataijali
(second century B C):
....But there seems to have been a change later on and Patanijali
states that there is honour in being addressed by the mother's name,
as Gargimata, Vatsimata (Bhasya, VII. 3. 107; III.340 matrinini
rnatach putrartham arhate).9
But the usage of considering it a sign of distinction to be called by
one's mother's name or gotra goes back at least to the earliest Upanisadic
times. All the teachers of the Vajasaneyi school recorded by Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (VI. 5. 4.) are known by their metronymics, and
Saikaracarya comments that predominance of woman gave rise to meritorious sons (Stri- pridhanyat gunavan putro bhavati).
Again, we find that the village and the tribe (safigha) to which
Panini belonged was named Daksi-kula.1 Kula according to Pinini VI.
2.129 means a village.''
Kula also means bank of a river. Nirukta
as kula which means a clan. Pra-maganda,
kuila
also
(IX.26) pronounces
the king of the non-Aryan Kikatas, mentioned by the Rk III.53.14, is
The
described by the Nirukta (VI.32) as 'atyanta-kusidi-kulinah.'
epithet is incorrectly rendered by Yaska 'born in the family of great
usurers.'1 But, kusidin according to Taittiriya Samhita (III.3.8.3) originally meant worshipper of mother earth; for Yami is invoked there as
kusidam or earth. Hence, 'atyanta-kusidi-kulinah'
should mean 'sprung
from the most sacred earth-worshipping clan.' This rendering receives
support from the meaning Tiru-vanchik-kulam, the capital of the ancient
Chera (Kerala) kingdom, situated near modern Cranganur. According to
Padmanabha Menon, Tiru means prosperous and Vanchi was the name
of the country (most probably named after the Ksatriya tribe as laid down
by the Paninian rule IV.1.168). Kulam evidently refers to the residence
of the ruling clan.1 8
Gotra, as already explained, literally meant a cowpen, thus having
past6ral connotation. The law-giver Baudhayana declares that the study
of the Veda, the avocation of the Brahmins, and agriculture, the pursuit
prescribed for the Vaisyas, are inlcompatible with each other, and the
Dharmasastras declare with one voice that the upper two castes should
resort to agriculture only in extreme distress.l4
Kula, on the contrary, had organic connection with agriculture and
the magical technique of agriculture, tantrism. Nirukta (VI.22) gives the
etymology of kula as follows: ' . kula (family) is derived from (the root)
kus (to knead), it is kneaded'.'5
Kula is likened to kneaded or cultivated mass of earth. Nirukta
(VI.26) explains the epithet of the river Vitasta as mah--kuila, meaning
having mighty or high banks.16 Kuila here is also pronounced as kula.
Hence, the compound maha-kula also should mean a river having great
masses of cultivated earth. Pataijali commenting on Panini VII 3.1, informs that rice wa. grown on the banks of the river Devika (Devika-kulah
salayah). R S Sharma observes:
46
SOCIAL SCIENTIST
lands:
plough lands...same
CLAN MOTHER
TO TRIBAL MOTHER
47
seed would require from 128 to 160 bighas of land for transplantation..
25
48
SOCIAL SCIENTIST
CLAN MOTHER
TO TRIBAL MOTHER
49
(Suddi)?'
50
SOCIAL SCIENTIST
the Salva and Madra phatries were sprung from Bhadra Kaksivati.
Examples can be multiplied.
In the Atharva-vedic Rk invoking Aditi (VII.6.1) who as we have
seen was a phratry-mother in the Panicajana tribe of gods, is addressed as
the mother of all the five phratries and the whole universe:
Aditir dyaur Aditir antariksam Aditir matta ca sa pita sa putrah
Visve-deva Aditih pafica jana Aditir jatam Aditir jani tvam.
[Aditi (is) heaven, Aditi atmosphere, Aditi mother, she father, she
son; (the phratry of) Visve-devas (is) Aditi, the five phratries Aditi; Aditi
is what is born; O phratry-mother (jani), you (have become the mother
of the whole universe).]
Here we have a clear example of a phratry-mother in course of
time being transformed into a tribal mother as well as the mother of the
whole universe like Prakrti.
We meet the human tribal mother in the person of a ganika. Yasodhara in Kama-sutra IX.5.28 defines ganika as the highest kind of prostitute (Trividha vesya-ganika rupa-ajiva,kumbhadasi ca. Tah pratyekam
uttama-madhyama-adhama-bhedat trividhah). One of the earliest known
and the most celebrated was Amba-pat! of the Vajji tribal confederation.
