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* Paper presented at the 1998 World Conference of the International Joseph A. Schumpeter Society, Vienna, June 1316, 1998.
** The author is grateful for the invaluable research assistance of Paula Haslehurst in the
preparation of this paper and for comments from participants at the seventh conference
of the International Joseph A. Schumpeter Society in Vienna and at a seminar at the
Osterreichisches Institut fur Wirtschaftsforschung. The usual disclaimer applies.
344
H. Bloch
1 Introduction
Two economists who clearly try to alter theorizing about competition are
Joseph Alois Schumpeter and Josef Steindl. Each places the analysis of the
dynamic process of competition at the centre of his approach to the development of capitalist economies. Their respective contributions are the
subject matter of this paper.
Schumpeter and Steindl each analyze the competitive process against a
background of continuous technological change. This distinguishes their
analyses from the mainstream in economics. Schumpeter and Steindl also
share an abhorrence of the imposition of prot-maximizing equilibrium in
the analysis of dynamic competition. Each also rejects the use of the analytical device of a representative rm, insisting that dierences between
rms, particularly in terms of the adoption of new technology, drive the
competitive struggle. The common ground to their analyses is reviewed in
Section 2.
There are also substantial dierences, at least in their early writings,
between Schumpeter and Steindl in their characterization of the competitive
process. In particular, their analyses dier in terms of the type of rms that
undertake innovation and the source of nancing for this activity. Steindl
focuses particularly on the role of large, established rms, while Schumpeter
initially locates innovative activity as coming from outsiders. Also, Steindl's
analysis relies on internally generated funds acting as a constraint on overall
investment activity, while Schumpeter argues that bank credit is the fundamental source of nance for innovation. These dierences and others are
examined in detail in Section 3.
Both Schumpeter and Steindl argue that capitalism is an evolving system.
For each author, this evolution leads to diculties in a mature capitalist
system. Although the nature of the expected diculties is dierent, increasing industrial concentration plays a role in each author's analysis. The
roles attributed by Schumpeter and Steindl to increasing concentration in
the evolution of capitalism to a stage of maturity are discussed in Section 4.
The expectations of both Schumpeter and Steindl concerning the evolution of capitalism have been subjected to substantial criticism on grounds
of both logic and predictive accuracy. Criticisms that relate specically to
the dynamics of competition are discussed in Section 5. The nal section of
the paper then discusses how the separate analyses of Schumpeter and
Steindl might be integrated to help meet some of the criticisms and, thereby,
improve our understanding of the dynamics of competition.
2 Common ground
The concern of Schumpeter and Steindl with the dynamics of competition
distinguished them from their mainstream contemporaries, whose focus was
345
generally on static market equilibrium. There is little doubt that each was
clearly aware of his heresy, for each provides a forceful critique of aspects of
the prevailing orthodoxy in the analysis of market competition.1
Both Schumpeter and Steindl emphasize the role of technological
change in the dynamics of competition. While technological change can be
incorporated into mainstream analysis, it certainly has not been a primary
concern of mainstream economists until recent decades. More importantly,
when technical change is introduced into mainstream analysis, there is
generally a movement to a new equilibrium without any impact on the
character of competition. Technical change in the analyses of both
Schumpeter and Steindl is associated with fundamental changes in market
structure, altering the nature of competition.
A key to understanding the analyses of either Schumpeter or Steindl is
the recognition that each bases his analysis on the existence of dierences
among rms operating in a single market. Each author attributes the differences, at least in part, to the inuence of technical change, such that a key
aspect of the dierence between rms is in their cost of production or in the
quality and/or marketing of their products. To Schumpeter ([1942] 1950,
p. 83), these dierences arise from, `the fundamental impulse that keeps the
capitalist engine in motion ... the new consumer goods, the new methods of
production or transportation, the new markets, the new forms of industrial
organization', where each such innovation is introduced by a specic capitalist enterprise. Steindl ([1952] 1976, p. 45) makes a corresponding distinction in setting the stage for his analysis of the dynamics of competition,
noting `we shall refer to these rms which initiate new methods as ``progressive rms''. They need not necessarily be the largest rms, and it is
possible that their methods may be imitated by some of the other rms
later; but it is essential that not all rms be capable of adopting these
methods.'
The competitive process in both Schumpeter and Steindl involves the
working out of the impact of innovating or progressive rms on the other
rms operating in the same market. In working out the nature of the
competitive process, they share an aversion to the imposition of assumptions of either perfect competition or prot maximization, arguing that
these assumptions are inconsistent with the circumstances of rms operating under conditions of changing technology. Instead, they each deal with
market structures characterized by imperfect competition among rms.2
Furthermore, the behavior patterns of these rms deviate in at least some
respects from those of prot-maximizing rms.
