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ABSTRACT

Gandhian economy was different from conventional economics. His economy was based

on sarvodaya, full employment, use of country's own resources, preservation of ecology,

justice in income distribution and opportunities. Everybody should be given the right to

earn according to his capacity using just means. The rich should serve the society after

satisfying his needs. Life is not meant for enjoyment only, but it is meant to help others.

For him the means are as important as the aims. The means must be nonviolent, ethical,

and truthful in all economic spheres. He provided the new economic system with those

means. He advocated trusteeship, decentralization of economic activities, labor intensive

technology, and first priority to rural India. He explained that capitalism and

mechanization would lead to unemployment, poverty, and inequality. Communism would

not survive as it was inhuman. We have seen the collapse of communism and also
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observed unemployment, inequality of income and instability of common man even in rich

a capitalist society.

He advocated developing the rural economies with the development of agriculture and

village industries. This way full employment for 80% of Indian population can be

achieved. Even in the world economy nearly 70 % of the world’s population is rural

population. Their development can be made easy by the development of rural economies.

There should be small scale and cottage industries in these areas. That will create just

distribution of income without special efforts.

BRIEF HISTORY OF MAHATMA GANDHI

A Brief History of Mohandas K. Gandhi

Oct 2, 1869 to Jan 30, 1948

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Mohandas K. Gandhi was born in 1869 to Hindu parents in the state of Gujarat in Western

India. He entered an arranged marriage with Kasturbai Makanji when both were 13 years old.

His family later sent him to London to study law, and in 1891 he was admitted to the Inner

Temple, and called to the bar. In Southern Africa he worked ceaselessly to improve the rights

of the immigrant Indians. It was there that he developed his creed of passive resistance

against injustice, satyagraha, meaning truth force, and was frequently jailed as a result of the

protests that he led. Before he returned to India with his wife and children in 1915, he had

radically changed the lives of Indians living in Southern Africa.

Back in India, it was not long before he was taking the lead in the long struggle for

independence from Britain. He never wavered in his unshakable belief in nonviolent protest

and religious tolerance. When Muslim and Hindu compatriots committed acts of violence,

whether against the British who ruled India, or against each other, he fasted until the fighting

ceased. Independence, when it came in 1947, was not a military victory, but a triumph of
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human will. To Gandhi's despair, however, the country was partitioned into Hindu India and

Muslim Pakistan. The last two months of his life were spent trying to end the appalling

violence which ensued, leading him to fast to the brink of death, an act which finally quelled

the riots. In January 1948, at the age of 79, he was killed by an assassin as he walked through

a crowed garden in New Delhi to take evening prayers.

"Nonviolence is the greatest force at the disposal of mankind. It is mightier than the

mightiest weapon of destruction devised by the ingenuity of man."

Mohandas K. Gandhi on nonviolence

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"Generations to come will scarce believe that such a one as this ever in flesh and blood

walked upon this earth."

- Albert Einstein

"Gandhi was inevitable.

If humanity is to progress,

Gandhi is inescapable.

He lived, thought and acted,

inspired by the vision of humanity evolving toward

a world of peace and harmony.

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We may ignore Gandhi at our own risk."

- Dr. Martin Luther King Jr

WHAT IS GANDHIAN ECONOMICS?

Gandhian economics is a school of economic thought based on the socio-economic

principles expounded by Indian leader Mohandas Gandhi. It is largely characterized by its

affinity to the principles and objectives of socialism, but with a rejection of class war and

promotion of socio-economic harmony. Gandhi's economic ideas also aim to promote

spiritual development and harmony with a rejection of materialism. The term "Gandhian

economics" was coined by J.C. Kumarrapa , a close supporter of Gandhi.

