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Annals of the
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Volume XXI
1939-4O
EDITED BY
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ttAJENDRAGADKAR, MA.,
AND
R. N.
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t Nominated
VOL.
XXI ]
PARTS
Annals of the
Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute,
Volume XXI
1939-4O
EDITED BY
A, B.
GAJENDRAGADKAR,
M.A.,
AND
R. N.
DANDEKAR,
M.A-, Ph.D.
Bhandarkar
Institute Press,
Bhandarkar Oriental
POONA
4.
CONTENTS
VOLUME XXI, PARTS
(
16-12-40
I-II
ARTICLES
1
The Upapuranas by R.
On
Ph. D.
Prof. G.
"V.
Devasfchali,
M.A.
38-62
...
63-72
...
73-96
M.A., Ph. D.
6
...
by
4
C. Hazra, M.A.,
137
...
97-99
The Dates of Narayana Dlksita and other commentators of the Vasavadatta of Subandhu
by P. K. Gode, M.A.
...
115-127
...
128-144
MISCELLANEA
10
Who
by
is the
S.
'
Author of Sutra-Vrtti
'
N. Tadpatrikar.
REVIEWS
11 What was
...
145
12
by
by Vasudeva Gokhale
Pre-Buddhist India, by Ratilal Metha, M.A.,
reviewed "by Vasudeva Gokhaje
146-147
...
148-149
II
wnce,
iy
'Tn
i
IM
15
Bk
of
Oriental
XXI
VOL.
PAIS1CI
PARTS
JUII
'
BY
Dr. A. N. TTPADHYE, M.A., D.Litt
[
4.
1*
Introductory remarks.
NamisSdbu on
Paisaci.
SimharSja on PaisSci.
7,
6.
2.
Yararuci on Paisaei.
3.
Ca$da on
Paisacl.
^on
Purusottama,
varieties of
10.
of
17. Spelling of the name of this language. 18. Sub-dialects
PaisSoL Id. The sub-dialect CulikS PaisSci and Sogdian. ^20. Grammarians
on the meaning of Paisaci. 21-22. Modern scholars on Paisaci and its signi:
Statement
ficance. 23. Different opinions on the original home of PaisSo!
of the views of Konow, Grierson, Keith etc. and their critical estimate.
24. Possible conclusion. 25. Conventions about the use of Paisaci. 26. Litera*
ture in Pai^acI: GuijSdhya and his Brhatkatha; three Sanskrit versions of
the lost work nature etc. of Brbatkatha; references to GupEdhya and his
work and the date of Guijacjhya. 27. Paisaci thrown into the back-ground.
28. Compositions in Paisa'cl by Hemacandra, Jayasimha, YasapSla, DharraaGlossary of Pai^ScI words in the
vardhana, Jinaprabha and Somasundara
Paisaci.
Grammars.
As
Feb, 1940.
Annals
of the
Institute
'
and
has gathered a mythical hallo about it
and
Konow
Grierson
lastly some of the eminent orientalists like
have discussed different problems connected with Pai&acl.
In the absence of any PaisJacI text prior to the grammarians,
we are forced to see what the grammarians have to say about
PaisacI and its linguistic traits. If we take an exhaustive
snrroy of the description of PaisacI given in the various Prakrit
grammars, we would be in a position to see what the grammarians
of the
language
meant by
Pais&cl.
2,
VararucI, the earliest Prakrit grammarian known to us,
describes Pai&acl in his Prakrta-prdkasa,* chap. 10.
He calls it
and then he describes its deviahow the first two sutras might be
gakanam
=
=
irabhamm, salapho
njaghrah,
salabhah, sarhgamo
~
gamanam
gamanam.
It
= safygramah,
must
be
vaggho
remembered
i
There is a Sanskrit commentary on
by name ( Government collection No. 57 of 1872-73 now in the Bhandarkar
Oriental B. Institute)
secondly Mr. D. B. Biskalkar draws my atten;^and
tion to a phrase &r$~pi&aca-caturvedasya in a
copper seal found in dutch and
ta letters look like those of the 7th century A, D.
Apparently beyond the
similarity of name, they have no bearing on the study of PaisacI
language.
1 Edited
by E. B. Cowell. Second Issue, Trtlbner and Co., London 1868.
mama
vattai
v.
by anaptyxls as
L 'jvattadi
sata,
kastam mama
*vartate,
kasatam
sananam
Further
snanam, saneho = snehah, bharia=bharya ( Sutras 6-8 ).
T
to
are
and
wjnafah*
vinjato
changed
flja
nya
jna, &ya
=^
= Icanya ( Su. 9-10 ). The Saurasenl
savvanjo = sarvajnah, Itanja
= karyam ( Su. 11 ). ( c ) In declension
jj i is changed cca kaccam
racma, ranja == rajna, racino,
rajan gives some double forms
-*
ranjo
And
kamtfam
taluni
:
lastly iva is represented by piva and hrdaya by hitadka
me
hara&i
Jiitaakxfn
karnalamiva mukfiam,
piva mukham
Sutras 4
& 14 X
This
is
In the light of the rules given by later granmarlans, one wishes that
have been nna.
fc
Prakrta-prakft&a of Vararuoi with the Saftjlvam of VasantarSja and
tae Subodhinl of SadSnanda, ed. with Intro*, etc* by B. N. Sharma and B.
Upadbyaya* Benares 1927.
3
Ed. by A. F. B. Hoernle, Calcutta 1880, published by the Asiatic Society-.
i
this should
Annals
of the
Institute
The Sutra states that the third and fourth letters of a class
and we
should be changed to the first and second respectively
=
riakaram
in
the
illustrations
commentary
the
following
get
=
=
=
Idntatam
mekho
giritatam,
marganah,
nagwam, makkano
say.
khammo = gharmah,
= jharjhzrah,
mantfalam, tamaruko
=*
tatakafii
tfamarukah, kathaih
matano
thakka = dhakka,
$a?i$hah,
=
tamctaro
damodarah,
kandarpah,
paththaw = foandhavah.
4*
niccharo
jimutah,
tadakam or
raca
raja,
nirjharah,
tadagam^ wa^talam
gatfham, satiitho
madanah,
mathuram
kamtappo
==
ntadhuram,
jj
aka^am, migamka
mrgankah, vacanam,
rajatam,
madano, supurisz, dayatu, latawam, similarly suko,
nadl the aspirates kha, gha, tha, dha,
, suet, gajo> bhavati,
and
6Aa
are
not
pha
changed to h
mukham, megho, ratho, Vidyadharo ( ? ), viphalam, sabha
^Aa and #7?a are not changed to c?Aa :
pa/Aama*, puthuvi, matho, kamatho* ( b ) The conjunct jn is
changed to n mrtakcsalaw, fana lapitam ya in hrdaya is changed
to pa: hitapalcam = hrdayam ; ia is never
subjected to any
change eti bimbam. Various consonantal changes prescribed
in PrSkrit are not applicable to PaisfadI and the
illustrations for
these might be gathered from texts like Brhat-katha.
(-saih ?)
5.
Kavyamala Ed..
jxavyauiaia
&a.. Bombay
13-4
5omoay lSt),
1886, pp. 13-4,
NamisSdhu composed his commentary in
Hemaeandra who was born in A.. D. 1088.
{
A, p. 1068
so he is earlier
and malalu,
nialato
sirtto
and
siritu (?
),
and
tarlto
taritu,
tartito
mato = madah
ni
guna-gana
T, reads guna~
gutyena,
gwnana
-yufto
giin3,ganayuklah t
== pra&amata
and
adds:
panayappaJcumtam
panamata
gana-jutto
S. 2 ).
prariayaprakupitam L. adds ramena (H. 306, T. 43,
Thirdly
changed
is
to
silatfi,
T.
Coming
anged
to ria
riya in
),
sinatam
T. sinanani^=snanam L.
bharia
iesdh,
bharya,
sina
and
Annals
of the
bhajasu.
The
Inst. sing,
is
of the present Is
only
lapate+lapati, aceJiate,
bhaveyya =
320, T. 57,
the root kr
iyya
giyyale^glyate, diyyate dlyate, ramiyyate
ramyate, pathiyyate (v. 1. pa$hiyyate) =pathyate> T.
nnyyate, giiyyate,
ramiyyate, padiyyte, S. hasiyyate, L. bhviyijati, bktiyyate,
blamyijati,
bhamyyate. About the forms of kr H. gives an illustrative sent-
has
its
own forms
ktrale
sammanoh
f
kriyate,
L.
v.
1.
tatthuna* talfhuna.
katthuna^krstva
Mm
tatiso = tadrsah,
yattio = yadrsah,
= tdriah, bhavatiso = bJiavadrsdh, aftftfiyumhatiso = yusmadrsah, amhatiso ^ asmadrSah,
samtoso
ketiso
tiso
T.
hrdaya-samtosah
anyadrsak,
=
etadriah
^^tso
H.
317, T, 49, S. 10
).
T. ddhajo
ettha
paribbhamanto huvsyya
evam-vidhae bhagavatie kadham ( katham in T. ) tapasa-vesa-ffahanam katam etisam atitthapuravam mafiadhanam taddhuna ( v. 1.
tattJiuna, T. tatthuna )
bhagavam yati mam varam payacchasi rajam
v.
tava ca tie turato yyeva tittho so agaccdava
loke
1.
loka
ca
)
(
hamano raja makaraketu, sagara-putta-( T, Magadha-putta )-vacanam, vijayasenena lapitam, matanam ( v. L patancrfn, T. matam )
papam, ayudham, tevaro ( T. devaro ) ( H. 323-24. T. 62-3 ).
Hemacandra and his followers have recognised another
6.
dialect CulikS-paisacI or-paisScika, a variety of PaisacI as signi;
by its name.
In this dialect the third and fourth letters of a class are
changed to the first and second respectively : nakaram=*nagaram
makkano=marganah kiritatam givitatam, mekho=m&ghah, vakkho
fied
vyfighrah,
khammo
cacearamt=z}arjaram,
gharmdh, rac&~raja
mceharo^nirjharah, chaccharojharjhdrali, tata9
Annals
ham = gatfham,
kainfappo
of the
sanitho
kat-
matano = madanah^
mdthuram = marf/z-
= dhara,
adds
T.
nalo>
naro
sarah, L. adds
Ramo,
La wo.
So far
PaWaciklbhasa or Paisacikam is con^
as^PaiSacI,
earned, Prakrtanuiamna 6 of Purusottama, Prakrfa-kalpataru
of Rima&arman and Prakrla-sarvaswm of
Markandeya deserve to
7,
be studied together.
Ramasarman
to
all
>
of
is
them
eleven
:
from Yaxamci
Thi rerse
X.
>
th
we
aee
Prakrit
is
Tt looks
like the
Prttkrit,
Pais&cl Language
and Literature
of the five "Vargas are changed to the 1st and 2nd of the same
kawka = ganga, m&kho=m8ghah cafathjalam, chatiichanilo
class
jhanjhanila~h,
timttmo = diridiniah,
kathat'n
= gadham^
tctihi
dadhi%
B. 3
).
tharama-paianlt thamma-pattl=dJiarmQr-$a!ni
pakltamaladhamako, cimhaka^jihmagah ; pakhama for paksman
f
or
suksma
'sukhama
sukhama
riaaiia (-naana )=paksmala-^nai/anai
:
"
kuruko me
pisu,mao=gurukah me
The conjuncts
kannaka,
pinnata, pinnata~vtjnafa. The word rajan shows optional forms
ranna> ranna, racina ; ranno, ranno, radno ; ranni,
in some cases
ranni, racini ( M. lb-19, P. 10, 22, R. 6 ).
Then there are certain net equivalents :piva~iw, cctfnto p%va~
candra iva," kiham, kharam = grliam; kupad^kvadt, as we get in
BrTialkatha,
for tirasea
i
kupad pisalam
PrUkrlasarvasvam, edited by
S. P.
V. Bhattanathaswami Vizagapatam.
but seeing
&
Grierson gives kvacit pi&acam as tke Sanskrit equivalent
that M3rkan4eya has changed v to p, I have taken it as vi&Ztom,
$ I Annals, B. O
1, J
;
io
Annals
of the
hasati=manusah
manuse )
hasati,
of the conjuncts
P. 27, etc. B. 7 ).
P. 26. E. 7). tie changed to d :
kade=krtah, made= mrtah, gade
=gatah ( M. 5, P. 35, B. 8 ). The grammarians are not in com:
>
>
ita,
rt=^
or th
M.
6-7, 9. P. 30-33 ).
In declensions, the Norn.
sing, termination for a-ending
nouns is e : manuse = manu^ah,' vane =
vanam, R. pale manusse =
parabmanusyab; and the same termination is theTe
optionally
in the Ace. aLo :
manuse, manusam = manusam, vane, vanam
*= vanam.
( M. 10-11, P.
37-38, R. 10 ).
(
=tvam
cal peculiarities
OQ the
'
pronuno ifttlon of
11
8.
Regarding: the various varieties of Paiao! BamaSarman
has something of his own to say.
Paisaoika may be Stiddha or
Samfclrna
the former is of seven kinds
born in
( 1 ) that
Kekaya, ( 2 ) that born in Surasena, ( 3 ) that born in Paneala,
born in Gauda, ( 5 ) Magadha, ( 6 ) Vxaoada and Snk( 4 ) that
smabheda and the latter is of four kinds
( 1 ) Bhasa-visaddha,
and ( 2 ) Ardha^addha, ( 3 ) Catuspada-visiuddha and ( 4 ) ASuddha.
The first three are identical with those discussed by Markandeya;
and whatever Markandeya says practically covers the rules vf
his predecessors, Purusottama and Ramasarman. As to the peculiarities of the remaining varieties, Raoiassarman adds very
scanty information. In Gauda Pai&cacika either r or I may be
used for r or for 1 as distinguished from Pancala Paisacika where
the rule is obligatory, Magadha Paiiacika is the language
originating in the country of Magadhas. Vracada Paisacika
shows an admixture of Sanskrit words* Owing to the subtle
differentiation in regard to the letter
Suksmabheda Pai&acika
l
is
recognised.
Annals
**
of the
Institute
!
described
This eclectic survey of the Pai6acl language
one
that
shows
some
of the
Prakrit
thing
grammars
in different
grammarians have differently understood the term PaisacI associating it with different linguistic tendencies. It is not unlikely
if the section on PaisacI is a later addition in the Prakrta-*
9;
prakasa of Vararuci ; but we have no evidence to assert the period when it was added. My impression is that the PaisacI section of Vararuci cannot be later than Canda, Namisadhu or
Hemacandra.
PaissacI tendencies
and wy in one and the same way using tuna as the Abso. terminaf
most common with all the later grammarians that have described PaiSael, though some of them have handled the details in
their own way.
No doubt that the Prakrit dialects were spoken
languages once, but by the time the Prakrit grammars came to
be composed they were literary languages and the grammarians
had to analyse the existing literature and record the forms comparing and contrasting them with Sanskrit or some standard
Prakrit Ws do not know what PaisacI literature was used
Vararuci for his Pralcrita-prakasa.
And
further
it
is
by
more than
probable that the later grammarians were guided *by the earlier
grammars, and in the absence of easily available PaisacI liter-
change
/.
The
stitra III,
and non-conjunct,
but
scholars,
elsewhere,
noted hare:
and
may
be
IA,,
pp 16-17
CaBda
I f
lias
:
cribed by him that the Brfaatkatha was written and further illustrations might be gathered from that book. 3$Tamisadhu ? s description may be casual, but it is as good as a section of any Prakrit
grammar, If we remember the space devoted to PaisacI by Vararuci and Canda, JSTamisadhu's PalsacikI has nothing In common
with Canda's Pai&acikl excepting the rule about dental n. The
change of r to I noted by Canda and the wholesale change of soft
consonants to the bard ones noted by both Vararuci and Canda
do not figure in the description given by Namisadhu who would
The points which he has common with
change only d to
Vararuci I have already noted above.
10,
As I see the situation, I feel convinced that the description of PaisacI recorded by Vararuci, Canda and Namlsadhu
must have been there before Hemacandra when he wrote his
grammar. Though Namlsadhu has something In common with
Vararuci, the change of r to I and the wholesale hardening of the
t.
consonants are absent in his PaisacikL It is these conflictIng characteristics that might have led Hemacandra to add a
Culika PaisacI in which r is optionally changed to I and the soft
consonants of a class are hardened. Hemacandra is aware of
a difference of opinion that according to some the initial consonants are not affected ; and this, I think, refers to the opinion
of Vararuci. Thus in his treatment* of Culika PaisacI, which is
soft
Hema-
Annals
14
of the
Institute
oandra in a single sutra, VIIL iv. 324. Of the three sutras de*
to Culika Pai^acI, 327 modifies 325 and the sutra 326 is
optional. It is in this manner that Heniacandra has toned down
the restrictions of Culika Pai&acl, and thus has been able to
bridge some of the gulf between Canda and Vararuci and Vararuoi and Namisadhu. Trivikrama, Laksmldhara and Siihharaja
have mechanically followed Hemacandra adding a few illustrative words here and there. Simharaja's performance is the poorest
of the lot.
Hemacandra's specific details about the Passive and
the Future augments are not noted by Purusottama and others,
yofced
Ihey ar
with the PaisacI ( including Culika PaisacI ) of Hemacandra. Undoubtedly these three follow Vararuci. The rule
about the hardening of soft consonants shows an
interesting
history with different grammarians. Vararuci wants that
only
the intervocalic consonants should be affected. Canda
applies
the rule to both initial and conjunct as well.
With Namisadhu
the trace of this rule is partially seen that d is
changed to t, and
in this respect he is followed by Hemacandra.
is optional),
Hemacandra
of
to I
in Pais&ci
noted onl j by
is
15
Hemacandra
and
his
followers.
12, Leaving aside the stray words special to PaisacI, we find
tbat there are many common points between all the grammarians
in the description of basic PaisacI which Is called Paisacika, Paisacikl, Kaikeya, Kaikaya or Kekaya PaisacI and PaiiacI ( with a
subvariety Culika PaisacI ). Those common traits may be noted
here. ( 1 ) Hard consonants take the place of soft ones ( with
some the rule Is universal, with others optional and with some
confined to intervocalic consonants only).
(2) There is
3
is
4
dental
**
There
dental
The
n.
)
(
only
(
)
only
conjuncts
jn 9 ny, ny are reduced to nn 9 and rajan gives alternative forma
st are simplified by anaptyxis.
( 6 ) The
( 5 ) Conducts like $n,
Absolutive termination Is tuna. ( 7 )
word hitapaka Is used for
hrdaya. These may be accepted as the chief characteristics of
the basic or standard Pai&acl which in the opinion of Namisadhu, Hemaoandra and Purusottama shows the tendency of
retaining the Sanskrit consonants that usually suffer a change
in Prakrits. Both Hemacandra and Markandeya add special
words, but they cannot help us to generalise linguistic tendencies
of Pai&acl. Along with the Absolutive termination tuna, Hemacandra gives us the Passive and Future augments they appear
to be important, but we cannot judge their authenticity in the
absence of PaisacI literature from which Hemacandra might
have taken these forms.
The Saurasena PaisacikI described by Purusottama and
13.
others is Interesting. Its change of r to / its preference to s the
appearance of s In some conjunct groups, the Nom. sing, termination e, the use of hake for aham and the remark of MErkandeya
that it Is partly like MagadhI indicate that this dialect is more
akin to the MagadhI of the grammarians, though it is called
Saurasena Pai&acikl. The Pancala PaisacI is not fully described by any one, and Purusottama says that Its characteristics
are to be gathered from people
perhaps it possessed certain
traits
not
handed
down by Prakrit grammarians. The
popular
other varieties, Magadha etc., noted by Rama&arman are more
theoretical than actual
first, he does not give any dialectal
traits ; secondly, the classification itself Is not purely linguistic
and lastly they Indicate types of verses composed in different
Annals
16
of ihe
different sense.
14.
to retain
the
15
Very often attempts are made to trace isolated characteriPaiMcI in one language or the other, but such
paralle*
lisms do not lead to any definite conclusion
about the family
kinship of languages. The term Paisacl stands for a
group of
characteristics already noted above; we must see how
many
of these characteristics are fcund en bloc
and consistently in any
other Prakrit dialect. The ASokan
Insciptions do retain interstics of
~
R
v
and PaisSci.
Sanskrit
**^fcana chap. 5
which
is
4, 13.
both im
Paiiflci
17
vocalic consonants
till
we
many more
traits
17.
Vararuci calls
i
it
ZDMG. 1910,
p. 116.
419 etc.
Sir
Annals. B. O.
If. I.
Annals
t8
of the
and
'
Sanskrit.
loose sense
It is
in
many
has not
n
admitted
it
0C0
as an
to
is
much
^d lastly Hemacandra
.'? PaMWj
independent dialect in
his enumeration
Paisficl
Vracada, Suksma-bheda, Bhasa-Vi&uddha, Ardha-suddha, Catuspada-visuddha and A^uddha, As we have seen above,
he gives some details about Kaikeya and Saurasena Paiacl,
but the rest he disposes off with a few remarks only.
Markandeya agrees with Rama&arman about the PaisScI dialects ?
but he quotes some lines, in the introductory portion of his grammar ( p, 2 ), which indicate that PaisSc! had eleven regional
dialects.
ss
In excluding others and describing only three varieties, Kaikeya, Saurasena and Pancala, his explanation is that these three
are Nagara ( i. e., belonging to the town, cultured ) and hence
important while others are to be known form the people ( apare
;
Though Laksmldhara follows Hemacandra and Trivikrama in describing Pai^acI and C.-PaisacI, he gives a couple
lokatah).
These statements w ith regard to the number of PaisacI dialects will have to be treated with an amount of discount, or possi*
1
T.I.
26
Annals
of the
Institute
different places.
If these
West
of India.
19.
Hemacanrira
of
tried to
connect
Pargiter
North-West
North
'
Sulifcas,
like the
SftS
? ^r'T
fc
JBA8. for
by F.
E E argiter
.
'
of
*
There are strong reasons to believe that the
the valley of Oxus.
Sogdians were in close touch with India and their monks knew
some original language of the Buddhist texts either Sanskrit or
North- Western Prakrit in which the Prakrit Dhammapada was
*
This Prakrit as we know from other sources was curwritten,
'
Lastly
rent in the entire region from the Punjab to Khotan.
Dr. BagcM shows some common points between the Sogdian and
Culika Pai&acl phonetic system. Dr. Bagchi's theory is full of
it explains well the close similarity between PEli
suggestions
and PaiacI-Culik PaisacI ; it confirms the view of the grammarians that the standard PaisacI was associated with Kaikeya
country and lastly it shows that the home of PaisJ&c! lay orginally in the North- West of India.
*
associations
Paisaci-dvitayam bhavet
Annals
22
of the
Institute
bhrarhsa also*
21.
T
holds the view that
the attention of modern scholars. Pischel
from a people or a
derived
the name of the dialect was originally
*
*
Pisaca ; the
country, and this name was similar in sound to
'
language too was later referred to the demons called Pi&aca. In
*
ZDM
'
pp, 49-86.
3
Belvalkar
KavyaddrSa, part
'
'
'
Paiifict
23
Prakrit spoken by Dravidian aborigines who fell under the domination and influence of the Aryan immigrants and in whos
mouths the Aryan vernacular was distorted into PaiSacI. Gradually, as the aboriginal population was amalgamated by the
Aryan immigrants, the peculiarities of its Paisiaci speech would
naturally die out, and the Aryan vernacular, incorporating whatever in the Dravidian speech was capable of assimilation, would
remain the sole occupant of the field. This Aryan Venacular
Hoernle identified with Apabhramsa, Senart suggested that
PaisacI was merely a name of the popular language of India,
and that at the time of Vararuci it was probably the same as
Apabhramsa, or closely resembled it, the two being subsequently
differentiated by later grammarians/ Pischel took it to be an independent Prakrit dialect whose home must be looked for in the
North-West of India. Grierson followed Pischel, but he would
admit the position that in later times there may have been Pai&aclspeaking colonies in other parts of India, According to Lacote
the Pai&Sci of Gunadhya was based upon an Aryan language of
the North- West or West, but it was spoken by non-Aryan peoKonow practically agrees with Hoernle, and considers
ples.
PaisiacI to be an Aryan language as spoken by Dravidians of
Central India.
23-
The
home
original
significance of the
and
language originally
When the
ZDM&.,
1910, p. 118.
it
24
Annals
of the
Vindhyas, where
Pali, the
North-West.
Bf
structure
of arguments has
many
25
Paissacf
28,
etc.,
69 etc,
Annals
2^
of the
middle ages and as such they cannot possibly disprove that Paihad its original home in the Pisaca country.
24,
Despite these conflicting arguments on either side some
It Is reasonable on the analogy of Saurafacts are quite clear.
Paisaci also derived its name from the
that
senl, MagadhI, etc.,
it
was spoken, viz. the Pisaca country, in Northcountry where
Western of India, that was mainly populated by a tribe known
as Pisacas or Bhutas. The derivation of the name Peshawar
from Pisacapura lends support to the above view. The statement
of Rajasekhara, the assertions of the Kasbmerian recensions of
BrJiatkatha and the various countries with which PaisacI is associated, perhaps according to some tradition, noted by Markandeya
and Laksmldhara go to show that by the time of middle ages
and this Is possible only by
PaiSacI was current near Vindhyas
itinerant
an
were
Pisacas
tribe, who took their
accepting that
language with them from place to place. This conveniently explains Markandeya' s statement that it was current in countries
distant from each other. And even Grierson is inclined to accept
that PaisacI might have travelled to Vindhya area from its original home in the Pisaca country. The arguments to make Vindhya area as the original home of PaisacI are not sufficiently
convincing. In exclusion, it may be stated that the NorthWest of India was possibly the original home of PaisacI, but the
s&cl
by
GK (X
S.
Patitici
27
26.
ifc
sSdhu refers
PaisacI ;
in the section of Kaikeya PaisScL The original Brhatkalha in
PaisacI is lost almost beyond recovery. May we hope that it
might one day be discovered like Arthaiastra to revolutionise our
notions about the history of Indian narrative literature
1
Mm
28
Annals
of the
different
version where
Vararucl-Katyayana
Gunadhya is born at Mathura
and becomes a Pandita of king Madana of
Ujjaina
consequent
on his being outwitted by Sarvavarman, he was
requsted by sage
is
absent.
29
When
the original
work
"
Dr
L. Alsdorf remarks
p, 820.
Annals
3o
of the
There
is
no
that
Hemacandra
has
of quotations in the
earlier than
Bana ) in
Dhanamjaya
JWijwraria ( first quarter of the ninth century A. B. )
Somadeva
in his
and
D.
A.
10th
c.
)
century
in his Dasarupaka (
Cambodian
a
InscripYaiagtilakacampu ( 959 A, D. ). There is
tion ( circa 875 A. D* ) which mentions Gunadhya and his aver;
sion to Prakrit.
Turning
to
ofcher
sixth century A. D.
of
J&A&,
1913, p. 391.
31
to be the sixth
27
2
*
S.
Annals
$%
of the
Institute
Gorl-Jsapa
and Mllat-srlkamh, that speak PalsacI, or more correctly Culika
Paisact The text however Is not well preserved. Yasapala, in
*
written between 1229his allegorical play, Moharajaparajaya,
of Jayasimhasttrl,
characters,
composed
to
A. D.
in eleven stanzas.
Stotras written
G. O.
S,
Ho,
9,
Baroda.
GLOSSARY
This
a glossary of
is
all
The
PannP.
Paper,
3fi0,
*2
,
7i
7
if
J!
5
5
B,
*2, 7
5,7
5
5
5^
5
r-5
5
5
5
3
3Ti|*TT
3TfR
7
7
5
5
7
5
5
T7
3,6
2,5,7
5
7
6
6
3, 6
irsft
6
5
5 J
Annals B, O. B.
Annals
54
of the
45
6
5
JPT 5
3.
35755
3, 6
^f
'
5
5
6
5
f 3, 6
5
5
6
6
7
7
P 3
7
5
6
re 3,
t6
rHJTS
^T<*14*|
''7
r 7
5
5
2
2
6
6
5,6
3, 6
15 3
5
6
5
5
6
7
5,6
6
t 6
5
7
'
3,5,6
c*
SSI
5
ex
35
4
5
5,6
5
3
6
7
5
5
6
6
6
5
7
7
5
)5
7
2, 6
6
6
5
6
3, 6
cf
7
4,
5
5
6
7
5
7
7
2, 5,
5
7
7
5
5
5
5
5
5
333TTW
~
7
7
o
5
4
5
3
6
Annals of
the
5
5
f 7
3, 6
*n?ir
rr
33TT
~-
3, 6
7
7
2,5,7
5,
2,
3,
^R4,
^2
7
7
7
T5TT
?5
6
5
*5
5
5
3
6
6
fr
2, 3, 6
2
7
2
7
5
5
5
~"
2,5,
4
4
QdR
4
"
7
2, 3, 6,
5
7
6
6
5
5
5
?f
4,
4
5
4
3
5
TT3TT
2, 7
*n%f5T2, 7
5
5
5
5
6
5
*5
5
5
r.2
r(*?)5
5
5
2,
3, 6
5
5
f%Trat 5
* 5
5,
5
2
4,5,7
*5
5
7
5
* 7
2
6
*
THE UPAPURAN&S
BY
E. 0.
HAZBA, M.
