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'Rock music for myself and justice to the world!': Musical identity, values, and
music preferences
Antonis Gardikiotis and Alexandros Baltzis
Psychology of Music 2012 40: 143 originally published online 14 January 2011
DOI: 10.1177/0305735610386836
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Article
Psychology of Music
40(2) 143163
The Author(s) 2010
Reprints and permission: sagepub.
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DOI: 10.1177/0305735610386836
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Abstract
The present study examined the relationship between music preferences, values, and musical identities
in a sample of 606 Greek college students. Students indicated the importance of music in defining
and evaluating themselves and their values on an abbreviated version of the Schwartz Value Survey
(Schwartz, 1992). A typology of music preferences was revealed, with five factors: sophisticated
and complex (e.g., jazz); native-Greek traditional (e.g., rebetika); sentimental and sensational (e.g.,
pop); established rebellious (e.g., rock); and non-mainstream dissonant (e.g., punk). Hierarchical
regression analyses showed that values and perceived importance of music to self-definition (i.e.,
musical identities) contribute differentially in predicting the music preference structures, for example
self-transcendence predicted established rebellious and conservation predicted sentimental and
sensational; also musical identity was positively related to established rebellious and negatively
to sentimental and sensational. These findings are discussed and interpreted within a psychological,
as well as an interdisciplinary, theoretical framework.
Keywords
music genres, music preferences, musical identity, personal values, self-identity
Why do people listen to the music they do and which are the variables that predict peoples
music likes and dislikes? Recent psychological literature that investigates why people listen to
music mainly provides insights into the relationships between music preferences and mainly
two sets of predicting variables: personality traits (e.g., Chamorro-Premuzic & Furnham, 2007;
McCown, Keiser, Mulhearn, & Williamson, 1997; Rentfrow & Gosling, 2003); and social identities (e.g., North & Hargreaves, 1999; North, Hargreaves, & ONeill, 2000). Focusing on the
individual level of analysis (see Hargreaves & North, 1997) the present study investigates the
role of two variables that can significantly contribute to predicting music preferences.
Corresponding author:
Dr Antonis Gardikiotis, School of Journalism and Mass Media Studies, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 46
Egnatia St., Thessaloniki, 54625, Greece.
[email: agardiki@jour.auth.gr]
144
Individuals may think that music plays a (primary or secondary) role in expressing themselves
and constructing their self-image (Hargreaves, Miell, & MacDonald, 2002). This perception of
a general function of music in self-definition (i.e., musical identity) may direct preferences to
specific music genres. For example, individuals may listen to a specific music genre in order to
be accepted (i.e., assimilated) by a social group (e.g., Hargreaves & North, 1997) or accordingly
in order to feel different from other people. Can the importance that music has to the individual
predict his or her music likes and dislikes?
Another important variable, which has not been investigated in music psychology literature,
is personal values: can these guiding principles of individuals thought and behaviour
(Schwartz, 1992) predict their music preferences? People holding specific values, for example
openness to change (i.e., the motivation to search for new and exciting experiences), may
choose to listen to specific music genres that provide such stimulation. Likewise, people holding
the value of conformity (i.e., the motivation to be obedient and dutiful) may choose to listen to
music that is congruent to what is consensually acceptable or traditional.
The present study aims to examine the relation between musical identities, personal values
and music preferences (having defined first the territory of musical preferences in the specific
population investigated).
Musical identities
There is ample evidence, the majority of which has been mainly developed in sociological and
communication research, of the importance of music to the construction of self-identities,
especially of young people (e.g., Arnett, 1991; Bleich, Zillmann, & Weaver, 1991; Frith, 1981;
Hansen & Hansen, 1991; Krims, 2001; Laughey, 2006; Negus, 1996). During the last decade,
though, a renewed interest in the relationship between music and identity has emerged in social
psychological research. North and Hargreaves (1999) provided evidence that adolescents
music preferences (of chart pop music) seemed to reflect an attempt to match their self-concept
with perceptions of the people who typically listen to that style. They suggested that music functions as a badge people use to make judgements of others but, at the same time, to express their
own self-concepts (see also Frith, 1981). According to Hargreaves et al. (2002), people develop
musical identities from early adolescence that are defined as components, among others (e.g.,
personality style or social roles), of self-images contributing to the construction of a more general self-identity. This synthesis of components forms the overall view that people have of themselves. People may possess different images of themselves, such as I am tall, I am a member of
this family, or I am a rock fan. Moreover, there is evidence that adolescents join musical subcultures as a means of defining themselves (North & Hargreaves, 1999).
