TWO STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

In order to facilitate direct and immediate contact with the stories,

they are placed first, in an English translation, with a few references
to some key Greek terms; the original text, with detailed notes on the
variant readings, is given at the end.
Story I De monacho tentato
(About the monk beset by temptations)
[Identification :
W. BoussET, Apophthegmata. Studien zur Geschichte des iiltesten Mo11cht11111s,
Tiibingen 1923, p. 116, paragr. 207c (in the Bero/. Phillip. 1624)
F. NAU, number 582 (cf. J.-Cl. Guv)
F. HALKIN, Bibliotheca hagiogmphica graeca, Brussels 1957, cf. 1450w
J.-Cl. Guv, Recherches sur la tradition grecque des Apophtegmata Patrum (Studia
Hagiographica 36), Brussels 1962, p. 70 (Nau 582), p. 168 (Collectio Systematica
xv 118)
Armenian translation (in Latin only): L. LELOIR, Paterica arme11iaca a P. P. Mechitaristis edita (1855) 111111c latine reddita (CSCO Subsidia 42), Louvain 1974,
t. I, pp. 140-142
Greek paraphrase (12th. century with modern Greek translation): Paul of Evergetis,
1:uvayroyfi .. ., Athens 19776 , t. I, pp. 35ff. (= 1,1, 25)
French translation: L. REGNAULT, Les Se11te11ces des Peres du Desert No111ea11
recueil, Solesmes 1977, pp. 109-110]
(1.) One of the brethren, who was living at the monasteries, committed frequent

sins of impurity (xopvEia) at the devil's instigation. And he forced himself to stay
and not to abandon his religious habit; instead; while performing (paA.A.cov)
his little office (tKpa A.&ttoupyia), he would implore God with sighs saying,
"Lord, you see my need; force me, Lord, and save me whether I want to or not!
Like the mud (m1A.6~) that I am, I long for the sinful act, but you, as God
almighty, prevent me! If you show your mercy to the just, there is nothing
great; if you save the pure, there is nothing wonderful : for they are worthy
to receive your mercy. But in my case, Master, let the giving of your graces
be a wonder (Psalm 16, 7). Show your loving kindness (qnA.av8pcoxia) in this,
for the poor has ellfrusted himself to you (Psalm 9, 35)''.
(2.) This was what he used to say each day, whether he had fallen into sin
or not. So on one occasion, after he had_ sinned as usual during the night,
he got up at once and began his set prayers (Kavcbv}. Then the devil, astonished
at his hope and his praiseworthy shamelessness (civaio&ta} before God, appeared
to him. visibly and said to him, while he was singing, "How are you not utterly
ashamed to stand before God and to utter his name?"
(3.) The brother replied to the devil, "This cell of mine is a smithy (xaA.K&iov):
here you give <a blow of> the hammer (mpupa) and you receive one. So

234

J.A. MUNITIZ

I shall continue to fight you until my death, and <we shall see> where I am
on the last day! But I swear to you, in the name of Him who came to save
sinners for repentance (Eic; 1m'tvomv), that I shall not cease to come before
God every day against you, until you for your part stop making war on me.
We shall see who wins, you or God!"
(4.) When the devil heard this, he said to him, "In that case I shall certainly
make no more war on you; I have no intention of providing you with a victor's
crown for your perseverance (unoov~)''. And the devil left him from that
day onward. Consider how good a thing is perseverance (unoov~) and not
to despair of one's salvation, even if we are frequently beset by wars, sins and
temptations!
(5.) Once the brother had attained contrition (Katlivu~1c;), he continued to
weep for his sins. As he wept, the tempting thought {J..oymoc;) would come
to him, "How beautiful is your lamentation!" He would reply to it saying,
"Anathema on that beauty! What need does God have that a man destroy
his l(fe (wux~) (Matth. 16, 25 par.) and sit lamenting for it, or whether he then
save it or not save it?"

Story 2 De monacho spe orbato quem Christus solatur

(About the monk deprived of hope whom Christ consoled)
[Identification :
W. BoussET, I.e. paragr. 208a
F. NAU, number 583 (cf. J.-CI. Guv)
F. HALKIN, I.e., 1450wb
J.-CI. Guv, I.e., p. 70 (Nau 583), p. 168 (Collectio Systematica XV 119)
Armenian translation (in Latin only): L. LELOIR, I.e., pp. 142-144
Greek paraphrase (l 2th. century with modern Greek translation): Paul of Evergetis,
I.e., pp. 69 ff. ( = I, 3, 3)
French translation: L. REGNAULT, I.e., pp. I I0-111)

(1.) Another brother was dwelling on his own in the same Monastery of the

Monidia, and his prayer was always the following: "Lord, why is it that I do not
have fear of you? But send your thunderbolt, or some other crisis, or an illness,
or the devil, and perhaps then my calloused soul will reach a state of fear
(<popoc;)."
(2.) Such were his words, and he was ever calling God insistently and saying,
"I know that it is impossible that you forgive me, as I have sinned very much
against you, Master, very much and very wickedly. But if it be permitted,
because of your compassion (oiKnpoi) grant me forgiveness for at least a small
part <of my sins>. However if even that is not possible, punish (naiOeucrov)
me in this world, Master, and do not punish me in the after-life. And if even
this is impossible, grant me part of the punishment in this life, and lighten,
at least partially, the chastisement (K6lacr1c;) in the next life. But in any case,
begin to punish me straight away, only not in your anger (Ps. 37, 2), Master,
but in your loving kindness (<p1lav9pomia)."
(3.) After continuing endlessly thus foi: a whole year, begging God with a
contrite heart and in the midst of fasts and hardship {tam:ivrocr1c;), he reflected
to himself saying, "What can be meant by Christ's remark, Blessed are those

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

235

that are in sorrow, for they shall be con1forted (Matth. 5, 4)?" So one day as he
was lying on the ground and making lamentation according to his wont, in
his discouragement he fell asleep, and behold Christ was standing by him and
saying in a cheerful voice with a smile, "What is the matter with you, man
(av0pconE), why are you weeping so?" And he said, "Because I have fallen,
Lord." The one appearing to him said to him, "Then get up!" The prostrate
brother replied, "I cannot, if you do not give me a hand." Then <Christ>
stretched out His hand, raised him, and and once more said to him cheerfully,
"Why are you weeping, man? What ails you?" The brother replied, "Lord,
do you not want me to weep and feel sad because of all the sadness I have
caused you."
(4.) Then the apparition (<'> cpavEic;) stretched out His hand, placed His palm
upon his (the brother's) heart (E7ti "t~V Kapoiav UULOU), and stroked (~AEl<j>EV)
it. And He said to him, "Do not fret, do not fret (~ 0A.1pijc;), God is helping
you. In the future, as you have been sad for my sake, I shall never more
have sorrow over you. Seeing that I have given my blood for you, how much
more do I give my loving kindness (cp1A.av0pconia) to every soul that repents
(Emvooucrri) !"
(5.) When the brother came to himself after this vision (<'>naaia), he found
that his heart (Kapoia) was overflowing with utter joy, and he had the certitude
that God had shown his kindness (ilA.Eoc;) to him (Luke 10, 37). He stayed ever
after in the greatest humility (mnEtvocppocruvri) giving thanks to God.

***
The reasons for publishing these two short texts now are sufficiently
strong to offset the disadvantages of such a publication. Since the great
works of Wilhelm Bousset, Fran~ois Halkin, Jean-Claude Guy, and the
Benedictines of Solesmes, a reference system begins to exist, drawn
up to guide the wayfarer through the bailing collections of early
mediaeval Greek pious stories, the C>triylicrw; wuxro<peA.ei<;. One would
wish to avoid the unnecessary multiplication of scattered and partial
publications of these stories, and yet, given the great number of inedita,
the edition of two isolated examples may still serve a useful purpose.
It was the publication of the I 3th century E>ricraup6<; of Theognostos
that drew my attention to the first of these two stories as a possible
source for the Pseudo-Amphilochian version de non desperando (BHG
1450w) 1 . However it soon became evident that in many branches
of the tradition, the first story was so linked to the second, that it
would be impossible to separate them. Naturally the further question
1 J.A. MUNJTJZ, ed. Theog11osti Thesaums (CCSG 5), Turnhout and Louvain 1979;
lf especially Introduction pp. LXXVI-LXXVll, and c. XV 1-137, pp. 108-112.