A,,
Ph. D.
The work done by scholars on the UpapurS^as is very meagre and scaat all. H. H. Wilson, who, in his Essays Analyrcely deserves any mention
and in the Preface to his translation of the
and
Philological,
Critical
tical,
devotes only about five pages to
Vi$nu-purana, says much on the PurS$as r
Harathe'lJpapurWaa (see Wilson, Vif*u-p n Preface, pp. Ixxxvi-xci )
in
the
Preface
of
the
of
some
(pp.
Upapuranas
prasad Shastri's treatment
i
in the
cc-ccxv) to his Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts
V
Vol.
Manuscripts
)f
PurS^a
Asiatic
(
the
Bengal,
of
Society
Collections of
on the whole
is no better than mere cataloguing ; M, Winternitz devotes
about seven pages to the treatment of only a very few of the UpapurS^as in
Ms History of Indian Literature, Vol. I ; J. N. Farquhar gives, in his Outline
CJpapurS^as
to four lines only, without caring to mention even a single name ( see Macdo&elU Banskrit Literature, p, 80$ ) so also does P. V. Kane who .mentions
;
tike
UpapurS^as
The Upapurfyias
39
common
io the
title
TJpapurana
Puranic works which are different from the great eighteen '.
Whatever the reason may be, we should not, with all our critical
acumen befitting the present age and its culture, be swayed by
mere tradition and baseless impression but pause a little to see
whether we are right in cur attitude and, if not, be ready to give
due consideration to this neglected branch of Sanskrit litrature.
Just as in the case of the .Mahapuranas, orthodox opinion
number
'
teen,
of the
Puranas*
very late origin, being found only in Bhagavata-p. ( Vangavasi ed. ) XII,
Jivananda's ed, ) IV, 131, 7 and 10, it
7, 10 and 22 and Brahmavaivarta-p. (
has now become very popular and is universally used for the older name
*
Purana.
2 See Kurma-p. ( Bibl. Ind., Calcutta 1890) I, 1, 16-20; Skanda-p.
ed. ) V, iii ( BevS-khan4a ), 1, 46-52 ; Skanda-p. VII, i, 2, 11-15 ;
Venkat.
(
Siva-mahatmya-khanda of the SUta-samhita of the Skanda-p. ( Eggeling,
of the
India Office Catalogue of Sanskrit Mss, VI, p. 1378 ); Saura-samhita
'
for the
eighteen principal
is of
Reva-mahatmya (which
;
( Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat., VI, p. 1382)
as the KevS-khanda
same
the
much
is
and
of
the
a
to
be
Vayu-p*
part
claims
Bodleian Catalogue, p. 65, Nos. 114; see Aufrecht,
occurring in Skanda-p.
I. 133-16
Q-arudc-p (Venkat. ed.) I, 223,
116) Dert-bhagavata ( Vanga. ed. )
= Jivananda's edition 215, 17-20 = -Vangavasi edition 227, 17-20) ;
17-20
Skanda-p.
'
vaivarta-p., etc.
__
iriz. f --^SMatsya-p. ( AnSS, ed. ) 53, 60-63 ^mention only four Upapuranas,
be
to
seem
ignorant of the
rasiihha, Nand^purana, Samba and Aditya.&nd.
group of 'eighteen.'
3
For example, after expressly mentioning that the Upapuranas are
*
of the 'eighteen' UpapurSnas,
eighteen in number and then giving the titles
:
27
says
)
the Brhaddharma-p. (25,
on.the next page )
[ continued
-
'
..--..
Annals
40
of the
Institute
there is almost
but while in the enumerations of the Puranas 1
this is by no
the
titles,
to
complete agreement with regard
the
UpapurSnas. In order ^ to
means the case with the titles of
of the disagreement I give
acquaint ourselves with the nature
Upapurapas which I have
below a number of lists of eighteen
been able to collect from different sources.
*
Kurma~p.
I.
1,1,17-20:
Idja (Sanatkumarokta),
8
dharma, 5 Durvasasokta, 6 Naradlja, 7 Kapila, Vamana,
12 Kalika,
11
Varuna,
10 Brahmartda,
9 USanaserifca,
16
Parasarokta,
13 Mshesvara, 14 Samba, 15 Saura,
2
17 MErlca, 18 BhSrgava.
( continued from the previous page )
oa
saiphitsh sarvS mSrica-kSpiladayah
anyts
*
sanratra dharma-kathane tulya-fiSmarthyam ucyate, U
the
and
Marlca
not
of
the
Knpila Upathus Intimating its knowledge
only
*
biit
also of others.
*
In some of the lists of* eighteen* principal Puranas the title &iva or
*
*
>
Baiva is found in place of
See, for instance, Visnu-p. Ill, 6,
Vayavlya
2XflL BKagavata XII, 7, 23ff. and XII, 13, 4ff., Kurma-p+ 1. 1. 13ff, Padma-p ,
(AnSS. ed.) I, 62, 2ff, IV, 111, 90fT. t VI, 219. 25ff , and VI, 263, 77n\, Varaha-p.
ASB.
ed.
112, 69ff ,
134, 8ff.,
JAnga-p* ( JIvananda's ed ) I, 39, 61ff., iva-p. ( Vanga. ed. ) V, ( VSyavIyasamhita ), i# 1, 38fP., Siva-mShStmya-kba^da of the Suta-sainhitS commented
on by MEdhavScSrya ( Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat., VI, p. 1377, ) Saura-samhita
of the Hkanda~p (Hggeling Jnd, Off. Cat., VI, p. 1382), Sambhava-kS^4a of the
Sivar-rahasya-kha^4a of the Satpkara-sainhitS of the Skanda-p. ( Eggeling,
Ind Off. Oat t VI, p 1363 ), and so forth.
The Brhaddharma-p m (25, 20-22) gives the titles of the eighteen * Puraaas
as : Brahma, Padma, BrahmUnda^ Vai$nava, JBrahmavaivarta, Mahabhagavata 9 Bhavi^ya^ G&rtida, Lainga^Baiva^ Varaha, Markandeya^ Skanda, Kaurma,
Matsya, 3gneya^ Yayavya and Sri-bhagavata ( omitting the Vamana and
the -NSrac&j/a and naming the Mahabhagavata and the &iva in their stead ).
In the verses of a * Knlika-p* quoted in Caturvarga-cintamani I, p. 531, the
*
*
$afit JCHJite ( for Bhagavata ) f 8 aura and Fa&ni/a ( Fafau-p. ? ) are ineluded among the eighteen principal Puranas.
f
'
The Upapur&yas
41
who
the
Kurma-p?
1 Sanatkumarlya, 2 Narasimha, 3 Nandlpurana, 4 Siva6 ITaradlya,
7 Kapila,
dharma, 5 Durvasah-purana,
8 Vamana, 9 Au^anasa, 10 ,Brahmanda, 11 Varuna,
12 Kalika, 13 Mahesvara, 14 Samba, 15* Saura, 16 Pal
rasarokta, 17 Marlca, 18 Bhargava.
*
Kurma-p: quoted in Raghunandana's Smrti-tattva I
III.
*
pp. 792-3
mSricairi
bhSrgavShvayain
Kurma-p.
I, 1,
17-20
).
ll
maricanx bhargavam
*
*
I
Nityacara-praofipa, p. 19.
kaurme
anyany upapuranani munibhih kathitany
api
tani ca narasiiTiha-nandy-5ditya-kalikS-purSnadiniti, yatha
I
tirtiyaip
11
and padmarn
*
as such readings
may be rejected,
6
'
Sarribam
for
'
for * Sambam
*
*
would make
Annals, B. O. B.
I.
Annals
42
of the
n Mitra
'KBrma-p.' Quoted
IV.
Institute
MiSra's
Adya
V.
I,
Caturvarga-cintamarii,
Nanda
v. 1.
5 Durvasasokta,
II,
Hemadrfs
quoted in
Kurmar~p.
pp. 532-3
kaurrae
Nanda, 4 Siva-
Durvasasokta,
5.
mahapura^e
it
li
).
nSndam
trtlyaip
v.
li
ti
The Upapur&yas
45
6 Naradokta, 7 Kapila, 8 Manava, ( v. L maricam) 9 U&anaserita, 10 Brahmanda, 11 Varuna, 12 Kalika, 13 Mahesjvara, 14 Samba, 15 Saura, 16 Parasarokta, 17-18 Bha-
gavata-dvaya.
*
VIL
'
VIII*
1
of the Skanda-puraria
Adya Sanatkumarokta
Saurasamhita
also
called
),
Mahesvara
14 Samba-purana
),
knrma-purane
anyany upapuranani muoibhih kathitani tu
Sdyaip sanatkumaroktaip narasiiphatn atah pararp
also called
nandam
\\
kuraSre^a tu bhasitain
( v. 1. nandikesvara-yugmarii oa )
sivadharmakhyain
caturthaip
s&ksEn-nandlsa-bhasitaqi u
durvSsasoktam a^caryaip. naradoktam atab param
n
kspilaip. manavaip. ( v. L marlcatpi ) caiva tathaivosanaseritaiii
ca
brahma^i(}aTp. vannjaipt caiva kalikshvayam eva
mahesvarain tathS sSmbaip saurairi sarvartha-sanioayaiji
n
para^aroktain prathamain tatha bhSgavafca-dvayarii
trtlyaiji
uddistaip.
Caturvarga-cintamatyi, II,
i,
p. 21
eva ca u
kapilaip. varu^aip. sSmbatn kalikahvayam
satvarfcha-sadblkaQi
daivaTp.
mahe^varam tatha padmaipi
parS^aroktam apararp marlcairi bhSskarahvayat|i n
*
Annals
44
of the
Susuksma ), 15 Saura-purana
IX.
1
Reva-khanda ),
called Sanatkumara
Skanda-p. V,
Saura
also
iii
),
16
1,
),
Savitra
called
also
Institute
46-52
2
Narasimha, 3 Sau-
X.
Beva-khanda
1
Saura
also called
purana,
Kapila,
*
Sdyaip.
4 SiYadharma,
8
Sanatkumara ),
Manava,
sanatknmaroktain
Vayu-p.
10 BrahmSn4a,
U^anaserita,
nSrasiinliaip.
tatah pararji
skSndam
l!
II
tatati
ll
idatp.
VI", p. 1382.
li
iaukeyarn
t!
'
'
'
t
L tr
IH the VaagavEsI edition of the
8kanda-p. there
*
is
The Upapurayas
4^
XL
Skanda-p. VII
( Prabhasa-khanda ), 1, 2, 11-15
Sanatkumarokta
1 Adya (
),
2Karasimha, 3 Skanda ( v. L
nandam both in the VangavasS and Venkatesvara Press
editions of the Skanda-p. ) 4 Sivadharma, 5 Durvasasokta,
6 Naradokta, 7 Kapila, 8 Manava, 9 TJsanaserita, 10 Brahmanda, 11 Varuna, 12 Kalika, 13 Mahesvara, 14 Simba,
'
2 Narasiinha, 3 Nanda,
( sanatkumarena proktam ),
4 Sivadharma, 5 Daurvasa, 6 Naradlya, 7 Kapila, 8 Manava, 9 Usanaserita, 10 Brahmanda, 11 Varuna, 12 Kallpurana, 13 Vasistha-linga .(also called Mahesvara )
Adya
*idam brahmapurapasya
II
'
'
th-5
Bkanda^p. there
is
no variation in readings.
Annals
46
of the
14 S&mba-puraria,
18 Bhargava.
Institute
17 Marlca,
16 Para^ara,
Saura,
223, 17-20
f
1 Adya ( Sanatkumarokta ), 2 Narasimtia, 3 Skanda, 4 Siva7 Kapila, 8
dharma, 5 Durvasasokta, 6 Naradokta,
XIII.
Q-arufa-p.
I,
Vamana,
Sdyaiji
if
Garuda-p.
I,
17-20^
Vanga.
'
The Upipurflrias
XV.
Brhaddharma-p.
47
25, 23-26.
XVI.
1
Parasararupapuraria
Adya
Sanatkumarokta
2,
dharma,
9 Usanaserita, 10 Brahmaiida, 11
XVII.
'
.Brahmavaivarta-p.
Paribhasa-prakasa,
p,
dharma,
Viramtrodaya,
Sanatkumara
in the
quoted
14
(
Adya
),
2 Naradlya, 3
saurain.
parasara-proktam adityam
oEtivistararp. it
vSsisthaiii ca savistarain
mabesvaraip. bhSgavatam
etany upapurariani kathitSni mabatmabhih
( Devl-bhagavata
l
'
\\
3, 13-lfi ).
I,
Sda*v adipurSi^airi
11
it
11
'
Brhaddh arma^p.
23-26 )
25,
l
"
.,
VL
P. 12SQ^
Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat.,
Sanskrit
of
Catalogue
A
Descriptive
Sbastri,
See also Haraprasad
'
tatha
tathaivo&anaseritam 'for
iSB, Vol. V (Parana Mss ), p. 762 (v. L
'
'
for
vn$i$thalainga-samjnam
coianaseritam in line 3, and
'
nga-samjfiarn in line 6 )*
Mm^
'
'
'
Annals
4$
of the
Institute
XVIII,
Verses
on the Upapuranas
quoted anonymously in
p. 10
Narasnpha, 3 Nanda, 4
7 Kapila.
8
Sivadharma, 5 Daurvasa, 6 Naradlya,
Manava, 9 ITsanaserita, 10 Brahmanda, 11 Varuna, 12
Kallpurana, 13 Vasistha-lainga ( also called Mahe^vara ),
14 Sambapurana, 15 Saura, 16 Parasara, 17 Marlca, 18
Bhargava.
*
brahmavalvarte ? pi
Sdyaiii sanatkumarain oa naradlyairi dvitlyakam
trtljaiii narasiinliakhyaipL aivadharmam caturthakani
damvlisaip. pancamain sasthaiii ketpileyam atah param
saptamam mSnavaiti proktam saukram astamam eva oa n
vEm^ain navamain prShur bratunSEidam da^amam smyfcani
kalipurS$ain ca tata ekadasamam ucyate n
i
tr
\\
ll
Vtramitrodaya, Paribhasa-prakasa,
p.
14).
adyaiii
li
tato brahma^da-saipjfiam tu
varu^akhyaip tatah param
tatah kSlipurS^akhyaiii
vasisthaip munipunigava
tato vEsistha-laingakhyairi
prokta^i mahes varam parani
tatah sSmbapurasakhyain tatah sauram
mah^dbhutam
1 1
admg
i
>
Prasthana-bheda, p. 10
^ Ssi^^'^^e substituted
by vi^tam* other<
^ *v
).
The Upapurfyas
49
titles of
lists
than eighteen.
still
rich in
number and
contents.
Though
it
'
Skanda-p.
in Skanda-p.
VII,
i, 2,
( of
Siva-mahatmya-khanda
combeen
have
which
Khandas of
), all the four
on
mented
by Madhavaoarya, in the Parasaropapurana,* and In
of the Suta-samhita
11-15, in the
the kanda-p.
From an examination
Upapuranas including
of these
ting to tha identification, date and contents
cases.
in
their
respective
as
dealt with as fully
possible
1382.
2
Eggeling, Ind. Off. Cat., VI, p.
3
Eggeling, op. cit , VI, p. 1230. H. P. Shastri,
Sans. Mss., ASB, V, p. 762 ( No. 4097),
Annals, B. O- B*
I.
Upapuranas
Descriptive
will be
Cat, of
Annals
50
of the
In his
Z)Swa*30ara^Ballalasena
in the
refers to the lists of Upapurar.as occurring
Kurnm and
the
*
These and similar other evidences, which can be
Ati-puraw.
to show
adduced from different sources, are perhaps sufficient
of
Upaeighteen
that the date of the formation of the group
?
date of forming the group should be placed approximately between 650 and 800 A. D.
i
The extant Garuda-p. should be dated between 850 and 1000 A. D. and
most probably in the tenth century. See my article on the Garuda-p. in the
Annals of the Bkandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. XIX, 1938,
pp. 69-75.
*
knrmapurSnSdipuranayoh
uktany upapura"na~ni vyakta-dSna-vidhini ca u
DSnasagara ( India Office Ms. M o. 719 ), fol. 2
Mat$ya~p.
upabhddSn pravaksySmi loke ye sampratisthitah
Of.
Of.
'
4 Verses 60*64 of
Matsya-p. 53, which give the titles and contents of the
UpapurSgias, appear to ha spurious for the following reasons :
(i ) Nothing is said about the gift of any of the UpapurSnas though the
on dana-dharma ;
is no mention of the Upapuranas in verses other than
those
mentioned above
( iii )
though in the verses following verse 64 the classification and contents of the Pura"jrias and the titles and extents of the epics are given, there is
not even a single word on the UpapurSnas,
These versres are, however, not very late additions
for Narasinaha VSjachapter
(
ii
is
there
who
p. IS
),
NityVcUra-pradlpa,
and HemSdri quotes verses 60b-62 and 63c-64 in his
Caturvarga-
The Upapur&%as
51
As
Upapuranas the Kurma-p.> Siva-mihaof the Suta-samhita of the Skanda-jp. ) and Parasara-upapuraria record a tradition that the sages proclaimed the
Upapuranas after listening to the eighteen Puranas from
tmya-khanda
of donation.
Of.
known
to Itsjfiavalkya*
KUrma-p. I, 1, Ifi
anyany upapura*:n.z!ni
munibhil?. kathita"ni tu
aSfcada^a purajgSni srutva" sainksepato dvija^i
l
li
muda
p.
762
13?8
) ^
11
CEffgeling, Op.
Also H. P, ShastrL
p.
cit.,
VI, p. 1230.
ASB, Vol. V*
jtfw.,
5"
dnnals
of ihe
lists
known
as
e(3 uall
authoritative.
""
The
*
entire verse,
ri
"""*
erhapfl
(
64 quoted above.
of the Matsya~p.
(53,
The
53
when
calls
It
the
principal Puranas
and attaches itself in that capacity to the BraJima-p. l
'
p.
15
).
See also
Madhusudana
Prasthana-bheba
ntarbhavah. *
Sarasvatl's
'
p. 1
which says
Of.
Saura-p. 9, 12b~13a
khilany upapuranani
ya"ni
idam brahmapuranasya
Of, also
Saura-p.
9,
coktani suribhih
khilan.i
sauram anuttamain
5b.
with
v.
vata-p. 'XII,
*
7,
17-32.
refer to the
Narasirp,ha-p.,
Devi-p
K~aUka-p.>
Annals
54
of the
Institute
It is to be
principal Puranas by laying claim to their position.
noted that the older of the extant Upapuranas do not give any
'
of
'
For instance, in
Its
Vayavlya-samhita
1,
41
with
the exploits of
relating' to
a, tu.
dL
the eighteen
The Upapur&yas
55
up
propagating their
But who
in the country.
first set their hands to the
From a study
among
the Smarta
Puranas
Brahman
sectaries
as of the Mahabharata
and other early works of the Sanskrit literthat in the pre-Gupta days the most powerful and popular systems of religion, except the heresies, were those
2
the Pa&caratras
of the Brahmas (i.e. Brahma-worshippers)
ature
we understand
Annals of
56
the
these sectaries
first
set
hands
their
come
'
can scarcely be
into existence long
its mention of a
to them, it
By
become so thoroughly specialised as to have lost its proper meaning, and had become merely the designation of a particular class
of books. It would have required the existence of a number of
books called Puranas to produce that change, and manifestly they
must have had their own special names to distinguish from one
another, and so convert their common title Parana into a class
s
Hence it must be admitted that the number of
designation/
Purnas had begun to be multiplied even before the time of
Apastamba. An examination of the titles of the 'eighteen'
Puranas shows that this growth in their number must have been
accelerated by the activities of the above mentioned
sectaries ;
and when, in course of time, their number became
*
eighteen ',
it was rigidly fixed*
*
,.i
article
m 1HQ>
TV,
" 8mall
nifies
*
not
^ means a^ient \
an ancient book but
'
concrete objects,
traditioMl kexfcs
n* the like, the nume Sanskrit Buddhist and Jain
H*er*turei
d has thus attained
and
the position of a sacred number
f
hh
>
'
"
Orientalist,.
The UpapurAwas
$j
field and rival with the systems already established in the country*
These sub-systems and independent systems also had their Smarta
i
Of., for example, the great influence of the Saipkhya and Vedanta
systems as well as of the doctrine of Trimurti on the Puraiias.
a
See, for example, Varaha~p chaps* 70 and 71, Padma-p. ( Spsf i-kh. ),
on the diffchap. 179 Linga-p I, 107, 41-42 and so on. See also my articles
erent Pura"nas as mentioned in footnote 3 on p. 55 above.
t
3
4
etc. also
the eighteen
say that the UpapurSftas were written by different sages after
3 on p. 5i above )*
footnote
See
(
had
been
Vyasa.
by
completed
Pura^as
&
Though Sun-worship is of very ancient origin, the Saura secit, with
Persian elements in the cult of the Sun, became prominent in India muck
later.
See tfar<iuhar, Outline of the Religious Literature of India, pp. 151-3*
3
Annals, B. O. B.
I.
Annals
of the
adherents
who
'
ideas.
of time the
fresh additions.
7
famous group of the 'eighteen Puranas believed deeply
that there could be no Purana
beyond the famous eighteen
they were unwilling to assign these new Puranic ^ works to a
status equal to that of the famous Puranas, On the other hand,
these new Puranic works had become too well known and popular
to be ignored totally. So, they introduced verses into the Matsyawork, which would be
p. to the effect that any Puranic
found to be different from the established eighteen, would b
known to have originated from the latter. Thus, I think, the original position of the eighteen Puranas and the rigidity of their
number were maintained, and the Upapuranas also were given a
of the
'
'
'
fi
position.
mon
Upapuiana
for the
found
'
to attach
eighteen Puranas
oi
'
Wh
*-P-
chapter-colophons '
the
Brahma-*.*
The
~&
vrtti>
*
*
' " z
The latter, which
tinguishing between great and small
is more direct and clear and seems to follow the former in its enumeration, says that an Upapurana is to have five characteristics,
viz., creation, re-creation, genealogy of gods and sages, cosmic
*
11
11-21
etc.
in Bhagavata-p, XII,
7,
).
\\
remaining five.
As regards its own contents the Bhagavata-p. ( II, 9, 43 ) says that it
has ten characteristics which are enumerated, with explanation, as sarga,
visarga, sthana, poqana, uti, manvantara, Hanukathci^ nirodha, mukti and
asraya ( JBhagavata~p. II, 7, 1-7 ). That there is practically no difference
between the two lists of the ten characteristics of a Purana, is shown by
s"v5tha visargas*
Srldhara Svamin in his explanation of the verses sargo
ca f ( Bhagavata~p. XI, 7, 9 ).
'
Annals
6o
of the
cycle,
is to
'
pralaya-varvana,
Whatever the views as regards the contents of the ITpapuranas
may he, an examination of the extant TJpapuranas shows that
few of them conform even approximately to the above views.
very
and
religious needs of different sects than the Mahapuranas
which arose at a time when the genealogies began to be neglecE
are never found to be serious about the genealogies of
ted,
kings and sages. In those cases in which the Upapuranas in*elude such genealogies, the ancient kings, especially of the solar
and lunar races, are the chief points of interest, probably because
of their giving a stamp of antiquity to these works, and nothing
Even as reIs said about any of the dynasties of the Kali age.
the Upain
been
have
which
included
those
gards
genealogies
to
taken
their
correctness, but
preserve
puranas, no care has been
new myths and stories have been unscrupulously fabricated and
attached to the important names in these genealogies. But inspite of such defects the Upapuranas are of inestimable value from
the point of view of the history of religion and culture, and on
this head alone they deserve far more careful study than has
hitherto been devoted to them* They not only afford us great
insight into all phases and aspects of Hinduism its mythology,
,
IT, 131, 6-10.
examination of the extant Mahapuranas shows that the custom of
recording new dynastic history ceased with the early Guptas after whom
no important dynasty or monarch of India has been mentioned or described
in the PurEnas. This proves that from the Gupta period the PurSnio tradition took, in practice, a new trend which culminated in
turning the PurSnas
into so many books of myths and legends and Smrfcftopics with
highly imperfect, and sometimes forged, genealogical lists.
An
The Upapurfyias
6t
'
In these
are
sometimes more important than the
respects the Upapuranas
latter attained such an enviable and authoThe
Mahapuranas,
literature
the Sanskrit
ritative position
results of
made
in different times
and by
and can be used only with great caution and careful discrimination. But very different is the case with the Upapuranas
which, probably on account of their secondary position, have
been worked upon much less freely by the later redactors and
interpolators and have thus been able to preserve, in a few cases,
their older materials along with their distinctive sectarian character.
It is for this
there are
some which
Mahapuranas.
reason that
are
much
among
older than
ancient Sanskrit
For instance, we
See
may
articles
'
'
in the verse
yuge
was as much applicable to the Upapuranas as to the MahapurSnas. It is for
this reason that works or chapters on older rites and customs were replaced
by new ones.
krfcva sainhafa;mi';yuge
it
Amis of
Ik
to those sects to
are very often persons belonging
spective
So,
or totally
modifications, interpolations
new
which
inspite
the re
of their
in different ages
valued as the records of changes undergone
by
the respective sects to
any one
to
more
sects
than one
being
Mahapuranas,
Upapurana
literature consists of
some
exist in
The Upapuranas
still
from
known only
Of these works
existing in manuscripts or
known from
re-
Prof. G. V.
H. P.
T. College,
Nasik
to the
name
of
are,
at best,
only
it
must be remembered,
it
Mlmamsa.
'
'
'
'
refer to the
*
3
97.
*
Kane,
p. 4.
Annals
64
of the
reference
is
made
its Influence.'
to Jaimini, the
40 IV. 3. 12 ;
IV. 4.1 1) but
only two of these viz. I. 3. 31 and I 1.2. 40. can find some parallel
s
All other clear references
in the M. S. VI. 1. 5 and II. 1. 14.
to Jaimini, as an authority on philosophy, are to be found in
works belonging to a date only posterior to that of the B. Sutra.
Comparison of the contents of the M. S. with those of the
Sutras of other systems appears to show that the M. S. is, very
' 4
It
probably, "the earliest of the six Darsanas preserved to us.
may not, indeed be one of the earliest products of the Sutra
period/ but it is not, at the same time, the latest of them all and
is, almost beyond doubt, the earliest of all the extant works expo"
The M. S. does not contain any alluunding the six Darsanas.
sion to the existence of a work dealing with the interpretation of
the Upanisads" and is, therefore, anterior to the extant B. Sutra. 6
Taking into consideration all these circumstances, Dr, Keith
concludes that the M. S. does not date after 200 A. D,; but that
it IB probably not much earlier, since otherwise it would have
been natural to find in the Mbh, some reference to it and its
III. 4. 2
III
4.
18
III. 4,
IV. 4. 5
'
author.
Keith, KM., p.
XII. 1.7.
op.
^
cit,,
3,
Kane p. 4
p.&
M,
*
S. III.
1.
Keith, KM.,
Keith, KM,, p.
7.
VI.
p. 5.
3.
4
5
Kane,
VIII,
3. 7
Kane, p
p. 6.
IX
2 39
4
op. oit., p. 6*
On
the Probable
Date
of
Jaimini and
his
Sutras
65
'
Annals
66
of the
than not, that not only was Buddhism not already in the field at
the time of Jaimini, but that even its founder had not as yet attaiBed to the fame and glory that was destined to be his within a few
years after Jaimini. The latest, date, therefore, that can plausibly
at the most synchronize
foe given to Jaimini and his work can
of
Lord
the
life
of
Buddha-then known
with the earlier years
only as prince Siddhartha.
The relation of Jaimini s work with the Kalpa Sutras is
another fact of great importance in connection with the question
regarding the dale of the former. If we rely upon the interpretations of Sabara-and there is no reason why we should not-the
M. S, presupposes the existence of the Kalpa Sutras. In one
adhikarana of four sutras Jaimini discusses the validity of the
Kalpa Sutras and concludes that they are not intrinsically valid. *
This adhikarapa called the Kalpasutrasvatalipramanyadhikarana,
has led some to argue that the M. S. of Jaimini must belong to a
period posterior to that of the Kalpa Sutras, Such a conclusion,
however, would not be wholly accurate. The adhikarana referred
to above merely shows that Jaimini knsw of some
Kalpa Sutras
but that does not mean that Jaimini flourished only after the Kalpa
Sutra period or that no Kalpa Sutra was composed after him.
