Professional Documents
Culture Documents
VOLUME VIII
MMORIAL
ATHANASE SAGE
TUDES AUGUSTINIENNES
8, rue Franois-Ier
Paris se
r972
GEORGES FOLLIET
FLLIET
1939
1942
1943
Le Thomisme de . Gilson.
1944
1945
Sens chrtien,
Sens chrtien,
lre
lre
anne, 1939,
anne, 1939,
1953
1959
Revue
1960
1961
p. 209-230.
1962
La dialectique de l'illumination.
Recherches augustiniennes, II, r962,
p. llI-123.
Faut-il anathmatiser la doctrine augustinienne de la prdestination ?
- Revue des tii,des augustiniennes, t. 8, 1962, p. 233-242.
1963
1964
1965
1966
1967
1969
1971
La contemplation dans les communauts de vie fraternelle. augustiniennes, VII, 1971, p. 245-302.
Recherches
Mme si le graveur puise son inspiration, de prfrence, dans les Confessions, son but n'est nullement de dcrire selon l'ordre chronologique les
tapes de la vie d'Augustin, mais d'illustrer telles de ses paroles, qui
figurent, en deux lignes, au-dessous de chaque image et en expliquent le
sens. Aux prises avec des penses abstraites, il a d recourir constamment l'allgorie, mais a russi dans sa tmraire entreprise, puisque le
livre fut rdit en 1632 et en 1639. Nous suivrons forcment l'ordre
plus ou moins arbitraire qu'il a adopt et nous nous garderons de rtablir
le fil chronologique des pisodes successifs narrs dans les Confessions,
puisqu'il ne s'agit pas ici d'une Vie ou d'un cycle n augustinien. Chaque
image sera dsigne par la lgende explicative que Collaert lui-mme a
place au-dessous.
S. P. Augustinus
P.
2.
II
I, I, ZI,
P.
d. Labriolle, p. 67.
IO.
6. Tout ceci correspond AUGUSTIN, Conf., IV, z, z, I, d. Labriolle, p. 67: Docebam in illis annis artem rhetoricam et uictoriosam loquacitatem uictus cupiditate
uendebam ... In illis annis unam habebam non eo quod legitimum uocatur coniugio
coguitam, sed quam iudagauerat uagus ardor iuops prudeutiae .
IO
III
Conf., VIII,
P. I8.
Conf., VIII,
II,
25, 5, p.
I978 .
P. 26.
xvnre sicle, voir P. COURCELLE, Les' Confessions' des. Augustin dans la tradition
littraire. Antcdents et postrit, Paris, 1963, pp. 673, 675, 679, 681-682 et pl. 33, 36,
46, 48-49.
8. Voici le texte complet d'AUGUSTIN, Conf., VIII, II, 25, 5, p. 197 : Et instabas
tu in occultis meis, Domine, seuera misericordia flagella ingeminans timoris et pudoris .
II
divin. C'est encore Cupidon, mais nimb cette fois 9 . Il entrane avec lui
Augustin aux traits de jeune adolescent. Il lui montre dans le lointain un
personnage aux bras tendus, accroch par la chevelure un arbre touffu
et transperc par la lance d'un cavalier qui dbouche de derrire les rochers.
La monture du vaincu s'enfuit au galop et sa lance gt par terre (Pl. II,
fig. z).
Une ville est dessine au fond sur une colline ; des verdures et des
fleurs animent l'avant-plan.
Il semble donc que, pour figurer la terrible punition de l'homme tratre
Dieu, Collaert ait recouru l'pisode biblique clbre d'Absalonlo.
Conf., VIII,
II,
25, r, p. 19711 .
P. 32.
Augustin est figur ici comme un soldat romain tendu sur le sol, la
tte releve. Cupidon aux yeux bands vient de lui dcocher une flche
en plein cur. Mais 1'Amour divin, reconnaissable son nimbe, vient
s'agenouiller son ct, lui serre le bras, s'apprte retirer la flche
(Pl. III, fig. r). Cette fois, la nue cleste laisse percer quelques rayons
vers la scne. Comble de symbolisme, un cerf couch, gauche, a le
poitrail perc d'une flche.
Au loin l'on aperoit, gauche, un donjon o flotte une oriflamme, et
droite une voile sur la mer, l'horizon. La maladresse avec laquelle le
graveur dessine les mains et les jambes fait contraste avec la finesse
exquise de ses arrire-plans.
12
VI
Conf., III,
r, r,
6, p. 45.
P. 40.
Cette image ne se comprend que si l'on regarde d'abord la petite scne
grave au fond et droite. Un gardien de porcs abat des glands avec son
bton; c'est l'enfant prodigue auquel Augustin lui-mme se compare,
rduit manger des gousses bonnes pour les porcs12 . Voici maintenant, au
premier-plan, Augustin affam de nourriture intrieure (Pl. III, fig. z).
