Rites of Terror: Emotion, Metaphor and Memory in Melanesian Initiation Cults

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Source: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. 2, No. 4 (Dec., 1996), pp. 703715
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
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RITES OF TERROR: EMOTION, METAPHOR AND

MEMORY IN MELANESIAN INITIATION CULTS
HARVEYWHITEHOUSE

TheQueen'sUniversity
ofBelfast

Melanesianinitiation
cultsfrequently
ritesthatinstila profound
incorporate
andlasting
terror
intheinitiates.
Thisarticlesurveys
severalcontemporary
ofthesetraumatic
theories
ordeals,
and
arguesthatthesetheories
establish
generalities
onlyatthecostofadequateengagement
withthe
andaffective
cognitive
processes
entailedinritualperformance.
I proposea newapproach,
based
on theoriesof 'flashbulb
whichpenetrates
memory',
moredeeplythe religiousexperiences
in traumatic
engendered
ritual,and also accountsforcertainrecurrent
of political
patterns
associationin initiation
systems.'Ritesof terror'are hereenvisagedas partof a nexusof
andsociological
psychological
processes,
dubbedthe'imagistic
modeofreligiosity'.

Terror
is an integral
component
ofreligious
in manyofthesocieties
experience
of Papua New Guinea. Followinga hair-raising
accountof penis-bleeding
amongtheIlahitaArapesh,Tuzinobservesthatthewholeordeal'is carefully
andsuccessfully
horrorin itsvictims'(1980:74).
designedto inspiremaximum
Barthdescribes
howa Baktaman
novicewasso terrified
bytheordealsofinitiationthathe defecated
on thelegsofhiseldersandhadtobe excludedfromthe
groupofboysbeinginitiated
(1975: 56). In his analysisof Orokaivainitiation
Schwimmer
citesChinnery
& Beaver's(1915) claim
(1973: 177) approvingly
in thecandithata function
oftheritesis to instil'absoluteand lastingterror
dates'. In his discussionof Bimin-Kuskusmin
initiation,Poole likewise
theterror
ofnovices,observing
that'thepiercing
ofthenasalsepta
emphasizes
andtheburning
offorearms
... createdthemosttrauma,
overtsigns
producing
ofphysical
and/or
psychological
shockinsixcases'(1982:144).Examplescould,
of course,be multiplied.
In thisregionterrifying
ordealsare notconfinedto
initiations;
theymayalso be evidentin suchdiversecontexts
as mortuary
rites
oftheburning
ofKalulidancers),
(as in Schieffelin's
[1976]description
possession (as in Williams's[1928: 67] account of the injuries caused by
inducedconvulsions),
supernaturally
and millenarian
activity
(as in Elbert&
of an accountof thebloodbathsreMonberg's[1965:399-400]transcription
sultingfroma 'cargocult'on theislandof Bellona).It wouldnotbe unduly
fanciful
to describethesesortsofpractices
as 'ritesofterror'.
in theinitiation
The principal
of 'ritesofterror'
dynamics
maybe identified
systemof the Orokaivaof northern
Papua.Schwimmer
(1973) dividesthese
ritesintoseveralphaseswhichdo not necessarily
occurin a fixedsequence.
One phaseentailstheisolationof novicesin a hutwhere,forseveralmonths
Inst.(N.S.) 2, 703-715
J. Roy.anthrop.

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704

HARVEY WHITEHOUSE

(Iteanu1990: 46), theyobservea tabooon washingbut are generally

treated
well. Duringa secondphase,the novices,blindedby barkcloth
hoods,are
herdedtogether
in thevillageandbrutally
attacked
byseniormenwho assume
theguiseof spirits(embahi).
In thecourseof thisordeal,novicesaregradually
corralled
ontoa ceremonial
platform.
Thentherefollowsa muchlongerperiod
ofseclusion.According
to Iteanu,thissecondseclusionlastsforbetweenthree
and sevenyears,duringwhichtimethe novicesmustnot be seen or heard
beyondtheirplaceof confinement,
on painof death(1990: 47). Duringthis
period,noviceslearnto playsacredinstruments
(flutesandbullroarers).
thirdphaseconcerns
Schwimmer's
thedebut
ofthenovices,deckedoutin full
dancingregalia.The novicesenterthe dancinggroundin a dense phalanx,
brandishing
mockspearsandstoneclubs.A fourth
phaseinvolvesthepresentationof 'homicidalemblems'(otohu),
at whichtimeaged warriorsrecitethe
namesof mentheyhavekilledin battle,beforeotohu
arefastened
to theforeheads of the novices.There is a finalphase which is not includedin
Schwimmer's
butwhichWilliamsandIteanuregardas indispensable.
summary,
Thisphaseentails,
amongotheracts,thedistribution
ofamassedwealth.Iteanu
thefactthatnovicesareresponsible
stresses
forsharing
outcutsofporkfroma
notunliketheonetowhichtheywereearlier
lofty
platform,
driven
bytheembahi.
All ethnographers
of theOrokaivahavestressed
theterrifying
natureof the
embahi
The
accounts
of
and
Beaver
ceremony. early
Chinnery
(1915),further
enriched
byWilliams(1930:181-3),conveya senseoftherealpanicinducedin
the Orokaivanovices,and theanguishof parentswho are witnessesto their
suffering.
as Iteanumorerecently
thereis alwaysa riskthat
Moreover,
observes,
theordeal(1990:46). Anythoroughgoing
somechildren
maynotsurvive
analysis of the ceremonyclearlyneeds to take into accountits traumatic
and
I am goingto examinecritically
life-threatening
character.
severalcurrent
approachesto theinterpretation
of thiskindof ritual,arguingthattheprincipal
weaknessof all of themis thattheyfailto showhow thecomplexconceptual
andemotional
I shallthenpropose
areinterconnected.
aspectsof'ritesofterror'
an alternative
of affect-laden
memoriesto the
theory,
linkingthe formation
ofMelanesianinitiation.
politicaldynamics
Current
torites
approaches
ofterror
Blochhas recently
usedOrokaivainitiation
to elucidatewhathe callsthe'irreduciblestructures
ofreligious
phenomena'(1992:4). His starting
pointis that
thereis a universal
ofthebiologicalprocessesofbirth,maturation,
recognition
deterioration
reproduction,
physical
anddeathwhichcharacterize
thelife-cycles
of humansand manyotherspecies.Socialgroups,however,
arenotsubjectto
thiskindofprocess;theyhavea notionalpermanence,
whichis unaffected
by
thearrival
anddeparture
ofparticular
In a Durkheimian
Bloch
members.
spirit,
a timelesssocial order.
arguesthatritualprovidesa way of conceptualizing
and violentnegationof biologyand process,ritualafThroughthecaricature
firmsthetranscendent
in thetimeless
orderof
ofsociety,
authority
represented
theancestral
world.
Accordingto Bloch,theembahi
ceremony
amongtheOrokaivabringsinto
destruction
focusan imageoftranscendental
thesymbolic
permanence
through
ofearthly
The hoodednovicesarelikepigs,in so faras theirpersecution
vitality.