We have, indeed, good evidence to show that a good many of
these Sutras betray the influence of the mlmamsa and also an
acquaintance with the arguments which are to be found in the
M. S. of Jaimini. Apastamba, in particular, appears to show
some familiarity with Jaimini and his work* Thus
Apastamba
in his Dharma Sutra I. 1. 4. 8 seems to be
acquainted with the
doctrine of Jaimini regarding the relative
importance of a
positive Vedic text and usage. Apastamba L 4. 12. 11 is
almost
an echo of M. S. IV. 1. 2. Apastamba also appears to show
acquaintance with the work of Jaimini in II. 6. 14. 13
which can
very well be compared with the M. S. IV. 7. 30. It would
thus
appear that Jalmini'e work presupposes the existence
of some
Kalpa Sutras ; and that some of the Kalpa Sutras also in
their
tarn, presuppose the existence of the M.S.
Paradoxical as the
statement is it can very well be
explained by postulating for
Jaimini s work a date which would fall
somewhere in
?
34, s.,
period, so
that there
the middle
would be nothing
"
3*11-14,
On
unnatural
if
the
67
earlier
Kalpa
and so on.
'
'
*\
Compare with
'
\
these words of
words of Jaimini,
S.,
IL
1.
2-4
).
p. 3.
Nir.
I.
1.
\
15 and 16
and M.
S, II. 1.
1-4
I.
&
31-53.
Annah
68
of
Ihe
concluaccept
Yaska and
Jamini show no acquaintance with one another and are
almost
contemporaneous. They could not have been separated from
one another by several centuries as the
present generally accepted theories regarding their dates
require us to assume.
Now let us turn to the other pair of passages where
these
authors discuss another topic in common. Both
Yaska as well
as Jaimini mightily refute the
theory of the yajnikas according
to which the Vedas are devoid of
any sense whatever. Yaska
devotes one whole section to the
prima facie view which he ascrito Kautsa and then
gives his refutation in a separate section
be?
altogether.
less
in the Nirukta, of
course, only so far as the sense is
Two more are condensed into one
concerned.
writes
^^mr^
%.'
by Yaska who
corresponding to Jaimini's
*m*
r^l
from the work of Jaimini
'
But
Tftwnr-
the
7r
st Jaimini enters m
ra fat
de *-i*
ndensed two of Jaimini's Sutras into
one/
f
?
It is lin
again interesting
to note Yaska's silence
about two more
arguments which Jaimini has put in the
mouth of the
Zn t
S C
PCa
is
J* ^
M.
S.,
I.
On
the Probable
69
IX,
1,
topic is
common
slightest
1
M. 8
1, *.
31-32.
M.
S., I. 1.
34-35.
Annals
yo
certain points
of the
iilucidation.
It
has been
al-
why
is
author of the
M,
S.
Such
is,
indeed, the
Keith,
M,
p.
7.
M*
S.
cannot be
On
the Probable
Date
of
Jaimini and
Us
Sutras
71
Wt
S.,
IX.
2.
21-24
IX.
2. 25^-28
X,
I,
1-3.
M. S.,-XL
1. 14,
Annals
72
of the
and also by pointing out that Sahara was preceded by not only
the Vrfctikara and Upavarsa but also by several others all of
whom had written commentaries on the M. S., though unfortuDr. Keith seems to
nately none of these has yet been found out.
allow a period of about two centuries only between the Sutrakara
and the Bhasyakara, whom he places at about 200 A. D. and 400
*
Prof. Kane, however, appears to be more
A. f>. respectively.
accurate when he allows a period of four to eight centuries to
elapse between Jaimini ( 1 00 A. D. to 300 B. C. ) and Sahara ( at
s
Nor does he seem to have any objection
least before 500 A. D. ).
2
if this intervening period be increased by a few centuries more.
Now the date of Sahara is again not very definitely fixed and
we find Dr. Keith putting him at 400 A. "D. at the earliest, and
Prof. Kane asserting that {Sahara wrote his Bhasya at least before
500 A. IX while tradition would make him the father of the founder of the Vikrama era ( 57 B. C. ) and thus put him at about 100
B. O.
Whatever^may be said regarding the other details of the
tradition about Sabaraj at least so far as the question of date is
concerned, it seems to be nearer the truth than the two eminent
which
is prior,
about 100 B.
and
Sahara
afe
O,
if
is
Kane
Brief Sketch
of the Purva-tnlmkrhsa
Kane P. V.
The Karma-mlmamsa by
K. ML
System By
Dr. A. B. Keith.
Pat
Pi
Nirukta.
Pancataatra.
Keith,
KM.,
pp.
Volume, p. 124.
7, 9.
*
2
3
Kane, p. 6.
Jh a Commemoration
This I intend to show in a
separate Article.
CONCORD
IN
PRAKRIT SYNTAX
BY
A.
M. GHATAGE, M.
A.
some amount of
Nearly all the inflectional languages give
observance of concord, partly due to the law of
importance to the
due to the necessity of expressing some diseuphony and partly
otherwise do not find adequate expression
cursive relations which
in Indo-European times there must have
in the language. Even
words in formal agreement whenever
been a tendency to put
which had no special means of exthese stood in some relation
This tendency must
in the morphology of the language.
pression
_,
Annals
74
of the
served the same function in the sentence. Once this was felt as
a formal agreement ifc may have been extended to other cases
that in a sentence like *6Aranalogically. So it is natural
"
*
towards us Yaruna, the broTurn
ataram varwyam avavrtsva
'
'
*
"
Varuiia
and
should occupy
brother
both the words
ther
in
as
they are,
reality, a rethe same position in the sentence
'
Number and
Gender,
But the
met with.
bhavissat
II
2. 45.
"
"
There were
up
which
group
Concord
in
Prakrit Syntax
j*
urbs the
paveiya
\
'
Beings
AMg.
congruence.
is
"
chajjwariiya
namam
ajjhaya%am
'
Das.
4.
Sut. 1. 1, 4. 13.
A pious monk should
amokkhae parivvaejjasi
live as a man free from fetters among those who are bound with
"
All such examples occur at
fetters, till he reaches liberation,
\
dMyate dhana
RV.
is
dhrsqave
fire offer-
Annals of
76,
the
"
find this
is allowed in Sanskrit.
It is, often, very difficult to
assign precise reasons for this difference, but lack of greater re-
finement and proper care must have been one of them. But all
cases cannot be explained on the mere supposition of mere lack
of ability or carelessness on the part of Prakrit
writers and at
leetst in case of the vast number of illustrations
in which the
Congruence of number is absent, we must suppose that the
popular speech allowed greater freedom and latitude than was
given to Sanskrit writers.
A, Agreement in Number. Normally the number of the
subjsct and. the predicate is the same.
d*va
vi
tarn
AMg,
namafasanti
"
Das. 1.1.
Even the gods adore him. " bhamaro
\
Das.
1.2.
"
juice.
"
aviyai
rasam
P.
rayaduta vidhavantu
kaMm bMfckhu gamismti Sn. 411. "Let the
royal servants
hurry to know where the monk will go. " Because the
dual
fame are lacking in all the Prakrits, the verb is in
with
plural
a dual subject. AMg. do vi
gacchanti sdggaim
Das. 5J 100
Both of them go to a good birth.- JM.
varadJianuna bhamya
36*. 18.15. "Varadhanu said to
payatta kumara-varadhanu
bhadattaand^BuddhHa.Erz. 12
1^
Ihe prince and Varadhanu
"
\
^^^^>
Bal
started.
may
gender and
conform with ifc.
jj
person
icate will be
'
Annals
78
amma sawo
ca
mother and
all
oj the
me
Institute
"
Th. 2.424.
Then
ftatiganavaggo
father,
'*
relatives say.
abhijjha ca whesa ca cittam
"
my
my
Th. 1.795.
t6
me
to
ca Uyum pacenti
drive off the life
t(
When
(2)
many
' '
Mmma
i Th. 1.242.
My
*iVQU* of pleasures.^
adhammo
Hi
tato
AMg. Monti
ya bhariya
But.
1.2.1.19
ya
*ft
father
*'
Sut,
raya narasetthimahana thava te vi cayanti dukkhiya
"
The king, men, merchants and Brahmans, all of them,
1.2.1.5" JM. so
their places, becoming miserable.
ya sattudafrom
fall,
'*
virtattha
Vas.
64.3,
kumara
appachandenam
ya
King
maw raya,
were
the
their
and
own
destroyed
princes
by
Sattudamana
ca
savvaveya
ya
jattham
AMg. pasubandha
pavakammuya
whim.
"
The sacrifices of animals, all
U, 25.30.
na tam tayanti dussilam
the Vedas and whatever is offered by the wicked, all these do not
"
wicked conduct.
palenti putta ya pal ya majjprotect a man of
"
My husband and sons run off. ' bhajja ya
putta
ham U. 14.36.
**
U.
13.25.
annam
ayusankamanti
Wife,
dayaram
ya
vi ya nayac
sons e,nd the relative approach another protector." Ap. sattha*
4<
The scripkarahi ki tasu P-pr.
puranai tavacarariu mukkhu vi
even
liberation, what can
tures, legends, performance, of penance
"
hariharabambhu vi jiriavara vi mumvaravinda
they do to him ?
Hari, Hara BraP-pr. 2.11.
vi bhawa.>mukkhu ji jhayahz sawa
ail meditate
and
of
the
people,
good
sages
the
group
Jinas,
hma,
him.
' '
'
4<
on liberation.
"
P. na tassa putta
Cases with the verb in the singular
"
Neither sons nor
pasavo va khettam vatthum na vljjati Sn. 858.
"
AMg. jattha natthi
cattle nor wealth nor field belong to him.
*'
Where there is neither
jara maccu vahirio veyaria taha U. 23.81.
old age nor death nor diseases nor pains.
(
ii
When the
Sut. 1,2,1.16.
"Young and
old
may
"
request.
Agreement in Number
The principal exceptions to the above rules can be grouped
under various heads as follows, ( 1 ) Because the Prakrit grammar has suffered greatly in the richness of forms, many anomalies arise.
Particularly in the past tense the distinction between
the singular and plural is often neglected and the singular forms
Principal Exceptions
to the
AMg.
Annals
So
of the JBlhandarkar
"
With great
suminapatfhage evam vayasi Ny. 1.12.
'*
But even when two
modesty those astrologers said as follows*
distinct forms are preserved sometimes the plural form of the
te
verb
msu
msu
(
is
Ay.
Sut. 1. 1.
ege savva?h nanam sayam vae
Some Brafcmans and monks may claim all knowledge as
"
JM. jatiha jara--mara'ria"-roga-do8a natthi
belonging to them,
Vas. 4,3.
Where there are not; old age, death, diseases and
AMg.
maharia *sz?naria
**
214.
*'
faults.
"
herbs/'
few
A, osadMni atata
nathi
D. 45.
"
Where
"
there are no
is followed by a plural verb, which construction is frequent in some books. AMg. ahayam ariucitthimo^.naham cukkimo
Mah. Hi, " I will perform it, I will not commit mistakes. "
JM. tao ham tao favamo Vas. 290. 28. " Then I spoke to them/'
dntemi kammi paesammi m'tamahe Vas. 352,22. "I began to
think, in what place do I find myself ' ? "
na me sobhai iham
accUum avakkamamo iti Vas. 122. 5. " It is not proper for me
to remain here, let me go. " In some cases the
speaker is making a statement for himself and for those who are accompanying
him. AMg. <m yam dtta ja^ssamo \ Ry. 18. tt
Moreover, O,
"
Citta, let us know.
{ 4 ) In some cases the anbjeot which consists of two things which in Sanskrit would
normally take the
dual number, takes a singular verb and not the usual
plural in
Prakrit AMg. do m ee akvaiya ttwam soyam nigacchai Sut. 1.
person
1.
2.18.
"Both
of
wsaj/a-
gj
"
Sam. 407.
Along with her he enjoyed the
suham a^uhavimsu
without
senses
the
of
impeding the course of religion
pleasures
i
and wealth.
There is a group of cases which show a peculiar type of disthe subject and the verb. The speaker chan
agreement between
one number to another while adding a
from
ges his thought
which
shows the normal agreement. The
first
to
th^e
second verb
verbs
two
joined with the same subject show
result is that the
difference
of different
in
the
choosing
persons of the
persons a definite rule is observed
verb* The plural verb is in the first person rather than in the
second or third and in the second person rather than in the third
"
AMg. ( aham ca tarn ca ) ma kule gandhana homo Das. 2.8. " I and
JM,
you, let us not become Gandhana serpents in our family
"
I
both
Let
and
53.
Kumu
you
dhafn tumam ca do vi jujjhamo
\
"
fight.
'
'
the first
other
II
Annali t B. O. R.
I.
Annals of
82
of approximation.
the
means
the
The
illustrations
*?
'
katthapada anassava
mm
Dh. Co.
1.5,
"
How
has lost his vigour and whea his hand and feet are shattered
by
old age and incapable of hearing ? *'
Agreement in Gender. The agreement between the suband the predicate as regards gender is not very
rigidly fixed.
Usually the predicate agrees with the gender of the subject
whenever it is an adjective or a verbal derivative. This
agreement pertains to the grammatical gender of the word
only. JM.
CL
jeel
Erz. 54.10.
a/jcm refers to
"
33.
am
(tttha-nivasi
rni
Erz,
21,
ju&tianteuratit gayU\
Then
went
to the old
When
IT. 14.3-4.
rayattha devi kainalaval ya karnagurie viratta
Both the boys, the priest and his wife Jasa, the king and the
\
patti
"
"
Vajji,
Annals
84
of tie
"
P. puttadarani possnta
Men
"
Th. 1.188.
Thus attached
puttadarani dhanam ca
"
to wealth, wife and children.
In some cases, however, the predicate agrees with the nearest
P. tastea
word.
sit a
P. silani
*'
Th,
2,
come.
then started with a big camp after placing the son in the
"
town.
tao amJie pattani Jcameya saravarie
Vas. 166.21.
aixisiyard
"
Then we came fchere in due course and lived in Saravana.
pasutlaim pallawaattha e
Sm. VI. M We slepi on the bed of lea?f
"
ves
thiyaimegadese Sm. VI.
We remained in one place. "
ca amha&nm agamanam eehim ao
ahiyayaram lajjiyarii
Sm.
The teard of o^r arrival and became greatly ashamed. "
S #a ya jayahatthimi arudhaim\ Era. 34. 29.
"Then the
"
and the queen mounted^the victorious
elephant.
iarti
We
r>
oinmGpiyaro pucckiyani
parents.^
u
77.
3L
"
tet^a
of separation/'
by
his
Erz.
"great devil
Eyz.
84,6-
uvavttthaim tayantie
85
own
\
palace,
"
(
"
mariip-
Manip-
the predicate is a
4*
<
"
mano
penance
yottat'n sati
is the
D.
voice
it
86
Annals
of the
institute
one
is
"He
58.4.
freed the
so
?/
kileseya ya
woman
tai'it,
niahtlam ntoyavio
durum
Vas.
gan-
yam
"
Se-
huyaparuwo raya
kouhatteria
me jao
Vas. 17.21.
Vas. 56.20.
"
"
Seeing
My
it
curiosity arose,
Kum
seat
J 29
cc
Then
the
word
E.
'
^t
^O"
"
easy to under-
87
"
"
The
them.
awuhampai sahkhu sahu cavai Hp. 82. 17. 4.
**
uss
to
be
is
found
with
A
similar
and
spoke.
sage took pity
osariu riayaru, nivariu
Hp* 84. 1. 14.
the participles of the past,
"
town
and
forbid
them* ;
away,
He drove the people of the
"
He
Hp. 87. 6. 3.
murari wivatiu, halina mantimagge sancaliu
controlled Murari and brought him back to the way of delibera" The
tion.
contrary usage of joining one participle with two
in
is
found
Ap. punu vi bhuyahgaselapavisanit kiyau
subjects
"
Then they effected entrance
tehl klyayanlnrCasanu
Hp. 92.10.2.
"
into Bhuyangasela and the killing of Kiyaya.
<c
to
with
it
rably performed.
it
admi-
Annals
88
of the
II.
ADJECTIVE,
On the whole
of
differ in
flavours.
"
"Just as the
dhesu va
best
among
1. 6. 53.
older
the scents.
"
Celibacy
is
tavesu va uttajnam
the best
among
method
of agreement is
anuttare u
Sufc- 1.
bambhaciriyam
"
the penances.
found in AMg.
But
Sut.
the
thaniy&h
4I
ca Baddaya
6,
10.
The thunder is
"
the best among the sounds.
Thus it is clear that attraction is
the chief cause of deciding the gender of the
superlative form of
the adjective, even though we
to
\
expect,according
meaning,that it
should agree with the genitive, as all such sentences mean
that
one of the many is the predicate which is
put in the nominative.
But as the word in the genitive was not
repeated in the nominative form, as being not necessary for the
expression of meaning,
It was found impossible to make the
adjective agree with a noun
which was unexpressed, The other substantive
also
in the
nominative present in the sentence as the subject
naturally attracted the adjective and ultimately came to
agree with it in
The
gender.
occasional.
contrary
illustrations
in
is
practice appears to be
make
AMg,
jo
it
89
nouns of all
duhkham
ca
seyyo
yam
kamamayam
genders.
"
Th. 1, 669.
Misery due to knowledge is better than
sukham
>?
marariam dhammikam seyyo
happiness due to sensual pleasures.
P.
to
vaviveldyafii
"
'}
*k
of
"
The eyes of
Bh. 48.8.
farunivayanadaih&anarasaluddhao
the youths become deluded, being attached to the flavour of look?
tiruyi mi fa! asi guiiavantao
ing at the faces of the maidens.
"
Those three were virHnni mi jinavarasasaiii bhaffao Bh. 81.5.
dhao
'
tuous
padaliputfu
?>
putba.
namu
Kum.
"
There
is
town by name
kammam am dhammanusasanam
Padali-
K. IV.
rt
the best work namely to preach piety." ( ii ) Disagreement in Number. Cases of this disagreement are extremely rare
"
In JamKr. 1.3.1.
and doubtful Ap. divana pahanln jambudive
" Even in this case it is better
udvlpa the best of the continents.
to admit some kind of misreading than to think of a conscious
This
is
19
Annals, B. O. R.
I.
Annals of
90
the
Institute
"
"
Ry.
19.
AGREEMENT OF NUMEBALS
III.
The agreement of numbers is not homogeneous. All the ordinals are regarded as regular adjectives and therefore agree with
the noun on which they depend in all respects. But the cardinals
Some of them i. e the first
are not of one and the same nature.
19 numbers are adjectives, while those above them are regarded
as substantives. They are further used collectively or distribuwhich affects their agreement as regards the aspect of
number, with reference to the noun and also their inherent meaning. This was caused by the supposition that the application of
the category of number to a numeral may involve some kind of
tively,
repetition.
**
**
gabftammi
3Srx. 1.14*
"
The
by
Brat
plutaL
tlnrfce
In the
1.13.
womb
"
of
of
"
forms for
the
do
"
T. VIL
with two Skalas. "
4<
These three animals also. "
S. 1.3.
set
Two
all
peacocks.
"
G.
ojfparo rajano
?
III.
K.
wsesu
\
XIII.
*'
"
"
8.
In every
Four
kings,
five years.
of
"
pancasu
"
"
vi
sa.su
pancasu
yojanasatesu
AMg.
donni vi rayano
M. XIIL9.
;;
"
iassa bhajja duve asi
the
Both,
kings.
U. 22. 2. "He
26.
HIT.
7f
Himl
U.
7.14.
vaniya\
jaha ya
Just as three
had two wives.
" taasa
vwh anandassa gahavaissa ca/larl hiratnjttkodio
merchants.
"
The householder Snanda has his four
Upa. 4.
mhaimpautlao
?;
eesim coddasanhatn niahasutnincrores of gold coins deposited.
"
inahasunmie
pasiltanam
N"y, 112,
Having seen
amm anmiyare
"
these
out
of
fourteen
dreams.
dreams
attharagreat
four great
\
sahti'n
satnanasahasseJnm saddhim
samparivude
"
"Sur-
TSj. 5.53,
vani
DE".
2.
327.
Two
or three days
"
'
forms
is
for
we
the later
dev"
Th. 2. 518,
elopment, sakhiyo tlni janiyo
A similar lax use of the numerals is to he found in the
Puranas where the form trayah is used with words of all the three
tasya putrah sainah trayah bMmsgenders, varsani bhavifa frai/ah
This similarity is taken by Pargifcer as pointsainah trayah.
\
three friends.
ijati
was
ing out that the original language of these Puranic passages
this
that
syntaIt is, however, more natural to suppose
Prakrit
ctical similarity between the two is a result of the popular tendencies affecting both.
as
substantives and
qualify.
Their only
sawasu^-m
amsi bayallsam sumina ttsam mahasumim bavattarim
"
of drescience
our
in
Thus indeed, O Lord,
yiddittha Ny 1.12.
all 7:2
in
so
and
42 dreams and 30 great dreams
\
''
balttsae ibbhatml^Miy
dreams preached.
bhogasamattliam janitta
"
Knowing him
5.53.
Ny,
ayah egadivasenam panim genhaventi
with 32 daughters of mef
capable of enjoyment they marry him
\
Annals
92
of the
Ny.
"
Institute
Having seen
1.12.
four-
7 '
of the
7'
yearn
"
JM.
''
NIT. 24.
pancaliattarle vasheim
sattJiim hhaltal anasarjae cheetta
Erz. 34.4.
Ikkhagas.
With
**
75
Hav-
" P. dasannafii
ing cut short 60 meals with fasting.
pi dadami,
msaya pi dadami, timsaya pi dadami, cattarisaya pi dadami, ziannamya
pi dadami Sn. 86. "I give to ten, twenty, thirty, forty or to
"
fifty,
M. 11.162. " At the
visaliya yojanesu timsaga yojanesu
"
distance of 20 or 30 yojanas,
ekunapanHasaya ka^dehi Jat. III.
"
220.
With 49 arrows. " chattimsatiya sotehi Dh. Co. IV, 48.
**
With 36 streams 7? atthacattarisam vassani Sn. 289, ** For 48
" imesam
years.
Dh. Co. I. 48. " Near
tevlsatiya buddhanam santike
"
these 23
\
Buddhas.
*atani
cwtfatapurtse
men."
wiwje
10.91.
"
"
1*.
Mhvs,
panyasj, yojana.
yjr
Five hundred.
the numeral remains without
any inflection,
sattahi yojana
Dh, Co. IIL 217. " Fifty and
>?
sixty Yojanas.
paficapafinsa vassani.^pancavlsali vassani
Th.
S04, "Fifty five years, twenty five
years." ekunapannasa
\
S*"
o J;
S.
70.
S<
<?l:
Fort
^nin
^ People. -
1.
jane
AMg.
sicknesses.
"
solasa
rogayanka
Kap.
tattari vasaii
n
Seventy years.
Numerals over twenty being
substantives, they can also govVniGernttveof*henoun,P. paromhassam bhikkhunam Th,
I
93
"
viharanafit pancasahtni
More tban thousand monks.
1238.
??
satthi arahatam aka
Mhvs. 12. 33. "Five hundred Viharas.
**
^ma(le sixty Arhats. n AMg. attJiasuyafit
1. 1^'
**
Mhvs.
"
Vip. 107.
Eight
inahanadaraganam atthasayam khatttyadaraganam
7;
JM.
and
suvaBrahman
boysKsatriya
pancasaija
hundred
"
39.
27.
Erz.
five
hundred
tarn
gold
Giving
parinei
nnctssa dauna
" donni lakkha
mayagalanam datird sahassa
coins he marries her.
\
rah&nafii
"
"
marks.
S. 2,
'
'
AGREEMENT OF PRONOUNS.
Usually the pronoun agrees with the noun in Number and
Gender. But on account of the uncertain nature of the Gender
of the pronominal
of Prakrit nouns and the meagre remnants
in
forms sometimes this agreement is lacking and the usage
Sanskrit.
in
Prakrit often disagrees with the one prevalent
A. Disagreement in Gender. Many versions of the inscrip"
This religious
S. I.
tions of Asoka write, ayam dhramtnadipi
"
write
iyam
M. 1. I. Others
edict
\
dhrammadipl
also
yada ayam dhaminalipi
Op.
ayi
K. I
likhitl
G.
I.
"dhammalipi^
When this
K. IV.
sethe ) kammam
religious edict was written." ese U (
"
"
In AMg. we often^ find a neuter proThis is the best duty.
Bas,
noun agreeing with a masculine noun. Javantiloe pana
"
world.
javankivljjapurisa
VI 10.
All living beings in the
"
As many ignorant persons
U, 6.1.
savve te dnkkhasanibhava
\
'"'
"
eyauanti
savvavanti
logam
Annals
94
of the
kainniasctnuiratnbha
"
Ay.
1.1.1.5.7.
Institute
'*
'
'
fii
' '
ctvaram
etani abhisambhonti
Th.
2.
329.
"
ps?nsukula?h
Brahman.
a Disagreement in Case.
P. kassa
sasanamagamma
labhate tarn
<l
mokat
Th. 1.
By following whioh law does one
freedom from grief ? "
i
get the
causes
95
"
aven a part of
it
"
U. 7. 21.
sikkha muliyam te aiccHya
Those who
"
JM. jo
instructions have exceeded their capital.
vivulcl
jesim tu
have
much
eijam
hohii
Erz. 37.
"
1.
"
He who
will
a king.
jam jena kayam kammam..*
take this staff will become
"
42. 21.
Whosoever
Erz.
does an act will
tena
veiyavvam
tani
?
jenahath hatthisambhamao rakkhiya tena
have to suffer for it.
"
Erz. 17. 15.
If I cannot marry
saha paniggahaimih jai na. hoi
\
'
P. tarn
"
ca
That act
yesini
Dh.
92.
track
to
is difficult
find.
;>
yassind.riyani sainatlvam
"
94.
Dh.
Gods
tassa
honour him who
%)ihayanti
gatani-**deva pi
me
asi hadayamssitam\
abbahi
vata
sallafn
senses.
his
yam
controls
"
which
the
dart
was
removed
62.
rankling in
IV.
Jat.
"
tesa
na
kenaci
Jat. IV. 71.
hanti
na
na
gJtateti.^veram
heart.
yo
of food, their
'
'
He
my
"
One who does not kill nor cause to kill is not inimical with
" evam kathenti ye ssddahenti Th. 2. 522. *' Thus tell
anybody.
I
those
who
believe.
"
'
Annals
$6
Institute
AMg.
jae saddhae nikkhanlo lam eva amupaliya Das,
"
Preserving the enthusiasm with which he has be-
Gender.
Ay.
of the
1. 1. 3.
"
come a monk.
relative pronoun is neuter when it refers to a whole sentthe neuter gender is thought to approach the
because
ence,
neutral form closely. P. dubbacanafn kim saJcka Jcatwfii yam main
"
videssafe bJiatta
Th. 2. 418.
Is it possible to use bad words because my husband hates me ? " tassefam kammaphalam yam mam
Th. 2. 447. "This is its effect that they go
(Qxtkarifuna gaccJianfi
?
me.
kafn
te aparadhitam may a yarn mam
abandoning
ovariyana
''
titthasi
Th. 2. 367.
What fault have I committed against you
that you stand blocking my way ? " AMg. tassa me apadikkantassa
imam eyarisam phalam jaoiamano -vi jam dhammam kcimabhoge.su
nuicchio
U. 13. 19. " This is the effect of my deed for which I
have not repented, that even knowing religion I am attached to
"
pleasures of senses.
JM. ajjautla sohanam kayam jam so durappa
nihao Erz. 8. 29. "O Lord, you did well in
killing that wicked man."
If the predicate of a relative pronoun is a noun
having a different gender from the gender of the antecedent
noun, the relative
pronoun agrees with the predicate rather than its antecedent.
The demonstrative pronoun naturally agrees wiuh the antecedent
n A ^ e& to parisrave yam apunam G. X. 3. " That
peril
?*l "
,,
**
e hi etrake mangale
is sin.
S. IX. 6.
samsayike tarn
For fche
"
ceremonial of this world is of doubtful
ese hi srethe am
efficacy.
dhrammanusasana M. IV. 17. "This is the best deed, the
promul"
gation of religion.
P. appanmtto ayam gandho
yay a *i tagaracanam lDk56.
little is this scent, the scent of
sandal and aloe/'
Jery
I/asm bhariya...silavctfi paiibbata darexu ve sotthanam
tadahu
Jat
*
IV 76
Whose wife is endowed with good conduct and devoted to her husband, she is called the best
resort among wives "
AMg, je maharia jaivijjavaveya taim tu khettai supesalaim
12 13
The
birth
and
-,
'
how
is intellect* '1
IDENTIFICATION OF
BY
Pro! H.
0,
London )
him
Pradyota of Ujjain,
Magadha.
datta was the
of
Now
this
Magadha.
