Chapitre 14

Yo!Illspitmyrapforyallin
darija : Local and global in
Moroccan hip hop culture
Sarali Gintsburg

14.1 Introduction
The culture of hip hop was born in the poor neighborhoods
of New York in the 1970s but today it is popular all over the
world. After the first official hip hop song Rappers Delight
was recorded in 1979, it took only about a decade for hip hop to
spread from the Black ghettoes of the East Coast to Los
Angeles, to become liked by Chicanos, and to conquer poor
neighborhoods of Lagos, Cape Town, Casablanca, Tokyo,
Shanghai, and Rio de Janeiro to mention just a few.
One cannot disagree with LeVine, who argues that if heavy
metalbroughtdowntheIronCurtain,hip-hop has become the
musicoftheageofglobalization(2007: 42). Indeed, today we
extend the term hip hop generation once introduced by
Kitwana (2002) as an attribution of Black American youth and
apply it to youth throughout the globe. The reason of such a
huge popularity of the hip hop culture is probably hiding in its
multilingual nature: elements of youth culture, street culture,
prison culture, personal style, together with elements of
entertainment give voice to those who have been lacking it for a
long time and contribute now to creating the unique
phenomenon of the hip hop culture.
Morocco became one of those countries where hip hop
culture has been adopted. It became fairly popular in the
country within a blink of an eye. Its evolution from a purely

Evolution des pratiques et des reprsentations langagires

underground crazy stuff from a bunch of weirdoes to an official

nomination in the Mawazine festival, which is held yearly
under the patronage of King Mohammed VI, was dramatically
rapid. Not only the Moroccan rap is listened to by local youth
but it has become the focus of research of scholars as well (see
Abou el-Aazm, 2006; Abu Ghanim, 2009; Agadid, 2008). The
success of Moroccan hip hop is even more surprising when
compared to the situation of hip hop in other Arab countries.
Some of them, regardless of the slogans of recent revolutions
that have shaken the Arab world, traditionally enjoy relative
freedom and openness toward Western culture. It did not help,
however, for hip hop culture to gain any considerable
popularity in Tunisia, Egypt, Lebanon or Algeria, nor has it
given birth to any hip hop stars, comparable to Moroccan stars
Don Bigg or H-Kayne.
It is no wonder that the global and, at the same time, local
nature of hip hop is attractive not only to modern youth but also
to scholars: as a global phenomenon, it contributes to better
understanding various processes that take place among
contemporary youth across the globe, since, thanks to
globalization,hiphophasbecomethevoiceofaworldsracial
underclass (Omoniyi, 2009: 120). As a local cultural
phenomenon, it contributes to better understanding of cultural
differences and identities. The best material for such studies are
lyrics their analysis answers the question on how initially
local issues are adopted and developed globally. This chapter
uses text analysis in order to compare key aspects of Moroccan
hip hop with its American prototype with the aim to understand:
what do they have in common and how they differ.

14.2 Origins
American hip hop Technically, hip hop has debuted on the
musical scene of the United States to a considerable degree
thanks to the movements initiated by Ronald Reagans
administration national policy that worsened living conditions
of African Americans by launching the racially inclined

Yo!Illspitmyrapforyall in darija

campaign War on Drugs, trimming the welfare budget and

ignoring the problems of poor urban America (Kitwana,
2002: 14; Best & Kelner, 1999). The origins of American hip
hop, or as some call it, rap culture, however lie in the musical
traditions of generations of long oppressed Black America: in
coffeehouse songs, slave songs, such as work and prison songs,
and later bebop, jazz and blues (Sullivan, 2011: 12-13, 46). The
culture of hip hop was strongly influenced as well by dance and
party music, which made entertainment an important
component of it and added to its visibility (Best & Kelner,
1999).
Moroccan hip hop Hip hop culture became widely popular
among Moroccan musicians fairly recently and its expansion
turned to be dramatically rapid: it took only a couple of years
for Moroccan hip hoppers not only to become heard and
accepted by local youth but also to become role models for
quite many of them. To some degree, rapid expansion of once
very local musical styles of Black American youth from East
and West Coast ghettoes was possible because of its
availability, since its a lot easier to become a rapper and
rhyme over pre-recorded tracks than investing money into
instruments(LeVine,2007: 43). At the same time, in the case
of Morocco, hip hop culture was sown in fertile ground. The
tradition of expressing protest, unhappiness with the current
state of affairs has a long history in Moroccan folklore. For
instance, starting from medieval times, voices of people were
translated through the genre of malhun a variety of dialectal
poetry usually performed with musical accompaniment. In their
verses, malhun poets often treated political issues and social
injustice. They also regularly turned to satire as literary
technique. In the seventies of the twentieth century, Morocco
witnessed an increase in the number of musical groups that tried
to combine Western and traditional Moroccan tunes on the one
hand and to politicize their lyrics on the other. The most famous
of them were Nass El Ghiwane and Jil Jilala: they not only
became famous in the Maghreb countries but their songs have
also influenced the following generations of Moroccan
musicians. Although LeVine notes that the lyrics of Nass El

