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the one hand no drug can have been so potent as to enable him
to write the De Rerum Natura in the " lucid intervals" between
its onsets, and on the other that there is no reason to doubt the
recorded fact. We may admit that Lucretius was probably of a
naturally melancholy disposition, which had some influence on
the shaping of the poem, and that at the end a drug may have
led to suicide. But he was not a Coleridge or a De Quincey;
his mind was sane. The only certain facts of his life are that
he lived in the first half of the last century B. C., when Rome
was torn by civil dissension and political strife, from which as a
true Epicurean he held aloof, and that he was the friend, or it
may be the dependent, of C. Memmius, an aristocrat of dubious
character and checkered political career, the patron of Catullus
and Cinna and the writer of amatory verses.
Nor again is Lucretius a "personal" poet and, except on
rare occasions, he keeps himself in the background. He tells us
twice 2 that he "plants his feet firmly in Epicurus' footsteps,"
he boasts 3 that "he is the first to endeavour to set forth the
nature of the world in his native tongue," but also complains 4
that it is " hard to illustrate the obscure discoveries of the Greeks
in Latin verse," and more than once 5 laments the " poverty of
his native language." We can infer from this that Lucretius
found his task difficult, as much perhaps because he was writing
in verse as because he was writing in Latin, but was justly proud
of his achievement. Once in a precious passage twice repeated 6
he has given us his own view of his mission. He has been
smitten, he tells us, with the sharp spur of fame and with love
of the Muses and is traversing their distant haunts, never yet
trodden by the foot of man. He will gather a glorious coronal
for his head "first because "-and these are the important
words-" first because I teach about great things and hasten to
free the mind from the close bondage of religion, then because
on a dark theme I trace verses so full of light, touching all with
the Muses' charm." Here we have his own view of himself; he
is primarily the teacher and prophet of the emancipation of
man's spirit, and his verse, for all his love of the Muses, is but
an ornament to attract. When the question is raised whether
2
III, 4, V, 55.
3 V, 336.
'I, 136.
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of the movements and collisions of the atoms, and then the idea
of the world suggests its component parts, earth, sea, and sky,
visualized and expressed in the artist's picture. Take a very
different passage; towards the end of the great series of arguments for the mortality of the soul in Book III Lucretius in a
sarcastic vein (776-783) maintains that it cannot be that preexistent souls wait for the birth of living creatures and then
enter into them. Here too his argument is transformed at once
into a most vivid picture of the wrangling souls at the side of
the new-born baby, which is again an artist's vision.
This point must be pressed further. There are many passages in the poem in which the argument is double; an abstract
a priori reason is followed up by a concrete a posteriori argument drawn from the experience or sometimes from the analogy
of sense-perception. Such a passage occurs in Book II, 338 ff.
when Lucretius is arguing that there are differences of shape
among the atoms. The a priori reason comes first and is expressed-rather feebly-in four lines: "since there is so great a
store of atoms that, as I have shown, there is no end or sum,
they must sure enough not one and all be marked by an equal
bulk and like shape, one with another." Rather curt this and
not very good reasoning, but then follows the a posteriori argument that among the species of created things individuals differ
and their differences are due to the variety of atomic shapes:
"moreover the race of men, and the mute swimming shoals of
the scaly tribes and the blithe herds and wild beasts and the
different birds which haunt the gladdening watering spots about
river-banks and springs and pools, and those which flit about
and throng the pathless woods; go and take any one you like
in any one kind, and you will yet find that they differ in their
shapes, every one from every other." Here the poet is at home
again and we feel that the concrete picture has more weight
with him than the less attractive argument. Take a more
famous passage, where Lucretius is setting out to prove the infinity of the universe (I, 958-976). First the a priori proof:
" the whole universe then is bounded in no direction of its ways;
for then it would be bound to have an extreme edge, unless there
is something beyond to bound it, so that there is seen to be a
spot further than which the nature of our sense cannot follow
it." Frigid enough this, but now turn to the a posteriori proof,
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this time not derived from actual experience, but from an imaginary experiment; a sense of freedom seems to come over the
poet at once: "suppose now that all space were created finite,
if one were to run to the end, to its furthest coasts, and throw
a flying dart, would you have it that that dart, hurled with
might and main, goes on whither it is sped and fies afar, or do
you think that something can check and bar its way? For one
or other you must needs admit and choose. Yet both shut off
your escape and constrain you to grant that the universe spreadsout free from limit." So, we might almost say, does the poet.