The Puranas give the following succession
on the
Magadha
list
of the kings
throne.
Bimbisara
...
...
Ajatasatru
...
...
28 years.
25 years.
Dar^aka
...
...
25 years.
Udayin
...
...
33 years.
we have
the Ceylonese
1940,
8
13
Ajatasatru
...
...
Udaya Bhada
...
...
32.
16.
The paper was read before the Tenth All-India Oriental Conference,
Timpati.
L p.
187.
Annals
98
of the
Institute
They appear
is
Mm.
(
Udayana
He
is
only
11
\\
It is difficult to
say whether
Vamsaka
is
a corrupt read-
Act.
*
J, B.
B.
S. Vol. I.
P* 75.
virtues.
Identification
tradition.
Vamsaka
Hiuen Tsang
(6)
of Udyana of Kausambi
recalls the
by
Hiuen
If
KausambL
Darsaka was the last
of
tion recorded
Vamsas
99
for
political
reasons.
Udayana's
likely that
Matsya PurSna
Adyar Library Ms. ( No. IX. G. 114 ) s calls it the Samadhilaksartam. Burnett mentions the third
name of it when he calls
it the Samadhi-vidhih on
p. 93b of his Catalogue of Sanskrit Mss.
in the Tanjore Palace
Library. The work is of interest to us on
account of its relationship with the
Bhagavad-gita on which it
seems to depend for the manner of
narration, and, to a certain
extent, for its content also.
Even as
Bhagavan
is
the
in the Bhagavad-glta, so is
Isvara the narrator in the
narrator
Saniadhi-
conquest
of
the yogic
the
highest
gri_ef
Visada
),
the
list
below
Bhagamd-glta
Verse 24d.
cT^T
5T|T
101
Bhagavad-Git&
Samadhi-laksanam
"
"
^psra;
1.
tie
the same as
is
XIIL
3Gd.
"
2.
"
II
Verse
M
3.
3 Gab is the
5.
^^?3T%^T%W'T^ R
...... ......
-cq-cpcrr
^rffd V:
n
6.
7.
same as V.
8ccL
sTOTT^[ S5r j?
Vers 36cd
"
30.
"
"
>
4.
XIIL
s,
q"^^^^^f^^^^ ?'T^^^5:^^
Verse
"
27.
w>ST%^Tf^
the
same as V. 9ab
' '
Verse 38bcd.
is
Verse 44d
is
? '
S-^^T%rr5T%:
5T^r
is
?>
Verse 58d
is
the
same as XIIL
23d.
"
8.
Verse 6 la
is
The following
doubted.
is
an exhaustive
list of
them.
"
reads
2.
"
??cr ar
ff
The
rr^r
3
^^rm^rw
^Hmm m*"
"
Ehagavad-gtta-III 23ab.
The second-half
of verse 3 of the
runs as follows
imitation of the
Samadhi-laksamm which
Is
Bbagavad-gUa-II* 24cd.
4.
The
a clear
Annals
102
of the
"
resembles
"
ac
Institute
5,
and
"
6.
snt tf^
^n5w
Bhagavad-glta
etc.,
?s
ab of Samadhi-laksanam
appears to be an imitation of
Sfeanza 9
J?
XL
Bhagavad-gita
crq-^rr
VIL 25.
"
f fR
"
?IK
53.
^ft^rr
Bliagavad-gtta-KlTI.. 18ab.
H Hr>5^Tcci?^T^?r M (Samadhi-laksanam-lZak)
fashioned after the manner of WTT: T^cT
7. '^rrstsrgrsr ^Errff
seems to be
*"
Hhagavad-gtta-'VII. 7ab
8.
**
"
Shagavad-glta-'X.'VTLI. 7d.
9.
"
10.
"
"
^rt^triT^TTni^:
a^ETOomrorer
11. Sfcanzas
??
^T% "
-jBhagavad-gita-'VI. 42
Samadhi-laksanam 14. a*
Bhagavad-gtta X. 33 a.
the
Bhagavad-Glta
103
Slab.
'
aro
'
f|
"
Samadhi-ldksanam 21cd.
Bhugavad-gita- XIII 18ab.
14.
"
trrfS
"
rw
Samadhi-laksanam^Z2G.
^rr^5g;
13d.
30d.
16.
"
T^r
7?
<
"
SamadM-laksanamSamadhi-laksanam 25ab.
Bhagavad-gtta-XIlL 30ab,
$T*T ^r^wflr qrrn^cf- n
Samadhi~-laksanam-26.
18.
"
?T3fr
q^^fS ^RWR^g;
>7
SamadM-laksanam-28^
**
19.
"
.
20.
21.
tion to
8cd.
<-
Verse 32 of the SamadU-laksariam Seems to owe its inspiraJ5Aagamd!-Ka-XlII. 33. The verses are as follows
104
Annals
of the
VTfr<n<T
cff RT
Institute
II
Samadhi-ZaIcsanam-32.
ti
"
Bhagavad-gUa-IV
23.
With verse 39
of the
Bhagavad-gUa-IV.
Samadhi-laksanam
37.
24.
25.
~Bhagavad-gZta-X.II. 16,
37.
SamctdU-Laksayam and
JTte
tfo
Bh&gavad-Glta
105!
"
26,
^*
"
27.
**
"
28,
^?frfe*T T%
^r^r
T #
^i
srf $^r
Bhagavad-glta-VHI. 13d.
?9
--Samadhi-laksana
55fia%orfWrrfai3C
>?
F&
Bhagavad~gita--lL 42ab.
5rr^f5T cf^rT^?r
^rr^^^rt^'f ^tr^"
';
rqg[Tg^^*3[
Samadhi-laksariam58 ab.
68 ab.
for nearly half of its contents, the Samato the Bhagavad-gita which it seems to
indebted
dhi-laksanam is
fountain-head of all its inspiration,
regard as the very
It is tlius
clear that,
Annals, B. O. B.
I.
VERNACULAR WORDS
SARVANANDA'S COMMENTARY 6N
AMARAKOSA
MAITHILI EQUIVALENTS TO
FOUND IN
BY
SUBHADRA JHA,
The name of the commentary
Is
M. A,
the
Trivendrum
Sanskrit
Now it is the purpose of this paper to give Maithili equivalents to Sarvananda's Vernacular words as far as possible. It will
be seen that many of these words which could not have their corresponding forms traced in Bengali and Hindi have eqivalents in
Maithili/ A study of these may help in tracing the linguistic
development of the two neighouring dialects, namely Bengali and
Maithili. The list of words is not exhaustive as those whose
equivalents have not found as yet are left.
further study in Maithili
Lexicography may perhaps reduce the number of such words. This
paper should be treated as a supplement to the works of the three
former writers mentioned above. It is moreover
interesting to
note that there are several words whose
equivalents are found in
certain
Maifchili
their
MaitJnli Eqnialents
to
Vernacular Words
etc*
107
Abbreviations
D, E.
D,
Western
W.
M.
U. c.
TL
>
Jagaddhara,
"
J.
J.B,O,RS,
TL R.
Rucipati.
V, V.
in Vivadacintamani of Vacaspati.
V. R.
VId.
9>
t9
Padavali of VidyapatL
Basumati
Press, edition.
io8
Annals of
the
institute
Jack fruit
II, 4,
61
Crab
A kind of
II, 5,
II, 4,
19
67
II, 4,
154
fruit
vegetable fruit
V.R.
I,
io, ri
97
p.
of a
II, 4,
60
flower
V. R.
p. 8
M.
p.
101
STame of a
herb
II, 4,
p.
117
tsfame of a
II, 5* *9
tree
119
bird
D. E.
STame of a
kind of
II, 9,
i?
H,
5,
16
II,
5, 13
grain
The woodVI.
pecker
A small
centipade
Name of
tree anc
115
II, 4,
40
II, 9,
II, 4,
66
II, 9,
33
II, 5,
23
II, 4,
104
II, 6,
154
II, 5,
35
its fruit
Name
of a
kind of
M.
p.
90
grain
of a
tree anc
Name
its fruit
leather
bucket
M.
M*
p.
18
An ospre}
Name of a
herb
Leprosy
p.
121
The
lap-
wins:
Maithili Equivalents
to
Vernacular Words
etc.
109
Annals
iio
of the
V. R.
Institute
jYoke
p. 6oi
II, 9,
small
I,
64
10, 22
shell
D.
Palanquin
Name of a
W.
I>
34
5,
8, 53
II, 4,
40
II, 4,
60
tree
D.
M,
Firefly
W.
iName of a
tree
Agalli mile!
j
Vid. p. 195
or
A gad-fly
Vid. p. 66!
innocent snake
'Name of a
M.
p.
1 1
An
II, 5, 21
II, 5,
1,8,
27
5
22
II,
5,
H,
6, 103
bird
I
|A
j
large
ear-ring
Branch
:
of;
a tree
fcH=cri%r
II, 4,
1 1
II, 4,
45
40
jTamarind
jName of a
II, 4,
tree
jName of
creeper
{Vegetable
(Threads of
a piece of
II, 4>
39
?5TSR
44
6,114
II, 9,
II,
woven
cloth
Burnt
II, 9,
49
II, 9,
33
II, 2,
13
grain or
milk
laddie
Door of
I
Used
in
son of
Skt,
entrance
MaitUU
Equivalents
to
Vernacular Words
etc.
H2
Annals of
the
Institute
Of.
15
Annala, B*
99
O B
I;
etc.
115
ir 4
Annals
Sarvanan-
Early and
da's
Modern
words
Mai-chili
of the
Institute
Sources of
Sanskrit
English
the Maithili
Equivalents Translation
equivalents
Sarvananda's
Kanda,,Varga
and Sloka
An insect
A fire
V.
brand
Keeper of
R.p.3i
II, 5, 13
HI,
II,
of a gaming house
Chain
Name
u. c.
M.
p.
D.
W.
of a
herb
Bloch
Name of a
136
5,
10, 43
II, 8,
42
II, 4,
106
H,6,5?
II, 4,
28
U,
34
tree
V.R.p.43
Invitation
Name
of a
5,
kind of
pigeon
U. C.
Soap berry
A hammer
A vegeta-
II, 4.
HI,
II,
32
36
4> iS7
3,
ble
Hiccough
To
HI,
5,
may
Basantaranjana
for
me
to verify
Rai
them with
all
my attempts.
A swing
A bag
A weapon
A leather bag
'
But
are
But irenp u not found under
$g>.
H. B.- They have been included
( Vide II, 9
33 )
as th y are o'urr^t i a
mode rn
Maithili,
KARMARKAR, M.
A.,
LL. B.
L THE MINAS
Introductory
India
lias
not
much
to say of its
own
Dep*
in regard to the
few
of the inscriptions,
make any
progress in that direction. The only scholar who has so far succeeded in deciphering all these picto-phonographic* inscriptions (as
'
he
to
is
J.,
Director, Indian
Research
Historical
detailed in the
We
Mlnad
following pages.
Historical
have
nical
still
and
Annah
f rrt
of the
Home
of the
Mmas
families
There
itself
among which
is
117
is
haw
described to
Eamayana
is
as follows
way
srm
II
2
11
of the
*
*
of.
and Peoples
Eamayana, II, 71, 3-5.
countries
6,
in
of India is given.
Wilson's interpretation,
of.
Monier
n8
Annals
of the
Insiituie
Ramayana happens to be the forest of the Northern VlraMatsyas ? For such a conclusion the fact that images of An in a
Tandava posture are found on the Indus Valley sites is probably
enough to support our view.
The description of the forest of the Matsyas in the above
( b )
passage gives us a direct clue in regard to the fact that it is not
of the
"
***,/
^
p. 234.
3
Satapatha B.
I, vii,
3-8.
Mahatmya
2, 2, 66.
Commemoration Volume.
Fresh
the
Mohenjo-Daro Riddle
119
"
The ancient Dravidian tribes and perhaps also their contemporaries the Kolarians were totemic. An animal, a flower, or
any other natural object was the totem of the tribe, by which
they were known and after which they were styled. When the
were made and each
tribe considerably grew, subdivisions
the
without*
omitting
original name, took a new sign by
division,
called.
Again very often two tribes or two
which they were
were
the
of
country,
officially united and the flag or the
portions
union had another sign or device on it. This multiplication of
symbols, which finally lost the original totemic meaning at
I
Therefore
times makes their identification extremely puzzling/'
on
account
of
name
the
fish
their
as
their
totem*
Mlnas
the
got
Macdonell
with
the
same
Keith
view
agrees
Even as against
*
though
of the
we
fish-emblem of Siva
An
).
The
fish
happened
to be one of
the
eight
we
to the
Heras, Religion of the Mohenjo Daro people- according
Journal of the University of Bombay, Vol. V, Ft, L, pp. 10-11*
ptions,
V0L
Annals
I2O
of the
Institute
However
it
deities
and
their cult.
that
these facts should give us a clue in regard to the
origin
of the idea of the Matsyavatara of Visnu in later times.
However we are not willing to deal with the pros and cons of the
theory
at this early stage. As regards the other
problems in connection
with the Minas, their cult and spread of their
civilization, or
their affinities with the Minoans of the
either
all
racial,
we
shall
make
it
cultural or
west,
the subject of discussion on another
occasion.
II.
AN RUDRA-SIVA
(
tok&nda
Mahesvara khanda, Adb. 17.
Skatzda Purana,
Purana, Prabhasa khanda, Adh. 255*,
2.
He Is
universe. He
Vidukan
*.
*.
'
history of
An
in this connection.
&isna-devah
SJQ.
The
10
AnnaU, B, O.
I.
122
Annals
of the
we may
bifurcation
bet.
57: \{
~~
Index.
|J*fe
X, 99f
Vol.
3.
II,
p.
382 .
SSya9a
interpretg
word
&g
hymns
then.
and was only in a process of formation
of a standing
That the word Rudra conveys the meaning
in an Urdhva-Kfiga posture is directly conveyed by
figure of An
the following
among
Stha-Anu ( An
) ]
but in a different
The word Sthanu occurs once in the ftgveda
common
But the word as indicating Siva is of free and
sense.
occurrence in the Paranic period.
also indicates the
Further the word Devah ( in Sisna-devah )
was not one but many-most
existence of a tradition that Budra
ornaTO
of his having various functions
probably on account
number is eleven (Ekadasa)
even. In the earlier stages their
Sata-Rudra.
e.
g.
it becomes one hundred
later
Siva-Pasupati
We have
U """>
'
connection. namely.
1
Batapatha
dnnats
of the
Institute
Dvaitavana as performing
to this Pa^upati
Only one conclusion is possible in this regard that just after the
close of the Bharata war the way for the migration of the Aryans
must have become safer and while marching downwards they
must have also been using their weapon of reformation, so much
so that the worship of the indigenous gods of India must have
been performed only in the far-distant countries where the conquerors could not go and meddle with the affairs of the population.
Thus by assuming the existence of two countries side by side, i. e.
that of the Balhlkas ( or Bahlkas ) and that of the Mafcsyas-the
theory of Prof. Shembavanekar, that the country and civilization of the Bahlkas ( Vahlkas ) is not at all referred to in the
Brahmanic period falls to the ground. The particular geographical description of the country of the Vahlkas ( or BahlkasBalhlkas ) as detailed by him rather indicates the existence of a
civilization of a later date, much later than that of the Mohenjodaro or the Vedic times. Such a conclusion is not impossible, if
we take this into consideration that the working of the Maha*
;
much
to one
less
An
by
image
'
'
Shembavnekar, The Identity of the Indus Valley Race with the VahZka's
XX,
pp. 477ff.
t-resh
the
Mohenjo-Daro Riddle
125
wag
f the
to
universe.
The work
was
of destruction, however,
allotted
Siva alone.
god
word
'
'
'
It
original^e-jomecommon
Moraes,
A Moh^jo
*udra was
Dare
figure,
with the
originally identified
he
from the later Puranic tradition wherein
is
Sun can
included
among
idityas.
etc,
59,
Apte
the
twelve
Annals
126
of the
it as
meaning,
veys a bad meaning. Bhojasena interprets
Tenis
) with skin drawn aback/
the
linga
like
(
Visnu
) looking
(
The Vedic poets also express that Visnu does possess another
form which is decent and is seen on the battlefield. But later
i. e. 'rays'
on, Yaska gave the word a different meaning altogether
But why should
for which act he is applauded in later works.
fc
followers of the
i.
e. just to
still
For a
in MarSthl
(
pp. 36ff.
a>
(b)
(
c)
Ibid., p. 33.
34.
Pantheon,
the
u[g e of
anH fartkr
on tk
I$l
word Dvaitavana
sutbordinated
),
J14ok;Wa
Mh
127
as can be
perceived from the
or the doctrine
of
devotion
was
Brahmana-
are Vaidikas
The early
Vaisnavas^
Tedic fites,
This is
their
or followers of the
how we
eke
Bhaktas or
as Avaidikas,
each other
cf.
),
in the
Atman
many
of his characteristics,
the
After depriving
Upanisadic period,
we
the Hindu
Aryan thought developed
(
To
be
how
shall see
confd
of
the promoters of
In
SUBANDHU
BY
P. K.
Aufrecht
GODE
'
records the following information about a commentary on the Vasavadatta by Narayana or Narayana Dlksitas
"
B.
2. 106.
A. K. 567.
I propose to analyse the only available Ms. a in the above
list of Aufreoht viz. A. K. 567 which is identical with No. 567 of
1891-95 in the B.O. R. Institute- Govt. Mss. Library.
The Ms.
Folio 1
ii
^tTo^rrtr
?T*T:
n ? n
Folio.
CO I,
...
566 and
two belonged
Mss recorded by
Aufrecht
?l^
The Dates
of
other
Commentators
of the chapters
129
may be
reproduced
23
Folio
u ^
r^r
in
Folio.
46
n 51% sfr
"
Folio.
75
"
(
":
f^^fffrTI%^r
II
himself suggests that he lived at a place and time full of insecurity to lif
and property and the consequent disturbed condition of mind. The fear of
Mlecchas or Mohainmedaiis referred to in the above expression did nofe
(
17
Annals, B, O. B.
I. ]
Annals
jo
Last
II
of the
sffH
ii
II
folio. 8ft
83%
"
II
The parentage
extracts
may
of
II
our
be represented as follows
hailing from ^qr^r
:
married
Son
s,
3,
3,
W^Tcf:
),
22
),
24,
37,
50, 53>
on poetics
mentary.
^^f^n^ jJnqrt^etc, ) as he informs us in the beginning of his comwas such zest for study that was responsible for the unbroken
It
for Sanskrit
30
),
74,
Before
A. D.
1140
Commentators
).
3, 7,
4,
THra^-*
(
other
8th Century
),
HT
HT
:
(A. D.
STT^rf
I!
Between 200
3Icrf
B. G.
r,
(
'
Before A. D. 950
qcfr,
about 1050 A.
38'*
r:
*r*m
?J
rT:
61, 79,
:
^ra
or
5, 8,
6, 49, 60,
D.
( srTtfcT
**
snrm%
possibly
snff'SqjN'
6 t 64,
6, 25, 33,
^T%ff% m&
A. D.
),
6,
(
A. D.
Hemacandra 1088-1172
of
about 1100
llth Century )
about 1150 A.
about 800 A. D.
sraniw
7, 8,
54
D.
),
8, 10,
8,
:,
:
9,
:f
:
1
^l
^9
18
7
), (
9,
about 800 A.
1U,
17
D.
),
1-w, u^o,
?>
No work on poetics of this name 3TTKro]pf nas been
the" srrn^rSTTSFT " in his Index
Aufrecht. Prof. Kane mentions a work called
unable to say if
1923, p. CLXXVI ). I am
of works
* fr
(SahityadarpanaJLdn.,
SPTRMST
'
a
equal to ^JmTTTrn^T.
"
spf*
lexicon of the name
is
Ho
Aufreoht.
or
recorded by
A'fin a Is
lj ?.
of the
'10
'
^?)
12,
Institute
(
-,
A. D. 470
?rr
),
20,
2
n
,
21
,
about A. D. 1150 )
22, ( about A. D. 800 )
(
27
:,
29,
,
to
30,
-
^*
77
*.,
Km*s
^atit^
and BhUratl
T7
) in his
Sahityadarpana
as follows :
.1.
VI, 122
refers
^=?
mentioned by NSrayana
DI,^
is
Kacala
Mallinatha
30,'
effect.
'
^ VrT^
as
****'*>"
*
Dr S.
S K. Belvalkar
Dr.
also informs
inf
me
to
Date?
The.
(gninr:
of
about 950
A. D.
other
Commentators
133
33, 34, 35, 3S, 41,42, 44, 51, 52, 53, 61,
63,66,69,79,82,
Kft
:
tfir,
p.
184, 242
V,
Sivarama on Vasavadatta
),
:,
Aufrecht
Vide Aulre
CO
I.
63-
3^
--"/
rsTraveCnlos^t
" 61.
As
a dictionary.
probably part of
and
vocabulary
Vasavad atta quote from this
collecting and putting on
is worth while
134
Annals
of the
Institute
l
In the above list of references the mention of ^<& and his
of about 1150 A. D. enables us to fix A. D. 1200 as the
The references to
earlier limit to Narayanans commentary.
2
further
enable us to push
Ms
our
of
64
on folios 6 and
tswTOT
we
as
know that Hemaor
so,
this limit forward upto A. D. 1250
candra was born in A. D. 1089 and died at the ripe old age of 84
8
years in A. D. 1173.
?
The later limit for Narayana s date cannot be definitely fixed at
present but judging by the condition and script of the Ms. before
me I am inclined to believe that the Ms was written about A. D.
fixes
of
century.
VoL
(
also
Baroda, 1928
Hema-
called
*
See Kavyanu&asana ( Parikh and Athavale 1938 ) Intro, p. CCLXVII
and OCXIC.
4 Aufreoht mentions the
following commentaries on the Vasavadatta :~
*
( 1 ) rTr^ffiwf by Jagaddhara
( CGI, 566 )
(
( 4, )
(
Comm.
by JNfarasirahasena*
by Sartracacdra*
continued on next
)*
and
The Dates of N&r&yava Dik$ita
Commentaiors
other
135
definite later
f
tively
Narayana
D'iksita's
commentary
is
Vidagdhavalldbha
CCII* 133
(12)
(13)
(14)
(CCI1I, 120)
(10)
(11)
A. D,
Siddhaoandragani*
Suksmadariin*
by KEsIrama*
cn^^rnqrSresT
(15)
(16)
Diksita*
Vide No.
3 above
by Ranganatba*
(17)
(18)
1%*^^*
Comm. by Narayana
^i^^T^mcq^W*
(
Part
II,
1928
p. 2
records a
Ms
of
^T^r^W
authors
* 70
).
:-
T^r.
.
T (
33,
26
40
30 ),
^a-sfl-^^ ( 27 aad
Sift* ( 32 ). IT^r^ ( 3^
)f
).
flnritffir
39
>
^s^T
f^^r^
q^
*r^R
^n^
"i^^ ^
Annals
136
(
Siddhicandragaril
(A. D.
of the
1542-1605
Institute
).
2
Between A. D, 1800 and 1400
Between 1700 and 1725 A. D.
&lvzrama Tripathin s
( 5 )
*
later than Prabhaicara, the author of the
Rangancitha
( 6 )
the
Vasavadatta.
on
Prabhakara, is earlier than A. D,
Curnika
Jagaddhara
(4)
1685.
i
Vide IHQ. IX ( 1933 ) p. 138 Siddhicandra, the disciple of Bhanucandra was a teacher of Akbar. The title Khusfaham was conferred on Siddhioandra, by Jahangir. Siddhicandra refers to Akbar in the following verse
of the Vasavadattavivarana ( Ms. No. 781 of 1886-92 ).
Folio
"
ii
^^^
fol.
15
This
Vide
Ms
is
CO
called
m^^f&ccR^.
It
Siva-
Institute).
Prabhakjra
8
9
Commentators
(
His Cur^ikH
137
is
by Ranganatha ).
tioried
(
and, other
Sarvaraksita
Sarvacandra
ksita.
10
mmadeva ^Before
A. 7X 1470.
Ranganatha refers to the following works and authors : qriSt, fi*ET, *?^7T
Poasibly ^SfsqsTosn^f mentioned by Banga( fok 11 ), gcqr%sfh
TpSfsprsqRsqT
nStha
is
the
cords a
Ms
1874, p.
76).
by PrabhSkara on Vfisavadatta
^rfifcpr
of fjtrfqsr
CO
I,
566
).
Kielhorn re-
Vide
*
called " ^Hf^F^f^T^lPTr^Fr *
2
Stein 81
301. Sarvacandra in his
Vide GO II,
"
" ( fol. 61b ), I presume
(L(X Cata. VII, 1904, p. 1557 ) mentions
?I%rT^Rc3rT
1847.
134"
is
"Ho.
commentary of Sarvaraksita.
Sarvacandra quotes the following works and authors
^rKrf*,
WlS%
)f
Many
is
of the
date
Ms.
is
IS
is
Lakmana
correct
f
Satfivat
RSmadavamisra
Annals
O.
Jf
is
Era
352
A. D. 1470
352 + 1118
)*
If this
Annals
138
of the
A grammarian
of the
name
5[re%3rW3r is
quoted in Madhaviya-
( c.
1100 and 1350. 1 am, however, unable to identify this latter WT^*with his namesake, the author of the cTTqrqfirt?r commentary
on the Vasavadatta, the only Ms. of which is dated A. D. 1470.
Perhaps it may be possible to identify these two authors at a
rwsr
later date.
Timmayasuri*
(11)
India. I have
at present,
Narasimhasena 3
(12)
if
he
is
f?rW
of a commentary on
Agastya's Bnlabharata ( Burnell, 159& and Oppert II,
5745 ). The date of this
is
beginning of the 16th Century.
third
namesake of our commentator is mentioned as the author of a work
called
5
He is called
Vide p. 303 of Krishnamachariar :
(
Classical Bans. Literature,
1937). The identity of these three commentators of
^w^
^H !^
'the
f^snw^
same name
'
Aufrechfealso mentions
Son of
^^
T
father of
I,
H^TOf M
iame ^tfftfr Son
who composed TOnTOnfl?i (^
he tW
s
be recorded
H
^^^
^^%^ "^
WmMlf "
-The
Ms
of his
comm.
(
is in Bengali
Script.
continued on next page
)
other
Commentators
Purusottamadeva
(
13
Trivikrama
(
II.
A, D. 1470-1497
of
^rtf^ifa- father
).
f^TTO^T
He
is
called
^%f%^
by his son
of Orissa as
Vide
p.
49
of Mitra's Notices
to which Gajapati
FratSpamdra
Vol. 3X, 1888 ). The solar dynasty ( ^f%"^r )
213 of Orissa
belonged ruled Orissa between A. D. 1435 and 1540 ( Vide p.
1925
PratSparudra
Gajapatl
Calcutta,
B.
C. Mazumdar,
in the Making by
: Hist, of Dharma.
ruled from A. D. 1497 to A. D. 1589 ( Vide p. 413 of Kane
1470 to 1497. If
A.
D.
from
ruled
I). His predecessor Purusottama- deva
A. IX 1497 and
between
of
Prataparudra
court
at
the
was
Gajapati
l%RI*Rft
of
1539 we may safely presume that his father TO%ftH was a contemporary
Purusottamadeva between A- D. 1470 and 1497. I am inclined to believe that
both of whom were Vaidyas of
of the same name
two
?m^%?r
persons
the
Orissa or
VSsavadattS
(CO I, 566) records a Ms of a commentary on tho
" This Ms has
"
162a.
Burnell
called
Vyakhyayikn by Vikramarddbi Kavf,
Vol. VII (1930), pp.
been described in the Des. Oaf a. of Tanjare Mss,
Vikfamais
author
the
of
name
correct
The
4020
Ho.
3018-20 ( Ms.
).
^ot
the
at
beginning
(f^RsiaiW
rddhi Kavi but f^f%^q as stated in a verse
in the Tanjore Catalogue ( p. 3019 )
In
the
extract
quoted
*)
IX ).
c. 950
may
there are some quotations from the lexicon fOTS* (
is later than about 1100 A. D.
commentary
this
that
therefore, presume
in the Tanjore library may
Parhaps an analysis of the only Ms of the work
than what I can do at
furnish better chronological limits for this author
from the Catalogues
gathered
on
the particulars
present relying mainly
of Trivikraina's commenta
Ms
describes
8329
1918
Madras Cata.
) p.
(
page 2 mentions a Ms of tin*
IT
l
Aufrecht
%^
XXI
ary.
commentary
29
sr
l?*rt
(1928),
We
Annals
140
(
14
of the
firngaragupta
in
name
viz. ?rms*
of his father. It is
diffi-
Ms
"
n afriBterpr TO:
The
\\
^RTTC?I$
of this
commentary
Mss Library
^w
viz.
B. O. R. Inst.)
\\
Ms ends:
"
i"iT
"
The Cata. of MitUla Mss, Vol. II (1933, Patna ) p. 141 records another
Ms of 5J5q-%^T ( No. 137) of
in Devanagarl characters.