Evolution des pratiques et des reprsentations langagires

GhiwaneandJilJilalacontainedonlysubtlepoliticalcritique
(2007: 36), these two groups are still fashionable among
Moroccan hip hoppers. They often refer to their songs in their
texts and see them as precursors of Moroccan hip hop (Caubet,
2005, 2010, 2011; Miller & Caubet, unpublished).

14.3 Target Audience

American hip hop From the very emergence of hip hop on
the streets of Bronx and Harlem, hip hop artists have positioned
their culture as the one created by minorities and for
minorities. Indeed, despite a fair number of white rappers, such
as the Beastie Boys, Eminem, and Vanilla Ice, American rap
has almost always been considered black music. Nevertheless,
hip hop culture is also restricted to class: it is usually associated
with urban youth from poor neighborhoods and, regardless of
its huge popularity during recent years, it can hardly be seen as
a mass culture of middle class people. It has never been the
main target for most of American hip hoppers to become
mainstream and gain the affection of wide masses throughout
thecountrybecausebydefinitionnegromusicisalwaysradical
inthecontextofformalAmericanculture(Sullivan, 2011: 63).
Instead, from the very start of hip hop they chose to address
Black America.
Moroccan hip hop Unlike American hip hoppers, the
Moroccan ones assert themselves as the voice of the majority.
They talk in the name of Moroccan citizens, the African
continent, the Arab people and the Islamic Oumma. Sometimes
hip hoppers address all oppressed people of the world:
l-g -ub l-malma
anna klm-n l-ym
[To all oppressed people
We dedicate our words today]

(Fnaire, Why)

Yo!Illspitmyrapforyall in darija

In other words, if American hip hop is always associated

with the black race, the Moroccan one is, or at least attempts to
be associated with certain groups on national, religious or class
basis. Regardless of what some Moroccan hip hop activists say,
Moroccan hip hop is a relatively popular genre and cannot be
considered as underground music only anymore. However, its
audience is limited because of several factors. First of all
because of the language factor: although local rappers regularly
address the Arab world or the Islamic Oumma, it is very
unlikely that their texts will be completely understood even by
their Algerian neighbors whose dialects are known to be close
to the Moroccan ones. Another very important factor has been
noticed in connection to Nigerian rap and it explains very well
thesituationwiththeMoroccanone:anyformofhiphopand
RNB that isnt in English and is from outside of America is
regardedassecondclass(Omoniyi,2009: 121). That is to say,
that whatever popularity a Moroccan group enjoys back home,
on the international level it will always be seen as a copy of the
real American hip hop. This state of affairs seriously
undermines the potential of any national, including Moroccan,
group that chooses to be part of hip hop culture.

14.4 Self-Identity
American hip hop As Best & Kelner (1999) note, hip hop
culture is a form of articulating identity and self-assertion.
Indeed, lyrics of American hip hoppers clearly declare their
identity: in general, they distinguish themselves as a complete
antithesis to whites and Western civilization. Sometimes, the
desire to stick with identity is so strong and the words are so
extremethattheysoundlikeblacknationalistfervor(Best&
Kelner, 1999). The roots of hip hop culture lie in the musical
and cultural activities of such artists as Afrika Bambaataa and
his gang Zulu Nation, who saw a direct connection between
black Americans and African Zulus. The influence of these
ideas is of great importance for rappers of younger generations
as well:

