The Profession of The ArchiTecT

in LATe AnTique ByzAnTium

introduction
in the second half of the first century Bce, Vitruvius defined the ideal
profile of a professional architect, distinguishing between the practical
(fabrica) and the theoretical (ratiocinatio) aspects of architecture and
emphasising the need to accomplish the whole of the encyclios disciplina (1). Vitruvius On Architecture is the only treatise of architectural
theory preserved from antiquity and it was perhaps the first comprehensive work to systematize the profession of the architect and the
principles of architectural design(2). in so doing, Vitruvius aimed to
establish architecture firmly as a liberal art in its own right(3). in view
of Vitruvius definition, scholars have argued that the roman architect

(1) ViTruVius, On Architecture, edited and translated by f. GrAnGer, i (The Loeb

Classical Library), London and cambridge (mA), 1931: i, 1, 1; i, 1, 11-12. This
text is traditionally dated between 50 Bce and 20 Bce; cf. ViTruVius, Ten Books
on Architecture, edited by i. D. rowLAnD, cambridge, 1999, pp. 3-7. Various translations give the term fabrica as practice. Pont however argues that fabrica
means the practice of architectural contemplation: G. PonT, The Education of
the Classical Architect from Plato to Vitruvius, in Nexus Network Journal, 7 (2005), pp.
76-85.
(2)references to Vitruvius can be found in the Natural History of Pliny the
elder (died in 79 ce), in the Compendium of faventinus (3rd century) and in two
letters of sidonius Apollinaris (c. 430-485 ce), indicating that Vitruvius writings were in circulation. see h. Koch, Vom Nachleben des Vitruv, Baden-Baden,
1951 ; h. PLommer, Vitruvius and Later Roman Building Manuals, cambridge, 1973.
Kruft however expressed doubt about Vitruvius influence on the architectural practice of the imperial age : h.-w. KrufT, A History of Architectural Theory from
Vitruvius to the Present, translated by r. TAyLor, e. cALLAnDer and A. wooD,
Princeton, 1994.
(3)f. e. Brown, Vitruvius and the Liberal Art of Architecture, in Bucknell Review,
11 (1963), pp. 99-107.

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361

was comprehensively educated, both practically and theoretically(4).

This definition has also been extended to the Byzantine empire. According to Downey, the early Byzantine architect, who was known as a
mechanikos(5), complied with the Vitruvian ideal(6). only after the sixth
century ce, many scholars have argued, did the profession of the architect undergo a substantial transition from a mostly theoretical to a
more practical vocation. This transition was matched by a shift in terminology from mechanikos to oikodomos in the Greek east ; from architectus to artifex, operarius or caementarius in the Latin west(7).
scholars have failed to agree on the exact meaning of the term
mechanikos and it is the objective of this article to explore the nature
and education of the mechanikos in an attempt to more accurately define
the architectural profession in late antiquity. following Downey, some
scholars support the identification of the mechanikos with a practising,
professional architect(8). others maintain that, unlike the architekton,
who was an experienced master builder with practical training, the
mechanikos was educated in the liberal arts and had a predominantly
theoretical approach to architecture(9). Building upon Downeys work,

(4)w. L. mAcDonALD, Roman Architects, in s. KosTof (ed.), The Architect : Chapters

in the History of the Profession, new york and oxford, 1977, pp. 28-58; iDem, The
Architecture of the Roman Empire : An Introductory Study, i (Yale Publications in the
History of Art, 17), new haven and London, 19822 ; m. DonDerer, Die Architekten der
spten rmischen Republik und der Kaiserzeit, erlangen, 1996, pp. 57-61.
(5)Throughout the article i have transliterated rather than giving a translation, because there is no english equivalent that could reproduce
the complex meaning of the term.
(6)G. Downey, Byzantine Architects: Their Training and Methods, in Byz., 18
(1946-1948), pp. 99-118 ; iDem, Pappus of Alexandria on Architectural Studies, in Isis,
38 (1948), pp. 197-200; A. cAmeron, Isidore of Miletus and Hypatia: On the Editing of
Mathematical Texts, in GRBS, 31 (1990), pp. 103-127.
(7)n. PeVsner, The Term Architect in the Middle Ages, in Speculum, 17 (1942),
pp. 549-562 ; Downey, Byzantine Architects ; iDem, Pappus ; h. A. meek, The Architect
and His Profession in Byzantium, in Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects,
59 (1952), pp. 216-220 ; s. KosTof, The Architect in the Middle Ages, East and West, in
KosTof, The Architect: Chapters, pp. 59-95; r. ousTerhouT, Master Builders of Byzantium, Princeton, new Jersey, 1999.
(8)meeK, The Architect and His Profession in Byzantium ; cAmeron, Isidore of
Miletus.
(9)r. KrAuTheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, new york, 1979,
pp. 215 and 220; ousTerhouT, Master Builders, pp. 4 and 43-44 ; m. munDeLL-mAnGo,

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this paper aims to show that the architectural profession of early