Social identity approach (i.e., social identity theory; Tajfel & Turner, 1979, and self-categorization
theory; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987) suggests that people could understand the self in terms of personal identity, characterized by the idiosyncratic attributes of the
individuals (e.g., I am tall, I want to succeed), and social identity, characterized by the normative attributes of the social groups to which people belong (e.g., I am European, I am a follower
of the X political party).
In the present study we examine both aspects of self-definition processes in musical identities; that is, personal and social. We measure the cognitive and emotional aspects of personal
identity whether people think that music constitutes a part of the way they define themselves
and whether people perceive music contributing to the way they evaluate themselves. We also
focus on the social aspect of self-identity; that is, whether people understand that their music
145
preferences place them at the core of a group of people with the same musical tastes. For these
purposes relevant measures used in social psychological research are employed (for a review of
measures of social and organizational identification, see Haslam, 2004).
We assume that music preferences are interrelated to both personal and social aspects of
self-identity. People may prefer listening to a specific music genre or a song because the specific
mix between the lyrics, the rhythm, the orchestration, the harmony and the melody, and even
the style of performance, expresses some inner thoughts about the way the individual views
oneself. On the other hand, people may prefer listening to a specific music genre because belonging to that group of people with the same music preferences helps differentiate themselves from
other groups, providing in this way a distinctive social identity.
Individuals strive for both belongingness and distinctiveness. According to optimal distinctiveness theory (Brewer, 2003), individuals have two universal human motives, the need on the
one hand to feel similar to others and on the other hand to feel unique. Both these basic needs
(inclusion/assimilation and differentiation/distinctiveness), functioning independently and in
opposition to each other, determine social identification; in different situations one need may
prevail over the other. When individuals strive for belongingness, they may prefer a music genre
in order to feel they belong to a group of people listening to this music (North & Hargreaves,
1999); when they strive for distinctiveness, they may adopt various strategies, individual or
social (Hornsey & Jetten, 2004). For example, they may prefer a music genre in order to differentiate themselves from their peers, or they may identify with a group that identifies itself
against the mainstream. Hence by conforming to non-conformist group norms (in terms of
music or other art preferences, even of diet or of clothing preferences), people serve their desire
for belonging and for distinctiveness.
146
attendance, purchase of CDs and music magazines, radio listening etc.) are related to ideologies
and values (cf. Negus, 1996; Wicke, 1995). Furthermore, the study of subcultures also indicates
that music preferences, as a constitutive element of the subcultural lifestyles and identities, are
associated with certain values (e.g., rock with social awareness and rebelliousness, pop with
certain values about gender roles and conformity, etc. see for example Christenson & Peterson,
1988; Hebdige, 1972; Krims, 2001; Lewis, 1995).
Although there is not any psychological study examining how values predict music preferences, there are some studies examining the relationship between music and attitudes. For example, research attention has been drawn to the relationship between rap or heavy metal music and
a number of attitudinal tendencies: some studies show a correlation between listening to rap or
heavy metal music and negative attitudes toward women, distrust and aggression (e.g., Rubin,
West, & Mitchell, 2001). Others (Carpentier, Knobloch, & Zillmann, 2003) have found a relationship between various traits such as rebelliousness, disinhibition, and hostility, and listening to
songs featuring defiant messages. In one of their studies where they examined the relationship
between music preferences and various personality traits, Rentfrow and Gosling (2003) found
that reflective and complex music (i.e., blues, jazz, classical, folk) was positively related to openness to new experience and to tolerance of others and negatively to conservatism; intense and
rebellious music (i.e., rock, alternative, heavy metal) was positively related to openness to new
experiences; upbeat and conventional music (i.e., country, soundtracks, religious, pop) was preferred by socially-outgoing individuals. Values are interrelated with personality traits but at the
same time they are different (Roccas, Sagiv, Schwartz, & Knafo, 2002). Although values may be
conceived as a type of personality disposition (i.e., they are relatively stable across time and situation, and also used to characterize and compare individuals) they are simultaneously different.
Values are conscious goals evaluated in terms of importance, experienced as demands one places
upon oneself. Hence they entail intentional commitment by the person more than personality
dispositions do (Bilsky & Schwartz, 1994). Although Rentfrow and Goslings (2003) findings are
not based on value measures, they can still inform this studys hypotheses.
We assume that values will be related to music preferences. Values help people orientate
themselves in life and so does music: music is continuously present in most of our daily life
activities and, more importantly, it can provide and express meanings connected to right and
wrong, as well as world and life views. People may emphasize dominance over other people, or
be concerned with other peoples welfare, or they may want to pursue stimulant experiences, or
to preserve the status quo. These motivations will lead people to search for music of certain
content and form, compatible to their desired goals.