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True economics never militates against the highest ethical standard, just as all true ethics,

to be worth its name, must at the same time, be also good economics… True economics

stands for social justice; it promotes the good of all equally, including the weakest, and is

indispensable for decent life …

- M.K.Gandhi in ‘Harijan’ dt. 9th October 1937

The critical task to define M.K. Gandhi’s understanding of economics, as distinct from the

mainstream economic tradition of Adam Smith. While it is true that Gandhi was not a

professional economist, his economics is rich in its comprehension of the dynamics of

economic processes, and thought-provoking in its provision of creative alternatives.

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To Gandhi, economic activities cannot be separated from other activities. Economics is part

of the way of life which is related to collective values. Economic activities cannot be

abstracted from human life. Gandhi wanted to ensure distributive justice by ensuring that

production and distribution are not separated.

Following are his basic economic principles of gandhian economy

Economic Swaraj

One of Gandhi’s basic principles is that the “Earth provides enough to satisfy every man’s

need but not for every man’s greed”. Whereas mainstream economics makes the common

man completely helpless in the matter of production and distribution of resources, Gandhi

visualized an alternative through the system of swaraj. Swaraj is necessary for the liberation

of weaker economies from the commanding position of neo-liberal capitalism. There is need
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for a new conceptual framework in which each country attains economic swaraj. According

to Gandhi, every country should stand on its own strength.

The components of swaraj are based on two independent variables, psychology and ethics.

Since resources are scarce, production cannot be increased indefinitely. The psychology of

affluence is an irrational phenomenon. The basic principles of economic activity are based

on needs and not on affluence. Affluence breeds inequality, as it is based on economic

distortion. Greed grows out of the desire to be affluent. Here, psychology can play a crucial

role. Values which condition the mind can change human behaviour. The goal of swaraj

brings limits to human wants.

What are the ingredients of economic swaraj? First, Gandhi gave adequate importance to

the traditional sector. Highest priority is given to agriculture and agro-centric industries. The

balance between primary, secondary and tertiary sectors should be skillfully maintained, on

the basis of available human resources. Two, villages must get more importance than cities.
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Gandhi observed: “You cannot build non-violence on a factory civilization, but it can be built

on self-contained villages… You have therefore to be rural-minded, and to be rural-minded,

you have to have faith in the spinning wheel.”

The effectiveness of economic swaraj can be tested by the application of the following seven

criteria:

• Eradication of poverty and minimization of affluence;

• Self-sufficiency of every unit in basic needs;

• Identification of basic human needs and their fulfillment;

• Agro-centric economy as the basis to create an economy of permanence;

• Need-based production as far as possible through small-scale units;

• Check on distortions through basic education and skill formation; and

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• Curtailment of concentration of economic power.

Swadeshi

Mahatma Gandhi was a champion of swadeshi or home economy. People outside India know

of Gandhi’s campaigns to end British colonialism, but this was only a small part of his

struggle. The greater part of his work was to renew India’s vitality and regenerate its

culture.

For Gandhi, the soul and spirit of India rested in its village communities. He said: “The true

India is to be found not in its few cities but in its seven hundred thousand villages. If the

villages perish, India will perish too.”

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According to the principle of swadeshi, whatever is made or produced in the village must be

used first and foremost by the members of the village. Trading among villages, and between

villages and towns, should be minimal. Goods and services that cannot be generated from

within the community can be bought from elsewhere.

Swadeshi avoids economic dependence on external market forces that could make the village

community vulnerable. It also avoids unnecessary, unhealthy, wasteful and environmentally

destructive transportation. The village must build a strong economic base to satisfy most of

its needs and all members of the village community should give priority to local goods and

services.

Mainstream economics believes in centralized, industrialized and mechanized modes of

production, whereas Gandhi envisions a decentralized, home-grown, hand-crafted mode of

production. Mass production forces people to leave their villages, their land, their crafts and

their homesteads and go to work in the factories. Instead of dignified human beings and
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members of self-respecting village communities, villagers become cogs in the wheel. In

swadeshi, the machine would be subordinated to the worker.