Evolution des pratiques et des reprsentations langagires

ImanAfrican,neverwasanAfrican-American
Blacker than black I take it back to my origin
Same skin hated by the Klansmen.
Bignoseandlips,bighipsandbutts,dancin,what
(Dead Prez, I am an African)
At the same time, American hip hop is inspired to a large
degree by activities of black heroes of the Civil Rights
Movement and Black Power, such as Malcolm X, Martin
Luther King. They feel strongly connected to them:
No Malcolm X in my history text, why is that?
Cause he tried to educate and liberate all blacks.
(2Pac, Words of Wisdom)
While direct ties of American hip hop culture pioneers with
the shoot off of Islam called Five Percenters, and later N.O.I Nation of Islam, which had a direct impact on the shaping of the
hip hop style that could be traced in the lyrics, the same cannot
be applied to the Islamic faith itself. Although a considerable
part of US hip hoppers, such as Lupe Fiasco, is converted to
Islam or born Sunni Muslims, direct connotations to the religion
of Islam are rarely found in their texts. Below is an exception to
the rule, the lines spitted by Lupe Fiasco:
GsupalongwithMuhammadandJesus,
In the Quran they call him Isa.
DontthinkOsamaandSaddamisourleader,
We pray for peace, but the drama intrigues us.
(Lupe Fiasco, Muhammad Walks)
Another important trend, intrinsic to American hip hop, is
that it is very local in the sense that the black race is associated
with life in the hood (Forman, 2002: xvii). This is why in rap
songs one often hears names of different hoods such as the
Bronx, South Central Los Angeles or Compton, as well as street

Yo!Illspitmyrapforyall in darija

names and other detailed information, relevant only for these

hoodsresidents.
Moroccan hip hop Even though Moroccan hip hop has
embraced the main idea of its American prototype, i.e. talking
in the name of the voiceless and the outcast from the hood,
there are some substantial differences in perception of what the
hood is. Most of the Moroccan lyrics do permanently refer to
life in the hood (l-awma) and the street (z-zenqa) (Caubet,
2010: 102) but give them a broader sense. They identify
themselves, as the voice from the hood, with the Moroccan
nation or with a part of the Greater Maghreb. Fnaire for
instance calls up Moroccan and Algerians in the song Golih
Goleh to forget all previous feuds and recall that they have one
origin and one culture. Fnaire reminds them that troubles are
usually caused by politicians. Unlike American rappers, the
Moroccan ones are patriots (Caubet, 2010: 103). They see
themselves living in a future Morocco:
kol-na xut l-mhaba daya men l-fog l-tet afiddi
bna netwalu aml anb
35 milyn w-n maba f-had l-kn
bna netwna tkn nefs-na dma mobilla
erawi , el w-arbimarbaf-had stilla
bna tezyn l-weqt we-ll ykn ml
[Were all brothers, Moroccans are around me, take it or
leaveit
We want to establish a proper connection, between North
andSouth
Were35millionofMoroccansinthisworld,
We want to cooperate, our souls shall always be active,
Sahraoui, Amazigh, and Arab Moroccans are this way.
We want to live in a better world and want us to be doing
well.]
(Don Bigg, H-Kayne, Khansa & Steff Ragga Man, Smani)
Some of them emphasize that they are also part of Africa:

Evolution des pratiques et des reprsentations langagires

Casa ma ville, ma vie, reprsente ma famille,

La street, la clic, la capitaledAfrique!
[Casablanca is my city and my life, it represents my family,
My street and, the click and it is the capital of Africa!]
(V-Mic, Casa mdinti)
Although LeVine (2007, 13) notices that most, however,
[Muslim musicians] prefer to separate their religious beliefs
from their music or their politics , this is not the case with
Moroccan rappers - generally they are very articulate about
their religion and see themselves and their compatriots as an
integral part of the Muslim world:

naya arab wa-na msllmn and-na ktb wa-din

[We are Arabs, we are Muslims, and we have our Book and
our religion.]
(Caza Crew, Arabi)

IfforthehiphopsceneintheUSAassociationwithraceis
certainlystrongerthanassociationwithnation(Best& Kelner,
1999), this is not the case for their Moroccan counterparts and
in this sense Moroccan hip hop is not of a local nature. Hence, it
is not of great importance for a Moroccan rapper to lay a special
emphasis on the city, the area, or the hood he comes from. He
prefers to represent all Arabs, all Muslims, all Moroccans, or at
least all Moroccan hoods. Sometimes, however, references to
specific places occur in the texts: Casa mdinti (Casa is my city)
by V-Mic and Isssawa style by H-Kayne.