3^
Aufreoht
CC
268
mentions one
srfgjj-
Bendall Cata,
p. 87
-4-
I,
^ *880.
and 616
Vide
p.
XX
84.
"
See,
entry
however, p. 8331 of
The author
commentary is given as
which reads as follows:\
The Dates
of
N&raydqa
16
Kaiirama*
17
Vasavadatta- Bthulatatparyartha
141
Before A. D. 1800.
2
No
information avai-
able.
In the foregoing: brief record oE commentaries on the Vasavadatta I have not included some more commentaries found in Catalogues as they were anonymous. Scholars interested in the
study of the Vasavadatta may do well to study many of those commentaries, which though of later times are likely to throw unex*
of the obscure words in the text of the Vasotpected light on some
vadatta which is full of words with double meanings and hence
has taxed the heads of many commentators as would be seen
from the
in this paper.
refers to
By Jagaddhara
"
Preface p. 45 )
Jagaddhara, as compared with Sivarama,
note of various readings is more diffuse*
takes
though he oftener
is equally fanciful, and resorts less frequently to authority in
His errors are freely exposed by
justification of his comments.
his successor and not invariably with unexceptionable courtesy. As
I understand from his introduction he was not the first annotator
(
Anfrecht
of the
Vasavadatta*
Aufrecht
is
is
grama.
CO III,
120
Institute
jjinnah of the Bh&nd'arkar Oriental Research
142
of
None
Subandhu
2
By Narasimha
this author
Particulars about
be briefly noted here
ary.
Hall
may
JV" (
( i )
(
ii)
iii
= Narasimha was
a physician.
in Bengali
characters.
One
of his
"
jfirnTi^,
cFsr, (
cT3r f (
of
^RFic?r, (6)
JJTTI-
^T^u^t^r Hall
" I have
seen an imperfect copy of a ^T^TTsjaT^T wa ick was digest^
ed by aome Muhammad an of note, vaguely spoken of as c< jgm ?rcn%. " The
"
copy was transcribed in Samvat 1575
Preface, p. 46.
( =A. D. 1519 ).
is a part of
5T^^
^q^yftfUeEi^j- which is a supplement to fipq-srcpT^T f 1%^
observes:
fact -that
Oata.
II.
1933,
Fatna and
De$.
This work ^^c?p?5r which appears to have been a vocabulary now lost
has been mentioned by many commentators of the Vasavadatta like
5fRTq"T
fli^rT,
My
^^^
etc.
!5*TT
f
A. D, 13QQ-UOO
'I'cfSsSN
)
A. D. 1450-1500
%3Ti*=r
)
A. IX 1700-17%$
The Dates
other
Commentators
By Krs^dbhatta Arde
reached
of
him
bhatta Arde.
recorded
of a third
1
by Aufrecht
It would be seen from the above remarks of Hall on the commentators of the Vasavadatta that their number as known to Hall
was three only while in our present paper we have indicated the
existence in Ms form of about 20 commentaries. It is now almost
90 years since Hall edited the Vasavadatta but no serious study of
the commentaries on this important text has been undertaken by
I trust therefore, that my present survey of the proscholars.
In the foot-note on
of
The
TrgrFsrft
i*
"
^
CCI, pp* 118-119 -Aufreoht states that ^scrr^f 3^fi" W8S t5l e son of
brother of ^KR'Jl, P u P i! of fK, of Benares, About 74 works of this author are
son of
.recorded by Aufrecht. In CO. II, 23 and CO. HI 6 he is called
of
wrote
son
In CO.II, 114 we are told that one Tfpmr 3JTC3"
^l"^
is the father of ^jpTf 3TTTt the genIf this
( Stein 81 ).
,
^Rw
^^
to
would
while
1745
D.
about
A,
be
Vidyabhushan the date of fqsflsr would
have the date A.D 1720 or so. This probable chronology as also the genealogy
of Krsnabhatf
recorded above needs further verification from the works
^^
pd other sources,
Perhaps
^^
if
a De^stha
J^hmin
Annals
144
of the
gradually,
no distant
date so
published by
1)
ed,
by
Hail, Calcutta*
(
(Calcutta, 1874).
6
Do-with
J.
MISCELLANEA.
SUTRA-VRTTI
'
'
'
colophon reads
>*$i M
i<4
t* * winnS
curious that Aufrecht too, mentions only a 9i5rSR*rf$R[ as being the author of
This colophon, which has no trace in the printed edition, is
11
followed
It
by some Slokas
is
T%
r: "
"
and last comes the name of the scribe with the date
5?1%
owner's autograph
page of this Ms. bears (?) the
He is known
Maratiii.
Vaman A^bbaji Modak in English and
to be a great Sanskrit scholar of the last century.
The
first
'
'
S.
19
[Annals, B. O. B. 1.1
N. Tadpatrikar
KEVIEWS
Buddhism
is
One
was her
article
IL L)
Quarterly (New Series),
which has been reprinted as an Appendix to the present volume.
Without going in to all the claims, put forward by the learned author, which have been briefly summed up in the last
f
fied*
"New Word"
Reviews
dancies of Buddhistic thought, finds in them a support more
ample and convincing than what could ever be expected from
such fine sifting: of evidence as is testified to in her present
treatment of the subject. It is a well known fact, that the
Bodhisattva doctrine in Mahayana does emphasize * the More,
?
*
the Higher in man rather than the Less, the 111 r in him.
The assumptions of Mrs. Rhys Davids, however, regarding
the essential nature of every religion, which she expects to find
corroborated in the nooks and corners of the Pali Canon,
not
may
7 *
Press*
Vasudev Gokhale
PRE-BUDDBIST INDIA,
S.J.,
who
in his
the
they
narrated,
is
are
accepted.
face
), which is also
typical of the loose and unscientific
"
reasoning, characterizing most of his work. It runs thus
My
claim to these stories as *
being a faithful representation of the
pre-Buddha period will particularly be Questioned. The fear of
uncertain ground on which I was
standing at first prevented me
from giving the title which has been
I
given to this
p.
ix
work, and
enviable.
Vasudev Gokhale
by Miss Durga
Bhagvat, published by Oriental Book Agency, Poona.
This book
is
authoress's thesis
Bombay and
K,
for
has been
tation
*
note
and
Maung Tin
to Mrs.
of
2,
wrong
on p. 105
Rhys Davids
as the authors of the Expositor etc. are illustrations in point In the expression attadlpa Bhikkhave viharatha
*
the word dlpa is not used in the sense of
a lamp
but in the
sense of an island ( dvlpa )/
This is clear from the succeeding
*
'
'
'
title,
the authoress.
Reviews
hypothetical
to consider 'not only
real.
151
her work.
P. V.
Bapat
ALANKARAMANJTTSA OF BHATTA
DEVASANKARA
PUROHITA.
Oriental
Katre, M.A.
"
kill
two
present work
is,
delightful reading.
Reviews
ar g; q?ij
Here
is
bold conceit
'
cfcf
^^rHf3^^fT!3;*T: T%
to
The work, in
under
many
"
Lalitopama
*'.
Annals, B. O.
R.L
Annals
of tfa
who
some time was the regent of the new Peshwa MsdhavaThat this is a fact is well-known in history and
for
raol.
is
illustration.
the
by
Institute
life
of ease
in a casual
and luxury,
and
it
of
the sense
of
of security
enjoyed
shifted his
father's
title
of the
Bhatta.
From
these
names
There
is
his
Olpad
).
His
Nowhere
his
it is
It is
or
He was
also
varnana" which
is
editor
congratulations on
his
and altogether
it is
a valuable contribution
to Sanskritic lore.
C. R.
Devadhar
BHASHAPARICCHEDA,with
lated Into English by
troduction by Dr.
Siddhanta-muktavali Trans-
In-
We heartily welcome this English translation of the renowned Nyaya work which is better known under the title of its commentary, the Siddhaitta-muktavali A student of Nyaya, after
his preliminary acquaintauce witlx the subject through Tarkasamgraha or Tarkabhasa, passes on to the scholastic works like the
Chintamani through the intermediate stage of the Siddhantamuktavali. Majority of the Nyaya students halt at the Muktavali.
As day by day the shastric learning is disappearing, students of
Nyaya are really inconvenienced by the absence of such a translation. Dr. Strauss has already translated this work into Ger~
this
of the
We
The translation
is
We
B. D. Vadekar
VOL.
XXI
A*
]
Annals of the
Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute,
Volume XXI
1939-4O
EDITED BY
A. B.
GAJENDRAGABKAR,
M.A.,
AND
R. N.
DANDEKAR,
Dr.
Printed and published by
Bhandarkar
R/N.
MjA.,
Dandekar,
Institute Press,
Research
Ph.D.
M.A,
Ph.D., at the
Bhandarkar Oriental
Institute,
Poona Ho.
POONA
4.
m-IV
BHHNCHRKHR
MANAGEMENT FOB
1939-1942
President
His Excellency Sir Lawrence Roger Lumley* G.C.I.E.,
D.3L*.*
Governor
of
Vice-Presidents
Chintamanpao
Sir
alias
of SangLi
S.
Mr. B.
Sir
Br R.
S. Kiamat,
B.A.
D. Madgaonkar, ICLS.
F.
COUNCIL
Ohairman
for 1939-1942?
Vasudevashastri Abhyankar
Jt&int
Trustees
Dr.
Sardar G.
IS.
Mujumdar,
C.I.K,
EXECFTIYE BOARD
for 1939-42
fc
Bar-at-Law
Gaiendmgadkar. M.A.
pr.
R,
1ST.
Secretary]
Treasurer >
tProf. K. V.
Dn
Rao Babadur
tMr. B. V. JahagirdaivM.A.
Prol F. V. Kane, M.A., L*L,M.
Mrs. Irawatl Karve, M.A., Fh,I>.
Qhairman
Prhu
1$.
Abhyankar, M-A,
Dr. S. K. Belvalkar,
M.A., Ph.Dw
D. Karmarkar,
A.
.
DXrtik
^K.Rebman, Ph.D.
r.
V:. S,
t Nominated bv
VOL.
[PAKTSIII-IV
XXI]
Annals of the
Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute,
Yolume XXI
1939-40
EDITED BY
A. B.
GAJENDRA6ADKAR,
M.A.,
AND
R. N.
DANDEKAR,
M.A., Ph.D.
cf
{*"-
-I"
Ph.D., at the
Dr. R. N. Dandeta, M.A.,
printed and published by
Oriental
Institute Press, Bhandarkar
Bhaodarkar
No.
Research Institute, Poona
POONA
1941
4-
CONTENTS
VOLUME XXI, PARTS in-iv
(
1-4-41
PAGES
ARTICLES
1
Asura Varuna by
Ph.D.
2
The
...
Buddhistic
Conception
Dr. P. T. Raju, M.A,, Ph.D.
Dharma by
...
C.
192-202
Law, M.A,,
...
203-212
Monuments by Dr. H.
5
of
157-191
The Chronology
213-228
Human
...
229-247
M.A.
7
...
by
...
248-261
262-263
264-265
BL-
266-269
MISCELLANEA
10
11
12
Agrawala,M.A.
A Note on Utake Govinda by K. Madhva
Krishna Sarma, M.O.L.
...
270-279
280-284
285-286
Contents
REVIEWS
13
Excavations at Harappa, by
Vats, M,A, reviewed
by
Madho Swarup
Dr, A, S, Altekar,
...
Bhasya by M, V, Kibe, M, A,
14
Srlpati's Srlkara
15
16
S,
S,
K, Belvalkar,
life
M,AM
Ph,D.
300-302
under Vijaya-
B,A M reviewed
293-299
Sarma, M,A,,
nagara, by T, V. Mahalingam,
17
287-292
...
303-305
by Bimala Churn
18
Kamsavaho
of
Eama
306-307
...
Panivada, by Dr.A. N.
...
303
OBITUARY NOTICES
19
20
309
MA
-
...
310-311
Sir George
Abraham Grlerson
Bom on 1
7-1-1851 J
Died on
8-3-1941
Book Agency,
Poona.
of the
Oriental
Institute
VOL.
XXI
"
ASDBA VAKUNA.
PARTS III-IV
BY
R. N.
DANBEKAB,
M.A., Ph.D.
Paradoxical as
it
may
ved Vedic problems are greatest in number among the indological problems.
Particularly the field of Vedic mythology cannot
be said even now to have been fully and satisfactorily exploited,
The asura Varuna, for example, is the most august and greatly
elevated divinity in the pantheon of Vedic gods and still Ms
comparatively
he regarded, by the side of Indra, as the greatest of the gods of the RV ?
Why, again, in certain cases, is ha
even as tb
represented to be far superior to Indra sometimes
inspite
to his praise, is
the
essential
* Paper read
1940.
at the B. 0. B. Institute on 26th September
I5#
Annals
of the
Institute
Let us
of
X.
AV.
16.
'
respect.
A sura
Varuna
159
by him.
VII. 61.1
),
extension,
crime against this cosmic law-and, by logical
^also
he is forthwith punished with
against the moral law-is found,
to
of Varuna, which thus seems
the pasa of Varuna. The pasa
an
be serving a double purpose, is positively
great
approached
therefore,
The great asura is,
of that god.
woridBut
him.
to
are addressed
awe, and prayers for mercy
ruler
the glory of an oriental
sovereign, characterised by all
to the prope*
often very relentless in matters pertaining
^***
m
^
160
Annals
of his law.
of the
It is
Another significant peculiarity of Varuna is his special assoMitra and Varuria are often
ciation with Mitra and the Adityas.
inseparably bound to each other ; and Varuna is represented, in
the Veda, as the highest among the Adityas. Together with them
he forms an independent circle of Vedic divinities, to whom is
cosmic and moral.
principally entrusted the guardianship of law
Asura Varuna
true
(
VIL
87.6.
161
of
him,
).
Annals
1 62
of the
Bhandarkat Oriental
'Research Institute
II
VIII. 41
n ( VIII.
VII. 87.5
41.7
however would clearly indicate that the Vedic Varuna is definitaly closer in conception to that original
sky-god of the Aryans.
Ahura Mazdah, on the other hand, was, in later
times, greatly
spiritualised and idealised by Zarathusthra in his
reform-movement. Bortholomae, Darmesteter,
Eggers, and Spiegel maintain,
all the same, that Ahura Mazdah also
is the abstraction of the
idea of sky. In Avesta, varena is the name
of a mythological
land which is said to be
cathrugaosha. The linguistic affinity
between the words, Varuna and varena.
is, supposed to be quite
evident. This mythological
locality is, according to some scholars, to be identified with the
expanse of the sky with its four
corners.
It may be
remembered, in this connection, that, in the
Veda, Varuna too is said to be caturanlka. This
was considered
as another piece of evidence in
favour of the sky-theory. Attempts have also been made to connect the
word Varuna
'
mnf,
Armenian
<
'>**.
***
philologi-
Asura Varuna
'
Varuna thus
und
zunehmender Bewunderung,
Nachdenken damit besje
Himmel
mir
iiber
und das moralische
bestirnte
Der
ehaftigt
The sun is described, in the Veda, to be the
Gesetz in mir
115.1
VI. 51.1 VII. 61.1 ), which can be best
I.
Varuna
of
(
eye
understood if Varuna were regarded as the sky-god. Max Miiller
und anhaltender
ofter
sich
das
'
'
'
'
'
ur-idg. period.
'
Schmidt,
would seem, to connect Varuna linguistically with Oaranos.
assumed the
Lately the French scholar, DumSzil, has again
derives those two words
identity of Varuna and Ouranos, but he
a
from quite a different root and consequently draws quite differAs
regards
ent conclusion regarding the personality of Varuna.
164
Annals
of the
Institute
to
Varuna
is
made
as u~ru-wa-na-as~-si~el,
meaning
Varupa
firing; (
T.
S.
IV. 4.8.3 )
Moreover nowhere else in the Vedic literature does one find any
divinity like dyavasuryau, which would
correspond completely with mitravaruriau. It is interesting to
note here that Schroder himself later on feels inclined to give
up the hypothesis that Mitra represents the sun-god.
The rivalry between Indra and Varuna, which certainly was
a favourite theme of the Vedic poets, is also rendered meaningless
if Varuna were made to represent the
sky-god. Whether, in the
naturalistic interpretation of the Vedic mythology, which is, by
the way, not necessarily always correct, Indra were to be regarded as the sun-god, or as the storm-god, one fails to understand
why there should be any rivalry between him and the sky-god
indication of a dual
A sura
Farther the
such
theory,
Varuna
165
sky-
the
of
as,
5 )
are of
87.6)
% .........
...... ( V1IL 4 1 8 )
wrar 3Ti%TT ^R^ort^?rnpprT^fa:..na svetah, dyamiva roJiati,
Are the phrases dyiuriva sthad, drapso
of the sky ? Can the
and nakam aruhat, in any way indicative
it further possible to
is
How
?
sky be called aptcyah samudrah
Vedic
the
passages where
with the sky-hypothesis,
-
explain,
Varuna
7
),
is
connected with
Yama
position
Veda and
characteristics of Varuna in the
I. one of the essential
'
8 ta. The father-sky -dyaus-^tar,
of Ahura Mazdah in the Ave
in every idg.
S no doubt represented
***r**
Jupiter,-i
ection
tJie
SKY guu
racial
ment
the.above
of
will thus be seen that none
ditions is even slightly
therefore renders it unacceptable.
^f^^^^
^
It
Other
jn
^ .^
e
Varuna
theory, such as, that
*?f
the
or that he represents
( Knauer ),
2
Aunals, B. O. B.
I. 1
starry
va
s of
</,
thia
,
sky
'
Annals
66
Max
Miiller
of the
may now
be
dismised without
Institute
any
further
discussion.
J. J. Meyer has suggested, in his work on legal literature of
ancient India, that Varuna is principally the god of night. * The
sins and crimes are usually perpetrated during the night-time
and as the god of night, it is Varuna's function to prevent them.
It is in this way, argues Meyer, that Varuna becomes the moral
'
'
by
fettered.
hemanto hi varuriah ( M. S. I.
as that the varuriapraghasa sacrifice was
performed on the eve of
winter, are adduced by Johansson in support of his
theory.
As SSrensen has rightly pointed out, while
the
contradicting
identification of Varuna
the Veda, as the lord
primary conception..
other
J.
Meyer
:
"Ober das Wesen der
Rechtschrjtften. pp. 379-3S5.
A sura
Varuqa
167
types of mythologies.
Varuna
may
1
reference may be made, in this context, to other theories regarding
the true nature of the Vedio god, Varuna, advanced by Johansson and
Meyer themselves :
in
The most prominent god of fertility in ancient India was Varuna
this respect he -was regarded as the god of the whole community and partiVaruna consequently represented the essential
cularly of the Ksatriyas
Varuna was the god who governed the change
element of royal power
of seasons and was therefore the god of the year, possessing two aspects of
Varuna and Dyaus ( Mitra ? ). Where he is not represented anthropomorThe feminine counterpart of
phically, he is represented as a horse
Varuna is mother earth Aditi or Ppthvi.., ......Probably Aditi was primarily
k
the wife of
Varuna
'
Gottin
Johansson
Tiber die altindische
Dhisana and Verwandtes, pp. 108 fL
Varuna was primarily chthonic vegetation-god and phallic divinity
his connection with waters which cause growth and life is particularly emhe is the lord of water and rains
Already as the god of the
phasised
earth he is the king and therefore also the god of law and punishiment.
In BV he ascends to the sky ( not necessarily first then ), becomes the lord
he is now
of atmospheric ocean and makes the rain-waters stream down.
turned into the heavenly sovereign-lord of the universe and the upholder of
next he is regarded as the moon-god, because, on the one hand,
the rta
he is the lord of night, and because, on the other, he and Soma, both diviniVaru^a's dreary and frities of water and vegetation, are identical..out of
ghtful nature and his lordship over the dead seein to have developed
seems
the
how
is
this
Varuna-mythology
his original chthonic nature
to have evolved in India
J. J, Meyer
Trilogie der altindischen
:
'
'
68
Annals
Veda
of the
Institute
they do not take into account the logical development of the religious thought among the idg. people in general
and among the Vedic Aryans in particular and finally they are
not confirmed by linguistic facts, which those scholars claim
to be supporting their theories.
Oldenberg ( .Die Religion des Veda ) comes forth as usual
with a refreshingly original theory in this regard. The physical
representations of Varuna, Mitra and the Adityas bear, accordof the
More
found in
the
AV:
*r ftrar
wrr%
srra^rac
AV.
srrarx
Varuna
is
sf^rg
XIII. 3-13
I
a
said to belong to the night and
to
Asura Varuya
169
with black
Mitra to the day. Ritualistic ally Varuna is connected
common
The
animal and Mitra with bright-coloured animals.
with Mitra and Varuna
concept of day and night corresponding
the
sacrificial formulas.
in
often
itself
very
respectively repeats
The essential nature of Mitra as the sun-god is thus confirmed,
according to Oldenberg, by Vedic as well as Avestan literary
of
and ritualistic evidence. Varuna is the constant companion
so predominant
Mitra the association of Mitra with Varuna is
to Mitra alone.
is
addressed
the
of
RV
that only one single hymn
:
There is in
as
follows
is
Oldenberg's line of argumentation
of
seven mutually-conthe Vedic mythology a compact group
who
are conspicuously depthe
Adityas,
namely,
nected gods,
Two from among them, Mitra
endent upon sky and light.
forms. One of
and Varuna, have assumed more preeminent
the
sun-god, while the
these two, namely Mitra, is definitely
of a god of light with special
other one, Varuna, has the features
said to rule. What else can
he
is
over which
to
;
reference
night,
theory.
other idg.
conception. Either the Indoing the gene-sis of this religious
of gods in their own
Iranians themselves created this group
those divinities
common religious fervour, or they borrowed
believes that the rather
from a foreign religion. Oldenberg
with Varuna and Mitra as the
unique circle of the Adityas,
to the pantheon of
is more or less foreign
foremost
among them,
Annals
of the
Institute
as,
r srtresr
^rs;
(
VII. 87.6 )
ar
Soma
91.3
of
Soma
for instance,
Asura Varuna
Vedic hymns.
the
and to
Soma
expression
as
stanzas addressed to
ftatrf
in
Varuna
Varuna
( to
The following
to
Soma
to
Varuna
to
Soma
( IX. 73.8 )
IX.
form^rfe (
95.55 )
STPSTT s^nft sreoi VT&TT f^rear.
...('IX. 70.1 )
i% ?T^^fr saa^fr
( IX. 101.15 ).
*r
^ rer
r%
qrf^r^r
172
Annals
oj the
Institute
'
'
god exclusively.
Asura Varuna
1^5
whole seems to show that Mitra did not possess any individuaside.
His special characteristic feature is
lity on the physical
r
expressed, in the Veda, through the words
rasr SF^r
^^
X. 8.4
( VIII. 52.3)
).
"
body'.
meimuri, Gfc. mitos, mitre, girdle of the
*
'
or
binding
The word mitram thus originally indicates a bond
further modibond'.
a
friendly
and
secondarily
together/
the agent of
fication from this was mitrah ( rnasc. ) meaning
from mayate*
bondage or the binder '. Uhlenbeck derives mitra
with Lat.
mitra
connect
to
Inclined
are
while some scholars
'beloved*. These suggestions are
milis 'mild/ Lit. mylimas,
as shown by Brugmann and Elsler, since
'
unacceptable,
tro clearly goes against them. The Avestan expresindicate that the orisions like mithrem Jan, mithrem druj also
the word mithra was that of binding
ginal conception underlying
and also Mithra In his original
together or of the binder. Mitra,
"*
as a god esse
nature, may therefore be looked upon
*J**
Mitra
Had
'agreements..
nected with 'contract,' 'treaty',
the ftV-hymns, wMofi
really anything to do with the sun-god,
definitely
the suffix
often
3
Annals B. O. R.
I. I
light
and
174
Annals
of the
Institute
'
able.
the ritualistic literature, which seems to connect Mitra exclusively with the day and Varuna exclusively with the night clearly
A sura
Varuna
175
moon ( I. 50.6 ). Particularly when the physiwas present to the eye of the Vedic poei t
moon
the
cal image of
such reference cannot be regarded even as poetical fantasy.
Further it would be very difficult to explain, on the basis of
the moon-hypothesis, why Varuna, the moon, is regarded, In
the Vedic hymns, as enormously more important than Mitra,
sun. Indeed so much richness of material, as w
the
find wifch regard to the Vedic Varuna, should be impossible
as the
in
eye of the
case
the
of
the
moon.
To
justify
this
contingency
connection,
the
same
What
is
moon
the BoghazkSi
god and the moon-god respectively?
ad
considered
as
Annals
of the
Institute
( I.
24.10 ).
note that the etymology of the name
Varuna has been completely overlooked by the protagonists of
No other idg. religion has glorified the
the moon-theory.
to
a
such
moon-god
great extent as is done, according to
Oldenberg and Hillebrandt, in the Aryan religion, Historically
too this fact would become unaccountable. Oldenberg assumes
that the whole circle of the Vedic godsMitra, Varuna and the
1
It is interesting
Adityas
to
moon and
the
Avestan divinAhura
ites, Mithra,
Mazdah, and the Amesa Spentas, have been
borrowed by the Aryans from the Semitic people. If the Adityaoircle as a compact group were supposed to have been borrowed
from the Semitic religion, there should have originally been such
a group of divinities in that religion. As a matter of fact however there is no such group
The planet-divinities in Babylon
do not appear at all as a group of seven. Moreover the single
planet-divinities of the Semitic people, such as, Ninib, Nergal,
etc, have absolutely nothing in common with the Vedic
such as, Aryaman, Dakaa, Bhaga, or with thp Ayesta^
1
Asura Varuna
jyy
to
Samas.
One conclusion
'
The
to
unknown Vedic mythological facts is, according to Pischel,
method
This
Hindu
mythology.
start from the known classical
is
it
but
certainly not the only
correct
is
proposed by Pischel
of the classical Hindu
evidence
the
of
method. On the strength
the theory, namely, that Varuna
mythology Pischel has put forth
of ocean, as he does in later myrepresents in the Veda, the god
with waters are many and
l
connections
Varuna s
fholosv
V!L 49.3 IX 90;2
in the Vedic literature (1.181.14;
f
varied
AV
VII
the hypothesis
_
;
according to nun,
83.1 ). This fact would also confirm,
of waters. The
lord
that Varuna is primarily the
Wilkins
Conceptions of
Hindu Mythology)
Ms
kingdom,
______
that
says, in this connection,
fa,t
Jedio
Annals
178
of the
trmrft s^rg
clearly pointed to the abode of
this connection a reference
A V. VIL
83.1
may
make
examination of the Vedic hymns would clearly inmythology dominated by Varuna, Mitra, the
and Aditi does not exhibit even the faintest traces of
critical
naturalism
that is to say, of the worship of the Powers of
Nature as Divine Beings. 1 It has already been shown that the
Vedic Varuna cannot be said to be primarily representing the
sky-god, or the winter god or the moon god, or the god of ocean.
What then is his essential nature ? Let us approach this problem
in a constructive way by clearly analysing the principal conceptions with which Varuna is associated in a special and exclusive
manner.
Among all the Vedic gods the title asura seems to belong
specially to Varuna.
large number of passages from the Veda
would make this fact abundantly clear
sr%cfr
I
( I.
24.14 )
Asura Faruna
'-
( II.
27. IO )
r
:
VIII. 42.1
'
*
It is interesting to note that Ghose ( Aryan trail in India and Iran )
emphasises upon Varuna's resemblance to Assara MazSs and his Igigi of the
Hommel inscription (left by Assurbanipal, the Assyrian Imperial king)
and to Ahura of the Magians. Assur was the local deity of the metropolis
of the first kingdom of Assyria, Ghose believes that Assara MazEs was the
The real link,' h6 goes on to say, to connect
original of Ahura Mazdah.
Varuna with Ahura is not to be found in a common etymological source
from which the two names may be supposed to have derived. The name
Ahura, if it had any etymological base of any kind at all and was not simply
taken from a quite arbitrarily fixed place-name, had without doubt a Semitic
or Elamatic and not an Aryan origin/ The process of borrowing was thus,
according to Ghose, ( quite strangely, indeed I) : Assur ( Semitic ) Ahura
Asura ( Tedic ).
( Iranian )
If there was indeed any debt on the part of Varuna or
Macnicol says
the
to
Semites, that debt was repaid later ; M. Oumont
Ahura Mazdah
at the period ^of the Achaemenides a rapproadoubt
without
that
out
points
Semitic Baalsamin and the Persian Ahura
the
chment took place between
vault of heaven but now become th*
the
of
ancient
deity
the
Mazdah.
*
Annals
180
of the
Institute
'
'
highest
supreme
This unique power of the asura is called
maya Varuna is therefore associated in a special way with the
conception of maya.