In countries practising swadeshi, economics would have a place, but would not dominate

society. Both economics and politics should not simply be concerned with material things,

but should be the means to the fulfilment of cultural, spiritual and religious ends. In fact,

economics should not be separated from the deep spiritual foundations of life. This can be

best achieved, according to Gandhi, when every individual is an integral part of the

community; when the production of goods is on a small scale; when the economy is local;

and when homemade handicrafts are given preference. These conditions are conducive to a

holistic, spiritual, ecological and communitarian pattern of society. In Gandhi’s view,

spiritual values should not be separated from politics, economics, agriculture, education and

all the other activities of daily life. In this integral design, there is no conflict between the

spiritual and the material.

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For Gandhi, a machine civilization was no civilization. A society in which workers had to

labour at a conveyor belt, in which animals were treated cruelly in factory farms and in which

economic activity necessarily lead to ecological devastation, could not be conceived of as a

civilization. Its citizens would only end up as neurotics; the natural world would inevitably

be transformed into a desert, and its cities into concrete jungles. In other words, global

industrial society, as opposed to a society made up of largely autonomous communities

committed to the principle of swadeshi, is unsustainable. Swadeshi, for Gandhi, was a

sacred principle, as sacred as the principles of truth and non-violence.

Trusteeship

Gandhi’s efforts towards “spiritualizing economics” are reflected in his concept of

Trusteeship. He based the concept of Trusteeship on the first sloka of the Isopanishad,

according to which, one is asked to dedicate everything to God, and then use it only to the
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required extent. In other words, in the first instance, everything must be surrendered to God,

and then out of it, one may use only that which is necessary for the service of God’s creation,

according to one’s strict needs. The spirit of this concept is detachment and service.

Gandhi’s idea of Trusteeship arose from his faith in the law of non-possession. It was

founded on his religious belief that everything belonged to God and was from God.

Therefore the bounties of the world were for his people, as a whole, not for any particular

individual. When an individual had more than his respective portion, he became a trustee of

that portion for God’s people. If this principle could be imbibed by people in general,

Trusteeship would become a legalised institution. Gandhi wished it to become a gift from

India to the world.

Basically, Gandhi suggested this concept as an answer to the economic inequalities

of ownership and income, a kind of non-violent way of resolving all social and economic

conflicts prevalent in the world. Therefore, man’s dignity, and not his material prosperity, is
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the centre of Gandhian economics. Gandhian economics aims at a distribution of material

prosperity, keeping only human dignity in view. Thus it is dominated more by moral values

than by economic ideas. According to Gandhi , Trusteeship is the only ground on which he

can work out an ideal combination of economics and morals. In concrete form, the

Trusteeship formula reads as follows:

• Trusteeship provides a means of transforming the present capitalist order into an

egalitarian one.

• It does not recognize any right of private ownership of property, except so far as it

may be permitted by society for its own welfare.

• It does not exclude legislation of the ownership and use of wealth.

• Under State-regulated Trusteeship, an individual will not be free to hold or use his

wealth for selfish satisfaction, in disregard of the interests of society.

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• Just as in the case of a decent minimum living wage, a limit should be fixed for the

maximum income that would be allowed to any person in society. The difference

between such minimum and maximum incomes should be reasonable and equitable

and variable from time to time, so much so that the tendency should be towards the

obliteration of the difference.

• Under such an economic order, the character of production will be determined by

social necessity and not by personal greed.

As man advances from a narrow sphere of personal satisfaction to the nobler concept of the

welfare of all, he marches closer towards self-realization. The whole idea of possessing

wealth only to guard it from being misused and to distribute it equitably, aims at protecting

human dignity. If it is possessed for any other objective, it is objectionable on moral

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grounds. Gandhi enjoins this moral obligation on the part of the trustees, as he is fully aware

of the ills of capitalism which widen the gap between the rich and the poor.

The Gandhian concept of Trusteeship departs significantly from Marxian economic

philosophy too. If Marxism is the child of the Industrial Revolution, Gandhian theory can be

understood only in the context of certain basic spiritual values of the Indian tradition.