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HARVEYWHITEHOUSE

705

by the embahiis construedas a hunt,and theyare herdedonto a platform

associated
withbutchery.
Withsomeingenuity,
Blocharguesthatpigsrepresent
thebiologicalaspectsofhumans.Beingtheonlyotherspeciesoflargemammal
indigenous
to PapuaNew Guinea,pigsareespecially
similarto humansin their
withhumansby
reproductive
characteristics.
Theyarealso uniquelyassociated
to as 'children'
and
virtueoftheirintegration
intosociallife.Theyarereferred
the
theirdeathsare mourned.Bloch maintains,
therefore,
thatpigsrepresent
vitalor bodilyaspectsofpeople.
moveThe embahi,
bycontrast,
arelikebirds.Blocharguesthatthefeathers,
ments and vocalizationsof the embahihave strongavian connotations.
According
to Bloch,thebirdis symbolically
themirror
imageofthepig.Birds
arelinkedwithan immortal
extraterrestrial
existence
beyondthevillageworld
ofvigorousactivity,
birthand ageing.Avianimagery
providesa wayofconceptualizingthe sacredor spiritualside of humanity,
which is somehowthe
In
transformative
embahi
ceremony,
the
oppositeof corporeal,
the
experience.
ancestors.
All that
pig-likeaspectsof the novicesare 'killed'by thebird-like
Thisis nurtured
remains
ofthenovicesis theirsacred,transcendental
character.
of villagelife,where
duringthe periodof seclusionawayfromthe vitality
(appropriately
enough)thenovicesaresaidto 'growfeathers'.
The ritualcouldnotendat thispoint,becausetheaimof initiation
is notto
'kill'thenovices,butto deliverthembackintovillagelifeas changedpersons.
This is notsimplya matter
of recovering
thevitality
whichwas earlierbeaten
of
of
thatvitality,
out thenovicesby theembahi;
it is a matterof conquering
to
account
for
the
bringing
itundertranscendental
control.ThisenablesBloch
and militaristic
ofspearsand
triumphant
tenorof thedebut.The brandishing
in theguiseof
ofotohu,
and theclimbingof theplatform
clubs,theconferral
hunters
andbutchers
rather
thanprey,
publicly
declaresthenewroleofinitiates
in thevillage,thelifecycleand
as killers
rather
thanvictims.
Theyarereinstated
theproduction
moresacredthan
process,but theyare now morebird-like,
before.In keepingwithHertz's(1960: 77) imageof the 'socialbeinggrafted
is seen as penetrating
transcendental
upon the physicalindividual',
authority
This is a processwhich
vitalbodyof theinitiate.
moredeeplyintothefleshly,
will continuethroughlifeuntilfinally,
at death,thecorporealshellis utterly
consumed.
of Orokaivainitiation
Bloch'sre-analysis
emphasizescertainideologicalimto thisapproach,the mostimportant
plicationsof ritualviolence.According
killedor,more
is thatthenovicesaresymbolically
effect
oftheembahi
ceremony
theirvitality
precisely,
is negatedso thattheybecomepurelytranscendental
as 'reboundofthenovices,whichBlochdescribes
beings.Thejubilantreturn
a political
and instituting
ingviolence'(1992: 6), is a wayof conceptualizing
orderwhichis subjectto ancestral
authority.
or
as appliedto theembahi
A problemwithBloch'sinterpretation,
ceremony
to PapuaNew Guineainitiation
is thatitdoesnotcapturevery
ritesin general,
to Bloch,embahi
of participants.
muchof theconsciousexperience
According
violenceis partofa bifurcation
as cognitively
process,
simpleas itis ideologically
theterror
In thecontext
ofthisirreducible
coreofreligious
thought,
powerful.
oftheparticua mereside-effect
ofOrokaivanovicesseemsto be superfluous,
that
larchoreography
One gainstheimpression
whichhappensto be involved.