236

J.A. MUNITIZ

arose, could the two stories be isolated from the sections of the collections in which they were embedded, and indeed could the sections be
properly studied without referring to the character of the collections?
And thus, de ft/ en aigui/le, one was tempted to undertake an investigation requiring far more time and resources than were available. A
compromise was struck: great care has been taken to establish a
stemma for the manuscript tradition of these two stories, given the
manuscripts now available 2 . It is hoped that this stemma may serve
others in their investigation of these collections. On the other hand,
little effort is made to replace the two stories within the wider context
of the collections to which they belong : to do so would require a far
broader spectrum than is available at present.
BRANCHES OF THE TRADITION

The manuscripts to be considered are listed, with their sigla, before

the Greek text (p. 248).
It is important to bear in mind that different collections exist for
the Greek "pious stories". Thus the mere fact that a story is to be
found in one or more of the collections may reveal much as to the
probable changes made to its text when it was included in such and
such a collection. Alternatively, when one of these two stories is
found without the other (the case of Story l in two Paris manuscripts,
D and E, and a London manuscript, Q, and of Story 2 in two other
Paris manuscripts, F and G), one has to ask if it has not been torn
from its original context. However the collections in which both
stories are to be found are the following :
(i) The Novus paradisus, a collection preserved in two outstanding
manuscripts (one in London, A, and the other at the Escorial 3 , S),
the first written in 1111 A.D. and thus providing a terminus ante quem
for the formation of this collection. There is no proof that this collection antedates the early 12th century. A later copy of this collection
may be the Andros manuscript 4, P.
It is obvious that many more copies must exist in the numerous Paterika.
The conscientious compiler of the catalogue description of this manuscript has
given a full analysis of the stories to be found in the Nol'lls paradisus: cf G. DE ANDRES,
Cattilogo de los COdices Griegos de la Real Biblioteca de El Escorial, t. III, Madrid
1967, pp. 192-194.
4 Dr. Philip Pattenden (Peterhouse, Cambridge), kindly pointed out to me the existence of this manuscript (JTS 32, 1981, p. 518), and supplied me with copies of the
portion available to him (unfortunately an incomplete copy).
2

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

237

(ii) Still later than the preceding is the well known Evergetinos collection (referred to in the identification notes to each story) : Paul separated
the two stories, and allowed himself so much liberty in copying them
that his numerous alternative readings have had to be excluded from
the apparatus criticus 5 .
(iii) With the Alphabetical-Anonymous collection (so called because
the apophthegmata it contains are arranged either under the name of
the fathers who uttered them, or collected anonymously at the end)
contact is established with one of the great branches of the tradition.
However as Father Guy has shown 6 , within this branch the anonymous
portion has sections that lack consistency, and in particular the 7th
Section, where the two stories are to be found, is "une compilation
assez mediocre, et qui risque d'etre relativement tardive (quoiqu'il
soit encore impossible de lui attribuer une date precise)" (p. 86). Some
four manuscripts belong to this group : the Berlin manuscript analyzed
by Bousset, B, and three Coislin manuscripts studied by Guy (C,
K, N), ranging from the lOth to the 12th centuries. But clearly this is a
collection with roots going back at least to the first minuscule manuscripts of the 9th century (the confusion over beta and mu to be found
in Story I, paragr. I, note 5 is a trace of this).
(iv) The Systematic collection is the other major branch of the tradition,
even if here also similar remarks are required as for the Anonymous
collection : the different sections vary in worth, and the two Monidia
stories clearly belong to a section, the XVth, that is particularly unreliable 7 The Milan manuscript, H, certainly belongs to this type 8 ,
and perhaps also two others 9 not included in the Recherches of Father
Guy, 0 and V.
5 He has made a mistake over the name of the monastery in his version of Story I
(Movlilipia), but not in Story 2; in the latter Christ places his hand E7ti ti]v KE<paA.i]v
and not "on the heart" (ef paragr. 4, note 3).
6 J.-Cl. Guv, I.e., pp. 85-87, 109.
7 Thus Father Guy writes of stories (among them the two from the Monidia)
that form part of what may be called a third "layer", containing once more relatively
later texts : " ... toutes ces pieces sont anonymes. De plus elles se presentent rarement
comme de vrais apophtegmes, mais sont le plus souvent de petits recits biographiques,
ou des extraits d'exhortations spirituelles. Or, ces recits et extraits constituent ce que
nous avions propose d'appeler Jes apophtegmes "secondaires" et "tertiaires" (referring
to his article, Remarques sur le texte des Apophthegmata Patrum, Revue de Sciences
Religieuses, 43, 1955, pp. 252-258)'', J.-CI. Guv, I.e., p. 186.
8 J.-CI. Guv, I.e., pp. 123, 168.
9 Unfortunately full descriptions of these manuscripts are still lacking. Partial copies
were made available to me through the good services of the lnstitut de Recherche et
d'Histoire de Textes, in Paris, and with much helpful advice from Dr. Joseph Paramelle.

238

J.A. MUNITIZ

(v) To a special category belong a number of manuscripts that have

in common the relative smallness and idiosyncrasy of their collections. The most important of these is undoubtedly the 9th century
uncial manuscript W, made famous by R. Draguet when he demonstrated that its version of two apophthegmata of John Kolobos
was at the source of the version included in the Alphabetical collection 10 A full description of this manuscript is still lacking, but it will
suffice here to note that according to Draguet it intersperses between
sections of the Alphabetical collection small collections of pious stories
(... "le Karakallou 251 entrelarde de pieces ascetiques d'un autre
genre litteraire ses sections d'apophtegmes", I.e., p. 54). One such
collection contains the text of the two Monidia stories (ff. 9v_l l).
In principle one would have expected stories such as these to have
appeared first in small collections and then to have found their way
into the broader and more important branches of the tradition. Another example of the process may be M, where the stories appear
in a small collection with the title pi)crw; ayirov yEp6vtrov Ka8E1;oevrov
Eic; to KA.ucra (f. l 49v). However the topographical reference Klysma 11
is also found in an introductory phrase to another collection of
apophthegmata, viz. Nau 592, 1-64, in N 12 that does not contain
the two Monidia stories. Thus not too much significance can be attached
to the title of this collection, however important this particular manuscript may prove to be. The type of conundrum raised by M is also to
be found with another Paris manuscript, J. One would be tempted
to classify the small collection here which contains the two Monidia
stories as an extract 13 from the Anonymous collection, Section 7,
but it is possible that it represents a collection in its original state,
prior to its inclusion (and perhaps adaptation) within the other.
10 R. DRAGUET, A la source de deux apophthegmata grecs (PG 65, Jean Co/ohos
24 et 32), Byzantion, 32, 1962, pp. 53-61. I owe my knowledge of this manuscript
to the kindness of M. Bernard Flusin (of the lnstitut de Recherche et d'Histoire de
Textes, Paris), who presented a communication on other extracts from it at the
1983 Patristic Congress, Oxford. Unfortunately I have not been able to study the full
manuscript, but only the folios containing the Monidia stories.
11 Near the modern Qa 'at el-Qulzum, Suez: cf. A. CALDERIN!, Dizio11ario di 110111i
geogrt!fici e lopogrqfici dell'Egillo greco-ro111a110, III (2), Milan (Cisalpina-Goliardica)
1980, p. 127.
12 Cf. J.-CI. Guv, I.e., p. 70. Incidentally, a word of warning may be helpful about
M. This manuscript contains not only the small collection just mentioned (and described
by Guv at p. 85), but also the Systematic collection (described by Guy at pp. 120-1,
and 126-88).
13 J does in fact contain two versions of the Systematic collection, cf. J.-CI. Guv,
I.e., pp. 188-90.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

239

Thus at a preliminary glance the 18 manuscripts that contain the

two stories divide into a number of broad categories, characterized
by the type of collection of apophthegmata. But so far the chronological conclusions to be drawn from their context lack stability and
precision. They do not belong to the earliest nucleus of either the
Alphabetical or the Systematic collections. At the most, their genesis
must antedate the 9th century.
THE ARMENIAN TRANSLATIONS

The existence of a number of Armenian translations of both stories

helps to establish an earlier date. The publication of Dom Louis
Leloir's latin translation of the Paterica armeniaca a P. P. Mechitaristis
edita has rendered an invaluable service in this particular case. The
first story is found in two translations, one (ArmA) belonging to the
older collection, which although first put together in the 12th century
was based on manuscripts going back to the 8th, and the other (Arm 8 )
drawn from a new series of translations collected in the 14th century.
For the second story, there are two of the older translations (one of
them a shortened periphrastic version) and one of the later 14 The
older set of translations shows in this case a considerable fidelity,
and quite frequently provides decisive evidence in favour of a reading.
Without the translations, the stemma would have been much more
difficult, if not impossible, to construct. However examples will be
found of adaptation in the Armenian, and these translations cannot
be used mechanically.
THE STEMMA

With two such short texts it seemed unlikely that the variant
readings would permit the construction of a satisfactory stemma. But
although a number of problems remain, it was found that the manuscripts-quite irrespective of the type of collection that they contained fell into a number of well defined groups. Only afterwards was it clear
that the family y (ASP) coincided with the Novus paradisus, that
14 L. LELOIR, I.e. (in the identification note to each story). In his Introduction Dom
Leloir explains briefly the history of the translations, and summarizes as follows :
"La premiere traduction est de meilleure qualite litteraire que la deuxieme. Elle est,
d'autre part, moins systematique ... Toutes deux sont aussi paraphrastiques, d'ordinaire
legerement, parfois copieusement'' (pp. VI-VII).

