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DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568314.003.0017
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It is not possible to abolish the stories that have been handed downfor example,
that of Clytaemestra being killed by Orestes or Eriphyle by Alcmeon; rather, the
poet must himself find a way to make good use of the traditional material.
Thus Aristotle (Poetics 1453b225); and we can safely assume that in all the Orestes and
Alcmeontragedies known to him, these basic mythical data were respected. It is,
nevertheless, curious that he should have chosen, to illustrate his point, two items of
myth which one poet at least, Homer, had to all appearance abolished or at least elided.
As is well known, it is nowhere stated in the Odyssey how Clytaemestra died, and even
the fact of her death is mentioned only once, indirectly, in a reference to the feast given
by Orestes to the Argives for the funeral of her and Aegisthus (3.30910). Aristarchus
was uncertain whether this passage did or did not imply that Orestes had killed
Clytaemestra as well as Aegisthus,1 and at least one other ancient scholar felt justified in
affirming positively that Homer did not know of Orestes' matricide; 2 to mention the
funeral without mentioning the death, however, suggests evasion more than it suggests
ignorance, and most modern scholars suppose, with some (p.225) ancient support,3
that the poet knew of the matricide and deliberately suppressed it,4 because it would
disturb the parallel he wished to draw between the constellations Agamemnon
Clytaemestra[194]AegisthusOrestes and OdysseusPenelopeSuitorsTelemachus
and/or because it is the general policy both of the Iliad and of the Odyssey to suppress or
tone down the more grotesque or atrocious features of inherited myth.5 The latter
motive is the one that seems to have been at work in Odyssey 11.3267 and 15.2448, in
both of which Eriphyle's betrayal of her husband is mentioned but her death is not (even
though Alcmeon is actually named in 15.248).6
After Homer, so far as we know, it is never questioned that, as a matter of mythic fact,
Orestes did kill his mother. But if the tragic dramatists apparently refrained from ever
altering this datum, they were under no obligation to refrain from playing with the
possibility that it might be altered. The device of foreshadowing a major mythical
innovation, and then not delivering it, is one that tragedy frequently employs. It can take
three basic forms.
1. The mildest, and commonest, variant is that in which the characters, or some of
them, anticipate a development which the (p.226) audience know to be contrary
to established myth (and sometimes to indications already given within the play
itself), and the audience's perception of the characters' error or blindness is
exploited for dramatic and tragic effect. This is of course one of the basic forms of
dramatic irony, and is found, for instance, in six of the seven surviving plays of
Sophocles; 7 it depends for its effectiveness on the audience not being deceived.
2. At the other extreme, as in Sophocles' Philoctetes and Euripides' Orestes, an
entire plot may be on the point of reaching a dnouement radically [195]
contrary to tradition and threatening the integrity of large sections of the
accepted corpus of myth, until the arbitrary intervention of a deus ex machina
puts it back on its proper course. In such cases the dramatist in a way has his
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Addenda
p. 227 (also n. 8)on earlier versions of the story of Phaedra and Hippolytus see the
discussion by Thomas Talboy and myself in Sommerstein, Fitzpatrick, and Talboy (2006:
24889); the question which of Euripides' two Hippolytus plays was the earlier is
considered on pp. 26671.
p. 231 n. 17 March (2000: 212), on the other hand, brings some persuasive
arguments for the priority of Euripides' play. Finglass (2007: 14) regards the issue as
undecidable and in the endperhaps less important than it first appears. I would not
today have put so much emphasis at various points (e.g. pp. 238, 242) on the innovative
nature of the role Sophocles gives to Electra.
p. 233 n. 22 Finglass (2007) ad loc. says simply that is a generalizing
masculine, leaving it unclear which of Jebb's two options he prefers.
makes it clear
(p.249) p. 236I was wrong to see ambiguity in El. 4934;
that the reference is to an illicit couple, i.e. Clytaemestra and Aegisthus.
p. 240 n. 44 Finglass (2007), on El. 105897, does not find 10412, or anything else,
sufficient to provide a realistic motivation for the chorus's change of attitude, and prefers
to hold that dramatic necessity has taken precedence over consistency of
characterisationthe dramatic necessity being to build up sympathy for Electra in
preparation for the following scene.
p. 242 n. 50both March (2000) and Finglass (2007), on El. 478, hold that (in the words
of the former) a false oath would have been acceptable in the light of Apollo's instructions
to use guile, but this is a complete misunderstanding of the nature of an oath. To swear
to a false statement was to bring punishment down on oneself, automatically, from the
god named in the oath, and was generally seen as unthinkable under all circumstances;
indeed there were stories about entire families being wiped out merely because a
member had contemplated committing perjury (Hdt. 6.86).
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.
(2) Od. 1.300
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