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706

HARVEY WHITEHOUSE

an equallysatisfactory
resultcould be achievedin the embahiceremonyby
symbolically
killingthenoviceswithout
them.
I willtryto show
actuallyfrightening
thatthisis notthecase.But,beforewe can understand
theroleof terror,
it is
firstnecessary
to appreciate
thatmanyof thecognitive
processesinvolvedin
PapuaNew Guineainitiation
ritesarethemselves
rather
disconcerting,
andmay
notfitveryeasilywiththeprinciple
of'rebounding
violence'.
Bloch'shypotheses
aboutthesymbolic
valueof birdsand pigsare notsubstantially
derivedfromOrokaivastatements.
This is whollyjustifiablein
principle,
and would be trueof anythoroughinterpretation
of thesymbolic
valueoftheseanimals.Whatever
understandings
arecultivated
through
theuse
in Orokaivainitiation,
of porcineor avianimagery
in
theyarenottransmitted
Williams
language.
commented
atlength
on theabsenceofexegetical
commentary
to Orokaivaritual(see, forinstance,1928: 175-6),and Schwimmer
attaching
supportshis observation
thatnovicesare not givenverbalinterpretations
of
initiatory
symbolism
(1973: 177).Eveniftheywere,thatwouldnotbe theend
oftheanthropological
questformeaning(see Gell 1980;Sperber1975).In the
case at handvirtually
theentireburdenof culturaltransmission
restson the
ritualactsthemselves.
Blochintuits
ofOrokaivainitiation
thattherevelations
areiconically
codified.
In his interpretation,
the physicaland behavioural
characteristics
of pigsare
forhumancharacteristics.
concretemetaphors
Thus, undercertaincircumstances,thekillingofpigswouldimplythedestruction
or negation
ofporcine
in a mannerwhichparallelsthesymbolickillingof
qualitiesin the sacrifier,
novicesbehaving
likepigs.Contra
in a
Bloch,however,
novicesarenottreated
butin a waythatspecifically
makes
waythatmakesthemlikepigsin general,
ofnovicesbynumerous
embahi
connotesthe
themlikewildpigs.The 'hunting'
wildpigdrivesforwhichtheOrokaivaarerenowned(Williams1930:
collective
1973: 143). This techniqueof huntingfrequently
involves
45-7; Schwimmer
themembers
ofseveralvillages,
whosetlighttothetallbladegrasstodrivewild
The novicesin initiapigsand otheranimalsintothehandsoftheirpursuers.
tionwho aresimilarly
herdedandhunteddo not,therefore,
resemble
domestic
pigs,as Blochassumes,butwildpigs.Domesticpigsareindeedanthropomorintosociallife,butthecase of
phicallycognizedbyvirtueof theirintegration
wildpigsis rather
different.
Ifwildpigsarelikepeople,thenthishasnothing
to
do withimagesofthevillageworldofphysical
deathandso
activity,
maturation,
it is becausetheyare likealienand dangeroushuman
on; as Iteanuobserves,
enemieswho,priorto pacification,
werelikewisekilledand eatenifencounteredin theforest(1990: 37). In so faras novicesappreciate
thattheirsenior
nurkinsmenaretreating
themlikequarryand thusrepudiating
theirformer
emotion.
this
is
to
stimulate
confusion
and
turant,
protective
roles,
likely
strong
Whatsensenovicesmakeof all thishasneverbeencomprehensively
explored
oftheOrokaiva,butknowledge
ofotherNew Guineareligbyethnographers
oficonicity.
us to be waryofa simplistic
ionsencourages
understanding
are
inOrokaivainitiation
ofporcineandavianimagery
Bloch'sinterpretations
to
but
this
seems
generated
by a highlyoriginaland ambitioustheory,
theory
asand
bypassmuchof theintellectually
challenging emotionally
stimulating
pects of religiousexperience.For example,if it is arguedthatthe 'core'
in theembahi
are fetchedfromeveryday
cultivated
understandings
ceremony