147
opera); a contemporary/progressive (rock, soul, punk and jazz); and a middle brow/traditional
(big band, country, and folk).
In their psychological studies Rentfrow and Gosling (2003) confirmed a structure of four
dimensions across multiple samples in United States: a factor called reflective and complex
(blues, jazz, classical, folk); an intense and rebellious factor (rock, alternative, heavy metal);
an upbeat and conventional factor (country, soundtracks, religious, pop); and an energetic
and rhythmic factor (rap/hip-hop, soul/funk, electronica/dance). In a Dutch sample, Bogt,
Raaijmakers, Vollebergh, Van Wel, and Sikkema (2003) revealed a five-factor structure
underlying their samples musical preferences: pop/Dutch pop, Afro-American pop, elite,
rock, and dance.
There seems to be substantial agreement among the studies exploring the structure of music
preferences in North America and Europe (focusing, among others things, on music complexity, instrumentation, singing style or lyric themes; see Christenson & Roberts, 1998): most of
these studies, at the very least, describe a four-factor structure, including a popular, chartbased factor, a rock factor, an elitist factor, and a rhythmic, dance factor. As a reminder, it should
be noted that the preference structures, as in most factor-analytic research, are named after
labels that inevitably capture some factors (i.e., genres) better than others and therefore should
be used only as guides to the genres of each structure.
Hypotheses
Music preferences can be related, among other things, to the significance music has to ourselves (i.e., our musical identities). We hypothesize that perceived importance of music to
ones definition and evaluation as an individual will be related to music genres that can provide individual distinctiveness, for example the elitist genre (e.g., jazz or classical music) that
conveys the meaning of a high brow cultural consumption, or the rock genre that conveys
the meaning of rebelliousness and anti-conformism (e.g., Hornsey & Jetten, 2004). On the
other hand, a genre that is very popular and common will not provide such distinctiveness and
therefore will be negatively related to an individuals identity definition and evaluation.
However, people may value music genres, such as popular music, exactly because they provide
a sense of belonging (which will be reflected in the social aspect of identity measure; see
Brewer, 2003), as North and Hargreaves (1999) have shown that it is the case of chart popular music.
Because values are desirable goals that serve as guiding principles in peoples lives, we hypothesize
that values will also be related to music genres that can satisfy these goals in some way. For
example, people holding the value of openness to change will be more likely to value music characterized by complex structure (such as jazz and classical music). People holding the value of conformity will be more likely to choose music that conforms to the consensual music standards of a
society (such as pop). Moreover, conformity will be negatively related to music preferences such as
the elitist or the rock genres because these preferences stand out in terms of frequency and antinormative ideology, accordingly. People holding the value of self-enhancement will not be likely to
value music that defies dominance and supports (to a degree) solidarity (such as rock music).
Finally we expect that, in examining participants music preferences, we will find at least
four factors in the structure that will include a popular, chart-based factor, a rock factor, an
elitist factor, and a rhythmic, dance factor as most relevant studies have shown (Christenson &
Roberts, 1998).
148
Method
Participants
A total of 606 students from three higher education institutions located in Thessaloniki, Greece,
participated voluntarily in the study. From this initial sample, 10 participants were excluded
because they had a large amount of missing data. Age ranged from 17 to 31 years (M = 20.91,
SD = 2.53) with 303 female and 293 male participants. Participants studied technology (n = 74),
social sciences (n = 71), humanities (n = 156), business (n = 184), education (n = 26) and animal
science (n = 95).
Procedure
Participants voluntarily completed the questionnaires in large classes just before the end of the
courses they attended. They were informed that the survey was related to students music preferences and then answered in turn the music preferences items, the identity items, and the
values scales.
Questionnaire measures
Music preferences. An initial pool of items that was created by data drawn from the charts of
Greek and non-Greek music, and by taking into account different genres broadcasted by major
radio stations, was tested in a pretest with an independent sample of students (n = 30, approached
in the library by a research assistant) in order to produce the final questionnaire (no previous
relevant research exists on the Greek case). The pretest was also meant to trace non-mainstream
genres known to this population, but which are not visible in the media. In addition, the pretest
was used to determine at least one typical representative singer or group for each genre or subgenre, in order to avoid ambiguity concerning the meaning of the genres. The 24 items that
came up from the pretest were: alternative, funk, blues, pop (contemporary, Western-style),
Greek pop, rap/hip-hop, Greek rap/hip-hop, rock, Greek rock, hard rock/heavy metal, house,
jazz, punk, reggae, rock n roll, soul/R&B, trance, world (ethnic) music, classical music, Greek
folk (traditional), rebetika, laika, laika-pop, and Greek art-popular music.1 Participants were asked
to indicate their liking or disliking of the 24 music genres (on a 5-point scale, 1 = I dont like it at
all to 5 = I like it very much).