According to the Kalpa-sutra of the Jainas, the Licchavi (Vajji)
tribe was composed of nine phratries, and it formed a tribal confederation
called Kasi-Kosala by forming a league with the Mallaki tribe which
similarly consisted of nine phratries (..nava Mallai nava Lecchal KsilKosalag attharasavi ganarayano..).47 Ancient Indian literature is not
very strict and precise in using the terms denoting the various constituents
of tribal society. The meaning of a particular term has to be understood
only in its context. The Mallas were a separate tribe in the times of
Mahavira and Buddha, and hence the term gana here has to be taken in
the sense of a phratry and not tribe. Rahul Sankrityayana thinks that
the Vajji tribe (gana) consisted of eight janas in which the Videhas and
the Licchavis were the most prominent.48 B N Puri, on the basis of the
information provided by the grammatical literature, states:
Vrji in earlier times formed a janapada consisting of the Licchavis
of Vaisali and the Janakas of Videha [VI.2.42] corresponding to
modern, Muzaffarpur and Darbhanga districts in North Bihar.
Padtanijali mentions them separately. The Vrjis, like the Kurus, had
the government of a family (Kuru garhapatam; Vrji garhapatam),
but the Videhas are mentioned in the list of Ksatriyas.4 9
Ramayana explicitly states that the country bordering on Videha
and situated on the northern banks of the river Ganges was ruled by
Vaisalika kings (1.45-47). Thus, the Videhas and Vaisalikas were separate
and independent kingdoms in the days of Ramayana. Ajatasattu, king
of Magadha, and a junior contemporary of Buddha, is described by
Dighanikaya as declaring his determination to destroy the Vajjis or
Vrjis.4' When Mahanama saw a multitude of fierce and uncontrollable (canda, pharusa) Licchav youths standing in all humility before
CLAN MOTHER
TO TRIBAL MOTHER
51
52
SOCIAL SCIENTIST
CLAN MOTHER
TO TRIBAL MOTHER
53
invited him with his fraternity of Bhikkhus to their morrow's meal at her
dwelling. On her way back she met the Licchavis driving on their chariots
to meet Buddha. To spite the Licchavis:
...The courtezan Ambapali drove up against the young Licchavis,
pole to pole, yoke to yoke, wheel to wheel, axle to axle. And those
Licchavis said to the courtezan AmbapalT: 'How is it, AmbapalI, that
you drive up against the young Licchavis, pole to pole, & c...'
'My Lords, I have just invited the Blessed One with the fraternity
of Bhikkhus for their morrow's meal.'
'Ambapali ! give up this meal to us for a hundred thousand.'
'My Lords, were you to offer all Vcsali with its subject territory, I
would not give up this meal.'
Then the Licchavis snapped their fingers (exclaiming), 'We are
outdone by this woman (ambakaya)! We are outreached by this
woman! 65
The Pali text uses the w-ord ambaklay' which is rendered by Rhys
Davids as 'woman', which he explains in a footnote thus.
Amnbakaya, which Buddhaghosa explains by itthikaya, comp. the
well-known Mantra,V[ajasanevi Sarhhita 23 18: Ambe Ambike Ambalike. & c. Probably the word ambaka is a contemptuous form intended here at the same time to convey an allusion to the mango
(amba) gardens which Ambapali possessed, and from which she was
named.66
Two things strike the eye:
1) Amba-pali owiledthe sacred mango-grove, which she presented
to Buddha's monastic order. When no individual property in land had
as yet developed in the Vajji safigha-gana, the ganika owned a big grove
which she could dispose of without even consulting the haughty republican
Vajjis. It should be noted that every city or village in those days possessed
its own sacred grove. Ahalya, whose son Satananda was the purohita of
KingJanaka of the Videhas (the foster father of Sita), lived in a sacred
grove near Mithila (Mithila-upavane tatra asramam drsva Raghavah.
1.48.11).
2) Amba-pali is addressed by the Licchavis as Ambaka, which
is a synonym of amba, meaning mother. Had she really been a courtezan
whose body was at the service of the oligarchic Licchavis, thev would in
no case have addressed her even in jest or contempt as 'mother'
The conclusion is inescapable. Amba-pali was really the tribal
mother of the Vajjis, and her name was the designation of the high priestess of the Vajji tribe, literally meaning 'priestess of the mother' (goddess).