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HARVEYWHITEHOUSE

707

thenit is hardto see how initiation

knowledge,
mightengenderrevelatory
experiences.
Accordingto thistheory,
knowledgethatone alreadypossesses
in ritualperformance.
aboutpigsandbirdsis dramatically
re-presented
Ifthere
is a senseof 'revelation'
thenit is presumably
rootedin an appreciation
of the
hierarchical
relationship
betweencorporealaspectsof humans(theirporcine
qualities)andimmortal
ones(theiravianqualities).This,in itself,
is unlikely
to
or impressive,
be particularly
surprising
sinceit is a pervasive
aspectof discoursein religiouscommunities
everywhere,
and not simplyan outcomeof
ritual.This is affirmed
bythewayBlochconstrues
iconicity
in initiation:
that
pigsreproduce,
matureand die is knownindependently
of ritual;butso too is
thefactthatbirdsdo notseemto ageanddie,thefactthattheymovein spaces
wherehumanbodies cannotgo, and so on. These attributes
of speciesare
knownindependently
of ritualactionand arere-presented
ratherthancreated
atleastaccording
bytheembahi
to myreadingofBloch.
ceremony,
Yetthereis alsoa strandto Bloch'sargument
whichseemstodenytheiconicityofavianimagery,
bysuggesting
thatimmortality
is only'thinkable'
as a result
of a binarylogicin whichimagesof the'otherworld'are constructed
out of
contrasts
withtheperceptible,
world.As Blochputsit,thisis a process
physical
bywhich'a mirror-like
alternative
is setup' (1992:20). A senseofthe
existence
revelatory
character
of ritualis thereby
rescued,butat a theoretical
premium.
The recourseto binary
ordigitalcodification
makesitappearthatthe'transcenof the ritualprocess,ratherthanof everyday
dental'emergesas an artefact
The ideathatpeople'severyday
ofbirdscouldimplya
perceptions
experience.
worldoutsidebiologicalprocessbecomestheoretically
burdensome
rather
than
useful.
It seemsto me,however,
thattheseproblems
do notariseificonicity
is seen
to operatein a waythatconflicts
witheveryday
and assumptions.
It
attitudes
thenbecomespossibleto explorethe revelatory
of initiation
character
rites
withoutseekingrefugein digitaloperations
whichreducereligiousconceptto a verysimplethought(forinstance,
thatpigsare to birdswhat
formation
bodiesareto spirits).
to puttheOrokaivamaterial
on one side,forthemoment,
It is necessary
and
examineinitiation
whichhave been morecomprehensively
studied.
systems
Some especiallyimpressive
workhas been carriedout by Barthamongthe
or ofwhatBarth
a societyinwhichthepoweroficoniccodification,
Baktaman,
Bateson1972) 'analogic'codification,
lies in thecultivation
of
calls(following
andsecrecy.
paradox,
mystery,
multivocality
Barthhas shownthatBaktamaninitiators
entertain
ambivalent
attitudes
towardswild malepigs.On theone hand,wildpigsfrequently
damagegardens
andaretherefore
ofcropsandbannedfrominitiation
inimicalto theprosperity
ritual.On theotherhand,theirferocity
andvirility
(notleastthevitalservice
domesticsows) exemplify
desirablequalitiesin
theyprovidein impregnating
carriedintobattle
men.Barth(1975) describes
howa groupofnovicewarriors
themandibleofa wildmalepigthattheyhadjustkilledintheactofcopulation.
tothemalecult
thesuccessofthisraid,themandible
wasintroduced
Following
attitude
to theextentthatthebonesof
butan ambivalent
towildboarpersisted
fromthetemples.
otherspecimens
werestilldebarred

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708

HARVEYWHITEHOUSE

WhatBlochhas to sayaboutpigsamongtheOrokaivamightequallybe said

In bothenvironments,
aboutpigsamongtheBaktaman.
pigsaretheonlylarge
bothwildanddomesticated
mammals,
animalsarevaluedfortheirmeat,andin
behavioural
and physiological
termstheirresemblances
to humanbeingsare
muchthesamein bothsocieties.Thereis,however,
no reasonto privilege
the
connexionbetweenpigsandideasofvitality
orbiologicalprocess.The attitudes
of theBaktamantowardswildpigs,in thecontextof everyday
life,focusprion theirdestructive
marily
habits:
as involvedin a continuouswar withthe wild
Baktamanmen seem to regardthemselves
pigs;theyspendhoursin themen'shousesdescribing
theirdepredations
in detail,discussing
theirhabitsand individual
on theirlocationand nextmove(Barth
idiosyncrasies,
speculating
1975:39).

A noviceconfronted
witha relicofthispublicenemyin thecontext
ofa fertility
cultis likelyto experience
anda sensethatwildpigsarenotthekind
confusion,
ofcreatures
one mightsuppose.As Barthputsit:
An auraof mystery
and insight
is createdbydarkhintsthatthingsarenotwhattheyappear.
That ignorant
are negatedby guardedknowledgeis theverystuffof mystery
assumptions
cult(1987:33).

A clueto themeaningofthemandibleis likelyto be pickedup bythenovice

in contemplating
theaggressiveness
andvirility
ofwildmalepigs.In additionto
character
ofthisrevelation,
thenoviceis likelyto
mullingovertheparadoxical
withotheritemsoftemplesacra:thebonesofancestors,
associatethemandible
and theblackenedceilingof theculthousewhichin turnconnotestheblack- an evenmoreexplicit
enedvineusedtotiethenovicestogether
imageofmale
withthepigmandible
encounter
solidarity
(Barth1975:67). Aboveall,thefirst
and privations
of thirddegreeinitiation,
will be associatedwiththe tortures
of all Baktamanrites.But hereI am
whichare amongthe mostterrifying
jumpingaheadofmyself
It is notonlyin theBaktamancase thatporcineimagery
lendsitselfto the
and spirituality.
cultivationof ideas about masculinity
Among the Ilahita
use pigincisors
theglanspenisesofnovicesas part
initiators
tolacerate
Arapesh,
of an actof purification
and sacralization.
Here,it is an attackby a pig rather
thanby a birdwhichmakesthenovicemorelikean ancestor,
and less likea
worldly,
polluting
being(Tuzin1980:340-1).Tuzinclaimsthat,at a laterstage
of initiation,
IlahitaArapeshnovicesare ritually
transformed
into pigs,as a
resultofgorging
on porkduringthephaseofliminality
(1980:344).
oriconicprinciple
in New GuineainitiaThe pointis thattheanalogic
operates
tionsin sucha wayas to confoundeveryday
andto emphasize
understandings,
themultivocal
and multivalent
character
This processis resistant
ofrevelation.
in language,
to expression
andcertainly
doesnotemergeoutofa simpledigital
or a straightforward
ofeveryday
operation
re-presentation
understandings.
withBarthoverhisapproachtoanalogiccodesis atthe
WhereI partcompany
to incorporate
theaffective
pointwherehe turnsto psychoanalysis
qualityof
in timeandspace.Drawofvariation
ritualsymbolism
andaccountforpatterns
of theoperations
of primary
ingon Noy's (1969; 1979) classification
process,
the unconsciousgenerative
whichmight
mechanisms
Barthtriesto identify
andperformances
entailed
produceincremental
changesin thefeelings,
insights
in initiations.
It seemsodd thatBarthshouldwaxFreudian,
giventhegrounds