Musical identities. Participants were asked to indicate how important the music they listen to is
for themselves (on a 5-point response scales, 1 = I disagree completely to 5 = I agree completely). The five items measure different aspects of identification with the first four items
focusing on aspects of identification relating to self (i.e., how important is music to myself, as
an individual) and the last item focusing on the social aspect of identification (i.e., how important is music to myself as a member of a group) (see Haslam, 2004). These items measure
three aspects of musical identities: (1) the first two items reflecting the cognitive aspect of selfidentification (adapted from Elemers, Kortekaas, & Ouwerkerk, 1999) were the following: The
music I listen to is an important reflection of who I am, and Listening to the music is an
important part of my self-image ( = 0.61). (2) The next two items reflect the affective aspect
of self-identification (adapted from Mael & Ashforth, 1992): If someone praises the music
I listen to, it would feel like a personal compliment and If someone criticizes the music I listen
to, it would feel like a personal insult ( = 0.65). (3) The last item reflects the social aspect of
149
identification: I think that I am a typical member of the group of people listening to the same
music as I do (adapted from Doosje, Ellemers, & Spears, 1995).
Values survey. Participants completed an abbreviated version of the Schwartz Value Survey that
included 23 single values (Schwartz, 1992; see Appendix).2 Participants rated the importance
of each value as a guiding principle in their life on a 7-point scale from opposed to my values
(1), through not important (0), to of supreme importance (5). To ensure that values operate
the same way as in previous studies (and since there are no relevant studies concerning the
specific population), a principal axis analysis (with promax rotation) was performed revealing
six factors (see Table 1). Three of these factors essentially reproduced three higher-level value
types of Schwartzs model: self-enhancement (power and achievement, = 0.83), openness to
change (self-direction, stimulation, and hedonism, = 0.76), and conservation (security and
conformity, = 0.75). The other three factors comprised of value types that usually load on the
social-transcendence type: one factor with mostly universalism items (i.e., equality, world at
peace, respecting the earth, protecting the environment plus the social justice item); a second
factor with mostly benevolent items (i.e., mature love, helpfulness, forgivingness); and a third
factor with some benevolent items (i.e., honesty, true friendship, loyal). In order to employ a
more parsimonious value structure on the data and following the rationale of the four higherlevel value types of Schwartzs model, we summated the three last factors in order to construct
a self-transcendence scale ( = 0.88).
Results
Means and standard deviations of all variables and intercorrelations of all variables are shown
in Table 2. There were no differences according to sample characteristics so these variables are
not considered in subsequent analyses.
Music preferences
In order to reveal the underlying structure of the music preferences an exploratory factor analysis was employed since there are no previous relevant studies on the specific population.
A principal axis factoring as an extraction method was employed because music preferences
were not normally distributed (see Costello & Osborne, 2005).3 Promax method of rotation was
used to allow for some correlation between the extracted factors. Based on the scree plot, subsequent analyses applying principal axis factoring with promax rotation were carried out with 5,
6, and 7 factors. The solution with five factors was the most meaningful (see Table 3): item loadings were above .40 (the lowest of them being .406), there were no cross loadings and there
were no factors with fewer than three items (cf. Costello & Osborne, 2005). The total variance
explained was 51.91% for the 5-factors solution.4 Following the approach by Rentfrow and
Gosling (2003), the preference structures were named not only by the genres included in them,
but also by the meaning they acquire within the context of the population under investigation.
The first factor (or preference structure), including pop, soul/R&B, rap/hip-hop, Greek pop,
Greek rap/hip-hop, and laika-pop, was named sentimental and sensational. It includes genres
related with the typical functions of pop music: its structure and content of lyrics facilitate its
understanding and can be easily memorized; the typical themes of the lyrics refer to gender
relationships and courtship and gratifying certain emotional needs. Interestingly (and somehow unexpectedly) the rap genres were included in this type of preference structure, indicating
150
.833
.756
.469
.444
.799
.616
.529
.481
.465
.896
.866
.671
.497
.937
.807
.502
.433
.692
.568
.511
6, 609
27, 54
27, 54
3, 041
12, 67
40, 21
2, 133
8, 88
49, 10
1, 479
6, 17
55, 26
1, 314
5, 47
60, 74
.808
.586
.430
1, 064
4, 43
65, 17
Note: Only factor loadings with values of .40 or higher (after Promax rotation) are shown.
that this genre has a meaning rather specific to the population studied. It should be noticed,
however, that a good part of rap music has been well institutionalized through corporate
annexation (cf. Neal, 1997) within the context of the recording and entertainment industry
and integrated in the leisure economy. In a sanitized version, rap has been used by the mainstream pop music industry to create some sensation, mixing typical sentimental lyrics with
unusual non-verbal elements, hence the name of this preference structure.