240

J.A. MUNITIZ

family z contained all the manuscripts representative of the Alphabetical-Anonymous collection, and that both tended to coincide against
a third group, family x, within which MOV, family d, formed a distinctive sub-group.
Stemma
600
ARCHETYPE

700
ArmA

(z?)

800
d

900

I~
y

1000

ArmB

v
1100

(z?)

M
A
H

1200
J

(E')

(Q')

1300

(G2)

1400
(D')

(F2)

1500
Brackets ( ) indicate manuscripts containing only one of the stories, and in each
case the appropriate number is added as an exponent.

However the inadequacy of the original rough grouping of the

manuscripts also became clear : thus family d overrides the original
divisions.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

241

More important, it soon became clear that the older of the Armenian
translations regularly supported family x, whereas the later translation
had more readings in common with y and z. The superiority of the x
tradition was firmly established, and also the interdependence of y and
z, even if the exact position of z in the stemma had to be left undecided.
For Story 1 the decisive passages are the following: Paragr. 1, note
5 : dA.A.ov instead of ~aA.A.rov : as already mentioned, the confusion
probably arose through a scribe's misreading of an early minuscule
beta; the Armenian word translated by "incipiens" captures the movement of the liturgical act of prostration, whereas "faciebat iugiter"
is the type of paraphrase that aA.A.ov would have inspired.
Paragr. 1, note 8: a good example of omission due to homoioteleuton;
x and the older Armenian translation help to fill the gap.
Paragr. 3, notes 15, 16: the weight of the manuscript evidence is in
favour of crrocrm fiaptroA.ouc;, but the following eic; etavotav reads
so strangely that y and one representative of z have changed crrocrm
to KaA.f:crm, and the later Armenian has followed them (thus introducing a quotation from Luke 5, 32).
Paragr. 5, note 7: EKA.mev has been omitted not only by y and z,
but also by representatives of x (scil. WDJ); however, further evidence
is lacking that the Armenian reflects a tradition restricted to d.
For Story 2, the following examples are significant:
Paragr. 2, note 7: the awkward repetition of 1toA.A.a (already present
before -fiaptov) caused y and z to omit it (along with the pleonastic
Kai KaKa), but x and the Armenian prove that the whole phrase
was in the original version.
Paragr. 2, note 8 : Kliv tKpov epoc;, once more a phrase that lends itself to omission ( WH with y and z), has been faithfully preserved in x
and the Armenian (the isolated support of G is probably fortuitous).
Paragr. 4, notes 3, 4 : the most curious of the variant readings, and one
which cannot be explained on purely palaeographical grounds : E1ti
ti)v Kapoiav autou (WdG changed the last word to avoid confusion
with Christ) must have shocked more rational readers, and Christ's
hand was then said to have been placed on the monk's head, which
Christ "stroked", rather than his heart. But the weight of the x tradition
and of the older Armenian translation is overwhelming. In addition,
the reference to the heart is picked up in the next paragraph.

242

J.A. MUNITIZ

Once the credentials of the x family have been established, there

can be no hesitation about choosing its readings in a number of
places where the Armenian is of no help: e.g. in Story I, paragr. 2,
notes 13, 14, and in Story 2, paragr. 1, note 12; paragr. 3, notes 8,
17. There are also examples of excessive liberties in the Armenian,
leading to the suppression of the name "Monidia" in both stories
(in the older of the translations), and to other changes 15 The same is
also true of the family d : although representative of the best tradition, it has faults (cf. Story 1, paragr. 1, note 18) and deliberate
changes (Story 1, paragr. 1, notes 14, 21; paragr. 5, note 1; Story 2,
paragr. 3, notes 10, 14, 36; paragr. 4, notes 4, 12; paragr. 5, note 5).
Of particular interest are a number of distinctive readings in the
most venerable of the Greek manuscripts, W: here also a considerable
number of faults are to be found 16 , but by using once more the earlier
Armenian translation as a deciding factor, four important readings of
W have been accepted (Story 1, paragr. 1, note 2; paragr. 2, note 12;
Story 2, paragr. 1, note 7; paragr. 4, note 10), the first restoring
the anonymous "monasteries" in place of the name "Monidia'', which
was probably substituted later as the stories wandered further from
their source. A very curious error in W is the accent placed over the
name in Story 2, suggesting that it derives from the feminine plural
ovtoim. This is intrinsically unlikely, given that the suffix -iotov
(suggesting either a diminutive or frequency) is so wide-spread, whereas
no form ovioia. (ovrioia.) is known to me, and there is external
evidence in favour of ovioia. from John Moschus (to be discussed
in the next section).
Within the main families (and the distinctive character of y is evident
from almost any paragraph of either of the two stories 17 ), it is more
difficult to distinguish sub-families: however WDH have a number
of distinguishing faults (Story I, paragr. 1, note 20; paragr. 4, note 5) 18
15 Cf. Story 1, paragr. J, note 19, and perhaps paragr. 1, note 14; Story 2, paragr.
J, note 21, and paragr. 4, note 14.
16 Cf. Story I, paragr. 1, notes Ja, 17, 20, 26; paragr. 2, notes 4a, 9, JO, 17;
paragr. J, notes 12, 18, 20; paragr. 4, notes Ja, 8, 16; Story 2, paragr. 1, note 4;
paragr. 2, notes 5, 8, 9, 20; paragr. J, notes 2, II, IJa, 16, 21, 29; paragr. 4, notes 9,
)J, 14.
17 Particular striking examples of y readings are to be found in Story I, paragr. J,
notes 15, 17; paragr. 4, note 2; and in Story 2 (even if here P was not always available
and y is frequently reduced to AS), paragr. I, note I; paragr. 2, notes 12, 14; paragr. J,
notes 9, 21, 28; paragr. 4, notes 7, 9, 11, 15; and paragr. 5, note 2.
18 The same trend is continued in Story 2 for Wand H (D being no longer available):
cf. paragr. I, note 1; paragr. 4, note J.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

243

and occasionally DH have the same changes as do y and z (paragr. l,

notes 3 [despite minor differences], 10; paragr. 2, note 12; paragr. 3,
note 20); J has at least 3 important faults in common with d (Story l,
paragr. 2, note 12; Story 2, paragr. l, note 7; paragr. 3, note 25);
in y, AS seem to differ from P at some places (Story I, paragr. 2,
note 5; paragr. 3, notes 5, 6); F and G, which give only Story 2,
probably draw two unusual faults from a common ancestor (paragr.
3, note 3; paragr. 4, note 2).
Further study of other stories will be needed before one can extrapolate the results reached so far to other sections of the collections.
But at least as a working hypothesis one may suggest that the tradition
of the Paradisus novus will be found to be a readaptation of the tradition
better preserved in the Alphabetical-Anonymous tradition; there are
no signs in these two stories that the compiler returned to the original
sources. Again it may be significant that the two Monidia stories were
less adapted when included in the Systematic collection than they
were when taken over for the Anonymous sections of the Alphabetical
collection. However the small collections remain of key importance
for stories like these relatively isolated texts, and where possible
consultation and cross-checking with the early translations will always
be necessary.
EGYPTIAN TRAITS

A link between the stories and Egypt is not difficult to find, yet is
more important than may appear at first sight. The name of the lavra
given at the beginning of Story 2 seems to occur in only one other
literary source, but one of major importance : John Moschus (probably
in the first half of the 7th century) mentions it in three chapters of his
Pratum spirituale, cc. 151, 152 and 178, the forms used being Movi8ta
and Movioicov (cf. PG 87 3, 30160, 3017A, 3048B) 19 Unfortunately,
apart from the fact that the monastery was located in Egypt, nothing
more is certain. The location proposed among the monasteries of
Scetis seems to be an unfounded guess, as in his study of these

19 Dr. Pattenden, who is preparing the critical edition of the Pralllm, kindly informs
me (letter 19/XII/'83) that he has found no examples of the form Mov101rov although
there are variants affecting the two iotas, and one manuscript gives tci ovaoia at
one point.