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HARVEYWHITEHOUSE

709

of his aversionto LUvi-Straussian

structuralism.
Some twentyyearsago, he
wrote:
One may be justifiablyunhappyabout a method where structuresor patternsmust be constructedmerelywith a view to make all the pieces fittogetherand without opportunityfor
falsificationat any stage. The naive question of how much of these thoughtshave actually
been thoughtby the actorsconcerned can be raised ... but not resolved in such a structuralist framework(1975: 213).

A morerecentquotation
willshowthatBarth'sviewson thematter
havenot
changedsubstantially.
He writes:
I feel intuitivelycommittedto an ideal of naturalismin the analyticaloperationsI perform:
thattheyshould model or mirrorsignificant,
identifiableprocesses thatcan be shown to take
place among the phenomena theyseek to depict (1987: 8).

Barth'sappealsto Noy,andultimately
to Freud,seemtoviolate
Nevertheless,
his empiricist
instincts.
For,as I have pointedout elsewhere(Whitehouse
1992b:789-91),Barth'sinsistence
on theunconscious
natureofculturechange
is nowheresupportedby evidenceof such transformations.
In fact,all the
examplesof culturechangeadducedin Barth'spublications
on theBaktaman
areexamplesofconsciously
introduced
changes.
The psychological
effects
of initiation
ritualin New Guineaare farwiderreachingthan any analysisof the cognitiveprocessesentailedin analogic
communication
could encompass.Psychoanalytic
theory,
however,presents
onlyone ofa rangeofpossiblewaysofunderstanding
theemotional
impacton
novices.Anotherapproach,
one thathas theadvantage
of seekingto establish
theconsciousexperiences
of participants,
is suggested
by socialpsychological
studiesofattitude-change
amongthevictims
ofterrorism.
Suchan approachis
elaborated
byTuzinin hisanalysis
ofIlahitaArapeshinitiation,
andhisconclusionsareworthquotingat length:
Under certainconditions the victimof extremeterror,by virtueof what may be called coerced regression,experiences love and gratitudetoward, and deep identificationwith, his
persecutors.During the ordeal, of course, the novice's attitudesare at best highlylabile; but
immediatelyfollowingit, the initiatorsdrop theirrazors,spears, cudgels, or what have you,
and comfortthe boys with lavish displaysof tenderemotion.What resentmentthe lattermay
have been harbouringinstantlydissipates,replaced by a palpable warmth and affectionfor
the men who, moments before,had been seeminglybent on theirdestruction.As theirconfidence recovers itself,the novices become giddy with the realization that they have surmounted the ordeal. If there is an element of identificationdisclosed in this remarkable
- and I do not know what otherinterpretation
transformation
to place on it - then the terror
component may well be essential if the cult, and indeed the societyitself,is to continue in
its presentform(1980: 77-8).

Tuzin'sanalysisis quiteplausibleand,unlikethetheory
of 'rebounding
viofortheterrifying
natureofinitiatory
lence',goesa longwaytowards
accounting
ordeals.But, as withBloch'sapproach,the 'love-of-the-oppressor'
paradigm
doesnottakeproperaccountofthemultivocality
andmultivalence
ofreligious
The alternation
imagery.
betweencruelty
and kindnessin IlahitaArapeshrites
would presumably
havethesame effect
on thenoviceswithoutthecomplex
ofthemalecult.
imagery
Williamswouldprobably
havesympathized
withTuzin'sapproach.The imwas
hisanalysis
oftheembahi
agewhichhe heldin mind,throughout
ceremony,
one of publicschool'ragging'
ratherthanterrorist
violence,but he preceded
Tuzinin stressing
thewaythatnovicescometo identify
withtheiroppressors