The word ganika itself originally must have meant the ruler of
a gana. For the teachers of the religious sects in Buddha's time are mentioned by both the Buddhist and Jaina canons
as ganins,
ganadharas,
Safighl Mahavira
Ganadhara
Maindika-
putra
(Vasistha
II
III
VII
VI
a~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
aIV
ara
Ganadhara
Gnadhara
Gaadara
anadhliara Ganadliara
putra
(Kasyapa (Kaundinya
gotra)
gotra)
gotra)
A gana of
A galna of
_.1
IV
glas
ganas of
Atrya
Su
Vyakta
A gaa
gottr
got
gotra)
of
300
500 Srama-
Sramalas
nas
1F
A gana of A
a) gotra)
of
gra
Ii
eachl
ga
yal
000 Srama- 5
s
CLAN MOTHER
55
TO TRIBAL MOTHER
Kaundinya
and Maurya-putra
Vajji Confederation
III
Videha tribe
Licchavi tribe
I
I
Vasistha Kasyapa Kaundinya
or Haihaya phratry phratry
phratry
,
? clans
I1
? clans
? clans
I2
I3
Gautam
phratry
Gautama
phratry
Gautama
phratry
? ?clans
aI
?? clans
clans
?? clans
clans
I5
I4
I6
? clans
? clans
clans
? clans
56
SOCIAL SCIENTIST
belonged respectively to the Vasistha and Kasyapa gotras, and the ganadharas Metfarva and Prabhasa both belonged to the Kaundinya gotra. If
we deduct these four ganadharas of the three ganas evidently modelled
after the Videha phratries, the remaining six ganas must have been the
replicas of the Licchavi phratries. Shorn of all religious verbiage, the Vajji
confederation must have been as presented in the diagram on page 55.
Of such a great, opulent and powerful confederation Ambapall
was the tribal mother. But, it is because of this 'greatness' of the confederation, that the office of ganika had already been transformed from
a tribal mother into the highest class of prostitutes. That is why the most
beautiful and wealthy, most sacred and free woman amongst the Vajjis
renounced the world and ended her meteoric career as a Buddhist nun,
leaving for posterity one of the most remarkable songs of the Therigatha
(XIII. 1.).
Madhavi, one of the main characters of the Tamil epic 'Silappadikaram,' the ganika of Puhar, the capital of the Chola kingdom, was born
to a divine couple.
Agastya, the famous sage who dwells on the sacred mount Podigil,
had once cursed the son of the god Indra and the nymph Urvasi for
their unseemly behaviour. But Urvasi was forgiven when shedisplayed her exquisite art on the stage. It was to this noble and
adventurous pair that a beautiful girl named Madhavi was born...7'
She also ended her days as a Buddhist nun.
In feudal monarchies this once ruler of a tribe not only loses all
the formal sacredness still ascribed to her in the safigha-ganas, but is converted into a defacto dejure 'state slave':
...it is clear that a girl, on whom the state invested a thousand
pieces of money and who was then given training in fine arts at state
expense (her teachers being maintained by the state), was under the
complete control of the state, with regard to her earnings, her possessions, etc. The provision of 24 times the money spent on her, as her
release-money, also seriously limited her liberty and brought her near
a slave, though she could not be put to all sorts of work. Moreover,
unlike the slave, she was never under one master. The provision for
employing an old ganika in the king's service, also shows that if she
failed to come by a rescuer, willing to purchase her liberty for 24,000
pieces of money, she was treated like any other woman-slave of the
king. The provision of different sums of money for release of her
relations (brother, etc.), strengthens this opinion.75
That is why Vasantasena, the ganika of Ujjayini says to her female
slave Madanikf in anguish, 'Jai mama sac-chando, tada vina attharif
sabbaih parijanarh a-bhujissarh karaissarh (Had I been free, I would have
manumitted the whole of my slave retinue).76
This tragic transmutation of the tribal mother into a courtezan
ganika is best represented by the Snikhya Prakrti, the cosmic mother
CLAN MOTHER
TO TRIBAL MOTHER
57
turning herself into a dancing girl for beguiling the Purusa, or the individual soul:
Rafigasya darSayitva nivartate nartaki yatha nrtyat
Purusasya tatha' tmanaih prakiaya vinivartate Prakrti.76
(As a dancing girl, having exhibited herself to the spectators of
the stage, ceases to dance, so does Nature, cease to operate when she has
made herself manifest to the Spirit.)
f This article, like "Problem of Slavety in .AncientIndia" (Social Scientist,
June 1973) is a selected chapter from Sharad Patil's voluminous research,
Studies on the Origins of Indian Slavery and Feudalism and Their Philosophies. As the authorstates at the end of thefirst chapter, his book"attempts to trace
the origin and developnmetof Indian slavery, up to the period when it was finally
displaced by feudalism, by making a comparative study of the two currents,
Brahmninicaland non-Brahminical. As Sankhya-karika (52) says
...dvi-vidhah pravartate sargah
-EDITOR
]
(...evolution is two-fold).