Marxian socialism aims at the destruction of the class called capitalists, whereas the

Gandhian approach is not to destroy the institution, but to reform it. Gandhian socialism,

being ethical, is different from Marxian socialism. Man to Gandhi , is an ethical being first

and a social being later.

The most significant difference between Marxian socialism and Gandhian socialism lies in

the method they recommend to achieve it. Whereas Marxian socialism harps on violence,

Gandhian socialism aims at a change of heart on the part of the rich. There is no place for

violence, but only trust. The common man trusts his trustee and the latter plays the role of a
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custodian. Though this kind of socialism is difficult to achieve, Gandhi advocated it as he

believed in the basic strength of the goodness of man and the value of morals. All other

“isms” address the problem superficially, whereas Trusteeship strikes it at the root. What

must not be forgotten is that at the centre of the concept lies the need to protect human

dignity.

Views on Industrialization and Technology

Gandhi made a trenchant critique of machinery, saying that it was a grand, yet awful,

invention. In Hind Swaraj he observes: "It is machinery that has impoverished India".

Further, he says: "Machinery is the chief symbol of modern civilization; it represents a great

sin". This was no doubt an extreme position. Few agreed with him on this, but it would befair

to say that Gandhi continued to change his position on this question.

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But fundamentally Gandhi opposed machinery because he thought it displaced labour and it

concentrated production and distribution in the hands of a few.Opposition to industrialisation

is a very prominent feature of Gandhian economics, and here the influence of both Ruskin

and Tolstoy (who themselves were deeply moved by some of the social displacement and

labour exploitation excesses of the Industrial Revolution in Europe) is very discernible. But

there was also a pastoral romanticism in this opposition, which gets reflected in an exclusive

emphasis on the village community as an idyllic form of .Schumacher, for example, notes

that the affluence of a small part of the world was pushing the rest of the world into the three

concurrent crises of resources, ecology and alienation.

Social existence to be preserved in its pristine form against all change. This

led Gandhiji’s to oppose all forms of modern industrialisation (whether foreign or domestic).

This opposition to domestic industrialisation (on modern lines) was probably based on his

empirical observation that even though considerable development of modern industry had
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occurred in British India over the fifty years 1881-1931, there was no appreciable increase in

gainfully employed workers over this period – whatever increase in employment had

occurred in the organised sector was counterbalanced by the fall in employment in the

traditional sector. Gandhiji’s antagonism to industrialisation (in the modern sense) finds

expression in several of his writings. We reproduce two typical comments. The first is from

Young India (1931) wherein he writes – “Industrialism is I am afraid, going to be a curse for

mankind.” The second is from Harijan (1936), “Industrialisation on a mass scale will

necessarily lead to passive or active exploitation of the villagers as the problems of

competition and marketing come in.” Gandhiji’s model of development was one in which

every village produced all its necessities and a certain percentage in addition for the

requirement of cities. But he is no obscurantist, and he recognises that a moderate amount of

industrialisation may be necessary for a nation’s survival. He therefore concedes the

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existence of heavy industry, only

cautioning that “Heavy industries will needs be centralised and nationalised. But they will

occupy the least part of the vast national activity which will be mainly in

the villages.” (M. K.

Gandhi (1941)).

This opposition to industrialisation sets Gandhiji apart from other

nationalists of the period

(as well as his mentors such as Mahadeo Govind Ranade and Gopal

Krishna Gokhale) who

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saw large scale industrialisation as the only way out of mass poverty, and

one of whose major

criticisms against British Rule was the that the state was not proactive in

promoting

development.