See, for example, Schumpeter's ([1942] 1950, p. 1060) stinging criticism of the prevailing
use of perfect competition as a ``model of ideal eciency''. Also, see Steindl's (1945, Ch.1)
attack on the use of the representative rm as an analytical device.
2
Schumpeter ([1942] 1950, p. 105) notes that, `perfect competition is and always has been
temporarily suspended whenever anything new is being introduced'. Steindl ([1952] 1976)
begins his analysis with a critique of the then prevailing theory of imperfect competition,
neglecting to even mention the possibility of perfect competition.
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H. Bloch
3 Dierent paths
The common features of the analyses of Schumpeter and Steindl stand out
most clearly when contrasted with their mainstream contemporaries. When
their analyses are compared directly, important dierences emerge. At least
in part, these dierences arise from contrasting treatments of the agents of
economic change, with the contrast in treatment being the greatest when
comparing the early works of both authors.
Entrepreneurs, generally acting through a new rm, are the agents of
change in Schumpeter's ([1934] 1961) earliest analysis of economic development. Schumpeter ([1934], 1961, p. 66) notes, `new combinations are, as a
rule, embodied, as it were, in new rms which generally do not arise out of
the old ones but start producing beside them; to keep to the example
already chosen, in general it is not the owner of stage-coaches who builds
railways.' The location of entrepreneurs in new rms helps the entrepreneurs to overcome resistance to change in an environment in which they
have great inuence if not total control.
The major constraint on the entrepreneur is the need to secure nance
from the banking system.
`Entrepreneurs demand resources to produce a new product, process or
form of organization; the banker responds by supplying, even creating, the
nancial support needed to acquire these resources after careful evaluation
of the proposal's merit. There is both cooperation and opposition between
the two the commonplace societal conict. Bankers form a class of achrons in the economy making judgments about the future of development,
while entrepreneurs are the carriers of the development. In this give-andtake relationship, the banker often refuses to enter so risky a contractual
arrangement because every important innovational vision entails a formidable risk.' Waters (1994, p. 263)
In his rst monograph, Steindl (1945) addresses the dierential advantage of big business over small business. He gives particular emphasis to
economies of scale and the limits to expansion imposed by the cost of
borrowing, drawing inspiration for the analysis of the latter from Kalecki's
principle of increasing risk. In this analysis, it is private wealth, rather than
bank credit, that is the primary source of nance for all business activity.
Steindl ([1952] 1976) further develops his analysis of the competitive
process, writing against the background of the relative price stability
characterising the US economy up to the Second World War. He argues
that oligopolistic industries exhibit nominal price rigidity. A ``progressive
rm'' that initiates cost-reducing technical change originally experiences a
rise in its gross and net prot margins. This allows it to increase its rate of
expansion, which, according to Steindl, is generally limited by internal accumulation through retained prots. When this expansion exceeds that
necessary to meet market growth, the ``progressive rm'' resorts to aggressive price or sales competition to drive marginal rms from the market.
This competitive process, originating in technical change, leads eventually
to the absolute concentration of the industry. As Steindl ([1952] 1976, p. 45)
notes, `an increased prot margin in an industry will lead to an increased
347
rate of internal accumulation; and that this in turn will lead to an increase in
output capacity, which, if it is greater than the expansion of the industry's
sales, must lead to ``absolute concentration''.'
In Steindl, it is the expansion of output through internal accumulation,
the reinvestment of retained prots, which drives the competitive process.
Also, while large rms need not be the initiators of change, once a ``progressive rm'' initiates change, a cumulative process begins with the initial
advantage generally reinforced by economies of scale. This focus on the
expansion of established rms as the driving force of competition contrasts
to Schumpeter, who locates the driving force of competition in new rms
acting with the support of banks.
Heertje (1988, p. 80) argues that there is a distinct shift in Schumpeter's
views on the role of new rms between his early writings and Capitalism,
Socialism and Democracy, `It is of the utmost importance to note that
Schumpeter no longer refers to the establishment of new rms or the entry of
new entrepreneurs; innovative activity, if it exists at all, is concentrated in
large monopolistic rms that block potential competition.' Presumably, the
conduct of innovative activity by large monopolistic enterprises no longer
requires access to external nance. There is certainly no discussion of the role
of credit in the introduction of new combinations in Capitalism, Socialism
and Democracy to parallel that in The Theory of Economic Development.