Geldner derives the word maya from
sovereignty over
it.
to lessen,
that
word
Asura Varund
a
working of the enormous natural phenomena Is thus regarded
of Varuna. The word maya has thereresulting from the maya
mimati or minute, which root does not
fore to be derived from
*
*
to arrange etc,
but also to create
only mean to measure,
*
to plan or to organise,
mainly
^wfwi
WTSWT
(
i
HI. 38.7 )
( IX. 83.3 )
159.4
)
'
'
'
'
'
and
11
am'-
^r ^re^r
^
i
re
H"
I.
24.10
V, 63.3
Many
^^rfr^ffeRnr
fir:
gTT
VIL
Va
while
called yak&n, a magician,
In VII 86 6 Varuna is directly
of the magic of
In V 85 2-6 the whole working
described.
The
hym n. YUL *.
j
Annali, B. O.
&
82
Annals
of the
Institute
supreme sovereign.
This particular characteristic of the essennature of Varuna is most picturesquely represented in his
other aspect, namely the Vedic god, Savitr
( vide
my paper,
New Light on the Vedic God, Savitr ). AslGiinterfc (Der arische Weltfcb'nfp ) has pointed out the
conception of a sovereign worldmagician creating, supervising and controlling the working of
the cosmic law is common to
many ancient religions. The
Australian tribes have postulated, in their
religious belief,
tial
Astira Varuna
183
of
Vedic
It is
religion.
'
*r
^ H-S
*r
nrHwrffc smg**
flVT- 9*2
).
be considered in this
Annals
184
of the
Institute
seem
have been blended together into the conception of the
paia of
Varuna.
to
An
'
bind/
to unite/
to join together/
eirene
to
means
welHoined together
clever bringing together/
holy bond/
Some further derivatives from that root, in different
directions
',
are Sk.
ful,
to
light
thLTv
^^ W
through Varuna.
I.
of rta thus
iCh
^
The
iS
re
136.2 ).
represents the abstraction of
r
16SS
OOM
Wy
Personified
each other
o
cosmos
nce
are
P^s
of rta and
other since
Aswra, Farufta
185
binding
underlying
-these
two words.
from the
The words
aditi
and
who
Adityas,
are
his
may
those gods
'
'
'
The Thrakians and the Phrybind down.
*
gians also worshipped a goddess named Sendis one who binds
down/ It is thus particularly interesting from the point of view
of the history of the idg. religious thought, to note that the
9
*
unique religious conception of the holy bondage and of the
*
binder/ seams to have originated im prehistoric times in
Avestan
darezyeiti
Iranian tribes
who
be representing the
concepcharacterised by those distinct
to
is
ria, mitra
spies-spasah
his supreme sovereignty complete. His
imperial ordinances
vrataniare unchallenged and so he is dhrlavrata.
The moral law of humanity with which Varuna is
often
associated is but a part of his
of the
-of Varuna
make
guardianship
cosmic
law.
m^^
T^'
dlvinities '
ther >
the
PaP6r
regarding
Hrdlv
Hardly a
xr
Varuna 's
'
WiU am
hymns
is
corroborate every
essential character.
C * iterion *
,
dozen
Ahura Masdah,
wMch *oweYr
celebrate
him
Ms
praise/ writes
exalted character.
exclusively.
In two
Asura Farund
187
character of a binder,
thirdly, even inapite of his essential
J
Varuna's pasa, whioh
while
Mitra does not possess any pasa,
24.15; 1.25.21;
serve a double purpose, are often glorified (I.
evidence a
VII 88 7 - AV. IV. 16.6ff. ). On the basis of this
the distinct domains of Mitra
plausible hypothesis regarding
is of two typesby
and Varuna may be hazarded. Bondage
of the bonds of
means
means of 'the bonds of friendship and by
is usually brought about
slavery. The first type of bondage
of bondage implies.the
between equals, while the second type
Mitra presides over
of the binder.
unchallengeable superiority
contracts and treaties.
the bonds of friendship-agreements,
ne*<*
an
Varuna produces through his pasa
creation is held in bondage
magic, in which the whole
and the moral
the sinners against the cosmic
As G*ntert has
P** d "tmtoTb^
" dl f * n ** 8 *
f
a friendly divinity, helps to bring about
man j
(1 V. 44.5i)
ween man and man, and between god and
laws.
of human
is particularly the guardian
all-inclusive
an
over
.other' hand, presides
-^
is
includes all laws. Moreover it
one breaks the law
when
hymns that one is conscious
in a
it (
B
V. 85.,
he
Annals
of the
Institute
1)
thinker
of
divine beings.
all other
sur-
gods.
Asura Varuya
on account of the
ature
these
conquers
*,
Annals, B. O. B.
I. ]
Annals of
290
Institute
the relation
civilisation.
the
the
how
RV
But
Indra,
loped in quite a
The
the
spiritual side of
essential nature
Varuna
modified,
?
upper ocean and the 'lower* ocean in the Vedic
cosmography, and the usual tendency to regard ocean as the re-
ceptions of the
must have
facilitated
this
transition
1
hypothesis may be hazarded in this connection. Indra ia often
called purandara ( the breaker of cities ) in the Veda. The Indus Valley
civilisation as represented at Mohenjodaro and Harappa is primarily characterised by -what may be called city-culture. Can it be that the nomadic
'
the original basis of this conception being the rivalry in the Vedic
between asura Varuna and Indra ). Is it therefore further possible
that the Indus civilisation was Assyrian civilisation ? Does the evidence
of seals discovered in the Indus
valley and Central Asia support the above
(
religion
"
assumption
'
Asnra Varuna
191
to
ends of the
other hand, the observation of the rivers flowing towards the
an ocean
existed
there
that
earth and to the sea had led to the conjecture
for
prepared
was
thoroughly
the
way
enclosing the earth in its bosom, then
ocean-'
the
witli
Varuiia
connecting
his high
Whatever the forces which may have dethroned Varuna from
and tides the dethroneethical eminence to be a mere ruler of the storms
of India
ment was, according to Macnicol, an event in the spiritual history
of the long,
that was at once a symptom and a determinant
Varun*
- Hebraic flavour
that was snocae^ng
process of its development. The
and
was then definitely declared to be foreign to the Indian spirit,
day
be ep
THE!
BUDDHISTIC CONCEPTION OF
DHAEMA
BY
Dr. P. T. RAJU, M.A., Ph.D., Sastri
or
of
is the Dharma
which
identified
the
is
with
Law
Dharmakaya
Buddha, The word dharma has a peculiar meaning and is full
reality,
of the universe,
of significance.
Max
ed of form, what
is
Muller writes
"
therefore different
Max
Miiller
continues
"
The meaning
has
escaped most of the translators, both Eastern and Western, but
if we were always to translate dharma
by law, it seems to me
:
drift
of the
treatise
'
Is often translated,
bylaw.'
1
If
by
especially
this is
193
mean
that
'
immanent Godhead
Thou
art
That of
whom
"
'
'
the
1
fc
2
*
gakya
"
Oldenberg's
insight has
Annals
194.
>r ^T
t.
'
of the
Institute
'
it,
The samskaras
or
dividual part performs its own function. From the later Vedic
we find this conception expressed as dharma covering
period
every form of human action. 1 " That is, for Dr. E. J. Thomas,
dharma is boti a natural law and an Ought. It is a word which
connotes both a norm and a description.
This difficulty in understanding dharma is to be found not
only in Buddhism but also In Hindu orthodox
philosophy,
Dharma means a law of nature ; but it also means a social
law,
the varnasramadharma or the rule of caste and
asrama 5 the moral
law or the Ought, for example, the dharma of ahimsa or
non-violence good acts like charity etc- ,
the nature of things as in
,
the words like manodharma or the nature of
mind and vastudharthe nature of things.
Jhalakikar in his
;
maw
Bhimacharya
of
Dbarma
195
may
tion
firs f
<
many
different
understand him
We
if
find similar
phenomena even
in Western thought.
Does
the real.
By this word
do not mean the same thing. Nsy, it does not mean the same
thing in the saine philosophical system, for instance of Bradley.
It may be true that the connotation changes as the philosophical
system develops. But as the connotation changes, it has to be
admitted, the denotation too may change. That is, what we onoe
regarded as the real may turn out to be what is not truly real.
Something else may correspond to the word in its new meaning.
At first we may not be quite clear in our meanings, but when
we clarify them, the correspoding things may be discovered to
be different. We are not here finding a new defence for the theory
that connotation and denotation vary in inverse ratio. It means
that .what we once thought our word denoted is no longer denoted by it, but som**Mng-else-* But if the first thing still continues
to be seen by us, the name we at first gave it may continue to b$
Annals
of the
Ambiguity
used.
unavoidable,
arises, but is
Institute
This
is
the
case
philosophical terms.
The objection to translate the
with
many
Dharma
sense
it
literally
is
We
to the
Vajraehhedika, P.
The Buhdhistic
Conception of
Dharma
197
We
can trace a line of thought even in Westowards this idea. And unless this identification is made, the much longed-for reconciliation between
the sciences of life and those of nature cannot be accomplished.
In fact, Plato's philosophy offered an instance of such identiBut later the positifications for his ideas are really ideals.
of
science
and
its
laws
vistic conception
destroyed it and introduced chaos into philosophical speculation. Philosophy having
lost connexion with life, has become intellectual gymnastics
and we hear of constructions based upon this or that idea*
As law can mean both the universal and the Ought, the word
dhamma is used in Buddhism to denote classes of events as well
tern philosophy.
tern idealism tending
as the
is
a
people supposes this stream to represent
as
Viewed
components
personality or an individual (pudgala ).
Just as different
of such a stream, the elements as called dhWus.
so does
metals ( dttatus ) might be extracted out of a mine, just
of eighteen
the stream of an individual life reveal elements
the
is
DharmakSya
Then
".
why
different kinds ( dhma-gobra. )
it is the highest element
because
it
Is
?
Dharmadhatu
the
called
it because it is
extracted from the phenomenal world ? Or is
elements come ? If
the highest element out of which the lower
of the
dhatus at first meant for Buddhism the component parts
phic
mind
of
common
'
Annals, B. O. B.
X,
p. 9.
Annals
T<?8
of the
Institute
But
it is inexpressible,
inconceivable, transcendental. This conception belongs even to Abhidharmakosa*
We have said, while discussing the view of Abhidharmakosa*
that the word dharma may be translated by the word
category.
This translation does not conflict with
translating dharma at
other times by the word law. Students of
European philosophy
know that in Hegel's philosophy the lowest
category develops
into the highest, namely, the Absolute.
Similarly the conception of dharma as a finite law
end
in
the conception of it as
may
inexpressible, through the gradual identification of law and
thing.
A word may
philosophical stand-point
country and in every eyatemneed not be the same.
of
Dharma
199
we may
And
so
guage
And unless
the
the world.
is
^ ^f^ ^
Annals
of the
Institute
and Mrs. Rhys Davids can hold only if the natural law cannot
mean the Ought also* That there is connexion between law as
description and law as a norm we have shown in the previous
chapters. We pointed out that the law or universal is a norm.
Even ordinary perception is normative. To say "that is a horse"
means the interpretation of the object in terms of the ideal horse.
This view of perception is certainly Platonic, and for Plato the
ideas though universals are norms. There is nothing strange
and uriphilosophical in our interpretation.
One may wonder how pure indeterminacy like the Dharmakaya can be the highest law. To solve this difficulty let us conThis certainly is the
regarded as the presupposition of all the general propositions in logic for a long
time. But later it was found that nature was not uniform but a
unity, and the presupposition of all general propositions is not
the uniformity of nature but its unity. Uniformity means that
everywhere nature is the same but it has been pointed out that
no two events in nature are alike in every respect, and so the
principle of the unity of nature was substituted for its uniforBut this substitution means a transition from positivism
mity.
It is the totality of
to metaphysics. For what is this unity ?
real things, each implying the other, so that nature stands in
logic as a single system. Without the assumption of such a
unified system of reality logic,- it was thought, cannot stand.
No inference can be true if such a reality does not exist. Or let
that system exist or not, its truth is presupposed if logic is to be
valid. But we cannot stop at this point. For what is this system ?
It is nothing but the so-called objective or common world.
The
objective world is the common world, and it is not the mere
private world of the subject. Naturally man has to start with
the objects as he perceives them. Because of our differences of
stand-points and mental constitutions the objects as perceived,
by the Individuals are not exactly identical. That is, the presider the idea of the uniformity of nature.
idea of empiricism and positivism. It was
of all the
oj
Dharma
201
The conclu-
sion so far is
of Hegelian idealism,
world is the meeting point of the experiences of all minds, then that meeting point is really a system of
universal judgments. This again means that the so-called common world is a system of laws for the law is the same as the
universal judgment. Then it is the law that is the real object*
It is what is really objective, and the so-called particulars are
more or less subjective or at least private. This is an astounding
If Bosanquet were a Buddhist, he would have said
conclusion*
the
Dharmakaya is the only true objective reality and that
that
universals or universal judgments. It is
it is a system of
significant that the Lankavatara compares the Dharraadhatu to
the roads in a city which must mutually form an interconnected
may
say,
Thai; is, if
is
the
common
system.
But
We now
the
the
roads has reference only to the lower aspect of the Alaya. This
it appaspect is relative to the world of plurality, and therefore
it IB
though
Tathata,
is
The higher
simple
ears to be a system.
it is the
Vasubandhu
says,
as
the source of everything
or,
which
material cause of the world of things, ifc is the stuff of
-,
it is
what
is
fully>ommon
to $11 mizxds.
Some
202
Annals
of the
Institute
"the
is,
as
That
what
LAW, Ph.D
I.
THE KALINGAS
India.
7
Moreover, the Vayu PuraBa in the same context reads
Puranic tradition as contained in a number of PurS^as, the HakSfofeSComrata and the HarivaihSa. See the Birghatamasa story and its sequel.
pare Pargiter, AIHT, p. 158,
2 MahabhSrata, XII, Chap. 5, 6607.
*
8
AyodhJS K. Jsxiii, 14 15*
Ibid., Chap. 10, 15.
7
xlv,
6
5
Marka^ieya PurSna, p 316 note.
L.VII, 37.
1
Annals
204
of the
Institute
e.
to Kautilya's Arthasastra, 10
elephants of Anga and Kalinga
belonged to the best of their types, while those of
Karusa, Dasarna,
and Aparanta were only second in order of
classification, those of
the Saurastras and allied tribes
( Saurastrikah
pancajanah )
having been the worst.
^
Mahagovinda
^^
46-47.
Chaudhuri,
170.
Markandeya Purana,
o
fi
ixvii,
7Q1
PHAI, 4th
p.
edfc. p. 75.
10
308 note.
suttanfca makes
Renu, king of
3
CXIII,
36.
305
and Anga.
which was
The Jatakas also refer to the capital city of Kalinga
which
is probably identical with Dantakura
Dantapuranagara
2
Dantapura of inscriptions.
mentioned in the Mahabharata,
e. g., RajaOther cities of the Kalinga country are also known,
*
s
with
identical
which
is
Singuprobably
Simhapura,
pura,
6
5
and
the
of
Jainas,
Kancanapura
puram near Chicacole,
on
Kalinganagara which has been identified with Mukhalingam
7
Kalinga ( Kalinga ) is mentioned in
the river Vamsadhara.
8
From Kalinga the Buddha's tooth was brought to
Niddesa.
Mithila
and
'
A Kalinga king
Ceylon at the time of king Sirimeghavanna.
with Aruna, the &ssaka king of Potali but
picked up a quarrel
9
Suslma, a Kalinga priwas defeated and had to surrender.
10
Vijayabahu I married
ncess was married to a king of Vaiiga.
" Magha, a prince of
named Tilokasundarl.
a Kalinga princess
Kalinga did a great mischief
lg
Asoka's brother
with his teacountry
the
in
Kalinga
Tissa spent his retirement
cher
Dhammarakkhita.
to Ceylon.
1S
was Palibothra
was Gange at the mouth
the Prasii
tribes
v^ a
11
Culavariasa.lte.30.
13
TheragathS Commentary,
Annals, B. O. B.
1. 1
Ibid..
I,
lx.
506.
58
foil.
2,66
Annals
of the
Institute
boundary
ion of Pliny,
it is
of the
Gangaridae*
Kalinga is again lifted to historical prominence when Ktaravels of the Ceta dynasty became anointed, when he had completed his 24th year, as Maharaja of Kalinga. In his Hathigumpha
cave inscription Kalinga finds mention for more than once and it
is said in that very inscription that in the first
year of his reign
he repaired the gates and ramparts of his capital Kalinganagara
with Mukhalingam.
do not hear of the Kalinga or their country, so far at least
north-Indian history is concerned, for a long time, in fact not
until we reach the time when Yuan Chwang visited the country
in about the 2nd quarter of the 7th century A. D.
KalidSsa,
identified
We
#07
being nirgranthas.
Earlier however by about two centuries ( L e. 5th century
s
which introduces us
A. D. ) is the well-known Komarti grant
is described as
who
Candravarman
named
to a Sri Maharaja
To
his
of
dynasty probably also
Kalinga ).
Kalingadhipati ( lord
who were both evidVisakhavarman
belonged Umavarman and
as that of the
date
ently lords of Kalinga. To about the same
Komarti grant, may be ascribed the inscription of a certain.
Kalingadhipati Vasisthlputra Saktivarman of the Maihara family
Yuan Chwang,
Waiters,
4
5
Annals
of the
Sway
Institute
Another references fco Kalinga we find In the Bheraghat inscription of AlhanadevI, the queen of Gaya-Karna of the Kalacuri
dynasty, the grandson of the famous Laksmlkarna. It informs
us that when Laksmlkarna gave full play to his heroism, Vanga
2
trembled with Kalinga.
King Eamapala of the Pala dynasty
also seems to have inflicted a defeat on Kalinga as well as on
Utkala and Kamarupa, s King Vijayasena of the Sena dynasty
is credited with having inflicted a defeat on the Kalingas whose
4
The Madhainagar
king at that time was evidently Raghava.
grant of Laksmanasena informs us that the Gaudesvara (i.e.
Laksmana ) in his youth took his pleasures with the females of
Kalinga.
sideration that the Amarakantaka hill was situated in the western half of Kalinga ( Kalingadesa pascardhe parvate Amarafcantake ). Mention may also be made in this connection to
Pliny's reference to three Kalingas in his time, already mentioned above in these notes ; ( i ) the Gangaridae-Calingae, the
Kalingas who lived conterminously with the Gangaridae, ( 2 ) the
Macco-Calingae, either the Mekala-Kalingas or ( Macco Muka
Vol. IX.
1927, p. 841.
2
EP.
BSmacarita,
p. 179,
J. R.
A.
S. 1898, pp.
384-85
I.
H. Q.
II, 45 and
Deopara Inscription.
47.
Undent Indian
=three
the
and
Tribes
Muka-Kalingas
( perhaps
identical with Mukhathe
The
Calingae
word Tilang which
proper.
lingam
l
Arabic
in
some
with
records
meet
we
evidently is a corruption
of this Trikaiinga which is also responsible for the term Talaing
used to designate the ancient people of Lower Burma or Bam*
(
amfiadesa
The term Kling applied bo the people of Malay Peninsula must have originally been derived from. Kalinga which
seems to have been the original home of the Eling people.
countries.
KULATAS OR KULTJTAS
*
Camb. Hist
of
India, Vol.
I,
pp. 528-29
).
e. g-
p. 234,
of India as
told by her
own
historians, Vol.
Annals
aio
of the
whom
the most were MahEynists, a few adhering to the Hlnayana school. Of Deva temples there were fifteen and the pro*
fessed non-Buddhists lived pell-mell.
Cunningham long ago
identified this Kiu-lu-to country of Yuan Chwang ** with the
of
position of the
The position
KuDu
is
district in the
roughly identical
district.
I,
7-8.)-
THE BAMATHAS
<*
The Bhlsma P!
may be the same
).
we
hands
following passage.
Tens oa Raghiivarnsa--muktamanina-Arjavari-a~
*
maharajadhirSJena
SrI-Nirbhayanarendra-nandanenadhikrt&h
Sabhasadah sarvSn etc.
( Nirnayasagar Press, edn. I, 7-8 ).
*y
THE PARADAS
Annals
212
of the
Institute
Palidas have often been identified with the Pulindas, but Hultzsch does not accept this identification in view of the fact that
the Kalsi and Girnar version of the relevant portion of the Edicts
have the variants Palada and Parimda. Dr. H. C, Rai Chaudhuri
"
thinks that these variants remind us of the Paradas. * ? If that
be so, then the association of the Paradas with the Andhras in
*
Asokan inscriptions would suggest that in the Maurya period
they may have been in the Deccan. But the matter must be
*
regarded as not definitely settled ( PHAL, 4th edn. p. 259 ).
Dr.
Paradas
trict)
coins. Ivi
).
The
who
India.
these
of
researches
pioneer workers* in Indian archaeo-
logy were systematized and commented on by JTergusson, Grunwedel and later by Foucher and Vogel. By 1910 it appeared
that we knew fairly well the broad characteristics of Indian
the
respectively.
Into
South Indian or Dravidian, and the former sub-divided
fur-
Annals, B. Q. R-
1. 1
214
Annals
of the
Institute
The case
improve upon
define
Oandellas,
Paramaras, the Caulukyas or Solankis of Gujarat.
For want of systematic study of the temples, even
apart from
architecture, our knowledge of iconography as well as of the temples themselves as repositories of particular cults is
vague. Early
attempts in the study of Hindu Iconography have mixed
up
archaeology with literary antiquarianism. We do not know,
for example, what the actual or
archaeological evolution of the
Saiva pantheon is in the south and in the north what
again,
;
when it came to be
Hindu and even Jaina
is,
temples.
Monuments
215
worked out as I will explain later. But nothing' lias bean done
for Jaina Iconography since Burgess wrote in 1903.
I have,
however, dealt at some length with the subject as to
how
it
should
approached from the theoretical or sastric and fcha archaeological points of view in an article in the New Indian Antiquary and
recently in the Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute. 2
These are some of the problems that should engage our immediate attention in the study of the ancient Indian archaeology.
In the prehistoric period our efforts have to be directed at
be
finding out the extent, for instance, of a type of culture represented by megalithic monuments such as Dolmens, numerous specimens of which have been found all over South India, and recent-
ly near
sculpture.
Vol.
I, p,
163.
Annals
2i ft
of the
Institute
analysis of
its
From
the
and use
region
Of course, we
region.
geography
of
it
advantage
if
it
The next
iconography, following
in each group a chronological order, as far as
possible, based
either on dated works, or on reasons of
stylistic development or
on both.
The
can be
neighbouring region
iT^iT^
1939-1940
1
In short,
be'
it
above.
t0day>8 PSper
The Regional and Dynastic
Vithe Monuments
South India forms really a course
^ haVe **dfor the students of the
iLXS* 'T /
I
Study
.
bie0t
'
of
of
16 C
T
Inth
fir*'
South
sepulchre monuments
11
lecture,
'
selec
I dealt
with
the prehistoric
m South India and theonly
Deccan. I cannot
For the
the lecture, I think, sets two
limits to it. First,
aU8tiVe ' Urve y in S the monuments
of South India,
!
time, pomting out the scope of the
work
atZt
same"?
at the
that remains
w be
studied
in detail as he
monuments should
monuments
also be
thirdly
included in that
of prehistoric-type,
entire peninsular region, the ancient Daksinapatiia, for convenience's sake, may be divided into 4 divisions ? the first division
would consist of the Deccan and the Karnataka, embracing more
or less the Western upper half of the peninsula, between the
India,
the
Annals
of the
Institute
In the fourth and the last division would fall the lower
eastern half of the peninsula, the ancient Tondamandalam and the
Colamandalam of the Sangam classics, comprising the modern
Nellore, N. Arcofc, S. Arcot,
Chingleput, Trichinopoly and
Tanjore districts.
The above four divisions are not absolutely arbitrary. To a
certain extent they could be so divided linguistically. And in
ancient times, the rule of the various dynasties, the Satavahanas,
Andhras, Calukyas, Rastrakutas, Pallavas and others was more
or less co-extensive with the divisions set forth above.
In fact it
is this knowledge which has enabled us to divide South India in
this
way.
caves,
Taj.
But we do not
still
know what
Thana
Districts.
periods ?
to its rescue
and created an
interest in
still
A few
219
young students
who would
valleys
past of the
zealously
tell
Deccan.
The period between A. D. 300-600
requires
clarification.
tification
220
Annals
of the
Institute
known
We
The problem with regard to the later W. Galukyan monuments is first to spot them out from amongst the Rastrakuta,
Yadava and Hoysala monuments in the Deccan and Karnataka-,
secondly to compare their style with that of the early Calukyas at Badami and Pattadkal, and thirdly to look out for the
effect of the
1
Muslim
influence, If any.
Since writing this, considerable work has been done towards the
preparation of a memoir on The Rastrakuta
Archaeology by ray Department,
Study
oj
South Indian
"''A^,,
works.
,
i- <u
In the Poona District we examined two monuments wmcJa
have not been examined before. The first was the temple at Pur,
gome 12 miles W. of Junnar, near Nanaghat. It is not fully
Hemadpanti, but like the temple at Balsane, it is a late YSdava
work of the 13th century ; the other was a step-well at Belha, 21
but it
miles S. E. of Junnar. This is also of the Yadava period,
may be a little later than the temple at Pur.
were
So far no monuments of this nature of the Yadava period
the
to
finds
these
point
but
discovered in the Poona District ;
an
enquiry
District,
the
of
necessity of a further exploration
which is the direct result of a regional study.
as well a
Ooing further down the south, geographically
and Mysore, the counchronologically, we come to S. Karnataka
and theKaveri.
tries watered by the Krishna, the Tungpabliadra,
on the Unas
Here the Mysore Arch. Survey has been working
are published ln great
indicated in this paper, and the results also
we could know the
Therefore with some more study
detail.
instance. Only the
whole archaeology of the Hoysala period, for
are buried under
monuments of the Gangas of Talkad, which
of the "*
Band dunes on the Kaveri, await the spade
to carry us
These mounds when excavated are expected
be its early
,_
Annals
222
of the
Turning now
the
prominently are the remains of stupas and monasteries at AmaraJagayyapetta and Nagarjunakonda, all built during the
rule of the Andhra and Iksvaku dynasties, between the 1st century
B. C. and the 3rd century A. D. Burgess published his reports on
vati,
two in 1883, whereas the last, Nagarjunakonda, was discovered as late as 1928 and the report on it published in 1936.
The published material has been used for various purposes. But
we have still to see a work or works which will arrange the
sculptures chronologically on stylistic grounds and then analyse
them with a view to getting as much light as possible on social,
religious and other aspects of the life of the period
and finally
examine the cultural influences on its art by comparing these with.
those obtaining in Northern, Western and Southern India and
evek the contemporary Roman art. For Indo-Greek influence
is visible in some sculptures found at
Nagarjunakonda, whereas
there is ample evidence to show that there was a commercial contact at least between Greece, Borne and the eastern coast of South
the
first
India*
to trace
the^
As
yet
we know nothing
Aspects
of the.
'
^
of the
my Department. MS studied
^IgSrjunakond* Bo^ut^ret.
It
*
Yol, J| f
in
if
2$$
from thf
In this part
by
from those of
Detailed study of the development of the Cola temples
can be derlwd
much
help
In
this,
be
to
attempted.
the Pallavas requires
of the I^dmfcotta
from the work done by the Archaeological Department
i
State.
Annals
of tfo
the Andhradesa by the Calukyss in the early years of the 7th century.
All the temples are of Siva, who was worshipped there in the
form of a linga. Temples Nos. I to IV have a small square shrine,
with an open terrace in front, which must have been enclosed
with a thached roof, supported on wooden pillars.
The shrine and the terrace are devoid of any architectural
*
ornament, excepting: two narrow flat bands all along the archi-
of
doorkeepers in niches/
New features appear in temples Nog, V, VII, VIII. In the
first place they all have a rock-cut porch with pillars in front,
besides the square shrine.
Architecture.
Sculpture of
designs.
3 Cult
Iconography.
Secondly, I have studied them critically and compared them
with those available in contemporary monuments, particularly
(
of South India.
Of this study I propose to read out the results of
inquiry
on two points only, viz. cult and iconography, for these, I think,
will Interest you.
my
,,
is
basalt^
the yonipttha is.
linga
It
there.
It
distance.
Excluding the
first
rock is so situatad
towards the east.
the
( which faces
the north, because
the orientation of all the temples is
temple
),
But unlike in
later temples, Ganesa is not to be found on the doorthe shrine chamber. This fact points to some important
conclusions. First, that Ganesa was not, then, regarded as a
Vighnesa, or Mangalamurti to be placed in the most important
position in a temple next to the shrine. Nay, he did not form the
integral part of a temple, either of Siva or of Visnu, for on examining his figures it appeared to Longhurst that in some oases
lintel of
the figure
was a
later addition.