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710

HARVEYWHITEHOUSE

(Williams1930: 197). In so doing,Williamssoughtto redresswhathe saw as

an imbalancein Chinnery
& Beaver'sapproach,
whichemphasized
theeducationalvalue of terror.Accordingto Chinnery& Beaver,embahiviolence
producedin thenovicesa 'receptive
... frameofmind'(1915:77). This constitutesone of theearliestattempts
to explaintheuse of terror
in New Guinea
initiation,
but the line of reasoningit suggestshas been amongthe most
neglected.
Fearsandflashbulbs
In seekingtobringthecognitive
sideofOrokaivainitiation
rites,
exemplified
in
Barth'stheory
of analogiccodification,
intoharmony
withtheaffective
aspects
andespecially
theterrifying
natureoftheembahi
I am
oftheserituals,
ceremony,
inclinedto returnto Chinnery
& Beaver'shypothesis.
Contemporary
anthropologyhas the advantageof beingable to drawon the fruitsof a greatly
I am goingto
of learning
and memory.
advancedpsychological
understanding
on
the
of
focusparticular
attention
operations so-called'flashbulb
memory'in
whichextreme
shocksbecomeintertwined.
emotionsandcognitive
Flashbulbmemoriesare vividrecollections
of inspirational,
calamitous,
or
otherwise
emotionally
arousing
events.BrownandKulik(1982)arguethatsuch
memoriesare generated
in whicha specific
by a peculiarneuralmechanism
rangeofdetailsabouttheevent(location,
source,affect
andaftermath)
is simulencoded.Numerousalternative
in
taneously
explanations
forthephenomenon,
In spiteof
bothbiologicalandpsychological
terms,
havesincebeenadvanced.1
Neisser's(1982) attempts
to explainthecanonicalstructure
of suchmemories
in termsof the conventions
of story-telling,
Winogradand Killinger(1983)
showthatthevividness
and detailof flashbulb
memories
arenotsubstantially
affected
and Orokaivainitiates
by reminiscence.
Thus,thefactthatBaktaman
do notconverseabouttheirexperiences
andinterpretations
ofsecretcultritual
shouldnotaffect
thecanonicalstructure
ofthesememories.
has
Herdt,in hisworkon theSambiaof theNew Guineahighlandfringe,
usedBrown'sandKulik'stheory
offlashbulb
to understand
theextramemory
of revelation
whichmarktheonsetof shamanicpowers,
ordinary
experiences
andwhich(as Herdtmentions
in passing)maybe triggered
of
bythetraumas
Sambiainitiation
(1989: 115). I havealso invokedthe conceptof 'flashbulb
ordealsof millenarian
ritualamong
memory'in connexionwiththetraumatic
the Baining(1995: 195,206). An advantage
of thistheoryis thatit fitswith
of how dramatic,
exand surprising
people'sintuitive
impressions
frightening
periencesseem to be 'printed'on the mind.There is no need to postulate
processesinaccessible
toconsciousness.
Whatwe aredealingwithhereis a stock
of veryvivid,disturbing
and perhapsenlightening
memorieswhichare conforyearstocome,andindeedmay
sciouslyturnedoverin themindsofinitiates
novicefirst
realizesthathe is
themto thegrave.Whena Baktaman
accompany
anda father
(in somesense)beingmadeintoa virile,aggressive
pig- a warrior
- he is notonlystruck
ofhispreviousassumptions
aboutpigs,
bytheabsurdity
of
thisrevelation
withtheterrifying
andagonizing
buthe associates
experience
almostto the
beingbeatenwithstones,whippedwithnettlesand dehydrated
of cognitive
and emotionalcrisesthat
pointof death.It is thiscombination
mnemonic
effect.
As Herdtpointsout,suchmemories
producesthedistinctive

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HARVEYWHITEHOUSE

711

providefocalimagery
forsubsequent
reflection
(1989:115),andthisis howthe
'fansofconnotations
ofsacredsymbols'(Barth1987:31) areelaborated.
Initiation ritesproducea patterned
screenof representations
and feelingsagainst
whichlaterinsights
andrevelations
areprojected.
The vividness
anddetailofpeople'smemories
ofinitiation
ritesarerelatedin
partto the surprising
and unexpected
natureof revelation
and in partto the
highlevelofemotionalarousal.Forinstance,
it is relevant
thatBaktaman
esotericknowledgeis surprising
to the novices,but the reversalof everyday
assumptions
aboutwild malepigsis not in itselfsufficiently
impressive
and
memorable
to produceflashbulb
clarity.
Psychologists
haveshownthatsurprisingeventsareremembered
ingreater
detailiftheyarealsoemotionally
arousing
(see,forinstance,
Christiansen
& Loftus1991).Moreover,
at leastthreestudies
suggestthatthe detailof flashbulb
recallincreasesdirectly
withintensity
of
emotionat encoding(see Christiansen
1992: 287). The longevity
of such
memoriesis also verystriking,
as has been demonstrated
byvictims'detailed
and closelymatching
in concentration
recollections
of atrocities
camps,forty
yearsafterthesecampswerecloseddown.There is also some evidencethat
recallof disturbing
or traumatic
experiencesactuallyimproveswith time
& Safer1988),incontrast
withothersortsofmemories
(Scrivner
whichmaybe
subjectto decay(Cohen 1989:156-9).
These findings,
althoughtheyseem intuitively
plausible,are at odds with
mostearlyhypotheses
abouttherelationship
betweenemotionand memory.
Studiesbasedon the'Yerkes-Dodson
therelationship
law',whichrepresented
betweenmentalefficiency
andlevelofarousalorstressas an inverted
U-shaped
curve,assumedthatstatesofextreme
fearimpaired
rather
thanimproved
cognitiveprocessing.Nevertheless,
followingan extensivereviewof recent
literature
on thesubject,Christiansen
concludes:
the resultsfromflashbulbstudiesand otherstudiesof real-lifeeventssuggestthathighly
emotionalor traumatic
eventsare verywell retainedovertime,especiallywithrespectto
detailedinformation
associatedwiththetraumatic
event(1992:288).
directly