The second preference structure, including blues, jazz, classical, and world (ethnic) music,
was named sophisticated and complex because its appreciation signifies cultivated skills and
knowledge that is not commonly accessible, for example through the education system or by
heavy exposition to it through the mass media. From this point of view, this preference construct presupposes certain qualities.
Downloaded from pom.sagepub.com at Aristotle University on October 19, 2012
.83
.93
1.05
1.28
1.02
.82
.96
.93
.95
.91
.84
.87
3.24
2.48
2.74
1.66
3.59
3.97
3.53
3.30
3.10
2.69
3.55
3.32
SD
.03
.01
.02
.01
.01
.12**
.02
.15**
.08
.32**
.83**
.07
.05
.03
.04
.09*
.04
.05
.11**
.04
.06
.03
.03
.03
.06
.24**
.04
.09*
.03
.28**
.09*
.07
.01
.17**
.23**
.20**
.14**
.03
.05
.13**
.16**
.17**
.01
.28**
.55**
.08
.15**
.01
.19**
.22**
.14**
.23**
.09*
.16**
.09*
.11**
.16**
.02
.19**
.01
.31**
.41**
.21**
.34**
.05
10
.28**
11
Identification
1.ID1
2.ID2
3.ID3
Value type
4.self-enhancement
5.self-transcendence
6. openness to change
7.conservation
Music genres
8. Sentimental and sensational
9. Sophisticated and complex
10. Non-mainstream dissonant
11. Established rebellious
12.Traditional
152
Preference structure
1
2
3
4
5
Sentimental
Sophisticated Non-mainstream Established Native-Greek
and sensational and complex dissonant
rebellious traditional
Pop
.800
Soul/R&B
.762
Rap/hip-hop
.724
Greek pop
.709
Greek rap/hip-hop
.654
Laika-pop
.570
Blues
Jazz
Classical music
World (ethnic) music
Reggae
Punk
Trance
Funk
House
Alternative
Hard rock / heavy metal
Greek rock
Art-popular
Rock
Rock n roll
Rebetika
Greek folk (traditional)
Laika
Eigenvalues
5.313
% explained
22.14
Cumulative % explained 22.14
Cronbachs alpha
.828
.925
.839
.697
.656
.779
.696
.632
.628
.572
.497
3.013
12.55
34.69
.819
2.116
8.82
43.51
.765
.776
.627
.584
.406
1.228
5.12
48.63
.708
.776
.601
.519
.789
3.29
51.91
.679
Note: Only factor loadings with values of .40 or higher (after Promax rotation) are shown.
The third preference structure, including punk, trance, funk, house, alternative and hard
rock/heavy metal, was named non-mainstream dissonant, because, on the one hand, it scored
low on the preference scale (M = 2.69), and on the other hand the genres included in this construct have low visibility in the media. This type of preferences also indicates some distancing
from mainstream preferences: people with high scores in this construct are well aware of the
fact that their choice is dissonant with the majority of preferences.
The fourth preference structure, including rock, rock n roll, Greek rock, and art-popular,
was named established rebellious, because it is related to stereotypes of a divergent musical
culture (Lewis, 1995). In the Greek context, rock music is considered to be a socially-critical
genre and is related to certain lifestyles and subcultures. However, given its integration in the
mainstream recording industry, its visibility in the mass media, and the fact that today only
older (than students) people may be intrigued (if at all) by these types of music, this preference
structure articulates a culture that is rather bending societal norms than smashing them
(cf. Lewis, 1995).
Finally, the fifth preference structure, including rebetika, laika, and Greek folk, was named
native-Greek traditional. This preference structure signifies an affiliation to what is considered to
Downloaded from pom.sagepub.com at Aristotle University on October 19, 2012
153
be genuine Greek music (although from a technical historical and musicological as well point
of view there are several influences from other cultures) and it incorporates certain culture-specific social and historical processes embedded in the culture of the country as collective
experiences.