This
is also
and literature.
Annals
226
of the
lihga
institute
Now we may
Ekamukha
Siva
Nandl
Ganesa
DtirgS
i
MA SI,
17, p. 34.
IMcZ.17, p. 33.
Study
of
237
of
BrahmS
only.
is found represented in three ways
in the form of a linga,
secondly, with three faces behind the linga in temple No- 4,
thirdly in padmasana, with four arms in a niche on the north
side of tlie terrace wall.
Unfortunately the photos of figures 2 and 3 are not separately
published, so it is not possible to study them in detail. For the
present it mav be remarked tentatively, from the evidence available, that the purely Siva pantheon was either not fully represented or was developing in this part of South India.
Much can not be said either on Vaisnava or on Brahma iconography with a single figure from each pantheon. Brahma and
Visnu in all the 6 or 7 cases are shown standing, and since the
weapons in their hands do not show flames as do the later cases
from the known Pallava temples, it appears .that these figures
Siva
first
are early.
With regard
was square
still
to
com
whereas figures of GanesJa, Siva, BrahmS and Vifnu were represented if space permitted, but they were of secqndary importance.
As to iconography it seems to be in an undeveloped stage.
"When we compare this evidence as to Siv** cave temples at
of
Bhairavakonda in the Hellore District with similar temples
thePallavas further south and those of the Crtukyas at Badimi,
the
Annals
228
of
tk Bhandamr
may
be the
work
of the early
some ways
different
at
What
is
Is
it
draw
Western
And
finally
My
tions,
Tondamandalam
Vaisnava
far.
But they
it
political federation
last,
now made,
which are
for
is
which we must
all
Bhandarkar Institute
at
of
Extension Lectures
is
BY
C. R.
SANKAEAN
should first thank the Secretary of this Institute for extendto you to night. May
ing to me a very kind invitation to speak
the
to
memory of the great
this talk be an humble meed of tribute
this hall
over
scholar whose magnificent portrait presides
men began to seriously
Right from the very beginning when
with the
reflect upon languages there has been preoccupation
with
queNo doubt Plato concerned himself primarily
origins.
it
found
he
validity in the Craiylus. But
I
stions of linguistic
those of origin. B-ven
difficult to separate these questions from
first began
in the latter part of the 18th century when linguistics
to our own time, they
to be studied as a science in Europe down
sprung
conceived language to have
speculators." HUMBOLDT
forbids
it
that
a fashion
out of the depth of humanity in such
or creation of peoples.
being conceived as the mere product
obnou. although
involves an independence or self-sufficiency,
when viewed from this
not explainable ultimately, and is,
mutaof our activity but an involuntary
aspect, not a creation
of
work of nations but a gift
tion of the spirit ( GEIST ), not the
" 1
inmost fate or destiny.
der
HEEDEE in his Abhandlung uber den Ursprung
the original
developed the notion of
of the
This followed as a natural consequence
***
poetic.
HEEDEE's conception
upon Geto and creativity.
CEOOE and VQS8LEB.
Drsprache is met with in
laid
__
pp. 72-73,
[AnnsiB.
O. R*
1.
of the
Annals
230
of the
The central parts of language and its complex structure remain unexplained even by a harmonious combination of these
theories. This fact is increasingly recognised today by the great
exponents of the linguistic science.
remember
In the
first place,
we have
for this
assumption either.
It is easy to
see
how
a reconsi-
Ct
also
W. M. URBAN,
ibid. p. 74,
of.
Pagefs Gesture-Theory of
the
Origin
oj
Human
Speech
231
plines.
WUNDT
explain
age and the fundamental parts of speech.
But it ig sometimes pushed to an absurd extent. Professor de
LACUNA, for instance, maintains that all the three meaning
Cf.
I,
also p f 14S,
232
entirely subjective and can only express emotions, never designate or describe objects. But they have so many phonetic
elements that are also common to human languages that their
9
lack of articulate speech can not be ascribed to secondary ( glossolabial ) limitations. Their gestures, too, of face and
body, like
their expressions in sounds, never designate or describe objects. 2
He speaks also of the enormous manifold of AusdrucJtsbewegungen
( expression-movements ) through which the animals
understand
each other, but there can be no talk of any speech between them
of any Zeichen und Darstellungs ( indicative and
representative )
functions of specific sounds or movements. s It is no doubt true
that the emotive or expressive function is definitely
present in
animals. But the element of indication present eeems to be of
the vaguest sort, referring to the vaguest situations.
Certainly
not the faintest trace of the element of representation or indication in any significant sense is to be
sought in the communication of the animals. In this
connection, it is interesting to note
27, 29,
Pagefs Gesture-Theory
MEAD
of the
233
the former. He believes that what are called-* atfcitudes'organisations of different parts of the nervous system which are
instrumental in producing acts and therefore are capable of
ction of
and responses
e.
g.
ested to
Self
still
As in the cmmunication
any true
CASSIREE
or
thinks
that
the
animal
indication,
representation
held
be
to
in
fast
a
"seems
permanently
pre-linguistic
speech
"
In SAPIB/S definition of language as a purely human
stage'^.
and non-instinctive
J
of
communicating
ideas, emotions,
G. H.
H,
Journal of psychology.
2
method
Of. also
my
The
American
1939, p. 361.
S
CASSIRER, Die
I.
chapter
III, p. 127f.
" There is
no single kind
Brand BL AKSHsymbol that can only be because it lacks the idea," ( Vide
193$.
A.BD. The nature of Thought, London. George Allen and Unwfn Ltd.,
Vol. I, p.252). KOHLER [ Mentality of Apes, 305 } sayi that tt*e ape do^s
Designate objects 0ven by gestures*
Annals, of the
234
Institntt
>n
by means of a system of voluntarily produced symbols,
we find the hiatus between animal expression and human speech
most clearly emphasized. It is thought by SAPIR that in the
complete displacement of the affective stimulus-born sounds by
desires
human
language.
It is of interest to note here that this definition of SAPIR while
lays positive stress on the voluntary creative character of
symbol formation in language, undoubtedly expresses the tenden
cy towards autonomy in linguistics in so far as it denies by imit
entire
plication the
naturalistic
Truly this definition assumes a dualism between conHence de LACUNA proposes a purely behatent and medium.
2
No doubt to the
vioural and objective conception of speech.
orthodox linguisticians of even the modern times, as W. M. URBAN
approach.
*'
expression
and
80.
dispositions to certain activities, serving mainly for the purpose of communication and of coordination of activities among the members of a group."
BUDOLF CARNAP,
de
Gesture-Theory
oj the
epoct-making work "Human Speech Some ObsermUcns, Experiments and Conclusions as to the Nature, Origin and
and
GET'S
purpose
Possible
S.
be
"
nonymies
seem
to be
unaware
to the
for,
a
3
1940,
PAGET
himself gays
**
when we
talk,
we
are
symbolizing
1930.
Of.
Institute, Vol.
XX.
p. 289.
Annals
of the
Institute
l
we intend for publication )
our thoughts
( or such of them as
*
* n 8
of
a
kind
sign language by ear.
by making
"
As ZIPF rightly observes, although we select and arrange
our words according to their meanings with little or no conscious reference to the relative frequency of occurrence of those
words in the stream of speech, yet we find that words thus selected and arranged have a frequency-distribution of great order"*
As meaning or meanings do not lend themselves to
liness.
quantitative measurement, it is not possible to solve the question
quantitatively as to the nature of meaning which leads automatically to the orderly frequency-distribution of words in the
stream of speech. But the surest way to apprehend something
of the nature and behaviour of meaning is the isolation of those
factors which can be measured, viewing the stream of speech
*'
as a succession or a continuum of communicative gestures^ 4
produced by the vocal organs occurring in arrangements that are
" 5
never losing sight of the fact that
essentially permutations,
"
of all the acts of human bahaviour the stream of speech alone
seems to constitute a continuum which with the minimum of
distortion can be isolated from the total background of behaviour
and at the same time be labelled and studied statistically with
a high degree of accuracy. " 6 Indeed, bacause meaning is not
Italics mine.
SIR
No,
I.
Origin of Language.
1927-28. p. 36.
It is indeed
thought
is
4
6
1932,
Pagefs Gesture-Theory of
the
Origin of
Human
Speech
237
F A O M=K
F represents relative-frequency of the occurrence
stream of speech, A represents the degree of iten-
where
words in the
sity of
FAG M = K
quantitative values can probably never be substitthis formula. * In the summary picture
2
of the present situation of MnguistI0
presented by G. IPSEK
we
find
that
it
has
come to the phenbmenological stage
science,
( having emancipated from the earlier physical,
physiological, and
the psychological stages through which it has passed ) the ts new
'*
as inaugurated by SAPIE and others represents*
speech-notion
This stage has inaugurated no doubt a new era in the history of
linguistic science with the important postulate of its autonomy.
Although linguistics has come to this stage, because of the diffi*
culty, nay, the impossibility of reducing meaning to quantitative
analysis, I suggest that PAGET'S approach to the very interesting
problem of the origin of human speech deserves consideration at
the hands of serious students of linguistics.
uted for the
symbols of
fallacy, in the
all is
popular
supposed to re-
of the universe constructed by the physical scientists is likely to be fundamentally altered by the further progress
of Biology. "
<3K
GUHTHBB IPSEN,
W. M. TJRBAH,
II
Annals, B. O. R.
I.
p* 157.
Annals of
the
Institute
1
a recent work of his, points out that by adopting this attitude,
one abandons the basic assumptions of physics. What really
happens is that certain internal movements replace the movements of speech which consists of a small number of contrasting
"
at first presumably as mere
This replacement occurs
units.
thinking'."
I
SELL
how according
BUS-
to
is
'
WATSON
'
He
L,
BLOOMFIELD,
No. 4.
of Unified
17. Vol. I.
B.
Behaviourism, 194
VoL
of Thought.
I.
See also
my
paper in the
MT. I.
A. Vol.
1,
1939.
p. 744.
*
of the Origin of
paget's Gesture-Theory
in
original
as well
),
in the
as
Human
finger
23 9
Speech
movements
the
of
"
deaf
p 89
pass
and
from
speech
is
possible."
and an opening is
to breathe, WATSON tells us that
which the patient is compelled
of speech, the teeth, tongue, and lips
with the upper organs
"
can and do still make all of the movements
8uch individuals
"
Even in the extreme case of
.
necessary for articulate speech
**
C
a paralysis of these *S an *
those patients in whom
<fcase of an
or in the
of a radical motor aphasia
a
consequence
individual
who
sits
"^^^^
Ln
:^^rK
:r
~T~7w
2
3
oto
fro
Ibid.
Italics mine.
6
e
BebaviQurism.
m the
"
347.
Standpoint of a Behaviourist,
i.j.v Q f
Annals
240
of the
Institute
tell
opposed to the older conception of diachronic and synchronic linguistics of de SAUSSURH in his cours de linguistique g&n&rale 3rd edition Paris, pp. 114-24 ) School of linguistics inaugurated by B.ENVEOTSTE and KUBYLOWICZ ( in their works originea de la formation
des
Nomoen Indo-europ&ennes
T.
Paris.
as Prof. S.
1935, and
E'tudes
M. KATRE has
Indo-europeennes respectively )
rightly
J
pointed out in his address here six months ago.
No donbt, a period when there were communicative systems
such as gestures or signals, quite independent of language or
coordinate with it would certainly lie very far behind us and
we
Now
I shall briefly
PAGET's theory
years.
L.
BLOOMFIELD,
XX.
two million
Naturally
p. 277. 1940-
Pagefs Gesture-Theory of
the
Origin
of
Human
Speech
241
therefore the beginnings of human speech are almost unimaginably far distant. It Is almost a dictum with anthropologists-
and they are right in swearing by that-that there Is really nothing so old in human history which is not found in some form or
other and in some modification or other, however distorted, as to
entirely present an altogether new appearance to the uninitiated
observer in modern times, and that there is nothing so new In
modern times which did not exist in some form or other In the
remotest past of human history. Perhaps, this Is the full meaning of Kalidasa's immortal line Vikrlir jivitam ucyate budhcah*
It is therefore quite possible to form some idea of how human
speech originated, by its study even as we have It today* PAGET
points out how a rather surprising conclusion can be arrived at
through interesting experiments as to the actual nature of the
**
various speech sounds and by comparing them with the
post**
"
"
or
ures
gestures of the tongue, lips, and other vocal organs.
When we listen to a speech, there is an unconscious process
going on within us of decoding the sounds of speech back into
the sign language of tongue and lips which produced them* We
only look for indications of the movements-postures or gestures
the speaker is making with his organs for articulation-of his lips,
tongue, soft palate ( which opens and closes the passage to his
nose ) and the other movable parts of his throat.
start with the assumption that the man in the most primitive times could only express his emotions by cries and when
further explanations were needed, he easily resorted to gestures
of his face and limbs. He had little time to use hands whenever
he wanted to explain anything as times rolled on* since he should
have got himself absorbed in the first creative activities such as
the chase
Chipping flints or knives, axes and arrows, pursuing
ornaand
the
use
for
making bone needles and piercing shells
ments of his lady-friends. Then it was that he should have
tended to make his sign language first with his face and then
We
BJCHABD PAG^T,
ffu^an
Annals
242
of the
Institute
the gestures of the speech organs-mouth and throat-could be interpreted hy the listeners far away even In the dark. In short,
It should have dawned on the primitive man at this stage that
"
we
The primitive man must have first imitated witli his tongue
and ofeher vocal organs his own gestures he bad made previously
with his hands and face together. For instance, he would represent originally the idea of" little " with the gestures of the hands.
The speech gestures which almost have one to one correspondence
with the original gestures of the hands in this matter, are making
a small mouth, bringing his tongue forward near his lips and
partly closing his lips as to make a small cavity. Similarly
"
the speech gesture corresponding to the hand gesture for "
big
is making a big mouth, with large
opening of the jaws and the
tongue far back. Add to these speech gestures the hum produced
by the vocal cords. The hum acts as a " carrier wave ".
get
We
then ee-ee or
lips for
1
"
ii-ii
little
144.
we close our
PAGET cites
of
Human
243
Speech
WHYMANT
" He
only points out that it is perfectly natural
thought.
with
to hearing man to make symbolic or pantomimic gestures
con*
of
his
In
all
in
mouth
and
support
ages.
throat
the human
fourth
his
who
a
year
of
upto
boy
tention, he cites the instance
mother
his
English ) but used a
(
to
tongue
learn
not
speak
did
"
''
"
"
and "big"
ee-ee
language all his own. He called little by
"
a dog, he
of
the
of
imitation
barking
in
by oh-oh ". " Probably
"
"
"
and a
ba
oh-oh
a
called
he
big dog
and
ba
called a dog
"
"
common
two
take
Now
( PAGET, op, cit. ).
ee-ee ba
little dog
undoubtedly come from
and
They
words
anguish.
anger
English
to choke
the proto-Indo-European root* agh or *angh, meaning
a
You can easily realise that a choking or stranglor
human
strangle.
complex
PAGET
op. oft, p.
'
arrive
to reach,
the result is the Tamil word acjai
Lexicon,
Tamil
ode (Vide
get, obtain' and Kannada
me and
at, to
>
Madras,
Proto-Folynesian^
PAGET,
"'
""
Y VWia
ss?^
izT^sff&zxzr*
nirrmN
I.
P. 47.
SKEAI,
op.
M. pp.
SI
Annals
244
of the
Institute
means
appears to me'.
here for the above
feel
rendered into the English
Tamil Totu 'feel by the
'it
).
means
VoL
IV. Ft.
p,
2087
).
Tamil Lexicon,
verb intransitive
visible, to
come
Madras, VoL
Now take
Kannada
to
mind, to
IV. Pt.
II.
1930,
menon
of name-transference in
Malayalam oppa,
see
my
notes
L SCHMIDT
has
attempted to connect the Austro-Asiatic family with Austronesianconsisting of Melanesian, Polynesian, Micronesian and Indonesian. (BEFKO, VII, pp. 213-263. VIII, pp. 1-35. See also RIVET,
BSL, 1926 ( 83 ), pp. 141-168. ) SCHMIDT also tried io connect
this family with Australian, Papuan, and Tasmanian.
PRZYLTJSKI, BSL 1926 ( 83 ). pp. 228-229 raises the problem of relation
between Sumerian and Austro- Asiatic. RlVET, Sum6rien et oc&anien
Paris 1929, also followed suit. See also P.O. BAGCHI, Pr&-Aryan and
to be published shortly
in the Bull. D.
C.
B.
me some
of
Pagefs Gesture-Theory of
the
Origin
of
Human
Speech
245
KARV
We
my
apa, abba
and
in
Calcutta,
1900.
p.
HAHN,
KuruJch
Grammar,
98).
'father'
JORM
"
of.
PAGET,
<
See
12
It. I.
Annals, B. O. K.I.
Annals
246
of the
Institute
and with the growth of Experimental Phonetics. But this is. not
the occasion to enter into such discussions however tempting they
4
PAGET, Psyche.
On this question,
Akademie Van
2.
L.
An
BLOOMFIEL.D,
Pagefs Gesture-Theory
of the
Origin
of
Human
Speech
247
94
&. 45*
Aufrecht
GODE, M.A.
Mahldhara
"
Son of
of
of
Ratnakara, pupil
Ramabhakta, grandson
RatneSvara, a son
'?
of Kesava
who " lived at Benares* " These works Include works
Mahldhara composed in A. D. 1589
of
Mantramahodadhi) and in
Besides these works
( VisTiubhaktikalpalataprakasa )
Aufrecht records under wglW the works Rudrajapabhasya, and
(
A. D. 1597
on Vajasaneyisamhita. Evidently Aufrecht's entry preidentity of the author of the *T?3NFTfn(fqr (A. D. 1589) and
the author of tte %?cffar both authors having the same name MahlVedadtpa
sumes the
Dr. Lakshman Sarup s assigned the author of the Vedadlpa to the 12th century on the basis of an inscription 4 dated
dhara.
CCI.
444Works
q^qfj^
or qi^HFTi^Hrug,
(
13
s^rff?^,
f^n^f^fFwr,
and
(
10
its
)
14
^frq- on m^R^TOTfrrr,
15
>
is
).
No. 4381.
Chronology
of the
works of Mahldhara
249
1175 A, D. in which two villages have been given * by Jayacandradeva of Kanoja to one Hrsikesa Sarmari who is described
"
"
as the grandson of *Trqr%cT iffta?
Two years ago I
( vmm X
had an occasion to read Dr< Sarup's remarks about an early date
for Mahldhara viz. the beginning of the 12th century.
His remarks in connection with the identity of the two Mahtdlmras
2
to convince me In the absence of any other corroborafailed
tive evidence except the similarity of names. I had, therefore,
of the available works of Mahldhara with a
Dr. Sarup 's date for Mahldhara is correct or otherwise. Recently, however, Mr. K. M. K. Sarina of the Adyar
"
s
on the
Rudrabhasya and date
Library, published a paper
if
"
"
Adyar Library
and
^R^
Bulletin,
the %^rq.
century ).
*
Ms of the Mantramahodadhi
in
*Fo.
begins:
P
(
continued on tb n*xt
K Institute
Annals
250
of the
of
Mahldhara
(I)
The
^T^^Hg^^*n^ 2
PT
I
\\
1?
with ccmmentanes
by
The objective identity of the 1st line of the Mantramahodadhi with the
1st line of the Vedadipa is not accidental. It proves the identity of authorship for both the works as pointed out by Mr. Sarma.
i
date of composition is
Cata* 1902
^rq^r^33n% "=A.
!>
^p-
15S9
).
B. O. B.
I. )
of this
Bhasya contains
its
date
of composition viz. Sunday 8th March jf0 = Samvat 1646, Bavivara, TrayoThe chronogram of this date is found
dasi. (Ind* Ephemeries Vol. V, p. 382.)
in the colophon of the Ms. which reads as follows :
11
wntgt
(
God
^TTHi?r...^^rfi
3^g%*nfr
357.
UV
is
at
\\
the same as
Chronology of
the
works
of
Mahldhara
251
**
ft'
The
"
' '
*l"H^ctt3[T%
referred to
\\
by Mahldhara in verse 3
of the con-
U ?
f^TSTTcTT
Another
is dated Samvat 1775= A, D. 1719.
l
74 of
No.
via.
^T^TTW^TTT
on
the
ft^tot
Mahldhara's
Ms
"
" = A. D. 1674, On folio l a
dated
?fc& ^^o
1882-88 is
of^this
Ms we have the endorsement
The above Ms
of
Ms
(
III
in
the date
srf?f
In the Ms.
5fT*[,
W, f^ ).
j^
reference to jfifc
follows :
Annals
252
of the
Institute
1881-82
ftft^ft
1883-84
II
follows
.
D. 1819
JVo.
t^TT^rr^rqnq-q^r'Gq' of tr^tar
= A.
n ?
D. 1853.
reads as
w
IK
as follows
Folio 5
The colophon
of the
\\
Folio 10-11
: \\
||
II
U
etc r
II
rq
1875= A.
dated Sarhvat
the
Chronology of
s^ren: refers to
(VI)
works of Mahldhara
his ^nrftareTfeT
253
'
of
folio 12.
\\
il
u
( VII
*?frert
invokes gods
= A.D.
1728, -fol. 1
*'
\\
From
The invocation
at the
commencement
of the
work
Is
as follows
^,
.
WW
composition
3 This date
is
recorded on
folio
20-
W W
"-'
at the beginning or
as also in the
ThisYs given in the Veda&pa,
.
*
13
5W
'
The B. O. K. I. * M of 1S8*-B*
either
contain any reference to god
"
ends
*w >^
Annal, B. O. B.
at the
of
Annals
454
of the
T^TF^
Of
Son
q?5srf[
or
author of %3"3[FT
Son
JTfteR
A. D. 1589.
*md
iT?5RTrr^n*
composed
in
The above identity of genealogy furnished by both the Vedadipa and the Mantramahodadhi is a conclusive proof of the iden(
'*
(cTcf|T%)
(
of the Press, p.
19.)
M
\
Mantramahodadhi
l
The
B. O,
B. Institute possesses
the
following dated
Vedadipa
No* SI of 1879-80 Saka 1672 = A. D. 1750.
No. 30 of A. 1881-82 Sam. 1858 = A. D. 1802.
No. $2 of lS79-80Sam. 1728= A D. 1672.
No. 41 of 1887-91~Saih. 1671 = A. D. 1615.
Vide folio 37
:
^^'
f
the
[Chronology of
tity
the
works
of
Mahldhara
255
in A. D. 1589.
In the Mantramahodadfai Mahldhara refers to a son of his
called 35$WJt who along with other Brahmans helped Mahldhara
*
to compose the Mantramahodadhi in A D. 1589.
s
The colophon
details
Annals of
the
Institute
Aufrecht
composed
86
cp^zr yoi
in 1587.
=q-f^?f=r (
CCl>
CCl
med.
L. 818. K. 214.
Peters
3.
399.
371" qjcsrpsr
COIIj 84
med. B. 4. 230.
by ^^I^T, Son of Mahidhara, L. 818* K. 214. P. Peters, 399.
*<
son of Mahidhara,. Oudh XX, 174.
qTcSrp^f med. by cFe3Tur
5
Peters.
4.
40.
"
qr^f%T%?^T or snc5cT*sr in 14 Patalas by cp^Tror, son of Mahidhara, grandson of RamadSsa. AK. 999. AS p. 117. Ed. 900 Lz
1181 ( breaks off in ninth Patala ).
The Mss of the ^rieJrf^ i n the Govt. Mss. Library at the B. O. B. Institute
are as follows :
CCIII, 79
'<
|i
mi
f^q: u
||
^ u
Chronology
of the
works
oj
Mahidhara
257
as a devotee of god
the work ha refers to his own father wfnrc
rorcr* who was a devotee
^jfrfftTf and also to his grandfather
Bamacandra. He also records the date of composition
of
god
work
of the
viz.
He
Aufrecht).
Samvat 1644
belonged
the
to
"
wtpr
Mahldhara also
*m *n* *&&*>
arrggrar, -fciFS*
(
p.
of
Geogr
a P A
who
originally
pp.
1170
In a Jain rock Inscription of A.D.
the
of
Brahman
a
is made to one *IW.
aescenueu
the
Ai^iii
src^nfsr
--
** v
referred
in A.
to
__
1>.
settled in Odra-mstya.
6th February
preference
^^^^J*
ia
^i^O
xl
"
siff^^srsf
If this
^^J^^^
s,
The Chronogram g^, %f,
i
on
OTransr
W, aTPPI5T,
D. 1587.
describes MB No^lS
i
TT 18741
Bajendralal Mitra
1874) Rajeo
219 of Notices (VoL II.
ra bat the work
Ahiohat
^
was bor
s&k&
observes:-" The author
P.
1644=A.
= SaAvat
Da
f*n<*^T and
on Sunday
as completed at Benares
720.
D.
A.
644=
year
t
^/^J
^L
4
&
^ ^^
ag
stated by Mitra.
Ohronograln,
VoL
258
Annals
of the
1590 for spiritual reasons after having passed his early life at
Ahicchatra ( or Ramnagar ).
As a result of the foregoing discussion we are in a position
to reconstruct the genealogy of Mahldhara as follows
:
C.
A. D. 1490
of srcWTtsr
at
Son
or
WP*T&
alias
<ffS*T
)~G
at srii^ar
A. D. 1520.
Son
|
at
Benares
Pupil of
Son
at
Benares
).
TT<?f
^TCrantff StfNc"
(Mantramahodadhi).
It
appears that Mahidhara's son Kalyana also migrated to Benares along with
his father and carried on his literary pursuits at this seat of
learning.
a
2
Of. Aufrecht CC2 515
Son of Batnakara, father of
^q^jsr or
9
^W^
Chronology
of the
works
of
Mahidbara
259
me in fchis
Judging by the works of Maludhara examined by
Whewriter.
versatile
a
been
paper, Mabldhara appears to have
covered
not
up
ther he composed works pertaining to subjects
for
matter
a
is
by the list of his works recorded by Aufrecht
Annals
of the
Institute
1
investigation. There is reason to believe in the identity of Mahldhara the author of the Vedadlpa eta with Mahldhara the author
I am
of the commentaries on the Lilavail and the Brhajjataka.
of
this
author
the
with
about
identity
not, however, quite sure
q-jfrei^f
If this is so,
"
"
Jflr?T^Rr
^orssrpn^
CT^T composed in 1587
Ms
II
1 1
compare
compare also c?fte^lft^RCT
The date
recorded in
^Is * No
569 of 1895^1902
Ms
84% of 1882-88
works
is
A* D, 1745 ).
|M
This verse
).
followed by salutation to
II
God
JTf^r
who
is
referred to in all
of
u *
Bikshit (p.
31
?l
Chronology of
the
works of Mahldhara
261
l
it
and 1610 as
fixed
difficult
" No.
26~^^T^l^^T^rT
by
*Tft3T^ (
(copied in )#
A. *D>-1541 is the
1603
It appears from the above entry that Samvat
while
according to
TTO
on the ^vi*tf
date of composition of Mahidhara's
of this
of
date
the
composition
above
Cata.
quoted
Baroda
the
the entry in
at
dates
these
present
to
unable
verify
work appears to be A. D. 1557. 1 am
me. In case, however, we
as the Mss at Ujjain and Baroda are not before
author of the
the
can prove this sffn-Rf to be identical withqgfat
A* P
other works we shall have to fix his life-time between say
his son
as
not
an impossibility
is
IBIO, a period of 80 years, which
1587.
D.
in
A.
work
composed a
an occasion to 00118 After this paper was composed by the press I had
Literature (in Hindi ) Lahore*
suit Prof. Bhagavadatta's History of Vedic
. entioin of Dr.
fiind that Prof. Bhagavadatta
1931, pp. 92-95. I am glad to
and is justified
mine
with
brief coincides
Sarup's date for Mahldhara though
by the evidence gathered in this paper*
_
14
Annals B. O. B.
I.
"
BY
HIBALAL AMEITLAL SHAH, B.A.
Bombay,
In this article the writer proposes to deal wifch a lore connected with the twin gods Asvins. The understanding of several of
the Vedic gods from an astronomical background opens up our
path to the interpretation of several lores narrated in the Vedic
"
In the article
texts.
Vedic Gods I -IV " in A. B. I (Poona)
Vol.
XVII, Pi
tures of Asvins
*'
'
known only
We are
*
This paper was submitted to the All-India Oriental
Conference Trivandrura ( Travanoore ), December, 1938.
Fedic Lores
263
<c
ft
(X.
The three wheels
it
it is
worth.
longitudes
Tauri
Virgo
Aroturu*
<*
"
A CONTROVERTED READING IN
MEGHADUTA " *
BY
HIRALAL AMRITLAL SHAH, B.A.
Bombay,
i.
much
discussed.
It
is
"
the
last
The data
Ksapasu ).
and bright
fortnight of the two months of the Sarad seaaon which includes
the eleventh day of Karttika month of
waking up of god Visnu.
