Disparities | 1

Disparities:
Paid and Unpaid Labour in the Canadian Landscape
Author: Max Zhu
Dr. Philip F. Kelly, Crystal Melville
March 27, 2014

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Through history, females were perceived to be the sole caregivers of the family while
males were the breadwinners. This patriarchy continued until WWII, after which these social
constructions of gender underwent massive changes across North America. Traditional sexual
divisions of labour in marriage eroded as female participation rose alongside the emergence of a
consumer-as-dupes economy as business owners maximized production to meet overwhelming
consumer demand. Today, the increased feminization of the global labour market has instigated
many research papers aimed at grasping its subsequent impact on unpaid duties in the household.
This paper will explore how the gender and labour disparities across three cities Hamilton,
Sault Sainte Marie (Sault Sainte Marie), and Toronto established how Ontario, and Canada,
responded to the Great Recession. The unchanged gender roles between both sexes, alongside
the geographical contexts in which they exist will be situated to understand unpaid labour
performance and satisfaction of men and women in each of the three metropolitan areas.

Defining the Geographical Context

To eliminate certain variations attributed to different public policies among different
provinces, all three regions are intentionally selected to be within Ontario. Each city is defined
through a unique economic footprint.
As the centre of the Golden Horseshoe, Hamilton is the most industrialized city in
Canada with key industries in manufacturing, health care and education. Major industrial
products include motor parts, iron, steel, food and beverages, coal, and petroleum products. Its
service industry is headed by Hamilton Health Sciences, which employs over 10,000 employees
across six hospitals, and McMaster University, employing over 3,500 full-time staff and faculty
to serve over 35,000 students. Both are critical drivers of consumption and expenditures; for

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example, the university contributes over $1.289 billion to Hamiltons gross domestic product
(GDP) as a hub for capital and research investments.
2006 Census data for Hamilton describes a working class dominated by individuals
between the ages of 40 and 44. 94 percent of the population are Canadian citizens, with 74
percent reporting themselves as white or Caucasian race. One quarter of the city is immigrants;
however, 65 percent are Canadian residents prior to 1991, led by South Asians and Black
peoples. Migration is low in Hamilton as the majority (63 percent) of locals resided in the same
address five years ago while 25 percent of movers were across the same census subdivision (city).
Given its proximity to McMaster, however, formal education is surprisingly low as a mere 15
percent of all Hamiltonians own a post-secondary degree 6 points below the provincial average.
The highest attainment of education, for both males and females, is a high school diploma. As a
result, low-income is a problem in Hamilton as 12.8 and 15.1 percent of men and women,
respectively, fall below the poverty line after taxes.
Sault Sainte Marie is a resource city that specializes in forestry and steel-producing
industries. With a population of 74,948 in 2006, it is the third-largest city in Northern Ontario
and thrives on major employers such as Essar Steel Algoma (3,500 full-time), the Ontario
Lottery and Gaming Corporation (OLG) and three call centres. Slightly older than Hamilton, the
largest age group is between 45 and 49 and its median age is 4.9 years greater than the province.
Population density is low as most residents (64 percent) reside in single-detached homes. To be
explained later, the shape and size of neighbourhoods is critical in crafting social and gender
norms across different geographies. Sault Sainte Marie also boasts an above-average Aboriginal
population (8 percent overall), in addition to a highly fluent workforce as nearly 84 percent
reported English as their mother tongue.

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As shown in the data, low earnings and poverty are key concerns in Sault Sainte Marie.
The average value of a home is $165,444 lower than Ontarios average price of $297,479. In
addition, one-person households earned $22,278 in pre-tax income in 2006, $5,467 below the
CPI-adjusted poverty line of $27,745. This problem is magnified as 29 percent of all residents
live in single-person dwellings. Furthermore, unemployment in the Sault is 1.64 points higher
than the provincial average. Government transfers are an essential supplement to peoples
incomes in the absence of job security (11.7 and 20.5 percent for men and women, respectively).
Toronto is the largest and most populous city in Canada. As a commercial, distribution,
financial and industrial centre, Toronto is the core of Canadas GDP through its various human,
capital and technological systems. Bay Street, as the third-largest financial centre in North
America, employs over 205,000 staff through Canadas largest banks and brokerages while the
citys film, television and tourism industries provide significant demands of employment. It is
also home to Toronto Pearson International Airport and controls the migration flows of over 34
million passengers each year with many immigrants that adopt Toronto as the first Canadian
experience.
Torontos 2006 Census reflects its diverse and cosmopolitan footprint. Compared to
Ontarios average of 54 percent, only 46 percent of Torontonians are legally married. Population
density is 297 times greater than the provincial average (3,972/sq.km) and 38.7 percent of
residents live in buildings with five or more storeys. Home construction booms in the city as a
new home (post-1986) exists among every 4.33 old homes (pre-1986); in comparison, the ratio is
1 to 6.29 in Sault Sainte Marie and 1 to 3.41 in Hamilton, unadjusted for the overall number of
dwellings. Another key distinction for Toronto is its income distribution notably, couple
households with children only earned $3,820 more than couple households without children.

