Podhoretz-Why Jews Remain Liberal

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* SEPTEMBER 10, 2009, 5:37 A.M. ET
Why Are Jews Liberals?
I'm hoping buyer's remorse on Obama will finally cause a Jewish

shift to the right.
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By NORMAN PODHORETZ
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ARSER=bylineAND>
One of the most extraordinary features of Barack Obama's victory over

John McCain was his capture of 78% of the Jewish vote. To be sure, there
was nothing extraordinary about the number itself. Since 1928, the
average Jewish vote for the Democrat in presidential elections has been
an amazing 75%—far higher than that of any other ethno-religious group.
Yet there were reasons to think that it would be different in 2008. The
main one was Israel. Despite some slippage in concern for Israel among
American Jews, most of them were still telling pollsters that their
votes would be strongly influenced by the positions of the two
candidates on the Jewish state. This being the case, Mr. McCain's long
history of sympathy with Israel should have given him a distinct
advantage over Mr. Obama, whose own history consisted of associating
with outright enemies of the Jewish state like the Rev. Jeremiah Wright
and the historian Rashid Khalidi.
View Full Image
Podhoretz
Associated Press
Hebrew campaign buttons for Barack Obama.
Podhoretz
Podhoretz
Nevertheless, Mr. Obama beat Mr. McCain among Jewish voters by a
staggering 57 points. Except for African Americans, who gave him 95% of
their vote, Mr. Obama did far better with Jews than with any other
ethnic or religious group. Thus the Jewish vote for him was 25 points
higher than the 53% he scored with the electorate as a whole; 35 points
higher than the 43% he scored with whites; 11 points higher than the 67%
he scored with Hispanics; 33 points higher than the 45% he scored with
Protestants; and 24 points higher than the 54% he scored with Catholics.
These numbers remind us of the extent to which the continued Jewish
commitment to the Democratic Party has become an anomaly. All the other
ethno-religious groups that, like the Jews, formed part of the coalition
forged by Franklin Delano Roosevelt in the 1930s have followed the rule
that increasing prosperity generally leads to an increasing
identification with the Republican Party. But not the Jews. As the late
Jewish scholar Milton Himmelfarb said in the 1950s: "Jews earn like
Episcopalians"—then the most prosperous minority group in America—"and
vote like Puerto Ricans," who were then the poorest.
Jews also remain far more heavily committed to the liberal agenda than
any of their old ethno-religious New Deal partners. As the eminent
sociologist Nathan Glazer has put it, "whatever the promptings of their
economic interests," Jews have consistently supported "increased
government spending, expanded benefits to the poor and lower classes,
greater regulations on business, and the power of organized labor."
As with these old political and economic questions, so with the newer
issues being fought out in the culture wars today. On abortion, gay
rights, school prayer, gun control and assisted suicide, the survey data
show that Jews are by far the most liberal of any group in America.
Most American Jews sincerely believe that their liberalism, together
with their commitment to the Democratic Party as its main political
vehicle, stems from the teachings of Judaism and reflects the heritage
of "Jewish values." But if this theory were valid, the Orthodox would be
the most liberal sector of the Jewish community. After all, it is they
who are most familiar with the Jewish religious tradition and who shape
their lives around its commandments.
Yet the Orthodox enclaves are the only Jewish neighborhoods where
Republican candidates get any votes to speak of. Even more telling is
that on every single cultural issue, the Orthodox oppose the politically
correct liberal positions taken by most other American Jews precisely
because these positions conflict with Jewish law. To cite just a few
examples: Jewish law permits abortion only to protect the life of the
mother; it forbids sex between men; and it prohibits suicide (except
when the only alternatives are forced conversion or incest).
The upshot is that in virtually every instance of a clash between Jewish
law and contemporary liberalism, it is the liberal creed that prevails
for most American Jews. Which is to say that for them, liberalism has
become more than a political outlook. It has for all practical purposes
superseded Judaism and become a religion in its own right. And to the
dogmas and commandments of this religion they give the kind of steadfast
devotion their forefathers gave to the religion of the Hebrew Bible. For
many, moving to the right is invested with much the same horror their
forefathers felt about conversion to Christianity.
All this applies most fully to Jews who are Jewish only in an ethnic
sense. Indeed, many such secular Jews, when asked how they would define
"a good Jew," reply that it is equivalent to being a good liberal.
But avowed secularists are not the only Jews who confuse Judaism with
liberalism; so do many non-Orthodox Jews who practice this or that
traditional observance. It is not for nothing that a cruel wag has
described the Reform movement—the largest of the religious denominations
within the American Jewish community—as "the Democratic Party with
holidays thrown in," and the services in a Reform temple as "the
Democratic Party at prayer."
As a Jew who moved from left to right more than four decades ago, I have
been hoping for many years that my fellow Jews would come to see that in
contrast to what was the case in the past, our true friends are now
located not among liberals, but among conservatives.
Of course in speaking of the difference between left and right, or
between liberals and conservatives, I have in mind a divide wider than
the conflict between Democrats and Republicans and deeper than electoral
politics. The great issue between the two political communities is how
they feel about the nature of American society. With all exceptions duly
noted, I think it fair to say that what liberals mainly see when they
look at this country is injustice and oppression of every kind—economic,
social and political. By sharp contrast, conservatives see a nation
shaped by a complex of traditions, principles and institutions that has
afforded more freedom and, even factoring in periodic economic
downturns, more prosperity to more of its citizens than in any society
in human history. It follows that what liberals believe needs to be
changed or discarded—and apologized for to other nations—is precisely
what conservatives are dedicated to preserving, reinvigorating and
proudly defending against attack.
In this realm, too, American Jewry surely belongs with the conservatives
rather than the liberals. For the social, political and moral system
that liberals wish to transform is the very system in and through which
Jews found a home such as they had never discovered in all their forced
wanderings throughout the centuries over the face of the earth.
The Jewish immigrants who began coming here from Eastern Europe in the
1880s were right to call America "the golden land." They soon learned
that there was no gold in the streets, as some of them may have
imagined, which meant that they had to struggle, and struggle hard. But
there was another, more precious kind of gold in America. There was
freedom and there was opportunity. Blessed with these conditions, we
children and grandchildren and great-grandchildren of these immigrants
flourished—and not just in material terms—to an extent unmatched in the
history of our people.
What I am saying is that if anything bears eloquent testimony to the
infinitely precious virtues of the traditional American system, it is
the Jewish experience in this country. Surely, then, we Jews ought to be
joining with its defenders against those who are blind or indifferent or
antagonistic to the philosophical principles, the moral values, and the
socioeconomic institutions on whose health and vitality the traditional
American system depends.
In 2008, we were faced with a candidate who ran to an unprecedented
degree on the premise that the American system was seriously flawed and
in desperate need of radical change—not to mention a record powerfully
indicating that he would pursue policies dangerous to the security of
Israel. Because of all this, I hoped that my fellow Jews would finally
break free of the liberalism to which they have remained in thrall long
past the point where it has served either their interests or their ideals.
That possibility having been resoundingly dashed, I now grasp for some
encouragement from the signs that buyer's remorse is beginning to set in
among Jews, as it also seems to be doing among independents. Which is
why I am hoping against hope that the exposure of Mr. Obama as a false
messiah will at last open the eyes of my fellow Jews to the correlative
falsity of the political creed he so perfectly personifies and to which
they have for so long been so misguidedly loyal.
*Mr. Podhoretz was the editor of Commentary from 1960 to 1995. His
latest book, "Why Are Jews Liberals?" is just out from Doubleday.*
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