transmission
andpolitical
association
Memory,
ofinitiatory
in thenatureof
Now,thepolitical
implications
traumas
residepartly
episodicmemoryof whichflashbulb
memoryis (in thecontextof initiation
rites)an especiallysalientmanifestation,
and partlyin the contrived
circumI haveelsewhere
stancesoftransmission.
On thelatter
written
atlength
subject,
(Whitehouse1992b;1994; 1995; 1996b)and I shallconfinemyselfhereto a
offourmainpoints.
summary
in initiation
First,thereligiousunderstandings
cultivated
ritualderivefrom
collectiveperformances,
and can onlybe disseminated
amongneighbouring
of whole populations.As Barthhas
groups,or throughthe displacement
localizedcharacter
of
pointedout (1990),thishelpsto explainthefragmentary,
foundedaroundinitiation
rites.Secondly,
the traumanyreligioustraditions
maticnatureoftheserites,andthesecrecy
intense
surrounding
them,generate
as manywritershave observed(forinstance,
solidarity
amongparticipants,
Barth1975: 223, 245, 251; Feil 1987:231; Godelier1991: 294; Lindenbaum
thisexperience
of solidarity
1984). Thirdly,
maybe relatedto thepracticeof
and it is certainly
linkedto couragein war,as theforegoing
'sister-exchange'2

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712

HARVEYVWHITEHOUSE

discussion
ofOrokaivaandBaktaman
ritesclearly
demonstrates.
Sister-exchange
and warfare,
meanwhile,
areconduciveto theautonomy
of smalllocalgroups
(Modjeska1982).
All thesefactors
a highly
encourage
fragmented
politicallandscapecomposed
of small,boundary-conscious
ritualcommunities,
in relations
standing
ofhostheemphasis
is on cohesiveness
tility
orrivalry.
Internally,
andsolidarity.
Ifthere
is alsoan egalitarian
ethosamongadultmales,thismaybe linkedto thecondito thefactthatrevelations
tionsof religious
and in particular
are
transmission,
ofinitiation,
crucialinsights
notmediated
byleaders.In thecontext
areinferred
in a processsubjectively
as personalinspiration.
by participants
experienced
to impart
thewisdomoftheancestors,
forthiswisdom
Nobodycomesforward
is elusiveto language.Religiousinstruction
is therefore
a matter
of collective
rather
thana transaction
betweenteacher
andpupils(cf Barth1990).
revelation,
imAdmittedly,
theauthoritarian
behaviourof initiators
instantiates
a striking
balanceof power (Tuzin 1980: 73-4), but once the metamorphosis
of the
in theircommonexperience
novicesis complete,thecamaraderie
engendered
ofliminality
In a realsenseinitiators
is extended
to theirinitiators.
andnovices
and shareitsdramatic
undergotheexperience
together,
consequences(Tuzin
1980: 78). When it is over,theyare closerthanbefore,both in statusand
identity.
Peopleundergoparticular
initiation
ritesoncein a lifetime.
TheymayparticiIn
patein or witnesssuchritesagain,butneveras objectsoftheperformance.
theseconditions
ofinfrequent
transmission,
itis vitalthattheoriginal
impactof
An important
theexperience
enduresin memory.
memories
qualityofflashbulb
is thattheyareunforgettable,
vividandhaunting.
Theirpotencyis a concomitantof the uniquenessand emotionality
of the situation
whichgave riseto
is lasting,
them.The solidarity
butit is also difficult
generated
amonginitiates
to generalizeor extend.This is anotherfactorcontributing
to the politically
ofinitiation
in termsofthe
boundedcharacter
systems
anditis bestunderstood
mechanics
ofepisodicmemory.
Whatis encodedis nota script(as in a liturgical
but a setof
sequence)or a habitualbodypractice(as in kneelingforprayer),
andresponses.
In thecaseofflashbulb
memveryparticular
events,
experiences
and tied to the actual
are canonicallystructured
ory,these recollections
historical
contextinwhichtheeventsoccurred.
Whatthismeans,amongother
is thatactualpersonsinhabit
Thisisverydifferent
thesememories.
from
things,
thememoriesthatpeoplehaveof highlyrepetitive
schemas
rituals,
involving
forgeneralsequencesofactionsthatmightbe performed
andnota
byanybody
specificset of people (see Whitehouse1995: 85-6). Thus, the politicaland
whichinitiation
in themindsof
religiouscommunity
createsis fixedforever
novices.The bondsof solidarity
once forgedcannoteasilybe revokedor extended.They encompassthosepeople who actuallyenduredthe terrifying
andseparate
themforever
fromtherestofhumanity.
experience
together,
Conclusion
to theinterpretation
of Melanesianreligiondo
Certaininfluential
approaches
of participants.
The significance
not do justice to the consciousexperience
to porcineand avianimageryin Orokaivainitiation
whichBloch attributes
or (morelikely)heretical.
be unrecognizable
would,in theeyesofpractitioners,