Gandhiji’s skepticism related to technology was a concomitant of his deep

rooted antagonism

to industrialisation. Firstly, there is in his writings a Luddite kind of view

of technology as a
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factor inimical to employment. But his antagonism went considerably

further than the usual

“technology displacing labour” argument. To Gandhiji, technology was to

be feared because

it threatened the very basis of a dignified human existence. “In modern

terms, it is beneath

human dignity to lose one’s individuality and become a mere cog in the

machine. I want

every individual to become a full blooded member of the society. The

villages must become

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self sufficient. I see no other solution if one has to work in terms of

ahimsa” (Harijian 1939, p.

439). This view led Gandhiji to oppose technology not only in modern

industry but also in

village manufacturing enterprises. He insisted that it was the governments

duty “to encourage

the existing industries and to revive where it is possible and desirable the

dying or dead

industries of villagers according to the village methods, that is, the

villagers working in their

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pawn cottages as they have done from times immemorial.” (Harijian 16

Nov. 1934, p. 33).

Here again, one must guard against an extreme interpretation of Gandhiji’s

position. His main

aversion was to the modern Western technology, which was essentially

“labour replacing”

and often “labour degrading”. But he was not opposed to technology per

se. As a matter of
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fact, he set up two criteria for the appropriateness of technology – first

that it should not be

labour displacing (cf. “I have no objection if all things required by my

country could be

produced with the labour of 30,000 instead of that of 30,000,000. But

those 30,000,000 must

not be rendered idle or unemployed” quoted in the chapter by M. R.

Masani in D. G.
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Dignity of Labour

There is another important reason why Gandhiji assigned pride of place to the village crafts
in his schemata for the economic regeneration of India – the influence on him of writers like
Ruskin and Tolstoy who glorified the dignity of manual labour and extolled the moral
superiority of self employment and independent work to wage employment. Writing in
Young India, (2nd May, 1929) he deplored the concept of wage employment and said he was
prepared to tolerate it only in those villages “where people are in perpetual want because they
do not get enough from agriculture and because they have leisure”. Gandhiji’s apathy to wage
employment was a natural reflection of his antagonism to the modern factory system of
production. However he was not entirely opposed to production for the market as his
advocacy of cooperation in marketing and raw materials purchase would serve to indicate.

Evils of Urbanisation

Gandhiji’s stand on urbanisation was a logical corollary of his views on industrialisation. He

saw in the phenomenon an instrument of devastation of the idyllic rural way of life. To a
large extent, Gandhiji’s analysis of this phenomenon was typically perspicacious. The cities
which emerged under British rule in India conferred virtually no benefit on the village
economy of India. This is in sharp contrast to the situation in England and elsewhere in
Europe (especially Holland) where the prosperity of the town had direct spillover effects on
the village community (see e.g. Adam Smith(1776)). In the colonies on the contrary, what
emerged was typically a dual economy (Lewis 1954) with a modern sector flourishing under
the colonial ruler’s patronage in the cities and a traditional rural sector largely isolated from
any pervasive modernising effect of the urban sector. Indeed Amlan Datta (1989) (in a
delineation of the economic conditions prevailing in British India) goes even further and says
that the relationship was not even one of passive non interaction but active exploitation “the
actual situation is in some respects, even worse. The city attracts to itself talent, capital and
other resources from the rest of the country. By ruining old handicrafts, it upsets the natural
balance between agriculture and village industry. Rural society is robbed of its potentially
more progressive leaders, its economic life is disorganised and social cohesion is steadily
undermined; the city afflicts the country with a peculiar sickness”. Thus, whereas the
Marxists theorised about the proletariat class being exploited by the capitalists, Gandhiji saw
the city as a whole in the role of exploiter of the villages. In the city capitalists, liberal
professionals and administrators as well as the industrial working class live at a higher
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standard of living than that of the rural masses – a standard based on the exploitation of
villages.

CRITICISM OF GANDHIAN ECONOMY

Gandhian economy is mainly criticized by capitalist and liberalist. Gandhian economy lacks
many features which should an economy should have. Such type of economy is not feasible
in developed country where industry is the back bone of nation.

Few points on which Gandhi can be criticized are as follows.