There is another test by which we can judge Lucretius' mind,
namely the relation of his exposition to his master's. It was
a cardinal point in the Epicurean tradition that no item in the
system must be changed. Lucretius, "treading," as he tells us,
"in his master's footsteps," has scrupulously followed his
thought and his arguments. But what a change in their form!
It is probable that the work of Epicurus which Lucretius used
was that known as the " Greater Epitome." This unfortunately
has not come down to us, but we possess what is in effect a
"Lesser Epitome " in the Letters and to these Lucretius' argument is often very close-very close, but very different. Take
an astronomical point. "The size of sun and moon and other
stars" Epicurus tells Pythocles in a paradoxical passage,9 "is
for us what it appears to be; and in reality it is either slightly
greater or slightly less or the same size; for so too fires on earth
when looked at from a distance seem to the senses." Now see
how closely this is followed, yet how it is transformed by
Lucretius (V, 564-574) as he looks on his mental picture:
nec nimio solis maior rota nec minor ardor
esse potest nostris quam sensibus esse videtur.
nam quibus e spatiis cumque ignes lumina possunt
adicere et calidum membris adflare vaporem,
nil illa his intervallis de corpore libant
flammarum,nil ad speciem est contractior ignis.
proinde, calor quoniam solis lunaeque profusum
perveniunt nostros ad sensus et loca mulcent,
forma quoque hinc solis debent filumque videri
nil adeo ut possis plus aut minus addere vere.
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The main picture of the cold spring has been in Lucretius' mind
all through the digression, and he helps his reader here to
reconstitute it by the signals per eum fontem and illa semina.
Some editors have made a mess of the passage by punctuating
896 so as to separate illa from semina. But there can be no
doubt as to Lucretius' intention. The same process of thought
occurs in many other passages, but without the assistance given
to us here.
Now turn to a longer and more complicated example, which
Biichner 1' has discussed. In the second Book Lucretius, after
4
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our world, earth, sea, and sky, will one day perish. Instead of
proceeding to do so, he has a great passage of 125 lines in which
he adduces many proofs to show that the world was not divinely
created; and at last (235) comes back to his argument and
says quite cheerfully "first of all (principio) since all these
things have a beginning, they must have an end." Here again
the editors are distressed at the illogicality. Lachmann bracketed
the whole 125 lines as a passage written by Lucretius, but not
intended for this place, and he was followed by Bernays and
MIunro. But this is not the only place in the poem where
Lucretius suddenly interrupts his argument by an anti-theological tirade; he does it again in a shorter passage in Book II
(167-183) and again towards the end of the same Book (10901104) after he has proved the existence of the many worlds.17
In both these places Lachmann and his followers introduce their
brackets. To bracket these outbursts is to misconceive one of
the fundamentals in the poem and its author. The De rerum
Natura is not a mere scientific treatise; its whole purpose, as
Lucretius declares clearly at the outset (I, 62-135), is to free
men's minds from terror by showing that the gods have no part
in the working of the world; at certain danger-points, like that
just noticed in the description of the worship of Cybele, this
central thought breaks out. In the passages in Book II he
explains how the creation of all things is due to the movements
and combinations of the atoms-don't think the gods do itand again that nature by its own workings has produced the
many worlds-don't introduce divine agency-and so here in
Book V he is embarking on the proof of the mortality of the
world, and inserts his passionate caution: "don't think I am
being impious, for no divine beings created it." It is just as in
the first argumentative words of the whole poem (I, 149-50),
when he introduces the principle that nothing is created out of
nothing, he adds the characteristic word divinitus, "by divine
agency." And yet through the long digression the thought of
his main argument is with him all the time, and at the end he
can start with the simple introduction "'first of all."
Biichner argues that not only do thoughts and pictures already
expressed influence Lucretius' language, but that sometimes he
seems to have a reference in anticipation to what he is going to
17
287
say. The ground here is much less safe, but attention may be
drawn to one instance, in which Biichner 18 may have found the
right solution of a long-standing difficulty. In the passage
already quoted (II, 112-141), in which Lucretius illustrates the
movements of the atoms by that of the motes in a sunbeam, he
introduces the comparison with the strange words:
cuius, uti memoro, rei simulacrum et imago
ante oculos semper nobis versatur et instat:
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f0Oprov;
p
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