Byzantium was indeed firmly embedded in the roman tradition and
that the architect had to undergo a comprehensive liberal arts education. when compared to Vitruvius characterisation of the training of
the architect, the curriculum of a mechanikos, as outlined in Pappos of
Alexandrias Collection (c. 320 ce), provides evidence that the practical
element of the architectural education was a development of the late
antique period. i will thus argue that the profession of the architect had
evolved from a purely theoretical discipline in the roman period to a
craft with a decidedly practical component by the fourth century ce.
The ideal curriculum of an architect/mechanikos, according to
Vitruvius and Pappos, was exceedingly ambitious and only those who
completed the entire curriculum successfully reached the top levels of
their profession. That such comprehensively learnt architects existed in
the sixth century ce is evident from the two architects of hagia sophia
in constantinople, Anthemios of Tralles and isidoros of miletos. They
can be placed in the midst of a continuous tradition of the mathematical sciences: fragments of Anthemios writings are preserved; and
isidoros editorial and teaching activities are relatively well documented. Mechanikoi like Anthemios and isidoros seemed to have enjoyed a
relatively high social status, despite the practical aspect of their profession. Architecture and architects were valued on the basis of their practical utility for the common good and architectures potential to convey
images of power and piety(10). The public relationship between the
emperor and his architects and the seemingly increasing involvement
of the imperial patron in the construction process offers insights into
the prestigious reputation of the architect and the use of architecture
as a tool to promote political, religious and social power.
Pappos of Alexandrias definition of the mechanike theoria
By way of textual analysis and in comparison with Vitruvius On
Architecture, Downey identified the science of mechanics (
Building and Architecture, in A. cAmeron, B. wArD-PerKins and m. whiTBy (ed.), The
Cambridge Ancient History : Late Antiquity : Empire and Successors, A.D. 425-600,
cambridge, 2000, pp. 918-971 and 923.
(10)s. cuomo, Technology and Culture in Greek and Roman Antiquity, cambridge,
2007, p. 149.

THE PROFESSION OF THE ARCHITECT IN LATE ANTIQUE BYZANTIUM

363

) in book eight of Pappos of Alexandrias Collection (c. 320 ce) as

being a portrayal of the art of architecture, arguing that Pappos
offered a detailed description of the education and training of an architect (11). in this passage of his work, Pappos outlined the requirements
needed to become a mechanikos. That the terms mechanikos / mechanopoios(12), in contrast to terms like architekton or oikodomos, signified a
highly learned and esteemed architect in early Byzantium is further
exemplified by the stringent usage of these terms in contemporary
writings and inscriptions. in the sixth century, for instance, Procopius
of caesarea employed mechanikos / mechanopoios in his eulogies on the
two architects of hagia sophia, Anthemios of Tralles and isidoros of
miletos, and he bestowed the title on only three other architects in The
Buildings(13). Agathias of myrina (ca. 532-582 ce) in his History described
Anthemios as an outstanding mechanopoios and a superb mathematician (14). in Butlers survey of Byzantine syrian inscriptions (third to
sixth centuries) that identified different kinds of builders and craftsmen, the term mechanikos occurs only once, referring to isidore the
younger, while all other designations of specialists involved in construction appear more frequently(15). All of this implies that a mecha(11)PAPPos of ALexAnDriA, Collection, ed. f. huLTsch, Pappi Alexandrini Collectionis
quae supersunt, iii, Berlin, 1878, col. 1022, 3 - col. 1028, 3 ; Downey, Pappus.
(12)for the purpose of this paper, the two terms are used synonymously,
which can be justified on the basis of Procopius, who seems to have used them
interchangeably. see also LiDDeLL-scoTT-Jones (with Revised Supplement), engineer; maker of engines or machines, engineer.
Pappos distinguished the as the one responsible for the design of
instruments that facilitated the drawing of water from great depths. however,
the fact that Pappos explicitly pointed out that this type of engineer is properly called suggests that by the fourth century these terms were
employed indiscriminately. see PAPPos, iii, col. 1025, 2.
(13)ProcoPius, Buildings, edited and translated by h. B. DewinG (The Loeb
Classical Library), cambridge (mA) and London, 1940 : i, 1, 24 ; i, 1, 50; i, 1, 71 ; i,
1, 76.
(14)AGAThiAs, V, 6, 3, ed. r. KeyDeLL, Agathiae Myrinaei. Historiarum libri quinque
(CFHB, 2), Berlin, 1967 ; translation with introduction by J. D. frenDo, Agathias.
The Histories (CFHB, 2A), Berlin, 1975.
(15) (4), (4), (20), (39), (4),
and (2). h. c. BuTLer, Early Churches in Syria: Fourth to
Seventh Centuries, ed. e. B. smiTh, Princeton, 1929, pp. 255-257; Downey, Byzantine
Architects, pp. 104-105; J. wArren, Greek Mathematics and the Architects to Justinian,
London, 1976, pp. 13-14; A. PeTronoTis, Der Architekt in Byzanz, in Bauplanung und

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nikos was someone associated with the architectural profession from at