Il s'agenouille devant l'Amour divin qui a lch son arc pour lui ouvrir les
bras ; celui-ci arrive de la Cit divine figure comme un baptistre illumin
d'un soleil blouissant, sur la colline au fond et gauche.
VII
Conf., VIII,
I2. Cf. AUGUSTIN, Conf., I, I8, 28, I5, p. 24 : Non enim pedibus aut spatiis
locorum itur abs te aut reditur ad te, aut uero filins ille tuus minor equos aut currus
uel naues quaesiuit aut auolauit pinna uisibili aut moto poplite iter egit, ut in longinqua regione uiuens prodige dissiparet quod dederas proficiscenti dulcis pater,
quia dederas, et egeno redeunti dulcior ; III, 6, II, l, p. 53: Et longe peregrinabar
abs te exclusus et a siliquis porcorum, quos de siliquis pascebam ; IV, 16, 30, I6,
p. 88 : Tarn bonam partem substantiae meae sategi habere in potestate et fortitudinem meam non ad te custodiebam, sed profectus sum abs te in longinquam regionem,
ut eam dissiparem in meretrices cupididates ; cf. II, 10, 18, 9, p. 42: Factussum
mihi regio egestatis . La parabole de l'enfant prodigue se lit chez Luc, xv, 12-32.
13. Voici le texte complet d'AUGUSTIN, Conf., VIII, 12, 28, 20, p. 199: Iactabam
uoces miserabiles : ' Quamdiu, quamdiu cras et cras ? Quare non modo ? Quare non
I3
VIII
Tolle lege, talle lege.
AUGUSTIN,
29,
4, p.
200.
P. 56.
La scne du Talle, lege parat peu soigne (Pl. IV, fig. 2). Peut-tre
l'artiste aura-t-il nglig quelque peu cette scne trs traditionnelle, trop
connue15 , pour accorder ses soins, de prfrence, aux images qu'il inventait. C'est le seul pisode o il n'ose ajouter aucun symbole.
Augustin, envelopp dans un manteau ample, est ici un personnage rel et
portant son ge. Assis au pied d'un haut figuier, la tte nue appuye sur
la main gauche, il a des traits tourments, verse de grosses larmes. Du
coin suprieur droit surviennent les paroles Talle, lege, rptes deux fois
selon le texte mme des Confessions ; elles sont portes par les rayons qui
s'chappent des nuages. La scne est trs dpouille: ni jardin, ni prsence
ou proximit d' Alypius. On voit seulement les livre des ptres, qu' Augustin va bientt ouvrir.
Au fond gauche, un monastre typiquement flamand, grav avec le
plus grand soin, meuble lgamment le dcor et correspond peut-tre la
maison voisine ii que mentionne habituellement le texte augustinien.
IX
Rapiunt indocti caelum, et nos cum doctrinis nostris ubi volutamur ?
In carne et sanguine.
AUGUSTIN,
Conf., VIII, 8,
I9,
5, p.
I9I 16 .
Ecce cor meum, Deus, ecce cor meum quod miseratus es in imo abyssi.
AUGUSTIN,.
Conf., II, 4,
9, I9,
p. 36.
P. 72.
XI
Quis accepit manum meam ut ex tenebris, quas amabam, me educeret?
PSEUDO-AUGUSTIN, Solil. animae, c. 33 (et non 37), P.L., t. XL, 892D19 .
P. 80.
Ce texte a inspir l'artiste l'une de ses plus jolies gravures. Elle demande
peu d'explications. L'Amour divin tire deux mains Augustin qui s'lve
en fendant d'pais nuages proches encore de terre, comme l'indiquent les
arbres, la rivire, la colline (Pl. VI, fig. r). Cette fois, le graveur a su allier le
symbolisme la grce des personnages ; il atteint la simplicit dans la
composition.
XII
I nebria cor meum sobria ebrietate amoris tui.
PSEUDO-AUGUSTIN, Meditationes, 37, P.L., t. XL, 933B 20 .
P. 88.
L'illustrateur se fait ici plus gauche. L'Amour divin tient lev le cur
d'Augustin. Une main cleste incline la coupe de la << sobre ivresse >> pour
18. Sur ces mtaphores platoniciennes, cf. P. COURCELLE, Tradition platonicienne
et traditions chrtiennes du corps-prison (Phi'don 62b, Cratyle 4ooc), dans Revue des
tudes latines, t. XLIII, 1965, pp. 406-443 ; L'me en cage, dans Parusia, Studien
zur Philosophie Platons und zur Problemgeschichte des Platonismus, Festgabe fr
Johannes Hirschbcrger, Frankfort am Main, 1965, pp. l03-rr6 ; Le corps-tombeau
(Platon, Gorgias 493a, Cratyle 4ooc, Phdre 25oc), dans Revue des titdes anciennes,
t. LXVIII, 1966, pp. 101-122 ; La Consolation de Philosophie dans la tradition
litt/raire .. ., Paris, 1967, p. 192, n. 2 ; 363 ; 368 ; Tradition no-platonicienne et tradition chrtienne des ailes de l'me , dans Platina e il N eoplatonismo in Oriente e
Occidente, Convegno interna::ionale dell'Accadernia nazionale dei Lincei, Roma, 5-9
octobre 1970 (sous presse).
r9. Le texte complet porte : ( Inuoluebar in tenebris ; filius tenebrarum tenebras
meas amabam, quia lumen non cognoscebam; caecus eram, caecitatem amabam, et
ad tenebras per tenebras ambulabam. Quis inde me eduxit, ubi eram homo caecus in
tcnebris et umbra mortis ? Quis accepit rnanurn meam, ut inde me educeret ?