Steindl also modies his views on the role, if not the locus, of technical
change. In Steindl (1966), he departs from his earlier treatment and allows
that technological change may be an important inuence on rm investment decisions. He also acknowledges that investment may even be a response to technical change (see, for example Steindl ([1980], 1990) and
([1982] 1990)). In particular, he introduces a potential role for technical
change in explaining why the internal accumulation of capital can proceed
without leading to stagnation and a decline in the rate of prot. However,
this does not alter his fundamental view on the dynamics of competition:
`My analysis in Maturity and Stagnation (1952) which was carried out on
the naive assumption that an endogenous trend (analogous to that of
Harrod) exists and technical progress does not aect the investment process
has not been essentially changed by my conversion to the ``semi-autonomous'' trend. On the basis of that I can still maintain, as I did, that the
emergence of an oligopolistic structure in the American economy near the
turn of the century, via its eect on the ``prot function'' has reduced
utilisation and created fear of excess capacity, and through the adverse
eect on investment has led to a gradual reduction of the growth rate.'
(Steindl ([1981] 1990, p. 137))
We can see that Schumpeter's later view on the agents of change approaches that espoused by Steindl and that Steindl's later view of the importance of technical change in the evolution of capitalism approaches that
of Schumpeter. However, there are still important dierences. In particular,
at no stage does Schumpeter adopt a view that incorporates cumulative
causation in the competitive process. Perhaps, this is because as Heertje and
Perlman (1990, p. 5) note, `Schumpeter had a theory of entrepreneurship
without a theory of the rm.'
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H. Bloch
4 Mature capitalism
Both Schumpeter and Steindl argue that capitalism is a system in a process
of change. Each posits an ultimate stage to this process, during which the
capitalist system is expected to encounter diculties. We follow Steindl's
practice and refer to this stage as maturity. In this section, we examine the
notion of maturity as it applies to each author, particularly in terms of the
dynamics of competition.
Schumpeter's analysis of the dynamics of competition emphasizes the
evolutionary concept of ``creative destruction''. There is no end to ``creative
destruction'' with the growth of big business, only a ``perennial gale'' from
which no rm is immune. In contrast, ``progressive rms'' in Steindl's
analysis gain a cumulative advantage from technological change. This leads
eventually to ``absolute concentration'' in the sense of the gradual elimination of the bulk of their competitors. This transforms an industry into a
mature oligopoly, which he argues generally provides an enduring market
structure.
Chaloupek (1994) distinguishes Steindl's analysis of maturity from that
of Schumpeter, among others. Chaloupek argues that while maturity in
Steindl's analysis is endogenous, the other authors, including Schumpeter,
see capitalism reaching maturity through the action of exogenous forces.
Steindl's analysis of dynamic competition is clearly endogenous, as it is
directly rooted in his theory of the rm. However, it is also clear that
Schumpeter considers that socialization of capitalism is part of the endogenous holistic evolution of the system of capitalism. Without economic
development, including the increase in industrial concentration, the basis
for the socialization of capitalism would disappear. Thus, Schumpeter
([1942], 1950, p. 219) argues
`Most of the argument of Part II may be summed up in the Marxian
proposition that the economic process tends to socialize itself and also the
human soul. By this we mean that the technological, organizational, commercial, administrative and psychological prerequisites of socialism tend to
be fullled more and more. Let us again visualize the state of things which
looms in the future if that trend be projected. Business, excepting the
agrarian sector, is controlled by a small number of bureaucratized corporations. Progress has slackened and become mechanized and planned. The
rate of interest converges toward zero, not temporarily or only under the
pressure of governmental policy, but permanently owing to the dwindling
of investment opportunity. Industrial property and management have become depersonalized ownership having degenerated to stock and bond
holding, the executives having acquired habits of mind similar to those of
civil servants. Capitalist motivation and standards have all but wilted away.
The inference as to the transition to a socialist regime in such fullness of
time is obvious.' [italics in the original]
While both Steindl and Schumpeter consider increased industrial
concentration to be part of the maturation of capitalism, the dierence
between maturity under ``creative destruction'' and under ``absolute concentration'' is of some considerable importance to the prospects for con-
349
tinued economic growth. The perennial gale of creative destruction encourages continual investment in new products, new production techniques and development of new markets. This provides the antidote to the
vanishing investment opportunities suggested by neoclassical analysis.
Steindl also rejects the notion of vanishing investment opportunities.