TrawatiKarve, KinshipO;ganaisation
in India,p 82.
1
a
Ibid., p 47.
3 P V Kane, History of Dhanrmaastras,
Vol II, Pt I, pp 493-494.
4 D D
KDosambi, M.ythand Reality, p 46.
5 The SacredBooksof the East, Vol XIV,
pp 205-207.
e
P V Kane, op. cit., p 463.
V S Agrawala, India as Knozwnto Panini, p 189.
8 Ibid., p 8.
9 Ibid., p 189.
-o
Ibid., pp 8-9.
It
Ibid.,p 64.
12
a3
4
5
16
7
21
2o
s
24
25
26
fromMarathaChronicles,
p 202.
Essays,Gleanings
His
350-352.
and
Sarkar,
Times,
pp
Shivaji
J
58
33
34
9
36
3
IS
-9
40
41
4:
4 3
44
4.
4 6
47
48
49
50
5
5 2
53
54
55
56
57
5
59
0
6 1
62
63
64
SOCIAL SCIENTIST
of the East, Vol XXIX, pp 333 if.
D Chattopadhyya, op. cit., pp 270-271.
XWD Whitney, Atharva-vedaSamhita, pp 15-16, 436.
R Griffith, Hymns of the Rgveda, Vlol II, p 736.
P V Kane, op. cit., pp 293-295.
M D Sathe, VaijyaLa
Pt II, p 39.
na-siddhanta-kaumudi
J Kashyap (Ed.), Vinaya-pitaka,Pacittiya-pali, V. 29-192-193.
The SacredBooks ofCthe East, Vol XI, p 173.
J Kashyap'(Ed.), Sanzyuttta-nilkaya-pali,
47.20.23.
The Sacr-edBooks of the East, Vol XI p 175.
R Sankrityayana, Digha-nikaya (Hindi translation). pp 73-88; also Majjhima-nikaya
(Hindi translation) pp 321-325.
J Kashyap, and Dharmarakshita. Snit13yutta-nikiva
(Hindi translation), p 696.
The SacredBooks of the East, Vol XI. pp 175-176.
V S Agrawala, op. cit., pp 8-9.
Mahabhai-ata,I. 120.
The SacredBooksof the East, Vol XXII. p 266.
R Sankrityayana, iMadhya-desa(Hindi), p 18.
B N Puri,31ndiain the Time of Patanjali. p 82.
The Sacr-edBooksof the East, Vol XI, pp 1-2.
J Kashyap (Ed.), Angnttara-nikaya-pal.V.6.8.
D D Kosanibi. The Clltui-eand Civilisationof AncientIndia In Historical Outline, p 121.
18.
HJain, BharatiyaSanskr-timeJaina Dharmaka Togadana(Hindi), p
J Kashyap. (Ed.), Vinayapitaka, CulIa-vagga-pali. 1.3.21-22.
The SacredBooks of the East, V\'olXV,'II, pp 171-172.
VIII. I.I.
Mllahavagga-pali,
J Kashyap (Ed.), V'inaya-pitaka
to the Study of Indian Histoy. pp 112-113.
D D Kosambi, An Introductiont
D R Chanana, Slavey in AnicientIndia. p 158.
V.6.8.5. 1; K P Javaswal. HindutPolity. pp 77,
J Kashyap (Ed.), Anguttar-a-nzikaja-pali,
79-80.
J Kashyap (Ed.), Vinaya-pitaka,Culla-vagga-pali. V.9.24.
D R Chanana, op. cit., pp 123 fl.
0 R Ehrenfels, Alother-rightin India. p 61.
J C Jain, Life in AncientIndia as Depictedin theJoin Conons. p 383.
The SacredBooksof the East, Vol XVII. pp 105-108; Vol XI. pp 30-34.
66