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HARVEYVWHITEHOUSE

713

This is not to say thatthe theoryof 'rebounding

violence'does not apply,
merelythatit excludesa greatdeal.It couldnot,evenin principle,
handlethe
moststriking
aspectsof thisexperience
fromtheviewpoints
of participants,
includingthe surprising
reversalof everyday
understandings
and the terror
inducedbytheembahi.3
The interpretations
suggested
bysocialpsychology
are
betterableto makesenseoftheaffective
aspectsofinitiation,
butmuchof the
complexity
ofcognitive
processesis excluded.Tuzin'srecourseto the'love-ofthe-oppressor'
syndromedoes not interlock
with the symbolicrichnessof
Arapeshrites.Noviceswould identify
withtheiroppressors
just as readilyif
theyweresimplyabused,withoutbeingexposedtothecompleximagery
ofthe
male cult.Barth'suse of Freudianinsights
encompassesmoreof the ethnographicdetail;like Bloch'sand Tuzin'sapproaches,
however,it producesan
interpretation
thatfailsto engagesubstantially
withtheconsciousexperience
of
Whatis clearlyrequiredis a wayofrelating
participants.
thelivedexperience
of
ritualperformance,
in conceptual
and emotionalterms,
to widerpoliticalconditionsin a mannerthatis bothgeneralizable
andempirically
across
productive
a rangeofculturaltraditions.
I have suggestedthat'ritesof terror'maybe seen as partof a nexusof
inwhichspecific
psychological
andsociological
dimensions
ofconceptprocesses,
are linkedto the scale,structure
and
formation,
feelingand remembering,
politicalethosof socialgroups.This nexusis foundin a widevariety
of religious traditions
and not merelyin Melanesianinitiation
systems.In a fuller
I havedubbedthisconcatenation
of itsdynamics,
exploration
of features
the
'imagistic
mode of religiosity
(Whitehouse
1995),a mode of 'beingreligious'
thathasbeenwritten
aboutfrommanyanglesandendowedwithmanylabels.4
It has longbeenappreciated
thatintenseemotionalstatesarea crucialelement
of thenexus,but (as in thesampleof interpretations
in thisarticle)
surveyed
thesestateshavenotbeenrelatedto thecomplexconceptual
processesthatare
in 'ritesofterror'
andother'ecstatic'
An advanengendered
religious
practices.
of emotionand conceptualcomplexity,
via a
tageof focusingon theintegrity
of memory,
closeanalysisof theworkings
is thatit impelsus deeperintothe
at thesametimeas itforcesus to generalize.
ethnography
NOTES
seminarsat the Uniin 1993at departmental
This is a revisedversionof a paperpresented
and the Queen's University
of Belfast.I shouldlike to
versitiesof Oxfordand Manchester
fortheirinstructive
departments
at all threeuniversities
thankmembersof the anthropology
debtofthanks
at lengthon earlierdrafts,
myparticular
criticisms.
For readingand commenting
goesto MarcusBanks,MauriceBloch,Bob Barnes,SimonHarrisonand HowardMorphy.
I See, forinstance,
& Gaskell(1992) andWhitehouse
(1996a).
Wright
2 The covarianceof male initiatory
cultsand sister-exchange
is observedby Godelier(e.g.
of theirrelationship
is not entirely
1991: 277), thoughI argueelsewherethathis explication
satisfactory
1992a:110-11).
(WVhitehouse
3 In talkingabout'everyday
levelof perI am not referring
to a universal
understandings',
but specifically
to thoseideas and attiinverted),
ception(whichBloch sees as beingritually
in
butthenexposedas falsehoods
tudesthatare culturally
discourse,
emphasizedin non-ritual
to everyA goodexampleis themarsupial
mouse(eiraram)
which,according
esoteric
cosmology.
vermin'but,in the contextof the
is categorized
as 'disgusting
day Baktamanunderstandings,
foodmonopolizedby
category
all of itsown: privileged
malecult,'is elevatedto a sacramental
theancestor'(Barth1975:82).

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714

HARVEYWHITEHOUSE

4 For instance,
'dionysian',
'effervescent',
charismatic',
'ecstatic',
etc.- fora discussionof the
to characterize
historyof theseattempts
the 'imagistic
mode of religiosity',
see W7hitehouse
1995:194-217.

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Rites de terreur:"motion,metaphoreet memoiredans les cultes

d'initiationmelanesiens
Resume
comprennent
des ritesinstillant
chez
I1n'estpas rareque les cultesd'initiation
m6lanesiens
les novicesqui les subissentune terreur
profondeet aux effets
prolonges.Cet articlepasse
ces 6preuvestraumatisantes
pourmontrer
en revuequelques th6oriesactuellesconcernant
aux d6pensd'un engagement
satisfaisant
que leursconclusionsg6neralisantes
s'6tablissent
rituelle.L'auteurpropose
avecle procescognitifet
emotionnel
impliquedansla performance
une theoriealternative
qui sontplusa meme
baseesurles theoriesde la memoire'flashbulb',
par les ritestraumatisants,
et de rendre
de penetrerles experiencesreligieusesengendr6es
de certaines
formes
d'association
politiqueau seindessystemes
comptedu caractere
recurrent
fontpartied'un nexusde processuspsychod'initiation.
Pour l'auteur,les 'ritesde terreur'
en 'mode imagistique
de religiosite'.
logiqueset sociologiquestravesti

B7T71NN
QueensUniversity,
Belfast
Devartment
ofSocialAnthropolo9y,

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