However, he argues that rms in mature oligopolies restrain their investment in new equipment to avoid the accumulation of unutilized capacity, even when such investments would bring savings in operating
costs. This imports a stagnation bias to economies dominated by mature
oligopolies.3
5 Criticisms
Critics within the Schumpeterian camp argue that Schumpeter failed to
recognize the true vitality of innovation through new (small) rms. For
example, Heertje (1988, p. 88) states, `Finally, I can only express regret that
Schumpeter did not stick to his original idea of considering the setting up of
new rms as an important vehicle for innovations. The revival of Schumpeterian economics in the eighties seems to go hand in hand with the establishment of many new rms in the formal and informal sectors of the
economy. Most of them are reacting to the commercial potential of both
process and product innovations and are driven by a Schumpeterian spirit.'
This argument is supported in empirical studies of the entry of new rms
(see, for example, Audretsch and Acs, 1994) and of the distribution of
innovative activity across rm size classes (see, for example, Acs and
Audretsch, 1988).
The diculty identied in this criticism above can be attributed to the
lack of any theory of industry concentration in Schumpeter's analysis.
Schumpeter's shift from his original emphasis on new rms as the primary
innovators accompanies his general recognition of the increasing importance of big business, as suggested by his use of ``trustied capitalism'' to
describe twentieth century industrialization. However, no theoretical basis
is provided for any change in market structure with the evolution of capitalism towards maturity, other than the generic argument that capitalism is
always changing. If capitalism changes to a more concentrated market
structure in one epoch due to some innovation in business organization,
there is nothing to prevent another innovation leading to a less concentrated structure in the next epoch. Indeed, this type of reversion to innovation coming from new rms seems consistent with the observations above
of the Schumpeterian critics.
In analyzing the process of industry concentration, Steindl (1965) makes
an important distinction between two factors aecting the rm size distribution. This distinction is between the eect of diusion associated with
random eects on rm growth and the eect of factors that alter the steady
state distribution (or factors that prevent a steady state from being ob3
350
H. Bloch
Steindl recognises the possibility of innovation by a new entrant upsetting the steady
state of a mature industry in Steindl ([1987] 1990, p. 313). However, he does not modify
his earlier analysis of the process of dynamic competition to accommodate this possibility.
351
the works of the masters, especially through the integration of their separate analyses?
Schumpeter teaches us that, `Capitalism, then, is by nature a form or
method of economic change and not never is but never can be stationary.'
(Schumpeter, [1942] 1950, p. 82) Change is endemic to capitalism. Indeed,
the receptiveness of the system to innovation is the key to its success. The
manifestation of change that initiates the dynamics of competition is the
``perennial gale of creative destruction'', in which whole new industries are
born.
Schumpeter also teaches us that change alters the nature of capitalism.
Part of this evolution is the growth of ``trustied capitalism'' and a corresponding shift in the locus of innovation, from new rms to the internal
concern of big business. This shift need not slow the rate of technological
progress, but does tend to change its character, `economic progress tends to
become depersonalized and automatized. Bureau and committee work
tends to replace individual action.' (Schumpeter, [1942] 1950, p. 133)
Change in the nature of competition is central to Steindl's analysis of the
dynamics of competition. In Steindl's analysis, competition is self limiting.
``Progressive rms'' build on their advantage by expanding their capacity,
which leads to lower unit cost through economies of scale or embodiment of
labor-saving technology. However, once absolute concentration has proceeded to a stage where small inecient rms account for a negligible
portion of industry output, the attraction of aggressive price cutting or sales
promotion disappears. Thus, competition leads inexorably to mature oligopoly, with its attendant lack of competitive behavior.
Many economists have explicitly or implicitly taken the lessons of
Schumpeter and Steindl to heart. For example, Mueller (1997, p. 827)
notes, as a `good Schumpeterian', that industries generally `come into
existence following an important innovation.' He then observes that usually `the one or two rms that eventually emerge as the industry leaders
tend to be among the rst to enter the industry.' (Mueller (1997, p. 828)
Mueller uses the concepts of ``the rst-mover's advantage'' and path dependence to explain this regularity. The language and specics are dierent
than in Steindl's analysis of the cumulative advantages of ``progressive
rms'', but the spirit is the same. As with Steindl, the rm's initial advantage is the foundation for achieving market dominance. However, in
Schumpeterian spirit, a subsequent innovation can undermine the rstmover's advantage and install a new market leader. Mueller considers in
some detail the factors that make such a loss of leadership position more
or less likely.
The work of modern Schumpeterians, such as Mueller, has helped to
reawaken interest in dynamics, even in the mainstream analysis of competition.5 However, there is a sense in which the ow of new research fails
to capture the full spirit of the holistic approach of either Schumpeter or
5
The work of Nelson and Winter (1982) has undoubtedly been seminal in encouraging
economists to analyze the dynamics of competition in a Schumpeterian spirit, but with the
techniques of modern economic analysis.
352
H. Bloch
353
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