244

J.A. MUNITIZ

monasteries, H.G. Evelyn WHITE omits all mention of the Monidia 20 ,

and none of the other recent archeological surveys refers to it 21 .
A more remote Egyptian geographical reference may be given by
the name "Klysma" referred to in the title of the small collection in
M, and certainly the stories occur in collections that refer to other
Egyptian ascetics.
Philological traits are more difficult to localize with any certainty
given the widespread changes in classical and koine Greek : perhaps
the <p0acr0ro and the oiOro/oiow; forms (Story l, paragr. 3, notes 3,
10; Story 2, paragr. 4, note 14) will be recognized by specialists as
more typical of an Egyptian evolution of the language.
Another, more theological, clue is provided by the phrase crrocrm
aapt-roA.ouc; eic; E'tUVOlClV (Story l, paragr. 3, notes 15, 16). Reference
has been made to the difficulties caused by this expression (for which
the Armenian provides conclusive support). But the words become
more acceptable if read within the Egyptian tradition, under the influence
of Mt. Sinai. It is in John Climacus, and in the 5th. Grade of his
Scala Paradisi, that one finds the fullest explanation of the term
etavoia. His long paean to the glories of "conversion" gives the
word a very broad range of meanings, making it almost synonymous
with "salvation": ME'tUVOlU l:crnv avaKATJcrtc; f3mtticrmoc; ... cruv0r11cri
1tpoc; 0eov OEU'tSpou f3iou ... 0uyatrip i':A.niooc;, Kai apvricrtc; aveA.mcrtiac;
22 and he ends his chapter with the words "Opoc; croi, Kai ttmoc; ...
20 H.G.E. WHITE, The 111011asteries of the Wddi "11 Namin. Part II. The history
of the 111011asteries of Nitria and of Scetis, New York 1932: talking of the Cellia (Ki:A.A.ia)

he does note, "There is, however, some reason to believe that the place was also
known among the Copts (perhaps in popular idiom) as nIMONH, 'the Dwellings'
or 'Monasteries' and is to be identified with the Arabic El Muna" (p. 24), but it is
unlikely that any link exists between El Muna and the Monidia. The suggestion that
the Monidia formed part of the Scetis is to be found, e.g., in M.J. RouET DE JouRNEL's
French translation of the Prat11111, Le Pre spirituel (Sources Chretiennes 12), Paris
1946, p. 203, note 2. It is true that in c. 152 Moschus receives information at the Monidia
over the Scetis, but from Marcellus, a native of Apamea in Syria. The eucharistic
teaching of c. 178 points to a location not far from churches of the two opposing trends
- Jerusale111ite (Orthodox) and Egyptian (Monophysite) - but this would cover a
very wide area.
21 Monidia is not mentioned in the Dizionario of A. CALDERINI, (<:f. note 11),
nor in the earlier works, e.g. M. MARTIN, Laures et er111itages du desert d'Egypte,
Melanges de I'Universite Saint-Joseph, XLII, 3, 1966, pp. 183-198; C.C. WALTERS,
Monastic Archaeology in Egypt (Modern Egyptology Series, Publ. Aris and Phillips),
Warminster (England) 1974.
22 PG 88, 7648.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

245

npoc; Etavomv Ecruocrav ol npovT)oveu0nE<; dytat Ktlta01K01, Kai

OU i) OETJ0flcru PtPA.iou oA.roc; EV tij t;;rou <JOU 7tU0"1J, Ero<; oiJ emcpaucru
(JOl 6 Xptcrto<; ... EV tij avacrtaa'El tfjc; EEptVl")EVTJ<;
Etavoiac; 23 This quite distinctive broadening of the concept of
Etavma is not surprising in the context of the eremetical life dear
to the Egyptian ascetics. Men whose lives were wholly devoted to
penance, could easily identify the cross of constant .physical hardship
with the key to eternal salvation 24
FURTHER THEOLOGICAL ASPECTS

The emphasis in both stories is on the kindness of God : the first

monk's unshakeable faith in this ever-welcoming forgiveness permits
him to defeat the temptation to despair occasioned. by his constant
sins (presumably of masturbation, although the story does not specify
what form of impurity he practised); in the second story, the monk
lacks this trust in God's <p1A.av0pronia, and a vision of Christ is required to convince him. It would be tempting to see in this stress on
God's loving kindness a remnant of that overwhelming conviction
of God's love which goes back, through Evagrius, to Origen's doctrine
of the apokatastasis. But the experiences recorded in the stories have
a touch of authenticity that makes such a genealogy somewhat arbitrary.
This is less true perhaps of the first story, which seems to be built
around a single apophthegma, that of a monk's cell being a smithy
in which blows are given and received, which could have originated
anywhere, and then have been expanded into a story. But the second
story, especially in its original form, with Christ fondling and stroking
the heart of the monk, has a ring of personal spiritual experience,
a genuine mystical contact with Christ. If the divinity of Christ is
constantly present, there is at the same time an astonishingly human
aspect in his playful good humour.
The two stories were used by Paul of Evergetis to illustrate points
in his first book (Story l for the very first subject, on initial conversion,
PG 88, 780D-781A.
Although the earlier evolution of the term 1miv01a (in Hellenistic and early
Christian times) has been studied in some detail (e.g. R. JOLY, Note sw etavo1a,
Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, 160, 1961, pp. 149-156, with reference to the earlier
work of G. Bardy; and most recently L. ALVAREZ VERDES, etavow-etavor.iv
e11 el griego extrabiblico, in L. ALVAREZ VERDES & E.J. ALONSO HERNANDEZ, ed. Home11aje a J11a11 Prado. Misceld11ea de esllldios biblicos y hebrciicos, Madrid 1975, pp. 503525), its later development is waiting for a historian.
23

24

246

J.A. MUNITIZ

and Story 2 for his third subject, i:i:avma), and thus were judged
by him to contain material proper to the first stages of the spiritual life.
And in many ways the stories are typical of "novice" spirituality :
in both there is a "marvel", in the form of a vision; in both. the
fundamental virtues of trust and humility are inculcated; in both,
good and evil are presented in sharp contrast, with little room for
nuance.
However the stories also have a richness, coupled to an exemplary
brevity and conciseness, that surpass those of all the later adaptations.
Here the first story had the greater success, perhaps because of its
vivid dramatisation of the devil. Already in the Novus paradisus this
character has begun to grow in colour : he addresses the monk as
"Father!" (paragr. 2, note 12, and paragr. 4, note 2), the appa being
changed by Paul of Evergetis into c'i0A.1i: on the first occasion and
omitted on the second. In another version translated from the Armenian
by Dom Louis Leloir, the final paragraph has been omitted and
the dialogue between the monk and the devil expanded and decorated
with mutual insults 25 . The Pseudo-Amphilochius has gone much
further; the dialogue is longer, and is not now directly between the
monk and the devil, but between the devil and an icon of Christ;
at the end God intervenes as a third character, praising the monk
and condemning the devil, before permitting the monk to die, while
still repentant, and throwing a thunderbolt after the devil 26 Here
again the final paragraph is obviously omitted.
It is not surprising that the final paragraph of Story 1 should have
caused some embarrasment. It could suggest, if wrongly interpreted 27 ,
an indifference on the part of God to the fate of individual souls which
is difficult to reconcile with the concept of God's universal salvific
will so strongly marked elsewhere. It is as if the novice-master had been
too zealous in his role of moralist - wishing to balance the triumph
over the evil one with a salutary dose of humility -, but at least
he was striving for a complex message expressed in a single formula.

25 "Abominabilis immunde" is the devil's mode of address for the monk, who
replies with "maledicte canis": this version is to be found in the second volume of the
Paterica Arme11iaca (CSCO 361, Subsidia 43), Louvain 1975, p. 32. Another change
in this version is that the sin is committed outside the monk's cell, even if the nature
of the "opera inania" is left to the reader's imagination.
26 Theog11osti Thesaurus, I.e. (note I), XV 2 134-137 (p. 112).
27 The true point of the monk's soliloquy is that God does not need elaborate
self-sacrifice from someone in order to save him.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

247

The "corrections" made to Story 2, changing an authentic experience

of the spiritual order into a banal vision story, serve to highlight its
original value.
CONCLUSION

It is not possible to give a precise date for these two stories. They
are clearly a later insertion into the two great collections formed
presumably in the 6th century. However the small collections, in which
they probably first began to circulate, have the characteristics of the
source material from which the others were formed. The Armenian
translations, the Egyptian links, the authenticity of both the place
name, Monidia (vouched for by John Moschus), and of the teaching
they contain, point to their birth some time in the late 6th or early
7th centuries, about the time of the great monastic storytellers, John
Moschus, Sophronius and Anastasius of Sinai. They are two small
fragments in the great post-Chalcedonian puzzle which has intrigued
and inspired the research of Professor Albert Van Roey, and they are
offered to him now in the hope that they will please him both in
mind and heart 28

CRITICAL EDITION OF THE STORIES

The following conventions have been adopted :

An attempt has been made to respect the punctuation given by
the manuscripts (thus no comma before a vocative).
ii) The variant readings are given in the form of notes.
iii) Small letters, indicating families or sub-families of manuscripts,
are used when a reading is not restricted to individual witnesses,
but the manuscripts are specified because representatives of a family
may vary.
iv) The majuscule readings of W are printed in minuscule.
v) Differences due to confusion of o and co, of E and at, and of
t, ri, Et, ot, u are not usually noted, nor are differences affecting
final -v, breathings and type of accent.
i)

28 An earlier draft of this study was kindly read and commented upon by three
friends at Louvain, Fram;:oise Petit, Constant De Vocht and Basilios Markesinis; I am
most grateful for their help, and also that of Paul Edwards with the proofs.