least the sixth century on, and that a mechanikos was exceptional both
in quantity as well as in quality. This is important for the interpretation
of Pappos of Alexandrias definition of the mechanike theoria. Pappos
explicitly characterized a mechanikos as someone who was proficient in
a wide range of theoretical and practical disciplines.
The science of mechanics ( ) takes almost first place
in dealing with the nature of the material elements of the universe. for it
deals generally with the stability and movement of bodies about their centre of gravity, and their motions in space, inquiring not only into the causes
of those that move in virtue of their nature ( ), but forcibly transferring others from their own places in a motion contrary to their nature
( ) mechanics can be divided into a theoretical and a manual
part ( , ); the theoretical part (
) is composed of geometry, arithmetic, astronomy and physics, the
manual ( ) of work in metals, construction (),
carpentering and the art of painting, and the practical execution of these
matters. The man who has been trained from his youth in the aforesaid
sciences () as well as practised in the aforesaid arts () and
in addition has a versatile mind, will be, they say, the best inventor of
mechanical devices ( ) and master builder
(). But when it is impossible for the same person to familiarize
himself with so many academic studies and at the same time to learn the
above-mentioned crafts (), they instruct a person wishing to undertake practical tasks in mechanics to use such crafts as he already possesses
in the tasks to be performed in each particular case(16).
Bautheorie der Antike, Diskussionen zur archologischen Bauforschung, 4 (1983),
pp. 329-342, especially p. 329 and p. 341, n. 3.
(16)PAPPos, iii, coll. 1022, 3 - 1024, 11. Translated in Downey, Byzantine Architects, pp. 106-107 : . i followed Downeys translation, who
demonstrated that the genitive absolute with which the last sentence begins is
to be translated in either the temporal or conditional sense (when it is impossible or in case in which it is impossible) opposing earlier translations that
had applied the causal sense (since it is impossible). Downey, Pappus. former
translations read the last sentence as if it is altogether impossible to reach the
ideal of a perfect architect. it seems more feasible, though, that Pappos
acknowledged that not everyone would reach this ideal, but that it was potentially attainable.

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Pappos profile of the education and aptitude of the mechanikos is

reminiscent of Vitruvius account on the training of an architect(17).
Both authors divided their respective sciences (mechanics and architecture) into a theoretical (logikos and ratiocinatio) and a practical side
(cheirourgikos and fabrica). At first this seems to be an unambiguous distinction between theory and practice. Cheirourgikos and fabrica have
indeed often been recognised as practice or craftsmanship in terms of
an actual hands-on activity. however, Pont has recently reconsidered
Vitruvius fabrica and has argued in favour of a more Platonic reading of
Vitruvius treatise. he has convincingly reasoned that the more exact
meaning of fabrica transpires from the sentence Fabrica est continuata ac
trita usus meditatio ... [i, 1, 1] and the close connection between fabrica
and meditatio. Accordingly, Vitruvius distinguished with fabrica the frequent and continued contemplation of the various practices involved
in the art of architecture and not an actual manual exercise (18). As such,
the Vitruvian concept of fabrica is comparable to Platos praktike, which
is the imperative or executive knowledge (know how) of architecture,
without the requirement of manual skills(19). This is made explicit in
Platos Statesman, where socrates said, every architect, too, is a ruler of
workmen, not a workman himself (20). for Plato as well as for Vitruvius,
therefore, the architects expertise lay in the understanding of the practical aspects of construction in order for him to be able to oversee the
entire building campaign, rather than in any practical engagement with
the actual building process.
in contrast, the term cheirourgikos, used by Pappos to distinguish the
practical side of the mechanical sciences from the theoretical seems to
suggest some kind of manual exercise. indeed, Pappos specified that
the manual [part is composed] of work in metals, construction, carpentering and the art of painting, and the practical execution of these
matters (21). The use of the conjunction (and) to link the list of var(17)ViTruVius i, 1, 1 ; i, 1, 3-4 ; i, 1, 11.
(18)PonT, Education, pp. 77-78.
(19)PLATo, Statesman, 259e, ed. and translated by h. n. fowLer (The Loeb Classical Library), cambridge (mA) and London, 1925 (= 2006); PonT, Education, p. 78.
(20)PLATo, Statesman, 259e :
.
(21)PAPPos, iii, coll. 1022, 17 - 1024, 2. Translated in Downey, Byzantine Architects, pp. 106-107 :
.

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ious crafts to the actual manual exercise of these illustrates that

cheirourgikos included both the theoretical and the practical hands-on
study of these techniques. Pappos furthermore differentiated between
the training in the sciences (episteme) and the practical arts (techne). The
relation of episteme to techne in antiquity is a complex one and it would
be mistaken to identify this dichotomy with a modern distinction
between theory and practice(22). suffice to note that techne often
implied the theoretical understanding of the principles or methods
rather than the practical execution of the crafts, and as such resembled
episteme. however, there was a practical side to techne as well that ultimately aimed at implementing and/or teaching this knowledge(23). so,
while Pappos characterisation of the mechanikos parallels in part the
definition of the architectural profession by Vitruvius, in that it
required theoretical knowledge of the practical branches of its trade,
there is a striking difference as Pappos text specified additionally the
component of actual practical training.
To add to this argument, i would like to draw attention to Pappos
remark that the person, who succeeded in the diverse theoretical and
manual disciplines of a mechanikos would be both the best inventor of
mechanical devices / mechanical engineer ( )
and master builder ()(24). The architekton was evidently considered a specialised branch of the science of mechanics and, as such,
subordinate to the profession of the mechanikos that incorporated both
the mechanical engineer as well as the architekton. it can furthermore be
assumed that the architekton was mainly accomplished in the theoretical parts of the overall education of the mechanikos. According to the
definition given in the Lexica Segueriana, architekton has two meanings :
supervisor of construction work, chief of carpenters (or builders) ; one
who conceives of (invents) the arrangement of buildings (25). This mid-

(22)see for example cuomo, Technology and Culture, chapter 1.

(23)r. AuDi (ed.), The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy, cambridge, 1995,
p. 789.
(24)i follow Downeys translation, emphasizing the future tense. Downey,
Pappus, p. 198.
(25)Anecdota Graeca, i, Lexica Seguerina, ed. i. BeKKer, Berlin, 1814, p. 450 :
,
, .