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Whereas the differential is significantly greater in the other regions, this reflects a) the high cost
of raising a family in Toronto and b) the incentive systems of Torontos key economic sectors as
innovation may be equally valued as seniority. (Seniority is associated with couples with
children as both spouses will be, at minimum, in the middle 30s) Lastly, Toronto maintains one
of Canadas most educated workforces as nearly 45 and 35 percent of individuals between 25
and 34, and 35 and 65, respectively, have a university degree.

Examination of Paid Workforce

As defined through the National Occupational Classification for Statistics 2006,
Hamiltons workforce is largely constructed of G (Sales and service), B (Business, finance and
administrative) and H (Trades, transport, equipment operators and related occupations) work
divisions, a pattern also observed in Sault Sainte Marie and Toronto. 9.5 percent of B, however,
is solely clerical positions with a male-to-female (MF) ratio of 1 to 2.57 reflecting the nature of
economic work in Hamilton as more manual, labour-intensive and less efficient than
metropolises such as Toronto. This is justified through the regions 57,630-strong manufacturing
arm and its operation as a branch plant for transnational corporations with its proximity to Lake
Ontario and the St. Lawrence River. The removal of those jobs would describe Hamilton as a
non-active business centre with few capital owners and entrepreneurs situated in the region.
Labour participation is 70.2 and 59.5 among male and female workforces, respectively,
with employment rates at 65.7 and 55.5. Working women are absent in 100 occupations the
majority in the H sector, such as steamfitters, bricklayers and concrete finishers which lead to
6,105 non-competed opportunities. Non-competed opportunities are opportunities in which no
women work, or want to work, in and assumes that any woman that wishes to, would be able to

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do so. Women also work, in low percentages, in positions of telecommunication work, land
surveying or geology. This agrees with Hamiltons census profile, as partially described above,
as major fields of study in architecture and engineering (11 percent of educated workforce) are
97 percent male. More initiatives to encourage females in non-traditional sciences are high
encouraged, as a means to achieve gender equality.
On the other side, working men are absent in 12 occupations including medical
secretaries, court transcriptionists and head nursing roles, leading to 1,370 unchallenged
opportunities. Medical work is particularly concerning; as the male-to-female ratio in D01
(Physicians, dentists and veterinarians) is 1.735 to 1, male physicians display a greater
preference to hire female support staff. Further examination of MF ratios depicts a local
economy where 44 of the highest ratios exist in H or J (Processing, manufacturing and utilities
occupations) sectors. Together, these formed 24.98 percent of all jobs in Hamilton and offer a
partial explanation to Hamiltons low female participation rate, as a quarter of all employment is
physically-intensive and thus more advantageous to males. On the other end, low MF ratios
(below 0.1) hired 68,840 females and are dominated by nursing and data entry positions. The
least discriminatory occupations (with a MF ratio between 0.9 and 1.1) are restaurant and food
service managers, government program officers, cleaners, and financial auditors and accountants.
Unpaid family work is centralized in business roles and composed a very small portion of
Hamiltonians. It is highly feminine as well, as 1,875 females worked full-time per every male in
this working class.
In Sault Sainte Marie, G, B and H are the dominant classes of employment, employing
24,040 (or 60 percent) of all employed individuals. Sales, service and clerical occupations led all
occupational subclasses while the single, largest occupation is G211 (retail salespersons).