14.5 Protesting
American hip hop Although songs of protest of previous
generations have inspired it, American hip hop very seldom
touches on political issues and human rights. Among the few
gangs that attempted to perform music with a message
(Sullivan, 2011: 205) were New York based Public Enemy and

Yo!Illspitmyrapforyall in darija

N.W.A (Niggaz With Attitude), who sang about racism and

racial discrimination from police, as well as about various
political issues. However, their political texts were considered
tobetooblackforthepublic(Sullivan, 2011: 204). There was
a recent attempt to return rapping back to political and social
frameworks but such texts still remain very scarce. It would be
unfair, however, to say that the American hip hop is a nonprotesting genre. The decision itself to start rapping can be
regarded as an act of protest because often to rap means to
declare ones racial and class background. When a singer
declares the negro, the negro still is not free, no sell out!
(Geto Boys, No Sellout), he already mildly protests against
racial discrimination. In other words, the American hip hop has
elements of protest in it but they are hidden in form rather than
in content.
Moroccan hip hop Moroccan hip hoppers have embraced
the American way of expressing the idea of being oppressed
and being the voice of the voiceless. However, they succeeded
to elaborate it: they applied it to Moroccan reality and
globalized it at the same time. It is no wonder then that it were
Moroccan hip hoppers who became the flagships of the new
protest movement Nayda (Caubet, 2010, 2011). Nayda activists
are highly influential among some groups of Moroccan youth
and they use their popularity as a voice amplifier: more and
more often Moroccan rappers call their compatriots for global
change. They call to fight the general state of affairs:
tta sisteem xa-kumtyyr
xa xa xa-kumtyyr
[[and] you need to change system,
you need, need, need to change it!]
(Don Bigg, Karianist)
Having the feeling that the voice of the voiceless can be
understood as the voice of the nation, they even call all Arabs to
unite together and stand for their rights, even though sometimes
it may sound ironically. This is how Tangier based group Zan9a

10

Evolution des pratiques et des reprsentations langagires

Flow is trying to wake up Arabs and stand for their rights in the
song called 9oli3LashSaket1 (Tell me why are you silent?)
be-laqq xen naml yed fe-lyed
w-qul n-i waed yqd:
hadu arab amigo
[Really, we need to take each others hands and say to the
one who can do that:
TheseareArabsforyou,amigo!]
(Zan9a Flow, 9oli 3Lash Saket)

14.6 Crime
American hip hop It is an essential part of American hip
hop culture to praise criminal aspects of life of Black America
and to romanticize them. This is what Best & Kelner (1999) call
ghetto realism or Gangsta or G-rap. Gangsta rappers rap about
reality, or, as they call it the real, but their reality is
marginalized, since it is restricted by the limits of their hood.
The lines below give a perfect outline of what kind of the real a
Gangsta rapper can refer to:
Soyouwannareallyknowwhatsrealonthemik
My little homie Pac lost his life
East Coast, West Coast, gun talk rules
Cocaine, big wheels, hoes and juice.
(Ice-T, Gangsta Rap)
Generally speaking, Gangsta texts show little or no concern
for economics or any other issues linked to everyday life in the
hood.
Moroccan hip hop Rhymes of some Moroccan rappers
have been obviously inspired by the Gangsta rap, Zan9a Flow
and its leader, Muslim, are cases in point. However, such
1

I maintained the transcription used by the singers for all of the song titles
mentioned in this chapter.

Yo!Illspitmyrapforyall in darija

11

Gangsta texts are very few, which means that the Gangsta rap
has not become a real trend in Moroccan hip hop culture, which
mostly focuses on politics, and social and religious issues. The
same group Zan9a Flow describes the hardships of living on the
streets:
zenqa manuna
llemat-ni n fe-qliyya manuna
u-nxelli ns yxf
men ba yetermn
[Street is a crazy place,
It taught me to think is a narrow way,
And I scare people off
Me so that they would have respect for us.]
(Zan9a Flow, Machi Ana li Khtart)
Suchtextsalsotellaboutthereal,although it is difficult to
find traces of romantic perceptions.