1.To much importance to village cottage industries: he gave to much stress on

development of village cottage industries, as now in today’s world this is not feasible as the
population is growing, so demand is increasing so we need big and heavy industries so as to
produce, toady none of the village can be self-sufficient as Gandhi talk of.

2. Swaraj in economic sphere a vague concept: according to him a nation should strive for
self-reliance in economic sphere, but it’s impossible in today’s world for any nation to be
self-sufficient in this world, especially in a world like globalization. Every economy of the
world has to depend of each other for survival and for progress. None of the nation in today’s
can ever dream of growth without the help of other’s.

3. His hate for industrialization and urbanization: as we are part of globalization and none
of the economy in this world has haven’t adopted the policy of globalization as only through
globalization, industrial development can be achieved, and thus its obvious that with
industrial development we will have urbanization. No doubt that have urbanization have its
defect but we can’t negate its importance and urbanization is inevitable in today world. Like
to face’s of coin everything have good side and bad side, likewise we have of urbanization.
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4. Policy of trusteeship a utopian concept: his policy of trusteeship which is based on law
of no-possession.as this policy which says that everything is god’s property and everything
will be held in public at large. As we are living in world where society is so complex and it’s
very difficult to implement such kind of policy. The concept of private property exits from
very beginning so, no public property will exists. And men by its very nature are brutish and
nasty and might is right prevails, so mightier people will try to acquire more and more
property.
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Disenchantment with Gandhian Economic Ideas:

While critics of Gandhian economic ideas were not uncommon in the 1930s and 1940s9, his
great moral and political stature kept the criticisms subdued. Anyway, in the pre-
Independence era such discussion naturally had to be purely academic. In the Nehruvian era
certain aspects of Gandhiji’s economic policies were viewed as being in conflict with the
prevailing Nehru-Mahalanobis brand of democratic socialism, especially his views on
industrialisation, technology, business houses and private property. But as we have
mentioned above, this period was characterised more by a neglect of Gandhian ideas, (which
were largely considered otiose) and by some concessions in the policy arena laced with a
large measure of lip sympathy, rather than by any active criticism (see Natarajan (1962))10.
However there was an incipient literature from the 1960s onwards, which started criticising
Nehruvian ideas from a more market oriented perspective. Ironically, the aspects of
Nehruvian policies which came in for the sharpest criticism viz. small scale industry
protection and import substitution were precisely those which could be traced t Gandhian
influences.
Firstly, the basic rationale that small scale industry deserves support on account of its lower
capital intensity was challenged on empirical grounds by the studies of Dhar and Lydhall
(1961) and Sandesara (1966). Both these studies cast grave doubts on the employment
creating potential of small scale industry. For the market liberalisers of three decades later,
these and other similar studies furnished an excellent illustration of well-intentioned
Gandhian ideas producing results far from those expected.
This seemed to be a common failing in other areas too. The Gandhian concept of Swadeshi
was invoked to afford massive and politically motivated protection to Indian large and small
industry from foreign competition under the import substitution regime from 1956-1991.
Firstly, it must be clarified that Gandhiji’s concern was primarily protecting the weak native
cottage industry from both domestic and foreign industrial competition. Secondly, while it
was true that he often expressed a desire to see domestic entrepreneurship develop
uninhibited by unfair competition from foreign industry in pre-Independent India, it is not
clear whether he would have favoured the massive and complicated system of industrial
tariffs, quotas and licenses which sprang up in the 1970s under the rubric of domestic self
sufficiency. It is now generally agreed that the net result following from this latter policy has
been an inefficient and high cost domestic industrial structure, not to mention the emergence
of a black economy based on import duty evasion. As is well known, serious efforts to
redress this situation were initiated after 1991 (see Srinivasan & Bhagwati (1999).
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Another market oriented criticism is directed towards the entire gamut of subsidies for the
agriculture sector, which also has its moral justification in Gandhiji’s concern for the rural
masses. According to this line of criticism, this sector has been under taxed, has reaped heavy
subsidies on inputs like fertilizers, credit, seeds and electricity and has been supported by
generous purchases prices. It is further alleged that most of the benefits have not gone to the
intended beneficiaries but have been reaped by middlemen and large farmers. On the other
hand, these subsidies have strained the public exchequer and generated steep inflationary
pressure which have aggravated poverty amount the masses. Similar criticisms have also
been voiced as regards the PDS (public distribution system) which was designed to insulate
the urban poor from inflation in the commodities of basic consumption (the so-called wage
goods).
Phase 3 (1985-): The complete abandonment of Gandhian economic concepts really begins
with the onset of structural reforms, which were initiated hesitatingly in the mid-1980s, put
on firm track in the early 1990s and moved into high gear after 1997. To the newly emerging
affluent class in India (who have been the major beneficiaries of the reforms process),
Gandhian concepts like indigenous /appropriate technology, frugality, Swadeshi, etc. have an
anachronistic and archaic ring to them. Perhaps the clean break with these ideas was
inevitable, and judged solely by the accolades piled upon the architects of the process by a
doting domestic and foreign media, the reforms have been a grand success. But it is being
increasingly realised that behind the stratospheric growth rates there lies a reality far hasher
than our policymakers are prepared to admit. Firstly, short term macroeconomic stability is
being increasingly jeopardised by burgeoning capital inflows, a bubble like situation in the
stockmarket and the appreciating exchange rate.
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. Past experience has shown the futility of expecting a mere acceleration of economic
reforms to alleviate these problems in any significant manner. But the real threat is in the
long run. Fundamental and endemic problems on the poverty, inequality, unemployment,
corruption and natural resources fronts have not only remained unsolved in the reforms
process, but have aggravated in an alarming fashion (see Nachane (2007)). The trickle down
effect , on which the Indian reformers have placed so much faith in recent years, in particular,
(if at all it exists), seem to be both protracted and slow. If bold and imaginative initiatives are
not undertaken at this stage to address these issues, rising societal tensions and political
compulsions will inexorably force a crisis unparalleled in our recent history.