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367

dle Byzantine source clearly acknowledged the Platonic and Vitruvian

meaning of the term architekton as someone who was responsible for the
design of an edifice and the oversight of its construction. hence, it is
safe to assume that this definition was well-known during the
Byzantine period. Judging from cassiodorus description of the imperial
architect as responsible for the instruction of the builder of walls, the
carver of marbles, the caster of brass, the vaulter of arches, the plasterer, the worker of mosaic (26), the architect was considered a designer
and supervisor rather than an executioner at least in the west as late as
the sixth century. however, in early Byzantium a comprehensively
learned architect was known as a mechanikos since the first half of the
fourth century. This change in terminology indicates that the highest
level of the architectural profession was no longer confined to the planning and supervision of the building process, but had also expanded
into the practical tasks of construction.
one reason for the re-definition of the architectural profession might
have been the emergence of new forms of architecture that posed hitherto unknown problems of engineering that thus required the additional practical training of the mechanikos (27). Architects in late antiquity do not seem to have been able to calculate thrusts of newly
emerging vaulted architectural structures because of the unpredictability of construction materials and their limited knowledge of statics(28).
instead, they needed to be able to draw upon practical experience and
actual building. As an apprentice, the mechanikos was supposed to
acquire this practical experience and to obtain knowledge about the
various construction methods and architectural materials (metal, wood,
paint) presumably within specialized workshops. This is what Pappos
called the manual part (cheirourgikos) in the education of the mechanikos.
The ultimate goal of his education was the mechanike theoria that takes
almost first place in dealing with the nature of the material elements of
the universe. for it deals generally with the stability and movement of

(26)cAssioDorus, Variae Vii, 5, ed. Th. mommsen (MGH. Scriptores, 1, Auctores

antiquissimi, 12), Berlin, 1894. Translation quoted in m. s. BriGGs, The Architect in
History, oxford, 1927, p. 48.
(27)Downey, Byzantine Architects, p. 110.
(28)r. mAinsTone, Hagia Sophia : Justinians Church of Divine Wisdom, later the
Mosque of Ayasofya, in Istanbul, in The Structural Engineer, 68 (1990), pp. 65-71.

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bodies (29). The science of mechanics was the attempt to understand

the nature and behaviour of matter, an essential factor in the successful pursuit of new and innovative architectural designs. This is why the
architectural profession had to develop from a purely theoretical trade,
as it had been in case of its Greco-roman predecessors, to incorporate
the practical expertise of the mechanical engineer. A similar fusion of
mason and architect appears to have occurred in the western architectural traditions as judged on the basis of the early seventh-century
writings of isidore of seville (c. 560-636 ce) (30).
Architecture as a liberal art
The shift of architecture from a pure science to an increasingly
applied profession is possibly also reflected in the omission of music as
one of the fundamental requirements in Pappos profile. in Vitruvius
text, architectural education was made up of the traditional quadrivium
of the four mathematical sciences, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy
and music, following the mathematical curriculum outlined in Platos
Republic(31). Additionally, four out of the six basic Vitruvian categories
of architectural beauty (venustas) were associated with ancient Greek
musical theory, namely ordinatio (taxis), dispositio (diathesis), eurythmia
and symmetria(32). for Vitruvius, venustas was one of the key principles
architecture had to satisfy, along with strength (firmitas) and utility
(utilitas)(33). in order to meet these requirements, an architectural

(29)PAPPos, iii, col. 1022, 6-11. Translated in Downey, Byzantine Architects,

pp. 106-107:
. .
(30)PeVsner, The Term Architect in the Middle Ages, p. 550.
(31)ViTruVius i, 1, 3-4. The significance of mathematical harmonics, according to Plato, was its usefulness for the understanding of the beautiful and the
good. PLATo, The Republic, edited and translated by P. shorey (The Loeb Classical
Library), cambridge (mA) and London, 1930 (= 1963), pp. 527-531. m. f. BurnyeAT,
Archytas and Optics, in Science in Context, 18 (2005), pp. 35-53.
(32)in Greek musical theory was the disposition of notes or intervals
in a melody, referred to the graceful and rhythmical movement in
music and dance, and meant harmonic and commensurable proportion. s. michAeLiDes, The Music of Ancient Greece : An Encyclopaedia, London, 1978,
pp. 117, 307 and 321.
(33)ViTruVius i, 3, 2.

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369

structure had to obey the rules of consistent, harmonic and rhythmic

proportioning(34). in relating architecture to music, Vitruvius once
more emphasised the underlying message of his treatise, namely that
architecture was to be reckoned a liberal art.
in comparison, Pappos version seems more pragmatic at first,
stressing the need for practical training and not mentioning music(35).
nonetheless, Pappos logikos, the theoretical part of the science of
mechanics, encompassed the remaining fundamental disciplines of the
quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry and astronomy). A versatile mind
( ) was moreover acknowledged as an essential component, if one was to become a mechanikos. such a versatile mind, i would
argue, presupposed a comprehensive education that was able to provide and nourish the architectural genius. it is philosophy, according to
Vitruvius that makes the architect high minded and philosophy was
considered the outcome of the encyclical studies(36). it can thus be
extrapolated that Pappos logikos embraced the liberal arts, leading to
philosophy and teaching the architect the principles (logoi) of nature,
which were relevant for the successful completion of the curriculum of
architectural training. hence, although Pappos text seems in many
respects less idealistic than Vitruvius ten books, Pappos equally aimed
to augment the prestige of the science of mechanics(37). for this purpose, he shaped the image of the mechanikos as someone who was thoroughly versed in the liberal arts, and, by emphasising that mechanics
investigated and tried to formulate the principles of nature, he portrayed the science of mechanics as a liberal art (38).
The need for a liberal arts education of architects is similarly reflected in a fourth-century constantinian edict addressed to felix, then
prefect of north Africa at carthage. There had been a short supply of
architects. constantine therefore instructed felix to encourage as many