248

J.A. MUNITIZ

LIST OF MANUSCRIPTS CONSULTED

B
C
D
E

F
G

H
J
K
M
N

0
P

V
W

London British Library Add. 28270 (1111 A.D.)

f. 4y-v (Story 1) ff. 46-47 (Story 2)
Berlin Phillipp. 1624 (12th cent.)
ff. 207v-208 (Story 1) f. 208-v (Story 2)
Coislin 232 {l lth cent.)
f. 252-v (Story 1) f. 253r-v (Story 2)
Paris Fonds grec 2500 (15th cent.), f. 415 (Story 1)
Paris Fonds grec 873 (13th cent.), f. 193r-v (Story 1)
Paris Fonds grec 929 (15th cent.), ff. 210v-213 (Story 2)
Paris Fonds grec 1093 (14/15th cent.), ff. 14SV-146v (Story 2)
Ambrosianus C 30 lnf. (12th cent.)
f. l l 7r-v (Story I) ff. l 17v-118 (Story 2)
.Paris Fonds grec 2474 (13th cent.)
ff. 168V-169V (Story 1) ff. 169V-171 (Story 2)
Coislin 283 (11 cent.)
ff. 151v-152v (Story 1) ff. 152v-153 (Story 2)
Coislin 282 (l l/12th cent.)
f. 151'-v (Story 1) ff. 151v-152 (Story 2)
Coislin 126 (10/1 lth cent.)
f. 298ra-vb (Story 1) ff. 298vb_299va (Story 2)
Ochrid (Naroden Muze) 33 (13th cent.)
pp. 312-313 (Story I) pp. 313-315 (Story 2)
Andros Mon. Hagias 65 (15th cent.)
ff. 1-2 (Story 1, but om. lines 1-3) f. 2 (Story 2, only lines 1-10)
London British Library Add. 36669 (13/14th cent.)
ff.. 145v-146 (Story 1)
Escorial Q III 14 (1285 A.D.)
ff. 152vb_ 153rb (Story 1) f. 153rb-vb (Story 2)
Marcianus gr. 346 (11 th cent.)
f. 19lr-v (Story 1) ff. 19lv-192 (Story 2)
Mt. Athos, Karakallou 251 (9/lOth cent.)
ff. 9v_10v (Story 1) ff. 10v-11 (Story 2)

Story I

De monacho tentato

(1.) 'A3EA<po<; 1 oh::rov Eic; 'ta ovacn'flpta 2 7tOAAa.Kt<; E~ evepyeiac; 'tOU

3taf36A.ou t7tt7t'tEV Eic; 7topvEiav Kai E7t6EVE 3 f3ta~6evoc; fou't6v3a,

iJ Ka'taAEi\jfat 'tO crxi'ja4, al.I.a f3aA.A.rov 5 'tTJV tKpav AEl'tOUpyiav
au'tou 6 7tapeKaA.e1 :rov eeov e'ta cr'tevayou A.6yrov 7 . Ku pie, 6p~c; 8
5 'tTJV avayKTJV ou f3iacrai e 9 KuptE, Kai lO Kliv 061.ro Kliv t') 061.ro,
crrocr6v e, on eyro 11 roe; 7tlJAO<; 'tTJV aap'tiav 12 7t00ro, al.I.a cru 13 ,

STORIES '"FROM :rHE MONIDIA

10

15

20

25

30

35

249

d>c; 14 0e6c;, KffiA.uer6v e 15 d>c; ouva6c;. 'Eav 16 yap 'tOV OiKatOV

eA.efieruc; 17 ' ouoev .eya E<lv 18 'tOV Ka0apov errocruc; 19 , OUOEV 0auaer'tOV 20. a~tot 21 yap 'tOU &A.eri0livat eieriv 22 . Eic; es OEer7tO'tU 23 , 'tOV
ava~tov 24 , 0auaer'tmerov 'tU EAETI erou 25 'Ev w(mp 26 oei~ov 'tTJV
qnA.av0pomiav 27 erou, on eroi 28 eyKa aA.eA.e l7t'tat 29 6 1t'tIDX 6c; 30
(2.) Tau'ta ouv Ka0' fiepav 1 ' ei'te 2 E7tl7t'teV ehe OUK E7tl7t'teV 2 ' eA.eyev 3
'Ev t~ ouv 4 7tecr<bV 48 eic; 'tTJV Ka'ta eruviJ0eiav aap'tiav 5 VUK't6c; 6 ,
aveerri eU0eroc;, Kai -flp~a'tO 'tOU Kav6voc;. 'O OE oairov 0auaerac;
'tTJV EA7tl0a 7 auwu 8 Kai 'tTJV avaioeiav 9 'tTJV aya0T)v lO 7tpoc; 'tOV 11
0e6v' cpaiVe'tat au'tip 6cp0aA.ocpavroc;, Kai A.eyei au'tip EV ocrcp E'l'aA.A.ev 12 .
Ilroc; OUK &pu0pt~c; oA.roc; erm0livat 13 E7tpoer0ev 14 'tOU eeou, ii 15
6voiierm 16 'tO ovoa aihou 1 7 ; ))
(3.) /\.eyet 1 au'tip 6 aoeA.cp6c; To KeA.A.iov 'tOU'tO xaA.Keiov 2 Ecr'tl"
iav ercpupav oioeic; 3 , Kai iav A.apaveic;. 'Y7toevro 4 ouv 5 eroc; 0aVU'tOU 6 7tpoc; ere 7 7taA.airov 8 ' Kai 01t0U A.omov 9 cp0aer0ro 10 'tij eerxaTIJ
fiEp(r Kai 11 opKotc; 12 ere 7tA.ripocpopro 13 , a 14 'tOV eA.06V'ta erc'.Oerat 15
aap'troA.ouc; eic; e'taVotav 16 ' OU iJ 1 7 7tauerom 18 7tpoerepx6evoc;
Cl> eecp 19 Ka'ta erou 20 ' sroc; OU 7taucru 21 Kai eru 22 7tOA.erov 23 e,
Kai toroev 24 'ttc; VlK~, eru ii 6 0e6c; 25
(4.) Tau'ta UKOUerac; 6 oairov A.eyet au'tip" Kai 1 ovroc; 2 A.omov
ouKE'tl 3 7toA.ero ere 38 , i'.va iJ oia lie; \:moovlic; erou erecpav6v 4 erot
7tpo~eviJerro 5 . Kai 6 avexroprierev a7t'auwu 6 oairov 7 a7to lie; ftepac; 8 EKEivric;. 'IOou 9 1tOiov lO aya06v eernv 11 Ti \:moovi;, Kai 'tO iJ
a7toyivroerKetv eau6v 12 , Kiiv erupij 13 7toA.A.aKtc; 7teereiv 14 ftiic; eic;
7toA.eouc; Kai 6.apiac; Kai 15 7tetpaerouc; 16
(5.) 'EA.06vwc; ouv wu aoeA.cpou 1 eic; 2 Kmavu~tv 3 , wu A.omou 4
EKa0riw KA.airov s ac; aap'tiac; auwu 6 "Oe ouv EKA.atev 7 ' eA.eyev 8
au'tip 6 A.oyier6c; 9 ' O'tl 10 KaA.roc; KA.aieic;)) A.eye Kai au<'>c; Cl> A.oytercp,
'Ava0ea Cl> KaA.ip 'tOU't<p 1 1. 'tl yap xp'{Jl;et 6 0e6c;, i'.va U7tOAEerlJ 12
av0pro7toc; 13 'tTJ v 'l'UX iJ v aU'tOU 13"' Kai Ka0rimi 0privrov 14 Ol 'au't'iJV 1 5,
Kai 11 16 mpl;ei 17 auiJv wu A.omou, ii ou mp/;et 18 ;
Notes
(1.) I 'All&A.q>o<;] titu/11111 nepi Uitoovi;i; Kai Katavli~&CO<;, Kai toii i) c'moytvci>crK&IV
ttva t':autov, Kl.iv cruf3ei it&cr&iv autov &!<; aaptia<; (&u(A.6yricr)ov it(at)&p add. A)
praem. y(AS), (fat6) 9&cr(t<;?) &!<; to t(i;<;) UICOovi;<; tOii i) a(ito)ytvcOTJK&IV aUtOV
mg. add. E 1 , 'Ali&A.q>6<; tt<; y(AS) (Frater quidam ArmA.B) - 2 ovacrtfipta] W, in
celebri coenobio AnnA, ovillta (-vfili- [AS]HKQ) cet. cod., in monasterio quod vocabatur Monidin ArmB - 3 tittev&]x(WJMOV) (sustinebat ArmA), e&v& Dy(AS)z
(EBKNQ), iietv& HC - 3 crautov W - 4 crxi;a] i11c. 11111til11s P, praem. liy1ov H s f3aA.A.cov]x( WDHJPc. MO V)Cp.c. (incipiens ArmA ), f3aA.A.ov EC-<., aA.A.ov (aA.A.cov

