Professional Documents
Culture Documents
RICHARD BRADLEY
348
Richard Bradley
349
two very different ways. The first was where the form of a domestic dwelling
was reproduced on an extravagant scale. That happened at several different
places in the Neolithic and the Copper Age. Obvious examples include the
outsize timber buildings associated with the Neolithic enclosure at Hautes
Chanvires in the Ardennes (Marolle 1989), or those at Antran or PlchtelLa-Hersonnais in western France (Pautreau 1994; Tinvez 2002). Such
structures were perhaps the great houses of an entire community.
A better known alternative is for the outline of the Neolithic house to
provide the prototype for a stone or earthwork monument. Many people
have considered the relationship between Neolithic longhouses and long
barrows in Poland, and Laporte and Tinvez (2004) have recently taken the
same approach to a number of circular cairns and mounds extending along
the Atlantic coastline of western Europe. Perhaps the most obvious example of this relationship is found at Balloy where a number of elongated
mounds or enclosures associated with human burials overlie older dwellings
(Mordant 1998).
Of course, these examples come from quite different contexts. What they
show is that any analysis which confines itself to practical considerations will
fail to engage with some of the archaeological evidence. Neolithic houses
raise more questions than those considered by British researchers.
That should have been obvious from the ethnographic literature, but it
has not had the influence that it deserves. One starting point is the work of
Lvi-Strauss (1979) on what he calls house societies. He was most concerned
with kinship organisation and the emergence of political hierarchies, but his
work is particularly important because it reminds us of the other meanings
of the word house. It can stand for the occupants for the buildingthe
householdand even for a line of descent, as in the House of Hapsburg or
the House of Bourbon. It can also relate to a wider community, as it does
when it applies to the audience in a theatre or the occupants of an Oxbridge
college. Gabriel Cooney (2003, 52) sums up the issues in this way: Houses are
not only material, but. . .stand for social groups, for continuity.
It is in this broader sense that the term house is used in a recent paper by
Mary Helms (2004) who discusses the different worldviews of mobile huntergatherers and the first farmers. One might almost say that it is by the construction of houses, both real and metaphorical, that particular groups define
their membership and distinguish themselves from others. Their composition
is less fluid than that of hunter-gatherer communities and it is maintained
over a longer period of time. Such concerns are particularly relevant when
people are exploiting an unfamiliar environment, and the new arrangement
may also reflect the labour requirements of early agriculture. Perhaps it is one
reason why houses are such a conspicuous feature towards the beginning of
the Neolithic period.
Richard Bradley
350
351
from a midden when a living site was abandoned. Little of the assemblage
must have remained on the surface as few of these locations can be identified
by fieldwalking (Healy 1987). Pit deposits are widely distributed, but are
mainly found in lowland Britain, with particularly large concentrations in
eastern England. The same practices are evidenced at causewayed enclosures
where there is greater evidence of formal deposits. The few excavated houses
have not been as productive. By contrast, the buildings in northern and western Britain, and especially those in Ireland, can be associated with larger
assemblages, and here there is less evidence for the burial of cultural material in ditches and pits. Instead the houses themselves are dispersed across the
landscape, singly or in small groups, and the associated artefacts could be left
where they had accumulated.
Of course such contrasts do not extend to every site and what I have
described are the extremes in a continuous range of variation, but both those
patterns are well represented among the results of fieldwork. There is a further contrast that may be relevant here. In lowland Britain where pits deposits
are common and houses are rather rare, the artefact assemblage occasionally
contains human bones. It is a trend that became much more obvious with the
development of causewayed enclosures. That is consistent with the evidence
from mortuary monuments which not only include the remains of complete
corpses but can also feature certain body parts to the exclusion of others. It
seems as if the dead were reduced to disarticulated bones and that some of
their remains may have circulated in the same way as portable artefacts
(Whittle & Wysocki 1998, 1736). By contrast, most of the excavated monuments in the south, whether long barrows or megalithic tombs, provide little
evidence of ceramics or stone tools.
Again it is helpful to contrast this evidence with the situation in Ireland
where houses are much more common and isolated pit deposits are unusual.
Here substantial numbers of artefacts are associated with court tombs, which
probably represent the closest equivalent to the mounds and cairns in Britain.
The finds from these sites include substantial collections of pottery and lithic
artefacts as well as animal bones, and are often associated with charcoal-rich
soil similar to that found in settlements. A number of monuments had been
built over living sites, but Humphrey Case (1973) has shown that these
deposits were usually placed on top of a deliberately laid floor, meaning that
such material must have been introduced after these tombs had been built.
Not surprisingly, such deposits are associated with human remains. Other
regions in which stone-built tombs are associated with significant quantities
of artefacts, especially pottery, include the north and west of Scotland, both
of them regions where the remains of houses have been found.