(34)ViTruVius i, 2, 1; i, 3, 2. KrufT, A History of Architectural Theory, pp. 24-26;

PonT, Education, p. 81.
(35)Downey claimed that Pappos work was written as a handbook rather
than to persuade the public of the prestige of the architectural profession.
Downey, Byzantine Architects, p. 108.
(36)ViTruVius i, 1, 7. ViTruVius, Ten Books on Architecture, introduction 7.
(37)s. cuomo, Pappus of Alexandria and the Mathematics of Late Antiquity,
cambridge, 2000, pp. 91-95.
(38)Brown, Vitruvius and the Liberal Art of Architecture, pp. 99-107.

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young people as possible from the African provinces who were about
twenty years old and who were acquainted with the liberal arts (liberales
litteras degustaverint) to study architecture. As an incentive, the apprentices and their parents were to be exempt from all fiscal obligations and
a competitive salary was to be promised to those who were willing to
teach(39). similar decrees were issued in the following years, again
emphasising the exemption from all official obligations (munera) for
those who would commit to teaching the next generation of artisans,
architects included(40). This legal evidence testifies to the educational
background of architects in the fourth century and the importance that
was ascribed to teaching and learning and by extension the preservation of architectural traditions and values (41). That high educational
standards for mechanikoi were in place in sixth-century Byzantium is
evidenced by the two mechanikoi of hagia sophia in constantinople.
Anthemios was known as an architect, geometer and mathematician
and Procopius described him as the most learned man in the art of
architecture of both his own time and of previous generations (42). from
Anthemios own writings on burning mirrors, it is clear that he was
familiar with some of the most influential ancient mathematical works,
particularly optics and catoptrics(43). eutokios of Askalon introduced
one of his commentaries on De sphaera et cylindro of Archimedes with a
reference to isidoros of miletos the mechanikos, who was his teacher and
responsible for the collation of his commentary, testifying to the role of
isidoros as a teacher and editor of ancient mathematical texts(44).
Additionally, the sixth-century architectural structure of the church of
hagia sophia confirms the application of mathematical and astronomical principles in the design of the edifice and may thus serve as mater-

(39)The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions, translated by c. PhArr, Princeton, 1952, 13, 4, 1.
(40)The Theodosian Code 13, 4, 2/3.
(41)cuomo, Pappus, pp. 30-34 ; eADem, Technology and Culture, pp. 148-149.
(42)AGAThiAs V, 6, 3-4 ; ProcoPius i, 1, 24.
(43)G. L. huxLey, Anthemius of Tralles: A Study in Later Greek Geometry, cambridge (mA), 1959. w. r. Knorr, Pseudo-Euclidean Reflections in Ancient Optics : A ReExamination of Textual Issues Pertaining to the Euclidean Optica and Catoptrica, in
Physis, 31 (1994), pp. 1-45.
(44)cAmeron, Isidore of Miletus.

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371

ial evidence for the high scientific standard of the architectural profession in the sixth century ce (45).
There clearly is ample evidence to deduce that at least some architects in the late antique period were thoroughly educated and possessed a wide range of skills and knowledge. The expertise of those who
deserved to be called mechanikos / mechanopoios extended most certainly to the mathematical disciplines astronomy, optics, geometry and
arithmetic as outlined in the relevant treatises by Vitruvius and Pappos.
furthermore, a liberal arts education seems to have been part of the
primary education of the mechanikos as well. This comprehensive education was meant to equip the mechanikos with the necessary knowledge on the principles of nature, which he could then employ in innovative architectural designs. it has to be emphasised, however, that these
findings apply to only a small number of privileged individuals. There
existed simultaneously numerous groups of builders who stemmed
from the lowest social classes and who were often not very well educated(46). yet mechanikoi seem to have been sophisticated and wealthy
enough to be regarded as members of the educated elite. The prestigious status of architects / mechanikoi was promoted by official decrees
that exempted them from fiscal, and, in fact, any public obligations (47).
social recognition of the architect
The social recognition of the architect can be reconciled with the
practical component of the curriculum of the mechanikos, because practice was no longer regarded unfavourably in the late antique period.

(45)see for example Downey, Byzantine Architects ; meeK, The Architect and His
Profession in Byzantium; A. cuTLer, Structure and Aesthetic at Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, in The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, 25 (1966), pp. 27-35;
KosTof, The Architect in the Middle Ages, East and West ; PeTronoTis, Der Architekt in
Byzanz, pp. 329-342; B. PAnTeLi, Applied Geometrical Planning and Proportions in the
Church of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, in Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 49 (1999), pp. 493515 ; V. hoffmAnn and n. TheochAris, Der geometrische Entwurf der Hagia Sophia in
Istanbul : Erster Teil, in Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 52 (2002), pp. 393-428 ; n. schiBiLLe,
Astronomical and Optical Principles in the Architecture of the Church of Hagia Sophia
in Constantinople, in Science in Context, 22 (2009), pp. 27-46.
(46)DonDerer, Die Architekten ; cuomo, Technology and Culture, chapter 5.
(47)cuomo, Pappus, pp. 30-34.