2.05*
.48
1.98*
1.45
.12
1.31
.86
4.57***
1.61
4.12***
.16
.02
.15
.11
.01
.10
.04
.25
.07
.21
.21
.11
.26
.16
.26
.10
.23
.26
.07
.31
Established
rebellious
Sophisticated and
complex
2.93**
2.59**
3.67***
3.75***
5.04***
2.38*
4.65***
3.43***
1.51
4.21***
.01
.07
.06
.05
.01
.19
.17
.06
.07
.10
.12
1.63
.76
.97
.27
4.17***
3.41***
.76
1.54
1.13
Non-mainstream
dissonant
1.31
2.15*
2.72**
2.10*
2.66**
3.27***
2.09*
.97
1.13
4.89***
.16
.12
.24
.10
.05
.05
.25
.10
.10
.21
Sentimental and
sensational
.13
.01
.13
.19
.18
.05
.03
.13
.06
.13
1.73#
.18
1.71
4.28***
3.29***
1.20
.63
1.72#
1.40
1.77#
Native Greek
Traditional
ID1 = Identity (cognitive aspect), ID2 = Identity (affective aspect), ID3 = identity (social aspect).
Note: Interactions between identity items and values structures did not significantly predict music preferences and are not shown in the table. For sophisticated and
complex: R2 = .01 (ns) for step 1; R2 = .12 (p < .001) for step 2. For established rebellious: R2 = .04 (p < .001) for step 1; R2 = .10 for step 2 (p < .001). For nonmainstream dissonant: R2 = .01 (ns) for step 1; R2 = .06 (p < .001) for step 2. For sentimental and sensational: R2 = .02 (p < .01.) for step 1; R2 = .07 (p < .001) for step
2. For native Greek traditional: R2 = .01 (ns) for step 1; R2 = .09 (p < .001) for step 2.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001; #p < .08.
Step 1
ID1
ID2
ID3
Step 2
ID1
ID2
ID3
Self-enhancement
Self-transcendence
Openness to change
Conservation
Variable
Table 4. Summary of hierarchical regression analyses for variables predicting music preferences (N = 596)
154
Psychology of Music 40(2)
155
Finally, the analyses on the native-Greek traditional preference structure (i.e., rebetika, laika,
and Greek folk) showed that values (i.e., self-enhancement and self-transcendence) and, in
part, self-identity predicted this structure. The less individuals pursue their own relative success
and dominance over others, the more they are inclined towards this preference structure.
Moreover, the more they emphasize acceptance of, and concern for, others, the more they tend
to value this structure. Finally, albeit in a marginally significant way, the cognitive aspect of
identification predicted positively and the social aspect of identification predicted negatively
this preference structure.
Discussion
It was evident in the present study that musical identities and personal values are related to
music preferences. These findings add to our understanding of the reasons why people listen to
music and provide new insights to the psychological research of music. The study also aimed
to map the music preference structures characteristic of the population under investigation:
the factor analytic results revealed the four-preference structure, commonly found in most
studies of the relevant literature, plus a native-Greek traditional structure.
156
In order to explain the correlations among most of the preference structures we can draw on
the concept of cultural omnivorousness. Peterson (1992) indicated that the elite-to-mass
perspective is not an adequate explanatory framework of media consumption (including music).
According to the elite-to-mass perspective, the stratification hierarchy includes the educated elite
the high brow at the top, with well-refined preferences and an ignorant and stimulus-seeking
mass at the bottom the low brow (Peterson, 1992). Analyzing distinct groups of occupations
and ranking them in terms of their music preferences, Peterson found that the higher status
occupational groups showed high rates of participation in non-elite activities, and it was difficult
for them to indicate only one favourite genre of music. Peterson (1992) concluded that, instead
of the elite-to-mass, the omnivore-to-univore perspective (in terms of cultural consumption and
taste) fits best with the data and can explain the contemporary status hierarchy. Similarly, according to Bourdieu (1984), the range of preferences increases as one is moving to the upper steps of
the status hierarchy ladder, since the access to a wider range of cultural and artistic forms
increases too: the higher the status, the greater the availability of cultural capital. Recent empirical research in various countries like Australia, France, Great Britain, Spain, and several others
has confirmed this approach (Lizardo & Skiles, 2008; but see North & Hargreaves, 2007b). From
this point of view, if status is gained by knowing about, and participating in (that is to say, by
consuming) many if not all forms, as Peterson indicates, omnivorous preference is a way to
assert an identity (Peterson, 1992, p. 252). The students in our research have access to a wide
range of cultural forms and it is not surprising that they showed an inclination towards cultural
omnivorousness (evident in the intercorrelations among most of preference structures).