14.7 Enemies
American hip hop The image of enemies in the US hip hop
rhymes is usually very concrete and clear. This image has
travelled to hip hop from old slave songs black Americans used
to sing generations ago. It is linked to the white man, Western
civilization and most governmental institutions imposed by the
white man. Some texts are filled with bitterness and grievance:
Check yourselves,
Know what if means to be black Whether a man or girl
Werestillstrugglinginthis
White mansworld.
(2pac, Whitemansworld)

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Evolution des pratiques et des reprsentations langagires

Others are full of rage against norms imposed on African

Americans by white society:
Yeah, our history, black history, no president ever did shit
forme
Thentheyputusinjail,nowaniggacantgovote.
(Young Jeezy, My President)
Moroccan hip hop The term aduww (pl. adyn) (enemy)
occurs in texts very often. In most cases it relates to Makhzen
(LeVine, 2007: 48), the term that hosts a lot of meanings that
cause in an average Moroccan feelings of animosity: it can
mean the state, the taxation system, the police and the elites
(Caubet, 2010: 103). On the local level, the police cause most
of the rage. If American cops are racists, the Moroccan ones are
simply corrupt:
bit tirm l-bols
sir ri l-ek l-merseds
[Ifyouwanttoearnpolicesrespect,
Go get yourself a Mercedes.]
(Don Bigg, Bouliss)
FairsharesoflyricstellabouttheouterenemyortheWest
and Israel and Zionists. Moroccan rappers like to refer to
international politics and they are very articulate about where
they stand:
l-aduww ma-kayeff ma-kayenn ma ka-yfeq,
ba ybid l-mslmin kamln
w-zma diyal-na atawnah l-eqq
be-a tafha xutna klaw u-kayakl d-deqq
fe-lubnan filisin, aaanistan, w-l-raq
l-umma katzid tetferreq
[The enemy is not humane, he has no mercy, and he has no
compassion;
He wants to eradicate all Muslims

Yo!Illspitmyrapforyall in darija

13

And our leaders allowed him to do this.

For no reason our brothers are suffering,
In Lebanon, Palestine, Afghanistan and Iraq,
TheOummakeepssplitting]
(9achla, Na3sine)

14.8 Sexism
American hip hop A lot of texts, especially those that
belong to the Gangsta rap, are full of sexist terms, such as
bitches, hos, hoodrats and others. Kitwana explains this by the
youth radicalism of American hip hoppers caused by racism,
high incarceration rates and unemployment (Kitwana,
2002: 87). Others see the reason of having the desire to put
women to a verbal shredder, smoke dope and keep living a
gangsta life erasing the distinction between pessimism and
apathy (Best & Kelner, 1999). If nothing has changed and there
is no way one can escape life in the hood, then the only thing
left is to enjoy it:
MakinsureIdontmissthehomecominatHoward,Hawaii
to D.C.
Itsplentywomentosee,
Soifyoassdontshowupitsmorewomenforme.
(Ludacris, PimpinAroundtheWorld)
Moroccan hip hop Unlike in American hip hop culture,
Moroccan hip hoppers do not produce sexist texts, or any texts
offensive to women. In general, if a Moroccan rapper decides to
talk about love, he will rather prefer to talk about his love to his
parents (Caubet, 2010: 102-103). In this sense, Moroccan hip
hop is very local, since it takes into consideration local
traditions and codes. DJ Khalid from the Meknes based group
H-Kayne puts it in one of his interviews in the following way:
Werespectcertainvalues,wehaveethics,weprefertospend
timeinacoffeeshopdressedinaqandouraandsmokehookah

14

Evolution des pratiques et des reprsentations langagires

(Lamarkbi, 2006). Although in the beginning of the hip hop era,

Moroccans were under the strong influence of American rap.
With time though, they realized that Moroccan reality turned
out to be quite different from life in the American hood.
Casablancan rapper Don Bigg talks about it very explicitly:
lemna b-rep b-al merikan klpt,
leqab, ledid, u- erf dima xau yban
ma-kunna- arfin belle ila welna lrba
a-nwelliw tena wlad laqab fe aynin lli baqi bai yeban
[We were dreaming about [making] rap songs like
Americans: video clips,
Hos, wheels and filthy money everywhere,
We did not know that if we reach even one-forth of that,
We would become bastards in the eyes of those who are still
trying to become known.]
(Don Bigg, l7asoul)
There are some rhymes with a sexist flavor, but in
comparison to the US ones, they are very modest. Interesting is
that such texts are produced in French or English, not in
Moroccan Arabic:
TellmewhatsonyoumindIllfreakyoulikethat,
LemmeknowwhatsonyourmindIllfreakyoulikethat.
YouregoingtolikethatImhotlikethat.
(Yassine, Illfreakyoulikethat)