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Relative to Hamilton, class C (natural and applied sciences) is a significant portion of

employment in the city (6.89 percent) while over 136 other occupations did not employ any
individuals including high-tech electronic assemblers and people involved in the arts. One
interesting insight is the absence of mining, oil and gas supervisors. Given that these industries
are large employers of the city, most management level occupations are filled by professionals
living in other census divisions. Another observation is the clear division of labour in loweducation positions. No males are employed as babysitters, personnel workers (human resources)
or librarians; in addition, all secretaries in the city are female. The strength of a sexual division is
labour is very evident in resource cities, such as Sault Sainte Marie, and may be attributable to
the attitudes, education and available forms of employment opportunities.
Labour participation is 63 and 56.3 among male and female workforces, respectively,
with employment rates at 57.7 and 51.9. A small portion of people are self-employed (2,505) and
identified themselves as managers or sales supervisors of their businesses. All other indicators of
work breakdowns, including MF ratios, are less applicable in Sault Sainte Marie as small
populations tend to overstate the magnitude of age or gender patterns.
Through its diverse business activities, Toronto boasts the highest participation (70.7 and
60 percent for males and females, respectively) and employment rates (65.7 and 55 percent) of
the three regions. G, B and H are, once again, dominant sectors of employment as they provide
income for 56 percent of all working Torontonians. Furthermore, all occupational fields are
active in the city and sexual divisions of labour are rarely observed working men participate in
all occupations while only 28 fields are absent of women. Positions with high MF ratios include
bricklayers, electricians, and roofers and shinglers while dental assistants and home support
workers have low MF ratios. In addition, females dominate the education (1:3.46) and health

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(1:3.19) domains while males are more likely to be employed in engineering (6.29:1) or
information science (1.6:1).
Overall, Hamilton and Toronto maintain many shared characteristics. In particular, a high
immigrant population in both regions may be a strong factor in linking the regions female
participation (59.5 and 60) and employment (55.5 and 55) rates. For instance, 12.1 percent of
Toronto residents are immigrants with roots in South Asia and hosts 37.5 percent of all South
Asians in Ontario. Combined with the inclination for immigrants to adopt the city as a place of
first settlement, Toronto is most predisposed to ethnic attitudes and traditions. In his essay on
The Nationalist Resolution of the Womens Question, Partha Chatterjee describes the roles of
a married Indian woman. "The home was the principal site for expressing the spiritual quality of
the national culture, and women must take the main responsibility of protecting and nurturing
this quality. An implicit social contract continues to influence the allocation of household roles
and responsibilities (Chatterjee 233-53). These unspoken agreements are important forces in
explaining various impediments to female participation in a large economy with limited demands
for physical work.

Understanding the Unpaid Workforce

All three metropolitan areas demonstrate, to varying degrees, forms of a male
breadwinner-female caregiver relationship. Using information on unpaid work activities from
the 2006 Census, this section will describe how much unpaid housework, child, and senior care
are taken on by males and females in Hamilton, Sault Sainte Marie, and Toronto. Variables such
as age group, labour force activity, census family status, and presence and age of youngest child

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are controlled to derive patterns in how social relationships implicate ones willingness to earn
alternative wages.
Unpaid housework:
Across the three cities, a correlation appears where increasing demands of housework is
offloaded to female wives or common-law partners instead of males. MF ratios, in regards to
housework, increase from 0.3 to 3.42 for working couples between 0 to 60 or more hours of
unpaid housework. This range is most visibly observed in Hamilton as 46,115 (54.1 percent) of
working females shoulder 15 or more hours while 73 percent of working husbands absorb less
than 14 hours of house responsibilities. The female-to-make (FM) labour distribution curve is
less significant for working common-law spouses, however, as both genders take on greater
responsibility. Unpaid housework is most troubling for working single mothers. While 94.7
percent of working single fathers participate in unpaid housework, the majority of mothers take
on five to 29 hours and up to 1.66 times greater than males in each category, adjusted for
differences in population size.
In Sault Sainte Marie, working husbands are actively engaged in housework as working
wives incur a maximum of 2.8 times the number of males with the same investment. More
equality is observed between 5 to 29 hours of housework across gender lines. Unfortunately,
only 90 percent of single working fathers engage in housework and no distinct distribution is
observed. This figure is similar to the housework participation rate in Toronto for these
individuals (91.1 percent) as well. Patterns in Toronto for spouses are similar to figures in
Hamilton as working women always conduct more unpaid housework than male counterparts
no matter the length of commitment. This is true even after adjustments of differences related to
population sizes.