250

J.A. MUNITIZ

N) y(AS}z(BKNQ) (faciebat iugiter Ar111B), i/leg. P -

6 A.&ttoupyiuv autoii) WHJ, A..

&uutoii d(MOV), autoii A.. y(ASP)z(ECBKNQ), &uutoii A.. D (officium suum Ar111A,
ordinem orationum suarum Arm 8 ), add. 1ro16iv K - 7 A.tyrov] Kai i:A.&yE WJ 8 opqc; - Kupu:] 0111. y(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) (vides tribulationem [+ s] meam. Coge me,
Domine, An11A, Domine[ter), omnipotens es Ar111B) - 9 f3iucmi E) f3oi(0T]er6v 01 D
IO Kui]x(IYJMOV) (et Arm"). 0111. DHy(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) (0111. ArmB) II on
Eyro] om. H, acid. Ev y(ASP) - 12 ti]v uaptiav roe; xriA.oc; D - 13 uA.M eru] uA.M V,
eru lit y(ASP) - 14 roe; - lluvm6c;) WHJ (sicut Deus et sicut potens cohibe me ArmA),
roe; lluvatoc; i.ov 0r.oc; KroA.uer6v E d(MOV), roe; 0Eoc; erroerov E roe; lluvatoc; D, roe;
0&6c; lluvatoc; KciJA.uer6v r. y(ASP)z(CBKNQ), roe; lluvatoc; 0Eoc; KciJA.uer6v E E (sicut
omnipotens, cohibe me ArmB) - 15 E) 01 Q - 16 'Euv] iiv H - 17 EA&i(eruc;l
EAEi(erEtc; WDHSEC, add. ~16vov WH - 18 f.Uv) praem. Kai y(ASP)z(ECBKNQ), acid.
yap J, om. (scil. &uv - 0uuaert6v) d(MOV) - 19 ercilerEtc; WDHJPEK - 20 0uuaert6v] 0aiia WDH - 21 ii~t0c; ... EcrtlV d(MOV) - 22 yap - Eicriv] yap Eicrtv toii
EAET]0i'jvm DHC, yup Eiertv ti'jc; eri'jc; uya06tl]tOc; J - 23 llfoxota] om. E - 24 tOV
uvu~1ov] om. Jy(ASP)CN - 25 Ps. 16, 7- 26 EV routcp] x(DHJMOV), Eic; f.f; (ex li11ea
9?) W, Kai Eic; tOiito y(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) - 27 ti'j <ptA.av0proxia p - 28 erot] eru ASEK,
EVf.KU erou DH, illeg. P - 29 eyKataA.EA.EmE E, EVKataAEAEmtm H - 30 Ps. 9, 35.
(2.) 1 Ka0ripav JAS - 2 EitE - emxtEV 2 post EAEYEV transp. y(ASP) (ArmA.B)
3 EAEYEV) acid. xpoc; TOV 9EOV tUlttoV (sic) TO erti'j9oc; autoii r.ta ertEVayoii E
4 ouv] add. VUKti P(An11A.B), add. tCiiV f)Eprov D 4 7tEerrov] acid. roe; w 6 VUKtoc;] 0111. P (sec/ c.f l/Ofe 4), a/lie et 11011 post VUKtoc;
5 VUKtOc; uaptiav a(AS) i11terp1111xit Q - 7 EA7tilla - E>E6v) uvaillEIUV KUi ti]v uyuOi]v autoii xpoc; TOV 0EOV
xpo9uiav Kai 7tp69EcrtV E- 8 autoii ti]v EA7tilla Q - 9 Kai ti]v uvaill&tav] om. y(ASP),
add. autoii w - IO uyuOi]v) (bonam Ar111A.B), add. ti]v M, add. i;v ElXE W, add. iiv EXEi
B, om. DHJy(ASP) - 11 tov) om. 1"1 - 12 EljlUAAEV] W (dum psallebat Arm"),
ljlUAAEt JMOV, ljlUAAEtc; DHy(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) (Quando oras Arm 8 ), acid. uf3f3a y(ASP)
(add. vir tu Arm 8 ) - 13 erta9i'jvm] x(WDHJMOV), erti'jvm y(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) et
a11te oA.roc; tra11Sp. B - 14 xpoer0i-:v]x(WDHJMOJI), Evcilmov y(ASP)z(ECBKNQ)
(coram Arm" 8 ) - 15 li - autoii] om. K - 16 ovoaerm et 11011 ovouerat codd. I 7 autoii] add. EV tOIUUTT] UKa9aperia w.
(3.) 1 J\yE1] Kai A.EyEt E - 2 xuA.Kiov WJEK - 3 llillr.1c;] DMCKN, llillric; WHEQ,
lltllEic; OJI, llillroc; JPB, llillEt A, llillt s - 4 l.moEvCii Q, illeg. p - 5 ouv] om. y(AS),
praem. (xa)uerom put vid. - 6 Eroc; 9avutou post {mocvro trallSp. y(AS), xuA.airov
xpoc; erE Eroc; (et 0avurou?) P - 7 xpoc; ere naA.airov] npoernaA.aicov B - 8 nuA.airov - erE]
0111. (liomoiot.) D - 9 A.omov] om. y(ASP) (om. 111 vie/. ArmA.B) - 10 1p8uer80i]
<p0aertro JBK, er<pa9Cii H, <p9uvro P (the form in -er0- is post-classical; cf. A. N. JANNARIS,
A11 Historiml Greek Grammar, [London 1897] Hildesheim 1968, nr. 996 paragr. 296;
S.B. PsALTES, Grammatik der Byza111i11isclie11 Cliro11ike11, [1913] Gottingen 1974, p. 228;
their examples are of the Aorist Passive, but here the sense is active; a similar example
is to be found in the genuine Quaestio 33 of Anastasius of Sinai, unfortunately still
unpublished) - II Kai] om. B - 12 opKoc; E, opKCO (sic) w - 13 ltAT]po<popro]
ltAT]pO<popi(erro D, add. Etrl trov uyirov U.yyA.rov autoii E - 14 a] vi]? Q - 15 erroerm]
KaA.fom y(ASP)C (cf Luc. 5, 32) (liberare paenitentia Arm", ad vocandum peccatores
ad paenitentiam Arm 8 ) - 16 Elc; Etuvowv] om. K - 17 ou i]] ott oil y(ASP) 18 xauerom] nauerrom Hd(MOV)N, xalicrro W 19 npoerEpxoEvoc;] x(WDHJOV)
CB, xpoerEuxoEvoc; MP< z(EKNQ), EuxoEvoc; (exoEvoc; A) y(ASP) (stando coram
Deo propter te Arm", protestari contra te apud ilium ArmB) - 2 Kata eroii] hie
x(JMOV) (Arm"), ante tij> E>Ecp transp. W, post xauerom (7tauerrom) tra11sp. DHz(ECB
KNQ), KUB' f)KuertT]V f)tpav etiam post 7tauerom trallSp. y(ASP) - 21 7taUerEt WHK 23 7tOAECiiv] x(WHJ)y(ASP), 7tOAEEiv DMOVz
22 eru - Kai] om. lio111oiot. P (EBCKNQ) - 24 illoEv DMK, illro y(ASP) - 25 E>E6c;] add. ou H.