That contrast is interesting, but it says little about the treatment of the
dead. Although many of the monuments took the form of elongated mounds
352
Richard Bradley
353
mon. It is here that there is most evidence for the deployment of unburnt
corpses in long barrows and megalithic tombs. Artefacts are not particularly
common at these monuments and it seems possible that the residues of older
settlements were allowed to decay, and may have been dispersed in the same
manner as the remains of the dead (Pollard 2004). In Ireland, on the other
hand, houses are commonly found and isolated pit deposits are unusual. The
residues of domestic occupation might have been deposited in tombs
together with human bones. In this case the bodies were often burnt and there
is little to suggest the circulation of relics.
One last contrast is important. Dermot Moore (2004) has shown that a
high proportion of the Irish houses had been destroyed by fire, whereas there
is little to suggest that the settlements in England were burnt down. Although
this has been claimed as evidence of warfare, the evidence is actually rather
ambiguous, and it seems much more than a coincidence that human corpses
should have been treated in exactly the same way as these buildings. Perhaps
that is because the careers of particular people and the histories of their houses
were in one sense the same. The house was a living creature and its life had to
be extinguished in a similar manner to the human body. That may be why, in
Ireland, what are apparently domestic assemblages accompanied the dead
person to the tomb; they might even have been the contents of a dwelling. By
contrast, in southern England, the remains of settlement sites were dispersed
in a similar fashion to human bones, some of which were eventually deposited
in tombs where finds of artefacts are uncommon (Fig. 1).
Irish houses were constructed in a distinctive manner. That may be
because they were to play a spectacular role at the end of their lives and those
of their occupants. By contrast, the dwellings inhabited in England did not
need to do this and might usually have been less substantial. That could be
why they have been difficult to find by excavation. These buildings were more
than shelters from the elements. They were animated by their involvement in
human lives, and when their inhabitants died their treatment followed the
same principles as that of human bodies. In England, they decayed and their
contents were dispersed. In Ireland, they were burnt down and their contents
Figure 1. The contrasting processes connecting houses, bodies and tombs on either side of the
Irish Sea.
354
Richard Bradley
REFERENCES
APEL, J., HADEVIK, C. & SUNDSTRM, L. 1997. Burning down the house. The transformational use of fire and other aspects of an Early Neolithic TRB site in eastern central
Sweden. Tor 29, 547.
BRADLEY, R. 1998. The significance of monuments. London: Routledge.
CARSTEN, J. & HUGH-JONES, S. 1995. Introduction. In J. Carsten & S. Hugh-Jones (eds),
About the house: Lvi-Strauss and beyond, 146. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
CASE, H. 1973. A ritual site in north-east Ireland. In G. Daniel & P. Kjaerum (eds), Megalithic
graves and ritual, 17396. Moesgrd: Jutland Archaeological Society.
COONEY, G. 2000. Landscapes of Neolithic Ireland. London: Routledge.
COONEY, G. 2003. Rooted or routed? Landscapes of Neolithic settlement in Ireland. In
I. Armit, E. Murphy, E. Nelis & D. Simpson (eds), Neolithic settlement in Ireland and western
Britain, 4755. Oxford: Oxbow.
COONEY, G. & GROGAN, E. 1994. Irish prehistory a social perspective. Bray: Wordwell.
DARVILL, T. 2004. Long barrows of the Cotswolds and surrounding areas. Stroud: Tempus.
GARROW, D., BEADSMORE, E. & KNIGHT, M. 2005. Pit clusters and the temporality of
occupation: an Earlier Neolithic site at Kilverstone, Thetford, Norfolk. Proceedings of the
Prehistoric Society 71, 13957.
HEALY, F. 1987. Prediction or prejudice? The relationship between field survey and excavation.
In A. Brown & M. Edmonds (eds), Lithic analysis and later British prehistory, 918. Oxford:
British Archaeological Reports.
HELMS, M. 2004. Tangible materiality and cosmological others in the development of sedentism. In E. DeMarrais, C. Gosden & C. Renfrew (eds), Rethinking materiality. The
engagement of mind with the material world, 11727. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for
Archaeological Research.
HENSHALL, A. & RITCHIE, J. N. G. 1995. The chambered cairns of Sutherland. Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press.
KINNES, I. 1992. Non-megalithic long barrows and allied structures in the British Neolithic.
London: British Museum.
LAPORTE, L. & TINVEZ, J-Y. 2004. Neolithic houses and chambered tombs of western
France. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 14, 21734.
LVI-STRAUSS, C. 1979. La voie des masques. Paris: Plon.
MAROLLE, C. 1989. Le village Michelsberg des Hautes Chanvires Mairy (Ardennes). Gallia
Prhistoire 31, 93117.
MOORE, D. 2004. Hostilities in Early Neolithic Ireland: trouble with the new neighbours the
evidence from Ballyharry, County Antrim. In A. Gibson & A. Sheridan (eds), From sickles
to circles. Britain and Ireland at the time of Stonehenge, 14254. Stroud: Tempus.
355