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Legal texts as well as philosophical and scientific writings increasingly

emphasised the applicability, or the practical utility, of a profession for
the common good. This trend is manifested especially in the mathematical sciences. while fourth-century roman laws condemned the
pursuit of astrology, for instance, the usefulness of astronomy for civic
and agricultural purposes was widely acknowledged(48). Proclus likewise evoked the practical benefits of the mathematical disciplines in his
fifth-century commentary on euclids Elements. Proclus declared that
geometry is endowed with great intellectual merits, but when it
touches on the material world, it delivers out of itself a variety of sciences such as geodesy, mechanics, and optics by which it benefits
the life of mortals (49). similarly, Pappos pointed out that the science of
mechanics enquired into the manipulation of bodies contrary to nature
( ), alluding to the practical application of mechanics and
particularly of mechanical devices. he also listed different branches of
mechanics that were most necessary for the purposes of practical
life (50). it seems that the practical use of a profession had become paramount by the late antique period and to endow a specific discipline
with a favourable reputation meant to promote its useful, practical
qualities. Accordingly, Pappos was eager to persuade his audience of the
usefulness of mechanics, and by extension the art of architecture. At
the same time he stressed the combination of practical applicability
( ) and epistemic value ( ) of the science of
mechanics that made it worthy of the highest esteem. This complementary quality is in a way paralleled in the nature of ecclesiastical
architecture where the edifices not only served the practical purpose to
house the congregation, but also displayed ideological principles and
reflected the patrons power and piety. church architecture could be
used in support of a patrons personal agenda, whether political or religious, because it was there for all to see.
A powerful example was the monumental church of st. Polyeuktos in
constantinople commissioned by the noblewoman Anicia Juliana

(48)cuomo, Pappus, pp. 33-39.

(49)ProcLus, Commentary on the First Book of Euclids Elements, translated by
G. r. morrow, Princeton, new Jersey, 19922, p. 50.
(50)PAPPos, iii, col. 1024, 2: .

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(ca. 524-527 ce). A seventy-six-line epigram, praising Anicia Julianas

lineage, piety and architectural activities, ran along the interior of the
nave and the narthex. The text of the epigram was preserved in the
Greek Anthology and fragments of the carved inscription have been
uncovered during an excavation campaign in the 1960s (51). The inscription of st. Polyeuktos offered praise to its patron, Anicia Juliana, rather
than to the christian God. it is Julianas work that is celebrated as
divine, and the poem repeatedly conveyed the image of a devout
christian and the rightful heir in a long line of royal ancestors (52). These
references to Anicia Julianas imperial ancestry and her extraordinary
virtues were clearly meant to reinforce Julianas claim to imperial legitimacy and to challenge thereby the authority of the reigning emperor (53). Given the poems literary language, it seems feasible to assume
that it was aimed at the educated, highly literate elite (54), the politically
and socially influential circles of society. hence, the epigram is highly
political in nature and the church of st. Polyeuktos served as a monumental reminder of its political claim. however, the epigrams location
about six to seven metres above floor level together with its relatively
small size of about eleven centimetres in height would have made the
text barely legible from below, suggesting a purpose other than to
impress an ordinary audience. Aside from a possible decorative quality
of monumental inscriptions, it is indeed feasible, as Liz James has
argued in a recent article, that the intended reader was God himself and

(51)r. m. hArrison, Excavations at Sarahane in Istanbul, Princeton, 1986 r. m.

hArrison, A emple for Byzantium. The Discovery and Excavation of Anicia Julianas
Palace-Church in Istanbul, London, 1989.
(52)Anicia Julianas architectural accomplishments are compared with
those of constantine and Theodosius and she is said to have even surpassed
the wisdom of renowned solomon by raising a habitation for God. The Greek
Anthology i, 10, edited and translated by w. r. PATon (The Loeb Classical Library),
cambridge (mA) and London, 1953.
(53)J. D. ALchermes, Art and Architecture in the Age of Justinian, in m. mAAs (ed.),
The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Justinian, cambridge, 2005, pp. 343-375;
m. whiTBy, The St Polyeuktos Epigram (AP 1.10): A Literary Perspective, in s. f. Johnson
(ed.), Greek Literature in Late Antiquity: Dynamism, Didacticism, Classicism,
Aldershot, 2006, pp. 159-188.
(54)Liz JAmes, And Shall these Mute Stones Speak?, in Liz JAmes (ed.), Art and Text
in Byzantine Culture, new york, 2007, pp. 188-206.