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

251

(4.) Kai] 0111. y(ASP) (0111. Ar111A 8) - 2 ovrroc;] add. uj3j3a y(ASP) - 3 OUKETI]
ouJV- Ja m: ltoA&ro W- 4 IJTE<pav6v] Kai IJTE<pavov Q, IJT&q>uvouc; K- s 1tpol;i:vi1crro]
allle ao1 (line 27) transp. WDH, 1tpol;&vicrrov A - 6 Kai - EK&iv11c;] 0111. D - 7 o
lluirov] 0111. d(MO"' ri<I. JI) - 8 i)~ti\pac;] ropac; WHE - 9 'lllou] ill&t& P, add. uyrt1tl]toi
y(ASP)Q - 10 61toiov P - 11 foriv JK, for1v Q - 12 foutoii Dc.JB, &uurrov N 14 i)ac; 1!&1J&iv HE 13 cruj3&1 K IS Kai 1!&tpacrouc; - uaptiac; (line 33)] 0111.
ho111oiot. P - 16 Kai 1t&1pacrouc;] 1t&1pacrouc; Kai et post tic; (fine 30) transp. E,
add. Kai mpaxuc; 1-V.
(5.) I tic; KatUV~IV toii ull&}.q>oii d(MOV) - 2 de;] add. TO K&Hiov auroii, E~ICIVCV
tic; D - 3 Katuvu1;1v] add. r.yul11v D - 4 A.omoii] add. Kai D - s KAai(rov) des. in
plwtotypicis 111eis H - 6 uaptiac; auroii] uapriac; f.auroii J, EuUTOii uaptiac;, TUltTCOV
to crtfj0oc; r.tu crn:vayoii Kai A.Eyrov ri)v roii r&A.ci>vou q>rovi)v (cf. paragr. 2, note 3)
E - 7 EKAat&v] d(MOJI) (llebat Ar111A), om. WDJy(ASP)z(CBKNQ) (0111. Ar111B) 8 A.tyov J 9 6 A.oy1cr6c;] 6 llmA.oy1croc; D, oi A.oy1croi J, add. auroii Q 10 c5n] 0111. K 11 r(ji KaA.Cji routq>]x(JMOV)B (istiusmodi bono ArmA), to KaA.ov
roiiro WDy(ASP)z(ECKNQ) (hoe bonum Ar111B) - 12 c11toA.fo1J] u1toA.foi:1 Wy(ASP)K,
u1toA.A.6i:1 D - 13 av0pro1toc;] x(WJMOV) (homo Ar111A.B), nc; Dy(ASP)z(ECBKNQ)
_ I l a cf. Matth. 16, 25par., loh. 12, 25- 14 0p11vrov] Kai 0p11vfi d(MO JI)- IS lit' auri)v]
x(WDMOJI) (propter illud Ar111A), auri)v Jy(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) (0111. Ar111 8) - 16 ill
&i 0, 0111. D- 17 crcj>l;&t] crrol;11 , crro0&i A, crro0fj pui"id. - 18 roii - crcj>l;i:1] x(WDMOV)
(postea vel non ArmA), 11 ou Jy(ASP)z(ECBKNQ) (vel non Ar111 8).

Story 2 De monacho spe orbato quem Christus solatur

(1.) A/,J.or, aoeA.cpor, I EKa0rrro Kata 6var, 2 EV tiJ autiJ 3 ovu tc'I>v
Movtoicov4, Kai aUtTJ s ftv Ti euxiJ aut0u 6 7tUVtOte Kupte, ti Ott 7
w

10

15

20

OU cpopouat cre; 'AA.A.a 7tE'ljfOV 8 ot Kepauv6v, ii UAATJV 9 7tepiO'taO'lV, ii lO &.cr0evetav, ii oaiova, taxa 11 KUV OUtCO<, ilpxetat 12 eir,
cp6pov Ti 7te7tcopcotvri 13 ou 'JfUXTt 14
(2.) Tauta 1 eA.eye Kai 7tapeKaA.et EKtevror, 2 tov 0eov A.tycov Oloa 3
ott &.ouvat6v fottv iva cruncopftcrur, 4 ot s. 7toA.M yap ftapwv ei<;
to ovoa crou 6 ofo7tota, 7toA.A.a Kai KaKa 1 'AA.A. euv evotxetm, oia
wur, oiKttpour, crou Ki'lv tKpov epor, 8 crunc:Opricr6v ot 9 . Ei Bf:
ouoe 10 tOUt0 11 evotxetm, 7taioeucr6v e cbOe 0Ecr7tOta 12 , Kai EKEi i)
7tmoeucrur, 13 e. Ei BE Kai wuw 14 &.ouvatov, a7t6oor, 01 rooe epor, 15 ,
Kai eKei Ko6cptcr6v 16 e 1 7 Ki'lv tKpov tfi<, KoA.acrecor, epor, 18 6vov
ap~at 19 U7t0 tOU vuv 7tatOe6etv 20 e, &.A.A.a i) tl[> 0ul[> crou 21
ofo7tota, &.A.A.a tiJ cptA.av0pco7ti~ crou 22
(3.) Outco<, emeivar, e7ti 1 EVtaUtOV OAOV 2 U7ta6crtco<, 3 eta cruvtpiou Kap&iar, 4 oucrco7trov tov 0eov ev vricrtei~ 5 Kai 7toA.A.iJ 6 ta7tetvc:Ocret 7, A.oytcrov Eo-xev 8 EV EaUtl[> A.Eycov 9 WApa ti lO ecrtiv 6
A.6yor,ovel7tev6Xptcrt6r, MaKapt0t 11 oi 7tev0ouvte<,, Ott aut0i
7tapa KA T) eri crovta t 1 2 ; 'Ev tQ. oov 128 Ka0ritvou 13 autou 14 xaai,
Kai 0privouvtor, Kata cruvi;eeiav 15 , a7to &.0viar, a7tevucrm~e 16 , Kai iOou

252

J.A. MUNITIZ

eq>iO"tatat 17 a\mp 6 Xptcrt6c; 18 , Kai A.tyet 19 atmp

i/1.ap~ 20

tij cpcovij

Kai tlj'> 7tpocimq:r Ti exeic; liv9pco7te, ti o(hcoc; KA.aietc; ; /\yet Kai

25

30

35

aut6c; 2 1. ~On e7tecra 22 K6pte 23 . Ayet 24 autcp 6 cpaveic; autlj) 25

Kai eyeipou 26 . 'A7teKpi9TJ 6 Keievoc; 27 Ou C>6vam, Mv i]
Brocruc; ot 28 xei.pa.)) Kai EKteivac; tl']v xeipa au'tOU 29 , avfotT)crev
aut6v 30 , Kai miA.tv A.tyet autlj) 31 iA.aproc; 32 Ti KA.aietc; liv9pco7te,
ti AU7tfjcrat 33 ; 'A7teKpi9TJ 34 6 aBeA.cpoc; K6pte 35 , OU 9A.etc; 1'.va
KA.a6crco Kai A.U7tTJ9iO 36 , on 37 tocrauta cre A.67tTJO"a;
(4.) Tote EKte{vac; tftV xeipa au'tOU 6 q>aveic; I ' 9T)Ke tl']v 7taA.aT)V QU'tOU 2 E7ti tl']v 1mpBiav 3 aO'tOU 4, Kai ilA.etcpev auti]v 5 ' Kai
eA.eyev aOtq'> 6 Mi] 9A.tPijc;, l'j 9A.tPijc; 7 , PoTJ9ei 6 E>e6c; 8 Aomov 9
on O"U tA.um19TJc;, tycb OtJKEtl lO AU7toum Kata crou C>ta crf: yap 11
to aia ou C>BcoKa 12 , 7t6crcp 13 aA.A.ov BiBco 14 Kai tl'jv cptA.av9pco7tiav
ou EKUO"tlJ etaVOOUO"lJ wuxij 1 5 ; ))
(5.) Kai tA.9cbv de; {;autov 6 aBeA.cpoc; 1 EK tfic; cmtacriac;, eOpe
tl'jv KapBiav a-Utou 7tUcrf.Jc; xapac; 7te7tA.11pcoVTJV, Kai 2 E7tATJpOcpopiJ9TJ 3 '
on E7toi11crev 6 E>eoc; 4 et' autou 5 eA.eoc; 6 Kai eetve 7 Bta 8
7tavtoc; 9 EV 7tOA.A.ij ta1tetvocppocr6vu I 0 euxaptcrtrov tlj) 11 E>eq'>.
Notes
(1.) 1 "AA.Aoc;; UliEA.cpoc;;] J (Alius frater Ar111A 1), "AllEA.cpoc;; l.iA.A.oc;; d(MOJI), "AllEA.cpoc;;
WHz(CBKNFG), "AA.A.oc;; nc;; dllEA.cpoc;; y(ASP) (Fater quidam Ar111A 28), titu/11111 prne111.
IlEpi toii ovaxoii toii a!touaivou tro 9Ero (toii 9Eoii P) dxoA.af3Eiv &vtaii9a y(ASP) 2 Kata6vac;; WNFG (fors. recte) 3 tij autij] tij totaimt J, autij tij F, tij N 4 ovtlltrov W, ovT]llirov Hy(ASP)KG (Monidisay ArmA2, Monidisoy Ar111B, 0111. Ar111A 1)
- s aiitT] - Kai (line 6)] 0111. G - 6 autoii EUXTt B - 7 ti Ott]W (eo quod Ar111AI).
on H, oillac;; ott Jd(MOJI), 0111. y(ASP)z(CBKNF) (0111. ArmA 28 ). - 8 "AA.Ad m':IJlovJ
11 taxaJ
aA.A.a Ii 1tEljfOV J, llOc;; B-. UAATJV] add. tlVCt y(ASP) - lO lil add. UAAT]V
12 EPXEtat] x(WHJMOV), ilA.9T] y(ASP)z
x(WHJMOV), Iva y(ASP)z(CBKNF) (CBKNF) - 13 1tE1troprotvT]] ta!tEtviJ d(MOJI) (perditae Ar111A 1, om. Ar111A2.B) 14 'lfUXfJ ou K, '1 vuxiJ ou i'] 1tE7tOprotvT] J.
2 tKtEvroc;;] x(WHJMOV, sed post 0Eov transp. H)
(2.) 1 Taiita] tmitTJV F (vehementer Ar111AI). 0111. y(ASP)z(CBKNFG) - 3 Oflla] illro (sic) P, K(6pt)E prae111.
B, add. W - 4 crunropi)crEtc;; WSPG - 5 ot] E W, E llfoxota G - 6 Elc;; to
ovoa crou] x(WHJMOJI), Eic;; crt y(ASP)z(CBKNF), tVO!tOIOV croii G (coram te A1'111AI)
7 xoA.A.d Kai KaK<i] x(WHJMOJI) (multum et pessimus valde Al'llrAl). om. y(ASP)z
(CBKNFG) - 8 Kl.iv (Kai M) tKpov tpoc;;] x(JMOJl)G (modicam quemdam partem
Al'llrAl). 0111. WHy(ASP)z(CBKNF) - 9 01] 0111. WJ - 10 oUllt] Kai AS, 0111. PFG 11 toiito] add. OUK Vy(ASP)FG 12 cl>llE llfo1tota] llfo1tota rollE WHJ, ro (om. P)
llfo1tota &vtaii9a y(ASP) - 13 1tatllE6crEtc;; PKG - 14 toiito] add. fotiv y(ASP) 15 tpoc;;] add. ti (sic) y(ASP) 16 Ko6cp(tcr6v) des. in plrototypicis meis P 17 E]
ot ACKNG, post tpoc;; (line 11) transp. Ko6cptcr6v 01/E y(AS) - 18 tpoc;;] Irie WJy
(AS)CKN(et ArmAl). post tKpov transp. d(MOJI) (Ar111 8 ), 0111. HBFG - 19 l.ip~at]
20 1tatllE6Etv] praem. toii WOV, xatllEiicrai WH
l.ip~ou K(6pt)E y(AS), l.ip~oat M 21 Ps. 37 2 22 aA.A.d tij cptA.av9proxi~ crou] x(WHJOJI) (sed benignitate ArmAl).
0111. My(AS)z(CBKNFG) (om. Al'llrA2.B).