Conclusions
Our discussion clearly indicates that modern India has traveled far in a direction quite the
opposite of the one the Father of the Nation would have advocated. In the early years of
planning (Phase 1 above), there were some efforts (by and large, sincere and well-
intentioned) to incorporate some Gandhian elements within the policy framework. Later, (in
Phase 2 above), realising their potential for mass mobilisation, attempts were made to apply
some of the Gandhian ideas, more often than not, with ulterior motives to produce results
quite contrary to Gandhiji’s original vision.
By the 1990s, however, even the lip service to Gandhian values was abandoned. Through a
succession of cleverly crafted steps by the various regimes holding power in the last two
decades, the nation has now been taken to a stage where it is impossible to retrace our steps
and the contemporary Indian milieu is one in which the Mahatma would have felt hopelessly
lost. It is a milieu in which, in spite of all the official rhetoric about inclusive growth, 255
million Indians live in stark poverty, 17,000 farmers commit suicide and the rulers wave their
flags at the 46 Indian billionaires who have made it to the exclusive Fortune 500 list. This is
certainly not the Ram Rajya that he dreamed of for his beloved land of birth. As long as no
serious efforts are undertaken to ameliorate poverty, reduce inequality and raise employment,
the annual pilgrimage by our rulers to Rajghat on 2 October will remain an elaborate and
empty ritual.
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References

Ambedkar, B.R. (1943): “Ranade, Gandhi and Jinnah” in Collected Works of Babasaheb
Ambedkar, Vol. 1, Thacker & Co. Bombay [originally lecture at Deccan Sabha, Poona, 18
January 1940]
Datta, Amlan (1989). An introduction to India’s Economic Development since the Nineteenth
Century, Sangam Books, Calcutta
Dhar, P.N (1958): Small Scale Industry in Delhi, Asia Publishing House, Bombay
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