157
the perception of these contents by the listeners are needed. Additionally, established rebellious
has become a more private hypothesis than it was few decades ago when rock music, for
example, was an integral part of youths collective identity. It has also become less crystallized
that is, more diffused compared to the 60s and mid 70s in Greece, when given the political and social circumstances in the country this music culture was more commonly identified
with the image of a rebellious youth in the major urban areas (cf. Lewis, 1995). There was a
similar tendency for folk-native traditional listeners to perceive the music they listen to as
important to their self-definition (the cognitive aspect) but less important for their definition
as a group member.
Interestingly, the social aspect of musical identity did not come up as such an important determinant of music preferences. This is perhaps because the context of data collection did not create
an intergroup situation, for example by asking the respondents to make comparisons with people
listening to different kinds of music (see North & Hargreaves, 1999). In a comparative, intergroup
context, respondents reactions would normally serve ingroup differentiation; that is, increasing
ingroups and lessening outgroups evaluation. Perhaps participants wanted to defy a conformist
image of themselves (I listen to what other people do) in order to achieve individual distinctiveness (for example, a common theme in rock music is non-conformism). Also, it can be noted that
peoples music preferences vary according to their moods, social situation and other constantlychanging circumstances (Hargreaves et al., 2002). Hence respondents reactions to the identity
measures of the present study could also be related to a number of other relative variables.
158
Conclusively, it is evident that values and musical identities differentially predict students
music preferences. Following a different analytical approach, we can comment on these findings
by looking at each preference structure separately: the sophisticated and complex preference
structure was related to self-transcendence (positively, similarly to Rentfrow & Gosling, 2003)
and to conservation (negatively). The established rebellious type of preference was related to
both musical identity and personal values. The former suggests that listeners of these types of
music think that these specific genres characterize them as individuals (and not as group members, satisfying individual distinctiveness). Moreover, all values were related to this preference
structure: self-transcendence and openness to change in a positive way and conservation and
self-enhancement in a negative way (see Rentfrow & Gosling, 2003). The non-mainstream dissonant type of preference had the lowest preference scores and it depended on students openness to change (positively) and conservation (negatively). The sentimental and sensational
preference structure was also related to both musical identity and values. Those who listen to
this music think that this specific type of preference characterizes them more as group members
and less as individuals. Also, self-enhancement and conservation values positively predicted this
music structure. Finally, the native-folk traditional preference structure was marginally related
to self-identity (cognitive aspect). Also, it was related negatively with self-enhancement values
and positively with self-transcendence values.
Music preferences can be placed on the two dimensional (i.e., openness to change vs. conservation and self-transcendence vs. self-enhancement) map of Schwartzs (1992) value model
(see Figure 1 for a graphic representation): the four music preference types can be placed in the
quadrant between openness to change and self-transcendence (the non-mainstream dissonant
type on the openness to change axis, the native-folk traditional and the sophisticated and complex types on the self-transcendence axis, and the established rebellious type in between) while
the sentimental and sensational stands alone in the quadrant between self-enhancement and
conservation.
159
Established
rebellious
Sophisticated
and complex
Native-folk
traditional
Openness
to change
Non-mainstream
Dissonant
Conservation
Sentimental and
sensational
Self-enhancement
beliefs (e.g., exploitation of alternative energy sources, state-funded health care) compared to
fans of hiphop/rap and DJ-based music (similar to the present sentimental and sensational
structure). Accordingly, in the present study, the sophisticated and complex structure was
related to self-transcendence (e.g., to preserve the environment, care for the weak).
In trying to provide an interpretive framework for some of their findings, North and
Hargreaves (2007a) suggest that music fans can be divided on a liberalconservative dichotomy. Interestingly values have been found to be correlated with political and ideological preferences. Barnea and Schwartz (1998) found, for example, that Israeli voters supporting parties
assumed to promote liberal ideologies attributed high importance to openness to change values
and low importance to conservation values. Future research investigating the relationships
among values, political ideologies and music preferences could provide some relevant insights.
The present study explored music preference structures; however, there is such a large variety
within distinct music genres that future research could examine the relationships among values
(since there are not any relevant studies), musical identities, and alternative band or style preferences. Of course in order to fully explore the variables that contribute to predicting music preferences one must synthesize other possible determinants. One can focus on the way music is
perceived by listeners and on how this perception matches their desires and needs. Future
research should also measure and test the role of mediating psychological processes (hypothesized to be present in the current study), such as the distinctiveness and assimilation needs.