c-

STORIES FROM THE MONIDIA

253

(3.) I ETti] 0111. G - 2 oA.ov] 6AOKAl]pOV G, 0111. w - J c'maUO"tOOc;] 0111. FG cruvrpiou Kapoiac;] x(WHJMOV) (consumptus corde Ar111A 1), llaKpl>rov y(AS)z
(CBKNFG) (et lacrimis ... et contrito corde Am;B) - s Vl]crn:ifl] Vl]O'T&imc; H 7 ev noA.A.fi rnn&1voocr&t Kai ev Vl]crtEia F 8 A.oy1cr6 Kai noHij] noV.i] Kai G 6v ecrxev] x(WHJMOV)G(sed tuvei [lege ttva?] post A.oy1crov add. G) (mente agitando Ar111A 1, et cogitabat in mente Arm8 ), A.oytcrrov y(AS)z(CBKN), 0111. F - 9 EV
foutcp Myrov] Myrov ev foutro F, eA.&y&v ev foutro y(AS) - 10 ti] WHJz(CKNFG), ic;
d(MOV)y(AS)B- II MaKCiptot] praem. Ott WJFG - 12 Matth. 5, 4 - 12 ouv] add.
trov fieprov W - 13 Ka91]tvro aiJtro ... 9pl]VOUVtl J - 14 autoii post 9pl]VOUVtoc;
transp. d(MOV)G - is Kata cruvi]9emv 9pvl]oiivrnc; y(AS) - 16 evucrrn~&v Wy(AS)G
17 f:qiicrrnTm] x(WHJMOV), napicrrntm y(AS)z(CBKNFG) 18 6 Xptcrtoc; post
Kai Mye1 autcp trcmsp. H - 19 Kai A.ty&t] x(WHJMOV) (et dicit Ar111A), Myrov y(AS)
z(CBKNFG) (dicit Arm 8 ) - 20 IA.api'j HOB - 21 /\tyr.1 Kai aut6c;] x(JMOV), A.tyet
autro W 111 l'id" My&1 autro 6 aor.A.qi6c; H, A.ty&1 autro z(CBKNF), Kai AEYEI autro G,
6 OE anoKpt9&ic; Myf:1 y(AS), (Et ille dicit ad Dominum ArmA, dicit frater ArmB) 22 em:cra] WHJ y(AS)BKG, &n&crov d(MO V)CNF 23 Kup1e] KUpl] (lege KUpt ?) H 24 /\tyet] Kai A.ty&t H 2 s autcp] 0111. JMOVFG 26 EyEipou] ey&tp& (sic) H, add.
m'.tA.tv y(AS) - 27 6 KEievoc;] EKEivoc; H - 28 ooocruc; 01] Broe; ot J, ot ooocretc;
y(AS) - 29 aurnii] 0111. WJ - 30 avfotl]O'EV aut6v] Kai EOOOKEV aiJTro F - 31 Kai
m'.t},1v Myet autcp] x(WHJMOV) (et iterum dicit ad ilium Ar111A 1), Kai My&t autro
naA.tv y(AS)z(BKNF), Myrov autro naA.tv C, Kai Myet autro G - 32 IA.aproc;] 0111. G 33 A.uni'j BF, A.unei G- 34 an&Kpi91]] add. ouv H, add. Kai J - 35 Kupt&] x(WHJMOV)
(ArmA. 0 ), Kl>pt N,post ou 9tA.&tc; transp. y(AS)z(CKNFG), 0111. B- 36 KA.airo Kai A.unoum J, A.un1]9ro Kai KA.aucrro d(MOJI)- 37 ott] ot& K.
(4.) q>avEic;J q>av&ic; autro H - 2 ti]v naA.al]v autoii] auti]v FG - 3 ETti ti]v
Kapoiav] d(MOV) (super cor suum Ar111A 1), &ic; ti]v Kapoiav JG, ev Tij Kapoia WH,
&ic; ti]v KEq>aA.i]v y(AS)z(CBKNF) (caput Arm 8) - 4 autoii] HJy(AS)z(CBKNF) (illius
ArmAl.B), TOU aOEAq>OU Wd(MOJl)G - s Kai ~Af.tq>EV auti]v] 0111. K - 6 Kai EA&y&v
autcp] x(WJMOV) (et dicebat ArmA 1), Myrov HG, Kai A.ty&1 autro y(AS)z(CBKNF)
(et dicit Arm 8) - 7 Mi] 9A.1J3ijc;, i] 9A.tJ3fjc;] x(WHJMOV), i] 9A.tf3i'jc; z(CBKNFG),
l]ll&v A.un1]9&ic; (lege A.ux1]0ijc;?), aoeA.qit': y(AS) (noli turbari An11A 1, noli contristari
valde Arm 8 ) - 8 er. Ps 53, 6 - 9 /\omov Ott] Kai yap Ott y(AS), EX&i yap w (et eo
quod Arm 8 ) - 10 eyro ouKttt] Wd(MOV) (ego non amplius ArmA), ouKttt &yro
HJy(AS)z(CBKNFG) - 11 ota cr& yap] WJ, e! yap 01a cr& y(AS), ota yap crt Hd
(MOV)z(CKNFG), llta crf; G - 12 otoroKa] WJy(AS)FG (dedi ArmAl.2), eoroKa HCBK,
14 oillro] x(JMOV), ooocrro
&~txw d(MOV) (effudi Ar111 8) - 13 x6mp] add. ouv W Wy(AS)z(BNFG) (dabo ArmA. 2, do ArmB), post ou transp. NFG, 0111. HCK (for
the form oioro, cf. F. T. GIGNAC, A Gra111111ar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and
Byzantine Periods, Vol. II (Testi e documenti per lo studio dell'antichita LY 2), Milan
1981, p. 382, examples from the lst century A.D.) - is wuxfi ernvool>crl] y(AS).
(S.) 6 ao&A.q>oc;] EKEivoc; S, 0111. A - 2 Kai] add. EV tOUTO (sic) y(AS)- 3 EXAl]poq>opt01]
H - 4 6 0eoc;] 0111. C - s &A.&0c; &t' autoii d(MO V) (misericordiam super ilium ArmB),
autro 6 0eoc; (to add. W) &A.&0c; WJ- 6 Luc. 10, 37 - 7 e&tv&] e&v& WCKN - 8 omnavt6c; JVN - 9 navtroc; (sic acc.) H - 10 tan&tvoqipocruvuJ add. eKtot& y(AS) 11 tcp] add. q>tA.av9pooxro y(AS).
4

Heythrop College
University of London

Joseph A. M UNITIZ