Thus it would make complete four months from the Sravana
month ( si 4-pratyasanne Nabhasi ) when the
rainy season had
started ( at. 7-" Samtaptanam tvam asi ssaranam "
and st. 8"Preksijyantepathikavanitah... "). Thus the last day of 'the
month Asadha is the valid reading.
The events happen in the following
:
This data points out the fact that
it is
the
final
sequence
Grlsrna on the final day of Asadha
brings
about the clouds and the next month is Sravana
st.
(
2, 7, 8, 11
End
(A)
etc.
(
of
).
moon
The end
of Asadha.
Trayaiioore
of the
year in Kautilya
II, 7,
25
is on fullThe rains
December, 1938*
265
from the dark fortniglit of SJravana and accordingly, fullmoon of Bhadrapada month would end the rainy season. Then
Sarad season would begin with the dark half of Asvina month
and the two months of this season would end on the full-moon of
Karttika month, when it will be pari^ata Sarat moonlit nights.
Thus the remaining four months ( st. 115 ) would be the
( C )
exact length of time. The ingenuity of the commentators in
explaining the incongruities is out of place when we understand
oegin
that our poet has Purnimanta months and that the last day of
Asadha ( st. 2 ) is the proper reading.
NAMBUDR
Any
Nambudri Brahman
as being
may have
noticed
somewhat
the
He
"
it is
"
who says in
the Nambutiri Brahmin is
the best available representative of the Aryan type " and in
*'
page $63 the early Aryan immigrants to Kerala belonged to the
1931
"
now
"
represented by the Nambutiris-
Now these
statements are all very general in nature and are not backed by
actual anthropological data and so an ethnologist may
very well
hesitate to accept them unless they are not substantiated
by
evidence of a more scientific nature* In this article I shall
try
priestly class
and prove
Nambudris.
I shall, in the first place, compare the
anthropometric measurements of the Nambudris with some
typically
Aryan northern
( Volume III of
Racial Origin
of
Nambudri Brahmans
267
Among
sely
of the skin the proportion of the light brown is the greatest (29%)
show also a very much smaller peramong the Nambudris who
"
In the colour of the eye they alone of
centage of dark people.
*
have a small percentage of clear light
South Indian
people
Nambudri.
from
In fact except in stature he can hardly be distinguished
be ascribed
the northern people. The difference in stature may
Nambudri.
the
of
diet
to climate and vegetarian
to
Not only anthropology but ancient traditions also come
There
Nambudri.
the
of
our aid in proving the northern origin
written in the Malayali language.
is a book called Kerala-utpatti
Sri Samkaracharyya but
It is alleged to have been written by
^
e. seventeenth century A. D.
scholars put its date much later, i.
Duncan in the Asiatic Researches
It was first noticed by Captain
An imperfect translation of it exists in CM. Mackenzie s,
Vol
Manuorfpfa. Vol. II ( AsiDescriptive Catalogue of Oriental
268
Annals
of the
Institute
Rama.
may be true
way an account
it
the Nambudris.
Racial Origin
Nambudri Brahmans
of
269
We
time to
find that their constitution bore a close resemblance to the military
republics of northern India. Like the Samghas of northern India
who were not purely military in character, because their constitution required the citizens to devote attention to industry and
the
Brahmans
of
From
in the south.
republican Ayudhajivin constitution and settled
IndoAnthropometric measurements show that they are of the
with
to
great
for
us
say
Aryan type. So it is now possible
are
India
South
of
definiteness that the Nambudri Brahmans
15
Annals, B. O.
MISCELLANEA
HAVANA'S LANKA
BY
DANIEL JOHN, M.B.
In the Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute
(
) Mr. M. V. Kibe, M.A. says
In ray paper on
XVII
read before
the
Lanka in
International Congress
the
ing
(
p.
to
the
ocean
7;
The
THE SEA
Mr. Kibe contends that " the distance between the two coasts
although difficult to be crossed by an army without a bridge, loud
conversation between the two could be heard.
Moreover, a
Miscellanea
deva,
Butt's
p. 15fc4-5
).
The othar
Setu is Ramevaram. Gold mount is Mainaka,
abounding
sea
The
descending place was on the coast of Lanka.
the Gulf
with conches and pearl oysters is the Palk's Strait and
of
Annals
272
of the
Institute
Naka Tivu
It should ,be particularly noted that Mainaka
Nayina Tivu ) as identified by me, lay between the two landing
places, and Rama on his return journey travelled by the Puspaka car, which adds one more to the means of travel over the
,
sea*
It
**
And coursthat
car
of
foremost
of
the
that
Raksasas
firmament,
mighty
ing
looked like the Moon among clouds. And proceeding far he, app7
roaching the asylum ( for Taraba s son ), presented himself be*
"
**
fore him.
his younger
( Aranyakanda xxxi j Dutt's p. 578 ),
up
all sides,
on a sun
shifty car,
',
THE CHARIOT
Ravana
journey from Lanka to Marlca's Asylum is described in tlie Aranyakandam section xxxv,
"
And going to the stable in disguise, the lord of the Raksasas
commanded the charioteer, saying, Yoke the car, Thus asked,
the charioteer possessed of fleet vigor, in a trice, yoked an excellent
car after his heart.
And ascending the car coursing at will,
in
that
noiseless
lord of rivers and
proceeded
( vehicle ), past the
streams
And that one possessed of prowess beheld the shore
of the sea
Then repairing to the other shore of that lord of
"
rivers, the ocean, Ravana saw an asylum
Marlca's Asylum.
( Dutt's pp. 586-8 ).
That is to say, Ravana ascended the car on one shore and descended from it on other shore and went to Marica 's Asylum.
s
is
Ravana
said to
Marica
"
Do thou now
with
Asylum
me ascend
this
Miscellanea
"mass
of clouds
lightning the rigging.
The helmsman
"
steers
at will.
"
From
several re-
coursing
desired direction hence,
poetical works I
the
Ramayana and "other ancient
ferences in
" and other similar
have come to the conclusion that aerial way
"
for
sailing.
phrases are conventional expressions
"
"
Bibhlsana
being espied
The boat is Mr. Kibe's glider.
" and his
of
clouds
collection
"like unto a
"on the welkin"
"
"
that he was on the
descending from the sky do but express
boat. The P*Waka
the
boat when seen and he deecended from
barge, which, it should
a
;
Kubera was no
of
other than
gorgeous
THE MULES
'
of
(
Butt's
p.
001
"
Vide supra.
_ __
bl
shore to boat
accents carrying the king from
etc.
Annals
274
of the
Institute
"
may
ask,
which Mr. Kibe locates Lanka in the Vinto saying that Ravana left Lanka
amounts
Mountain
dhya
aboard a boat, crossed the ocean, took Marlca aboard, reached
a landing place close to PancavatI, left the boat and went
about bis particular business, having instructed Marica to do
vatl on the basis of
his part.
"
wo
Rama
find
and making a
up with her
that
That
Miscellanea
27$
proceeded
Near about
the
mouth
of the Godavarl,
Supar&vs, Sarapftti's
son stood on Ravana's way. Suparsva says
Father, taking to
my wings at the proper time for procuring flesh, I ( went ) and
Ther stood
stood, obstructing the pass of Mahendra mountain.
of
creatures
I looking down, obstructing the way of thousands
ranging the sea. There I saw somebody resembling a mass of
crushed collyrium, going away, taking a female resambling the
rising sun in splendour. Seeing them, I had made up my mind
that they should serve for thy fare, when he humbly in a pacific
manner begged for way. And summoning celerity, he went on
"
( KiskindhS K. lix
as if pushing off the sky by his energy.
8*
Dutt's
p.
853
).
rivers,
alligators, he crossed over
refuge
(Aranya K.
it
"
of
Lank*
liv).
^
Yidraksnnft, 1Mb
lovely city of Lanka, reared by
ilte
<4
hence on an
says Sampati, a full hundred yojama
fete
"
K, Iviii ? Dutt's p. 851 ). Sampati said
sea
( KiskindhS
'*
And the
Annals
276
of the
On
the shore
also
Vindh ja mountain
KIs-
of the
A second
Trikuta.
of the
of
hewn with
1566
p.
And he
).
bones.
Lanka
city of
If I
am
there )"
did construct
it
desired by you,
Uttarakanda v;
there.
TBIKUTA
*
"
streamlet
THE GODiVAEi
surprising that Mr. Kibe, the ardent and pains-taking
scholar he is, ignores the Godavarl associated with
PaficavatI
It is
far.
).
hill associated
Having
Miscellanea
u
fled away with Slta to the SouthJatayu says that Ravana
" This shows that the
Godavarl was to th South
direction.
erly
of PancavatI,
Janasthana, Rsyamuka
Malaya, Kiskindha,
Prasravana hill and the Mahendra mountain, the last one being
nearest the sea. In other words* these were on the northern bank
s
Hanuman
too says
And searching Vaidehl
the
of
Godavarl
and foresfe-lands...Rama
and ranging at the banks
"
cxxviii
K.
Yuddha
Butt's p. 1535 ).
5
met.-.Kavandha.
(
the
not
show
The map of India does
Vindhya Range, where
Mr. Kibe locates Ravana 's Lanka, as extending as far as the
Godavarl.
of the
bank
of the Godavarl.
**
Assuming
obscure.
march.
,
Sugrlva's compliance.
upto where he says And
Description of the actual march
on day and night.A*A
thus the enormous monkey host went
by Sugrl.a.and *
all those monkeys, delighted, guided
ta*
on speedily. And they-did no*
delight in battle went
Dmtt
p.
Slta.
(
for a moment, desirous of rescuing
r
rest
1116
16
even
).
I
AnnaU, B. O. B. L ]
Annals
278
of the
Institute
*7
the scenery.
On
to
foot did
Rama march
Raraesvaram.
hill
Two
One
is
the omission of
was
over-
Mahendra
(Yuddha K. oxxix
tion.
my
article on
**
The Fundamentals
of Anci-
Miscellanea
279
To
by a sailing
Sagar*
the Sapfca Sagaram ), reached Ksaroda (lavana toya ) and touched Mainaka ( Naka Tlvu, the modern Nayina Tlvu ). Again proceeding by boat reached Surasa ( Jaffna Peninsula), travelled by
land to the Southern coast of the peninsula, crossed the Jaffna
Lagoon by boat, reached Sinhika (Ceylon). " Set out on the
M
great road
( Sundara K. Iviii
Butt's p. 1067 ) and traversing
the island reached its Southern coast and then entered Lank&puri.
having crossed the sea. ( Araiaya K. i, ii).
;
Hanuman
Return Journey
*e
ascended
Aristha ( Ceylon ) went from the south to the north, * ? entered
"
a boat and began to swim on the ocean of the firmament"
of Svarga : Svarga Jaffna),
( the Jaffna Lagoon being the Sea
"
"
the Wind-god s son went on in the sky
crossing which,
"
and again held his course along the mid( Svarga, Surasa )
ocean " ( the Palk's Strait ), " And touching Mainaka foremost
that one endowed with prowess proceeded amain
of mountains
like an iron dart let go from a string" and reached Mahendra
mountain. ( Aranya K. Ivi, Ivii ).
Note Being in the midst of the Indian Ocean, the Palk*s
mid-ocean. 7f
Strait is called the
"
"
Leaving Lankapurl,
"*
CONCLUSION
off the
Southern or South-eastern
MAHABHARATA NOTES
BY
VASUDEVA
s.
AGRAWALA, M.A.
in the contest of
Bhlma with
12.
a wrestler.
20
Critical
The age
of
Mahaummaga
2.
|qr and t*nsr
The words dvaipa and vaiyaghra occur in Panini, IV, 2.12.
( According to this Sutra, dvaipa and vaiyaghra take an suffix in
the sense of a chariot covered with the skin of a dtitpin and a
vyaghra respectively, the chariot so mounted being called dvaipa
*
and vaiyaglira.
In the Mahabharata, Sabha-parvan, ch.
a reference to chariots of the second kind
we have
The kings
of
the
eastern
Miscellanea
281
srectftr
viz.,
dlpi~camma~vyaggha~camma-parikkhitta (Jat. VI, pp. 503That these kinds of covering material were used in ancient Indian upholstery is also borne out by another reference in
the Mahabharata where the scabbard of Bhlmasena is called
vaiyaghra-kosa ( Virata-parvan, 38, 30, 55 Critical Edition X
Those of Nakula and Sahadeva are called Pancanakha-kosa and
gavya-kosa respectively ( ibid., verses 57, 58 ), showing that the
skins of the cow and the pancanakha animals were also need
504
for
).
mounting
purposes.
3.
In the Vulgate
Section
text, of the
^q^rr:
Vana-parvan
in the ghosa-yEtra
ii
ST
5rrr^:
^nr^mrw
<rr grfq-
ft
be
course be ex^r^TcTr^fq*, L e*
upsrtah instead of upsrtan. Uvasrtah is accusative plural form
of the feminine upasrta, meaning the young heifers in puberty
which had been crossed with bulls. Duryodhana causes a census
of the cattle population fco be taken with branding and numbering. Three classes of animal-heads are mentioned, VIE,, young
calves ( vat&an )> the crossed heifers ( upasrtah ), and the cows
which had recently calved (bala-vatsah). Upasrtan in the masculine gender is meaningless here, Panini enjoins the use of
the root upa + sr specially in connection with that stage in the
life-story of a cow when she is mature for conception as in
5T3i% III.
L 104
and also
srsr%
wh
of
IIL
3.
71.
Upar
Annals
282
sarya
is
of tie
cow
and upasrta
after she
4*
hararia in a technical sense occurs in Panini
2. 65,
*
*
^ffmirRorr srsq^^ot In this sutra dharn.ya means
customary
The word
due
VL
hararia
was ons
of
The Rasika
trans-
Haraw
in
money
marriage.
The Kasika's illustration on Panini VI. 2. 65, is
quite in order,
and for the matter of that may have been handed
down as a
nmrdhabhisikta illustration from antiquity, but what we
object to
the narrowing down of the
meaning of harana in the light of
the explanation given in the Kasika.
feel rather disposed
to fall in with the more general sense
recorded in the
is
We
rata, viz,,
Mahabha*
a marriage-gift
5.
The Story
of Yavafcrlta.
in
the
Mahabharata Vana-
Miscellanea
is therefore called
283
Bharadvaja by
Ms
gotra
stream of Vedic
impresses on the mind of Yavakrita the futility of his task by
throwing a handful of sand every day in the Ganges to bridge
her course at the place where Yavakrlfca went to bathe. Yavskrlfca interrogated Indra, who was disguised as an old Brahmana
as to what he meant, and on being enlightened about his impossible purpose he realised his own folly, and growing wiser desisted
from his tapas. He was of course rewarded in the sequel, through Indra's grace, by receiving the much-coveted Vedic lore
the privilege being extended also to his father Bharadvaja, Upto
this stage the story runs with a smooth and dignified course
partaking of the nature of those Vedic upakhyanas with which we
are made familiar in the Brahmanas and the Upanisads, The
matter is disposed of in less than 30 Slokas. The rest of the story,
extending to about three-fourths of its entire extent, concerns
with the disgraceful antics of the now swollen-headed Yavakrita,
who misconducts himself with the daughter-in-law of his
father's friend Raibhya, who punished him by creating a KrtyS
and a Raksasa to kill him. Bharadvaja laments his son's death,
curses in turn Raibhya that he would lose Ms life afe the hands
of his own elder son, and himself ascends on the funeral pyre.
The story then narrates how Raibhya's elder son FarEvasu
s
life
60,
niq^^
As examples
284
Annals
of the
Ed. Kielhorn,
Institute
VoL
II, p.
284
).
Here
at least
It is
=3"
ST?rrjR'rr
K.
Vol.
In the Descriptive Catalogue of the iTanjore Library,
VIII, p. 3579, there is described a Ms. of the GopalaUlarriavaTTtake Govinda.
bhana, with the following remark on its author
he
"
Govinda is the author of this Bhana. He tells us that
TJtake
The appellation
is the son of Rangacarya and Sarasvati.
been a Maharatha
have
author
the
might
seems to suggest that
of the author w
etc.,
The
date,
Brahmin but it is not certain.
"
not known.
The work
is
T?=rr
HI
^ wcwff
M
'
^Ruf ^a
recent author.
Annal", B. O. B.
I.
11
'
'
286
Annals
of the
Institute
^
nr H
^rf?r^r%irfrr fftcwflrrftiRr
? M
^sswm^rr
n ?
o^
After this the scribe adds the following regarding the date of the
author's death.
mart
q;<sr
VoL
VIII,
p.
3644
).
Compare the following extract on p. 3642 of the Tanjore Descriptive Catalogue, vol. VIII, from the latter s work
?
sfr?*r
Aufrecht in his C. C. t
the itarae
cif
Gorinda
p. 168,
Sefa,
REVIEWS
EXCAVATIONS AT HABAPPA,
That Harppa
later
but
it is
better
known
Marshall
It is rather
logical Department.
of the five
is satisfactory
for
From
of the themes he ia dealing with.
excavation
U*
of
the technical point of view the description
The des^ipti*
and the finds leaves nothing to be desired.
and their find-spots
dimensions of the finds are correctly given
Z*~~
m
^rB^nMlU
new
light
--!pod
on ancient Indian
civilisa
Antoah
288
of the
Institute
Reviews
289
mlan
filter,
handing on some
atticles
ing others.
The
Annals
of the
Institute
Reviews
29!
man being
we
see
of the Hindu mythology, and the goat the animal that was
enjoined to be sacrificed at the time of cremation in the Vedic cremation ritual. This appears not improbable, but we have to note
that the Rgveda has introduced the goat sacrifice not in connection with a burial, but in connection with the cremation, with a
view that the skin of the goat may miraculously protect the body
of the departed individual from the fury of the funeral fire,
Mr. Vats merely points to the parallelisms between some of the
Vedic practices and those prevailing at Harappa ; he specifically
observes that the connections or
Aryans and
The
affinities
p.
209
).
among
the Vedic
Aryans a number of
away by
The Atharvaveda
refers to four
Annals
292
the
oj
Institute
burials at Harappa,
a burial
when
The Rgveda ( X,
man,
do not press upon the dead
tionately as a mother
burial,
and
10-13
would cover
if so, it
her child
There
its
is
it
to
an exposure before
were invari-
affec-
one important
about
somewhat similar
not presuppose
difference; the Rgveda does
all
is
But
and
refer to practices
at Harappa, discovered
describes
may
above referred to
also
Whitney thinks
garment/
those at Harappa.
its burial
is addressed
to be entombed, the prayer
of her upper
18,
In the meanwhile we
may
once
and befitting
has made for publishing them in an adequate
manner,
A.
S.
Altekar
SRlPATI'S
SRlKARA BHASYA
*
A voluminous
Not only
is it
of
tains the philosophy of the great and influential community
because
Vlrasaivas or Lingayats, as they are popularly called,
has been
of their wearing the lingam, or phallus, on their body,
it is in
but
characters,
published for the first time in Devanagarl
of the work. The
fact the first completely published edition
written by Mr.
1 consists of the preface and introduction
volume
Hayavadan Rao,
manuscript,
was published
It is
State.
the
as far back as 1893 at Sikanderabad in
a work of
reported to have been
Nizam
much accuracy
by learned
having been purged of errors committed by copyists
at the
available
is
of it
men. But it appears that only a portion
Complete
Government Oriental Press Library at Mysore
Dxstrict.
Ganjam
written copies however exist at Devidi,
hand-
The
copy
been prepared fa
present edition has, it appears,
^
B.A, B.L., of Bangalore. Ap.
longing to Shri Basavavadhya,
characters and from it the present
it was in the Telagu
L
Annals B. 0- Rf
It
Annals of
the
Institute
ivas,
"
JIvas.
Ananda-tlrtha
holds
to panca bhedas,
whiph
Reviews
"
Suka however
essential to his system.
" Moreover
bheda and jiva prakrti bheda.
much
shown
who
Suka,
of the editor.
ing
differs
and
Pandit Gopinath Kaviraj, M.A., Sir P. S. Shivaswami lyar
M. M. Prof. S. Kupaswami Sastry, M. A., LE.S. ( Eeti ), espsciboth the volumes ; the former two
ally the last, who has spoken of
It is a pity that
confine themselves to the first volume only.
To take one instance of its
is no errata to Volume 1.
there
Annals
of the
Instittiit
Every reader
(
each volume
of the first
is
priced at Us. 8
Unfortunately
it
contains numerous errors, which containing as they do grammatical mistakes, show carelessness and even want of knowledge of
Sanskrit,
which
sure number 1 a
at
random and
What
is
is
the language of the work. I append in enclosuch mistakes. They have been spotted
list of
there are so
more remarkable
many
what
E. G.
263 line 17, rar^TFSf has been wrongly corrected as
and at p, 568, 7th parisista q7^%safr which is correct, is corrected as sraF^fwt. That those corrections are not printer's misat
p.
takes
may
in the text
M. V. Kibe
Reviews
IT**
f3fF3 qr^ra
T:l
77
5?
vs
79
7?
55
71
37
77
Ro
77
57
297
Annals
of the
Institute
77
(
?7
* *
qfrp ^rf of
HO
<i
^"^T^TR^"
^r^[ 3?w^r
"^g^fwr*
3?%
Reviews
This
is
" comes
nearer the truth, although we are not prepared to regard the
Samkhya philosophy in the Grita at any rate its cardinal
tenet as mere "husk'*.
The question whether the Bhagavadglta teaches Karmayoga
or Jnanayoga or BhaJctiyoga, which has always excited live interest amongst Indian commentators and expositors, has been
answered by the author, in the next paper, in the only correct
way in which it has to be answered it is not any one of these
exclusively, but all of them collectively. Lokamanya Tilak, in
of political, social
and
scientific
his Q-itarahasya
rules imposed,
by an external authority.
As opposed
to
it is
Reviews
301
Krsna's conception of the Dharma as a constantly growing: organism, ever adjusting Its means to its end which is fellowship
with God* We fail to see the application of this to the immediate
problem of the Glta, which is fighting with elders and kinsmen.
That the fight is according to the Ksattriya code of conduct as
laid down in the Sastras, which must guide us in all cases of
doubt, is not Arjuna's contention, but Krsna's final teaching,
even assuming that Krsna is here ** thinking of an ideal society
in which the division of classes is based on character and pro"
fession
Mr. Sharma has not succeeded in telling us
( p. 47 X
what is the precise reply of Krsna to Arjuna's question, Surely it
cannot be that Arjuna, by his inner nature, is made for fight and
must fight, or as Samkaracarya would have said that he was
not the proper adhikarin for non-activism or Samnyasa. Arguing
on such lines, even Krsna himself (as a Ksattriya) is, as ha
himself readily confesses, in no better boat! When Mr. Sharma
"
advocacy of non-violence as a substigravely tells us that the
s
7'
war
is
"
non- violently administer injection to a suffering calf. We think that Krsna's main emphasis is on the moodKrsna does not seem
of-equipoise ( samatvabuddhi ). Given that,
when
to be yearning for an age when all wars would cease and
tendemonic
of
the
men
to
punish
God would have no occasion
way
as one can
dencies
"
asura-sampatti ).
agree with the author
We
when he says
a tendency
but by
this bondage is not by renouncing action altogether,
one's Svadharma in a
doing the action for which one is fitted
mood of equipoise ( samatva ), which can be cultivated through
to discover
God's service ( Bhakti ). The difficulty always is
what aeilon
out
find
to
what is one's Svadharma, in other words,
natural
aptiwould give the best expression to one's Svabhava (
as ona has
so
long
sailing
is
It
plain
tude and attainments ).
19
Annals, B, O. B,
I. J
Annals
303
of the
Institute
God
loving pursuit of
We
"
We
mand
We
general acceptance.
little
of the
Bhagavadglta. It is
well written and adequately "documented, and after finishing its
"
wantreading we find ourselves in the mood of Oliver Twist :
"
ing more
!
1-2-41
S.
K. Belvalkar
ADMINISTRATION AND SOCIAL LIFE UNDER VIJAYANAGAR. By T. V. Mahalingam, B.A. Hons. Madras
(
Vijayanagar is drawing the attention of scholars in an everincreasing degree, and rightly it should, for if any period of
mediaeval Indian history is well documented, it is the period of
Vijayanagar hegemony in South India. These documents are
varied and vast, consisting of notices of foreign travellersPortuguese, English, Dutch and Persian
contemporary works on
literature,
and
find out
or
304
Annals
of
tfa,
work
geography of
South India.
The section on the Port and the Siege would have been more
realistic, if the full number and distribution of forts in the
Vijayanagar empire, discussing their strategic importance, had
been given. The arrangement of the army might have been compared with the warfare etc. portrayed on Vijayanagar monuments,
particularly in the Hazara Rama Temple.
Part II deals with social
life.
It is
in importance,
of different
if,
Brahmana aad
Reviews
305
and
others.
The chapter on Religion sets out the various faiths that were
existing in the empire. But Mr. Mahalingam does really injustice to Vallabha and his Sampradaya> when he summarises and
quotes what Monier Williams wrote in the last century. Sine
then, numerous works of Vallabha himself and his immediate
successors, on Vedanta, Glta and Bhakti have been edited and
published*
And
have ghown
of Badarayana than Samkara
or
anybody
else,
properly under-
examination of
on a very elevated plain.
these works which should show whether the tradition about
Vallabha's success in the court of Krsnadeva RSya could be
credited on the merits of his works or not.
Mr. Mahalingam's work is certainly to be welcomed2. As a
postgraduate thesis, it does ample justice to him as a student and
to his Teacher. If it is not exhaustive on certain details, as
shown above, it is because the subject is too vast* and full
materials are not yet available. The archaeological sources alone,
of which he gives a useful summary in the last chapters require
a separate monograph. 3 We feel sure that this must be already
contemplated by Professor K. A. Nilakanta Sastri as a future
work of his Department.
H. D. Sankalia
It is the
stood) stands
Bombay
4,
articles dealing
couple of years.
a
Though
in
some respects
it
covers the
same
field
of Dr. Saletore.
a
10 years ago, Mr. ( now Dr. } B. N. Saletore had written
financial
to
but
owing
thesis on this subject under Father Heras,
2
it
Some
D.
Law
work
to his
Dm
An attempt is made to throw some light on Gujarat's ( including Kathiawar's) ancient history by. Mr. Chatter jee and Dr.
Hiranand Sastri. The former informs us from the Pethavatthu of
one Pilgala, who was a king of Surastranagara during the time
of Asoka. But Kautalya tells us that there was a Sangha ( reDr. Sastri reedits and comments on a
public ? ) of SurSstra
1
Annals
of the
Institute
307
think,
it is
cularly when it is admitted that hundreds of such single ( menhirlike ) stones are found all over Western, Southern and Central
India and when the idea of a glorious death is recommended in
the Glta, as quoted by Dr. Sastri. For all we know, many of
these prehistoric and other monuments might have been erected
to the memory of heroes, ( as the earlier stupas were to the
memory of saints ). If memorials (lasti ) to the dead were erected at Andhau, in dutch, as already mentioned by Dr. Sastri, it
is all the more probable that people would think of honouring
the dead heroes in a similar fashion without any outside
influence.
and Mr. Dikshitar. The former explains the meaning and function of an Uparika on the strength of Brhaspati and his commentators*
to the Aryans, Bratuis and DraviMr. Boy respectively and to
and
dians by Dr. Ganganath Jha,
the study of Oriental and European folklore by Dr. E. X Thomas.
Mr. Bamachandran identifies certain coins as of the Salankayana
king Candavarman and Dr. Law tells us of the contemporaneity
of certain kings of India and Ceylon.
IL D, Sankalia
Eenewed
attention is
drawn
Prakrit
Poem
In Classical Style.
the
first
nslation,
D.Litt. 9
Karyalaya, Hirabag,
Bombay
4,
Crown
Pp. L-J-213
We have here
A. D. ).
He has also composed many works in Sanskrit, Prakrit
and Malayalam.
Dr. Upadhye has edited the present work on the basis of Two
Manuscripts, and it is really a great achievement to reconstruct
a text on so scanty a material. And one must
say that Dr.
Upadhye has done the task very neatly and thoroughly. In the
introduction he has dealt with every little problem
regarding
the author, his date, works, Ms style and the Prakrit of the
Poem!
Dr.
Upadhye deserves
a beautiful Prakrit
Poem.
N. V. Vaidya
OBITUARY NOTICES
The
1879-1941
many
Bombay and
1921-1924.
academic
of the
of
It
the
was
activities of the
great.
It
may
first
Oriental
Institute
rated on the 1st of April by the late Sir R. G. Bhandarkar and the
Institute received in the following year
work from
the
Government
of
an annual grant
for this
Lord Lloyd,
the
It is
growth
Empire
P.HGode
SIR
1852-1941
Indian philology.
ental Studies
3 of Vol.
University of London
Obituary
Notices
1 1
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