14.9 Conclusion
Moroccan hip hop shares a lot with American hip hop. There
are, however, differences. These are mostly conditioned by
cultural and environmental features, intrinsically related to each
of the two countries. If American hip hop is mainly seen as a
voice of black marginalized people and its target audience
consists of, with minor exceptions, guys from the hood, this is

Yo!Illspitmyrapforyall in darija

15

not the case with the Moroccan one. Moroccan rappers make
use of the key elements of American hip hop thehood,the
street,therealandtheenemybuttheyusetheminamore
general or global sense. The Moroccan hood (l-awma) and
street (z-zenqa) are inhabited by all those to whom local rappers
refer to as melmin (the oppressed ones). Like in the case of
American rappers, awma and zenqa are the main sources of
inspiration for Moroccan hip hoppers (Caubet, 2005: 241).
However, for a Moroccan rapper the melmin represent the
whole Moroccan nation, the African continent, the Islamic
Oumma and the Arab world. Consequently, the image of enemy
or aduw in Moroccan hip hop includes all those, who oppress
the melmin the police, the Moroccan government, the West
and Zionists.
Local cultural and historical features make Moroccan hip
hoppers turn to religious issues, such as Islamic values and
problems of Muslims all over the world. At the same time, only
very seldom one can find in Moroccan rap sexist motifs that are
so typical for the American one.
By and large, despite its popularity, Moroccan hip hop
culture is not constrained by the money drive, which
characterizes US rap stars. The subversive spirit of a Moroccan
hip hopper enables him to raise topics in his lyrics that are very
sensitive in Moroccan society. Moroccan hip hop is very
politicized and used as a modern means of satire on political,
religious and social issues in todays Morocco and the outer
world.
If an American rap text is rooted in protest movements
against racial discrimination, Moroccan singers protest against
social and political discrimination of the Moroccan race. In
other words, American rappers identify themselves as a
marginal group, and their Moroccan counterparts as an integral
part of the Moroccan, and even broader, Arab people.
Some themes strongly associated with American hip hop
culture, such as sexism and romanticizing criminal life, do not
resonate with their Moroccan counterparts. This is due to the
fact that Moroccan youth are torn between traditions and
modernity: they want changes, they are not happy with the

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Evolution des pratiques et des reprsentations langagires

current state of affairs but at the same time they are an integral
part of their native unique Moroccan culture that combines
Islamic, Arabic, Amazigh and African elements.

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Discography
2pac Shakur, 1996, Whitemansworld from the album The Don
Killuminati: The 7 Day Theory.
2Pac Shakur, 1991, Words of Wisdom from the album
2Pacalypse Now.
9achla O-Din, 2006, Na3sine, single.
Caza Crew, 2006, Arabi from the album Khatwa.
Dead Prez, 2000, I am a African from the album LetsGetFree.
Don Bigg, H-Kayne, Khansa & Steff Ragga Man, 2007,
Smani, single.
Don Bigg, 2010, l7asoul from the album Byad Ou K7al.
Don Bigg, 2010, Bouliss from the album Byad Ou K7al.
Don Bigg, 2010, Karianist from the album Byad Ou K7al.
Fnaire, 2009, Golih Goleh, single.
Fnaire, 2009, Why, single.
Geto Boys, 1995, No Sellout from the album Grip It on That
Other Level.
H-Kayne, 2005, Isssawa style from the album HK 1426.
Ice-T, 2006, Gangsta Rap from the album Gansta Rap.
Ludacris. 2005, PimpinAroundtheWorld from the album The
Red Light District.
Lupe Fiasco, 2007, Muhammad Walks, single.
V-Mic, 2006, Casa mdinti, single.
Yassine Badrat, 2006, Ill freak you like that, single.

18

Evolution des pratiques et des reprsentations langagires

Young Jeezy, 2008, My President from the album The

Recession.
Zan9a Flow, 2003, 9oli 3Lash Saket from the album Jebha.
Zan9a Flow, 2010, Machi Ana li Khtart from the album Al
Tamarrood Vol.1.