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A lack of male participation is traceable to numerous reasons. One possible cause is the
lack of male preparation for household duties. In a publication by Jennifer Hook in the American
Sociological Review, Hook describes male work patterns as a combination of past behaviour.
From a specialization perspective, men might not invest in female-typed household skills
because they do not expect to perform the work upon marriage (Hook 639-660). Many men are,
thus, left unprepared and underperform in circumstances where unisex household work is
required (in divorce or single fatherhood). Another possible reason is the lack of economic
resources to obtain assistance.
2006 Median pre-tax income for lone-parent families (in dollars)
Males
Hamilton
51,358
Sault Sainte Marie
51,576
Toronto
45,745

Females
35,131
29,830
35,176

As seen in the data obtained from 2006 Census profiles of each city from Statistics Canada,
single, working fathers earn, at minimum, $10,569 more than a single, working mother on
average. Considering that the CPI-adjusted poverty line is $27,745, females are left with few
additional resources to employ to relieve their household duties. More attention towards
alternative work lowers the overall well-being of mothers as time demands prevents the
attainment of occupational, social or community well-being. Men, on the other hand, can afford
more resources to fulfill their household duties with a higher income.
Unpaid child care:
After isolating the impact of family status on housework responsibilities of working
individuals, the role of gender in child care is examined through manipulation of labour force
activity variables. An assumption of spouses is included since 45 to 50 percent of population 15
years and older are married across the three regions.

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In Hamilton, unpaid child care is a predominantly female activity as the demands of

children rise. Up until 15 to 29 hours, working fathers are well-engaged in contribution;
nevertheless, increased attention is met through the working mothers sacrifice as the adjusted
FM ratio increases when more hours are needed. Mothers are more inclined to overload their 24hour clock in their attempt to balance two forms of full-time (or full-time and part-time) work
ensuing in a potential drop in overall well-being and satisfaction. This difference is also noted
during unemployment. Whereas unemployed mothers shift their paid working hours towards
unpaid care hours, unemployed fathers appear less flexible in redirecting their time availability.
This is observed through a fourfold increase in the FM ratio between 15 to 29 hours and 30 to 59
hours. When both genders fall out of the workforce, the same phenomenon persists. While
mothers adopt such alternative work full-time, 60.1 percent of fathers do not provide any hours
of unpaid child care and, when done so, are only likely to supply up to 14 hours per week.
Similar patterns exist in Sault Sainte Marie. Comparing the FM ratios with Hamilton,
cross-gender comparisons of care are less extreme as working fathers are more responsive to
their children and their time demands. This is aligned to the citys characteristics in regards to
housework distribution. During unemployment, mothers in Sault Sainte Marie are more likely to
directly adopt this form of alternative work as a full-time responsibility, as demonstrated through
a significant FM ratio in the 60 hours or more category. They are also more involved than
fathers when absent in the work force; however, in comparison to Hamilton, fathers in Sault
Sainte Marie are more flexible in assuming a full-time job as a father.
The least participative fathers are observed in Toronto. While only 28.6 percent invest 0
hours in unpaid child care during employment, 31.4 percent avoid child care during
unemployment and even more 59.2 percent are non-participative when out of the work force.

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Consequently, greater burdens are placed on the mother and such stresses are magnified if she
manages one form of paid work. There is also a significant number of mothers that adopt 60 or
more hours of unpaid child care in Toronto, when absent from the work force; whereas FM ratios
are 3.23 or 11.5 in the other cities, there are 11.8 times more Toronto mothers that devote their
working day towards raising their children, compared to fathers with the same labour force
activity.
Male reluctance to increase involvement has been explained in terms of their selfperception. A study titled The Good Provider Role: Its Rise and Fall by Jessie Bernard in 1981
explained how married males react negatively in unemployment. Men are evaluated by
themselves and others in terms of their success at being the primary providers for their
familieswhen men experience a threat to the provider identity, they may compensate for this
loss of power by refusing to participate in household labor. The stronger the threat to a mans
financial identity, the less he can afford to further threaten it by doing womens work (Orbuch
and Custer 333-345). This is particularly pressing in each of these regions as 57 to 66 percent a
majority of males work. Such a social context is particularly stressful as alternative wages,
such as emotional reward, fail to compensate for the loss in family income, despite their
desirability when the male is employed.
Observations in Toronto may be attributed to the high population density as well. In a
research study to assess the psychological impact of unemployment on women, Rachelle Warren
observed the importance of the social context in how blue- and white-collar women react.
Whereas white-collar women have access to professional counsellors and helpful colleagues,
blue-collar women had a poor social network of support. Neighbours can be an important
source of social support for blue-collar women in such times; howeverthis source of help is