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that it reflects the patrons hope for salvation(55). so although the epigram of the church of st. Polyeuktos was certainly political, there is also
an unmistakably religious undertone. Through its monumentality,
church architecture suited both purposes perfectly well and it could
convey power and piety at the same time.
As maintained by the epigram, Anicia Juliana did spare neither trouble nor expense and she contributed personally to the building of the
church. while her personal involvement cannot be taken literally, the
righteous toil that Anicia Juliana allegedly invested in the building
project was just another testimonial to her virtues and piety(56).
Julianas name was thenceforth associated not only with the final result
that is the church of st. Polyeuktos itself, but also with the buildings
initial design and its execution (57). from her desire to be presented ultimately as the architect in charge, it can be extrapolated that the profession of the architect was highly regarded partially because of the
labours involved in construction and partially because of the creative
nature of the art of architecture. The profession of the architect was
considered analogous to the demiourgos, a concept that was to become
instrumental in medieval justifications for the emancipation of the art
of architecture in the Latin west(58). The church of st. Polyeuktos was
explicitly called a divine work and the buildings beauty was said to
rival that of nature. with the use of the most exquisite marbles Anicia
Juliana had even managed to bring to light the beauty hitherto hidden
in the depths of geological deposits (59). similarly, Procopius called the
contemporary church of hagia sophia one of marvellous beauty,
whose height matched the sky and whose luminosity competed with
the light of the sun, while the emperor Justinian functioned as the

(55)JAmes, And Shall these Mute Stones Speak?, pp. 199-202.

(56)The Greek Anthology i, 10, 16 - i, 17, 74.
(57)cuomo, Technology and Culture, pp. 162-164.
(58)KrufT, A History of Architectural Theory, p. 24. J. GAus, Weltbaumeister und
Architekt: Zur Ikonographie des mittelalterlichen Baumeisterbildes und seine Wirkungsgeschichte, in G. BinDinG (ed.), Beitrge ber Baufhrung und Baufinanzierung im
Mittelalter, cologne, 1974, pp. 38-67. cuomo has elaborated extensively on the
analogy between architecture and the divine creation as well as between the
architect and the demiourgos on the basis of eusebius Church History. cuomo,
Technology and Culture, pp. 162-164.
(59)The Greek Anthology i, 10, 60-65.

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divinely inspired supreme architect (60). This cosmic dimension of architecture was not a completely new development. Vitruvius had previously described the design of the universe in architectural terms and
nature as an architect (naturalis potestas ita architectata)(61). christianity
had adopted this theory, with the only difference that God took the
place of nature as the architect of the world (deus architectus mundi).
what was different in sixth-century Byzantium is that the patron
seemed to have replaced the architect as the one who was proclaimed
the creator, the one who came up with the solutions to architectural
problems.
An essential role had long been attributed to the patron in imperial
building campaigns. in book 68 of his Roman History dealing with the
reign of Trajan, cassius Dio stated that Trajan constructed over the
ister [Danube] a stone bridge and that Trajans design [demonstrated]
that there is nothing which human ingenuity cannot accomplish (62). in
effect, Trajan was described as prevailing over nature, and the design
and the construction of the bridge are explicitly attributed to him, with
no mention of Apollodorus of Damascus, who was the architekton of the
whole work(63). it would thus seem that, already in the late second /
early third century ce, when cassius Dio was writing, the emperor was
thought more important for the building process than the architect. A
different picture, however, is presented in book 69. here, cassius Dio
relayed an encounter between Apollodorus and the two emperors
Trajan and hadrian, in which Trajan consulted Apollodorus on some
building matters. During the consultation, they were interrupted by
hadrian, upon which Apollodorus insulted the latter, ridiculing
hadrians amateurish attempts at architectural design and pointing out
flaws in hadrians plans of the temple of Venus and roma (64). while in
the earlier account, all credit for the bridge over the Danube is given to
Trajan, the second story testifies to the expertise of the architect and

(60)ProcoPius i, 1, 27-30. J. eLsner, The Rhetoric of Buildings in De Aedificiis of

Procopius, in JAmes, Art and Text in Byzantine Culture, pp. 33-57.
(61)ViTruVius ix, 1, 2.
(62)Dio cAssius, Roman History 68, 13, ed. and translated by e. cAry and h. B.
fosTer, Vol. Viii (The Loeb Classical Library), London and cambridge (mA), 1925.
(63)ProcoPius iV, 6, 12-13.
(64)Dio cAssius 69, 4.

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his supremacy with respect to his profession(65). not only did Trajan
consult his architect, but also Apollodorus was apparently in a position
powerful enough to criticise hadrians lack of architectural expertise.
This is drastically different to the scenario in sixth-century constantinople, when the emperor Justinian, rather than the architects, is
depicted as having ultimate technical knowledge. Although Procopius
acknowledged that Anthemius and isidoros were the best mechanopoioi
the emperor could have employed for the construction of hagia sophia,
they were still described as only assisting Justinian(66). when difficulties arose during the building process, the two mechanopoioi despaired
and it was the emperor who was always ready with advice on technical
matters through divine inspiration(67). Based on this textual evidence,
there seems to have been a radical change in the public image of the
relationship between the architect and the patron and their respective
functions in building projects (68).
however, upon closer investigation, both Procopius as well as cassius
Dio recognised the technical expertise of the architect / mechanikos and
his role in the design of buildings, although Procopius did not express
this as explicitly as cassius Dio(69). This may be explained by the difference in genre. Dios work is a history written in the tradition of Thucydides in the attempt at some objectivity, while Procopius De Aedificiis
was a panegyric on the virtues of the ideal emperor and it has to be read
in this way(70). it is therefore not surprising to find that Procopius gave
all of the credit for the most important and magnificent church building of the Byzantine empire to the emperor Justinian and not to his
mechanikoi. nonetheless, Procopius remarked that Justinians technical
expertise came as a surprise to him. he assumed that it must have been
by divine intervention that Justinian knew how to solve the structural
problems that had arisen, for he [Justinian] is not himself a mechanikos (71). This rather marginal comment is highly significant, for it is

(65)cuomo, Technology and Culture, pp. 131-133.

