Professional Documents
Culture Documents
*Stateless persons are those who do not have a nationality (de facto or
de jure statless). De Jure stateless are those who have lost their
nationality while de Facto stateless are those who have nationality but
to whom protection is denied by their state when out of the state.
The petitioner Boris Mejoff is an alien of Russian descent who was
brought to this country from Shanghai as a secret operative by the
Japanese forces during the latter's regime in these Islands. Upon
liberation he was arrested as a Japanese spy, by U. S. Army Counter
Intelligence Corps. Later he was handed to the Commonwealth
Government for disposition in accordance with Commonwealth Act No.
682. Thereafter the People's Court ordered his release. But the
deportation board taking his case up, found that having no travel
documents Mejoff was illegally in this country, and consequently
referred the matter to the immigration authorities. After the
corresponding investigation, the Board of Commissioners of
Immigration on April 5, 1948, declared that Mejoff had entered the
Philippines illegally in 1944, without inspection and admission by the
immigration officials at a designated port of entry and, therefore, it
ordered that he be deported on the first available transportation to
Russia. The petitioner was then under custody, he having been arrested
on March 18, 1948. In May, 1948, he was transferred to the Cebu
Provincial Jail together with three other Russians to await the arrival of
some Russian vessels. In July and in August of that year two boats of
Russian nationality called at the Cebu Port. But their masters refused to
take petitioner and his companions alleging lack of authority to do so. In
October, 1948, after repeated failures to ship this deportee abroad, the
authorities removed him to Bilibid Prison at Muntinglupa where he has
been confined up to the present time, inasmuch as the Commissioner of
Immigration believes it is for the best interest of the country to keep
him under detention while arrangements for his deportation are being
made.
For the Petitioner: 1) that having been brought to the Philippines legally
by the Japanese forces, he may not now be deported. It is enough to
say that the argument would deny to this Government the power and
the authority to eject from the Islands any and all of those members of
the Nipponese Army of occupation who may still be found hiding in
remote places. 2) he may not be deported because the statutory period
to do that under the laws has long expired.
has not been held sufficient to justify the issuance of the writ of habeas
corpus, this petition must be, and it is hereby denied.
PERFECTO, J., dissenting:
To continue keeping petitioner under confinement is a thing that shocks
conscience. Under the circumstances, petitioner is entitled to be released from
confinement. He has not been convicted for any offense for which he may be
imprisoned. Government's inability to deport him no pretext to keep him
imprisoned for an indefinite length of time. The constitutional guarantee that no
person shall be deprived of liberty without due process of law has been intended
to protect all inhabitants or residents who may happen to be under the shadows
of Philippine flag.
Our vote is the same as one we cast when the case of Borovsky vs.
Commissioner of Immigration, L-2852, was submitted for decision although, for
some misunderstanding, our vote was overlooked at the time of the decision was
promulgated. Our vote is to grant the petition and to order the immediate
release of petitioner, without prejudice for the government to deport him as soon
as the government could have the means to do so. In the meantime, petitioner is
entitled to live a normal life in a peaceful country, ruled by the principles of law
and justice.
Goldwater vs Carter
*Topic: Authority to terminate. While the Vienna Convention enumerates those
who have the capacity to enter into treaties, it does not say who may terminate
a treaty. Logically, however, the authority to terminate should also belong to the
one who has the authority to enter into the treaty. (Question: Can the President
unilaterally terminate a treaty? Goldwater vs Carter discussed this question
relative to Pres. Carters termination of the defense treaty with Taiwan. No
decision was reached except to say that the matter was not yet ripe for judicial
review.
Facts: President Carter terminated a defense treaty with Taiwan. Neither the
Senate nor the House have taken action to prevent or contest the action.
Several members brought this claim alleging the President has deprived them of
their Constitutional role. In the present posture of this case, we do not know
whether there ever will be an actual confrontation between the Legislative and
Executive Branches. Although the Senate has considered a resolution
declaring that Senate approval is necessary for the termination of any
mutual defense treaty, no final vote has been taken on the resolution.
Arguments:
P) The Constitution makes specific mention that the President needs the
approval and consent of the Senate to make a treaty, therefor the contra positive
is true: President cannot terminate a treaty without approval and consent of the
Senate. If so, a constitutional case and controversy are ripened for decision.
Whether the decision making authority is Constitutionally valid is a
determination left to the courts.
Def) The issue is a political question where the PL is asking the court to issue an
advisory opinion on whether the President can or cannot terminate a treaty.
Issue: Whether the President, in terminating at treaty with another country,
needs the approval of Congress, and if so does it involve a political question?
Held: The judgment is vacated and the case remanded to the court for dismissal.
Rule: The President is authorized to make treaties with the advice and consent of
the Senate. Treaties shall be a part of the supreme law of the land.
Court has recognized that an issue should not be decided if it is not ripe
for judicial review. Prudential considerations persuade me that a
dispute between Congress and the President is not ready for judicial
review unless and until each branch has taken action asserting its
constitutional authority. Differences between the President and the
Congress are commonplace under our system. The differences should,
and almost invariably do, turn on political rather than legal
considerations. The Judicial Branch should not decide issues affecting
the allocation of power between the President and Congress until the
political branches reach a constitutional impasse. Otherwise, we would
encourage small groups or even individual Members of Congress to
seek judicial resolution of issues before the normal political process has
the opportunity to resolve the conflict