Similarly, listeners may provide the reasons why they listen to music (see the approach of uses
and gratifications; Rubin, 2002). There is some evidence, for example, that people listen to music
in order to change their mood (MacNamara & Ballard, 1999). Future research could deal with a
related question: the relationship between music preferences, emotional well-being, and values.
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It is reasonable to assume that people motivated by different values may use music in different
ways in order to regulate their mood. For example, people that consider preservation of environment as a guiding principle in their lives may reach a positive affective experience with different music compared to people who consider wealth and material possessions as their guiding
principle. Another research question could be whether the relationship between values and
music preferences affects consumers behaviour. Grunert and Juhl (1995), for example, using
Schwartzs value model, found that people with pro-environmental values are more likely to
purchase organic foods compared to other people. Based on the present studys data one may
expect that a music genre from the sophisticated and complex structure (e.g., jazz music, see
also Rentfrow & Gosling, 2003) will sound favourably to a pro-environmentalist in an organic
food store and will affect their buying intentions. One can also focus at the macro level (or the
ideological level of analysis, according to Doise, 1986) or look at the situation of the music
industry and the market.
A large part of recent psychological research has focused on the influence of personality
dispositions on music preferences (e.g., Chamorro-Premuzic & Furnham, 2007). The present
study focused on another individual level variable that affects music preferences. Values, like
personality traits, help people orientate in life. However, values entail intentional commitment by
the person more than personality traits do (Bilsky & Schwartz, 1994), and hence the present
study deals with the importance of conscious and deliberate processes linked with music preferences. It does not provide a comprehensive explanatory account of a theory of music preferences
the non-representative character of the sample undermines generalization to a non-student
population but it does shed some light to the relationships between music preferences, musical identity and values. Overall, it is evident that the importance that young people ascribe
to music as a way of self-definition and the values they hold are related to their music
preferences.
Notes
1. For classical music it was established in the pretest that there is no point in differentiating between preclassical (e.g., renaissance or baroque) and post-classical music (e.g., romantic or serial). The Greek folk
(traditional) genre includes demotica (rural folk music from continental Greece) and island folk music
as well. Rebetika is a kind of urban popular music developed by the end of the 19th and the beginning
of the 20th century by marginal social groups, based initially on a modal musical system from Arab,
Turkish and Byzantine origin and later influenced by the Western tonal system (Papageorgiou, 1997).
Laika (developed during the post-war era) is a lighter form of urban popular music, based mainly on
the Western tonal system and disseminated by the recording and film industry, as well as by radio and
television. Laika-pop is a hybrid genre based mainly on Western-style pop music, and incorporating also
some elements of Arabic origin, as well as elements from rebetika and laika genres (the main features
of this genre are the simple rhythmic patterns, the use of nave melodic and conventional harmonic
structures, as well as the sentimental lyrics). The Greek art-popular music (entechno) is a genre developed in the 60s that combines poetry by celebrated writers with specific musical styles (frequently
including complex harmonies, polyrhythm, and counterpoint).
2. Measures of the value of tradition have been omitted due to a technical error.
3. Moderate correlations were evident among variables (Bartletts test of sphericity was statistically significant at p < 0.001). There was no problem of multicollinearity (the determinant was 1.31E-05). Finally,
the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sampling adequacy (0.823) indicated that the factor analysis could
result in distinct and reliable factors.
4. The 6- and 7-factor solutions explained 57.68% and 58.32% of the variance accordingly but there
were essentially less meaningful.
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Appendix.Value items and value types
Value type
Description
Items
Power
Social power
Authority
Wealth
Influence
Enjoying life
Varied life
Exciting life
Curious
Equality
World at peace
Protecting the environment
True friendship
Social justice
Mature love
Helpfulness
Forgivingness
Honesty
Loyal
Obedience
Self-discipline
Honouring parents and elders
Family security
Sense of belonging
Achievement
Hedonism
Stimulation
Self-direction
Universalism
Benevolence
Conformity
Security
Antonis Gardikiotis is Assistant Professor of Social Psychology and the Mass Media at the School
of Journalism and Mass Media Studies of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (Greece). His
research covers various areas of social psychology and intergroup communication.
Alexandros Baltzis is Assistant Professor of the Sociology of the Arts at the School of Journalism
and Mass Media Studies of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (Greece). His research is
focused on the cultural industries, on the impact of globalization on the production of culture,
and on the factors influencing cultural consumption. He has published several articles, book
chapters and papers in the fields of the sociology of culture and the arts, the sociology of music
and the sociology of education.