(66)ProcoPius i, 1, 24-26.
(67)ProcoPius i, 1, 24, 71, 76; Downey, Byzantine Architects ; Downey, Pappus.
(68)cuomo, Technology and Culture.
(69)Anthemius is said to have prepared in advance designs of he future
construction and supervised the building process. ProcoPius i, 1, 24.
(70)J. eLsner, The Rhetoric of Buildings.
(71)ProcoPius i, 1, 71.

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unmistakably a reference to the proficiency and status of mechanikoi.

Procopius expected the mechanikoi to be well versed in structural engineering and he evidently held them at the highest esteem. The frequent
reminder of divinely-ordained authority bestowed upon the emperor
served to glorify Justinians piety as well as to legitimise his political
and religious power. in light of the panegyrical character of his text,
Procopius favourable comments about the two mechanikoi, Anthemius
and isidoros, went a long way to acknowledge their true contribution to
the architectural masterpiece.
The two architects of hagia sophia belonged evidently to the small
group of universally trained architects (mechanikoi) and, as such, they
occupied a prestigious social position. Part of their mathematical education is reflected in the exceptionally harmonious proportioning of
the building, as Procopius put it (72). That the church of hagia sophia is
a scientific building is furthermore evidenced by the astronomical and
optical principles that underlie its design(73). As scientific building,
architecture has an epistemic value as long as it obeyed the universal
laws of order and harmony that Vitruvius had insisted on in the first
century Bce(74). At the same time, the sacred interiors of late antique
churches were spaces of symbolic significance, begging the question
whether it is feasible to assume that ecclesiastical buildings or some of
them, followed a programmatic design for which the mechanikoi were
responsible also. As discussed, the mechanikoi were in charge of the
design and the instruction of the various workmen. Does this mean that
they were decisively involved in the symbolic references inherent in a
buildings structure and interior decoration ? how much influence did
the mechanikos wield on the content of the mosaic decoration of an edifice, for example ? These questions are beyond the scope of this study,
questions that are not easily answered, but certainly worthwhile pursuing. mainstone thought it unlikely that the architects of hagia sophia
were asked to follow a predetermined symbolic programme, but can we
really be sure? (75)

(72)ProcoPius i, 1, 47.
(73)schiBiLLe, Astronomical and Optical Principles.
(74)PonT, Education, pp. 77-78.
(75)r. J. mAinsTone, Hagia Sophia: Architecture, Structure and Liturgy of Justinians Great Church, London, 1988, p. 154.

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conclusion
By late antiquity, the profession of the architect had evolved into a
mlange of theory and practice. The early Byzantine mechanikos was
identified with an exceptional type of practising architect who was
acquainted not only with a wide range of theoretical but also with practical knowledge. he was thus distinct from the Greco-roman architect,
who was a theorist rather than a practitioner. whereas in the west this
ancient tradition was continued as late as the sixth century, in the
Greek east the profession of an architect had already been transformed
by the fourth century, along with a change in terminology. while the
expression architekton retained its original meaning of a master builder,
the nature of the profession acquired a practical component and was
known as the mechanike theoria. in Byzantium, the professional architect
was thenceforth called mechanikos, and underwent a broader education
than the architekton. while Pappos agreed with Vitruvius on the definition of the architekton as a master builder, responsible for the design and
supervision of buildings, the nature of the highest profession associated
with the art of architecture had changed to incorporate the practical
component of the inventor of mechanical devices (mechanical engineer). The main implication of this is that the practical side of the curriculum of the architectural profession was a development of the late
antique period. This development is to be seen in direct relationship
with a shift to a more favourable attitude towards the practical arts.
The usefulness of a profession to society was increasingly invoked in
legal as well as philosophical and scientific writings. in the sixth century, even emperors and the nobility associated themselves with architectural labours in order to display their piety and virtues. The social
elite was attracted by architectures potential as a visible and tangible
medium to convey their political and social power. Anicia Juliana and
Justinian both created a public image as the sole person responsible for
the magnificent design and successful completion of major church
buildings in the Byzantine capital. This in turn offers insight into the
prominent status and sophistication of the architect. Although Anicia
Juliana and Justinian created an air of technical superiority, emphasizing their connection with God, Procopius unequivocally expressed
that the mechanikoi were in actual fact the ones that were highly skilled
in architectural engineering. The architectural profession had a prestigious reputation, partly due to its capacity to create sacred spaces for

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379

the glory of God, modelled on the creation itself, and partly due to the
comprehensiveness of its curriculum (i.e. liberal arts education) as well
as its usefulness to society.
Acknowledgements
This article was completed during the term of my Getty fellowship. i
am thankful to the Getty foundation for their support. i would also like
to thank Liz James and christian G. specht for their invaluable comments on the manuscript.
J. Paul Getty Postdoctoral Fellow,
Paris.

nadine schiBiLLe.
nschibille@yahoo.co.uk

summAry
This article re-examines the profession of the late antique mechanikos, who
is identified as a practising architect with a sound liberal arts education as well
as practical training. Despite the practical orientation of his profession, the
mechanikos was of high social standing. This was possible because the practical
utility of a vocation was increasingly acknowledged favourably in late antiquity and is reflected in early Byzantine portrayals of patrons, who allegedly
invested hard labour in prestigious building campaigns and posed as the
supreme architects.