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only available to blue-collar women who live in high organization neighbourhoods in which
neighbours interact frequently, share common interests, and are involved in the larger
community (Targ 47-60). Extending this idea to unemployed males, life in urban centres such
as Toronto (with 3,973 persons per square kilometre) adds unwarranted social stigma should a
male step away from their expected identity in their local community.
Unpaid assistance to seniors:
Senior care is observed in four groups: married with children, married without children,
lone parents and single. Each group attempts to describe the burden of children on males and
females in each city, by their influence on time availability for senior care. Employment is
assumed in each scenario, in order to make observations under maximum time constraints.
Through a calculation of the proportion of males and females that participate in each time
category, employed spouses with children are the most active in taking care of seniors with an
average engagement rate of 24 percent. This may be largely attributed to the role of children as
parents would often bring them to see their grandparents. It is further supported by observing the
time commitments; as senior care was not the main purpose, the majority of time spent clusters
below 5 hours. On the other hand, working, single men with no children are the least engaged
with senior care. This does not mean they do not visit their parents, however, as they may be
living with them. In addition, few males in their 20s (with no children) are likely to have parents
over 65 years of age.
On an aggregate level, gender has little influence in time spent aside from slightly more
female participation in No hours of unpaid care. Contrary to an earlier hypothesis, however, a
high urban density and greater accessibility to seniors did not encourage more involvement in
senior care in Toronto. This is possibly due to the nature of jobs; as Torontos core economy is

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driven on banking and economy (where project-based assignments are high), overtime is a
frequent phenomenon. It is comparable to Mayas day as a lawyer with a U.S. law firm in this
chapter; with greater flexibility in work demands, less attention is allocated to earning alternative
wages especially if paid wages are able to afford many of lifes expectations. This is contrary
to the manufacturing and resource extraction industries which dominate Hamilton and Sault
Sainte Marie. Intensive labour regulations limit the hours each person can work and, as a result,
forms a minimum amount of free time in the 24-hour clock.

Conclusion
The sexual division of labour has been predominantly discussed through a comparison of
paid and unpaid work structures in three different economic regions in Ontario. Only a few
distinct differences are associated in each geographical context; for the most part, segregation in
paid work is determined by the nature of work, and work opportunities while unpaid work
remains a female responsibility, whether or not employment is involved. The aggregate analysis
shared in this paper does not reflect the decisions of individual families, however, as these
families will allocate time to unpaid work in a manner that maximizes household utility. The
spouse that is able to generate the highest marginal economic value will likely serve as the
breadwinner or head of the family (Sander 519-523). Many of the above mentioned disparities
are the summation of many social circumstances at play, such as culture, norms and employment
opportunities in the larger context. A correct attempt to address those gaps requires both a shift
in cultural thinking at both the micro and policy levels, and requires the willingness of an entire
society to truly embrace a blind economy.

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Citations
(Chatterjee 233-53)
Chatterjee, Partha. "The Nationalist Resolution of the Women's Question." Recasting Women:
Essays in Colonial History. (1989): 233-53. Print.
(Hook 639-660)
Hook, Jennifer L. "Men's Unpaid Work in 20 Countries, 1965-2003." American Sociological
Review. 71.4 (2006): 639-660. Web. 31 Mar. 2014.
<http://www.jstor.org/stable/30039013 .>.
(Targ 47-60)
Targ, Dena B. "Women and the "New Unemployment. Humboldt Journal of Social Relations.
10.2 (1983): 47-60. Web. 31 Mar. 2014. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/23262318 .>.
(Orbuch and Custer 333-345)
Orbuch, Terri L., and Lindsay Custer. "The Social Context of Married Women's Work and Its
Impact on Black Husbands and White Husbands." Journal of Marriage and Family. 57.2
(1995): 333-345. Web. 31 Mar. 2014. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/353687 .>.
(Sander 519-523)
Sander, William. "Women, Work, and Divorce." American Economic Review. 75.3 (1985): 519523. Web. 31 Mar. 2014. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/1814817 .>.

Referenced Sources from Statistics Canada

Statistics Canada, 2006 Census of Population, Statistics Canada catalogue no. 97-559XCB2006007 (Canada, Code01)

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Statistics Canada, 2006 Census of Population, Statistics Canada catalogue no. 97-559XCB2006011 (Canada, Code01)
Statistics Canada. 2007. Hamilton, Ontario (Code3525005) (table). 2006 Community Profiles.
2006 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 92-591-XWE. Ottawa.
Released March 13, 2007.
http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2006/dp-pd/prof/92-591/index.cfm?Lang=E
Statistics Canada. 2007. Sault Sainte Marie, Ontario (Code3557061) (table). 2006 Community
Profiles. 2006 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 92-591-XWE. Ottawa.
Released March 13, 2007.
http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2006/dp-pd/prof/92-591/index.cfm?Lang=E
Statistics Canada. 2007. Toronto, Ontario (Code3520005) (table). 2006 Community Profiles.
2006 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 92-591-XWE. Ottawa.
Released March 13, 2007.
http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2006/dp-pd/prof/92-591/index.cfm?Lang=E