20. Le texte complet du PSEUDO-AUGUSTIN, Meditationes, 37, P.L., t. XL, 933B,
est : Inebria cor meum sobria ebrietate rimoris tui ; obliuiscar quae uana sunt et
terrena .
16
XIII
Percute, Domine, hanc mentem pia cuspide dilectionis tuae.
PSEUDO-AUGUSTIN,
21 .
P. 96.
Guillaume Collaert connaissait sans aucun doute les gravures augustiniennes de Bolswert, recueil publi Malines quatre ans plus tt. On
sait que cet album connut aussitt le plus franc succs. Cette image est
inspire directement de l'une de celles de Bolswert22 La Vierge couronne,
assise sur des nuages, tient sur ses genoux l'enfant Jsus qui darde une
flche immense vers le cur d'Augustin (Pl. VII, fig. r). Celui-ci est g,
en chape d'vque et robe d'Ermite, et tend les bras en signe d'acceptation.
Sa crosse et sa mitre gisent ses pieds. Cette image convient sans aucun
doute la forme de pit du xvne sicle, car elle allait tre maintes fois
reprise23 Elle s'accorde mal avec les personnages habituels de Collaert et
l'inspiration gnrale de ses gravures. Il ajoute seulement des toiles dans
le nimbe de la Vierge, selon la tradition de l'Apocalypse 24 , et un ange qui
brandit le cur transperc d'Augustin.
XIV
P. ro4.
Augustin recouvre ici sa forme habituelle d'adolescent. Il porte nouveau
un bandeau sur les yeux. L'Amour divin, qui a pos son arc devant la
zr. Voici le texte exact du PSEUDO-AUGUS'I'IN, Meditationes, 37, P.L., t. XL,
935D : Percute, Domine, percute, obsecro, hanc durissimam mentem meam praeualida cuspide dilectionis tuae .
22. Voir J. et P. COURCELLE, Iconographie des. Augustin, Les cycles du XVIe
et du XVIIe sicle, pl. XLVII.
23. Ibid., pl. CXVI, CXLIX.
24. Apoc., XII, r : In capite eins corona stellarum duodecim .
I7
table, enchane toutes ses affections (Pl. VII, fig. z). Sur cette table,
recouverte bourgeoisement d'un tapis, est pose en vidence une cage
couronne de lauriers. On distingue l'intrieur un cur enflamm et
ail. Le symbole de la cage de l'me remonte jusqu'au-del de Platon et
persista toutes les poques dans les textes et sur les monuments figurs.
Mais il avait chez Platon une tout autre signification : les sens corporels
comme gele de l'me25 . Rares sont les textes o le symbolisme est invers,
comme ici26 ,
Des rayons clestes clairent l'Amour. Un symbole nigmatique est
grav dans un nuage, l'angle suprieur gauche : un serpent qui mordsa
queue et trace ainsi un cercle, un cycle, autour de deux palmes entrecroises. Ce cycle n'est-il pas un symbole d'ternit ?
XV
Fecisti nos ad te, et inquietum est cor nostrum,
Domine, donec requiescat in te.
AuGusTIN,
Conf, I,
I, I, IO,
p.z.
P. IIZ.
Le cur sans repos n d'Augustin a inspir l'artiste une image de tempte : tout au fond, un trait de foudre menace une nef sur la haute mer
dchane27 . lVIais cette nef reparat au premier plan, intacte, superbement
dtaille, et accoste. L'Amour divin manie les cordages et amne la voile
(Pl. VIII, fig. I). Le navire porte en poupe un tendard marqu d'un
cur transperc; dans le mme sens, le pavillon au haut du mt a pour
marque une couronne d'pines. Sur la rive, un enfant nimb tend les
bras cet Amour ; ce doit tre Jsus, non Augustin, car il est assis sur
la croix, pose elle-mme sur la colonne de la flagellation ; l'entour, on
25. Voir P. COURCEI,I,E, L'me en cage, dans Parusia, Studien zur Philosophie
Platons und zur Problemgeschichte des Platonismus, Festgabe fr Johannes Hirschberger, Frankfurt am Main, 1965, pp. lo3-n6 ; A. GRABAR, Un thme d l'iconographie
chrtirnne: l'oiseau dans la cage, dans Cahiers archologiques, t. XVI, 1966, pp. 9-16;
O. HJORT, L'oiseau dans la cage, exemples mdivaux Rome, ibid., t. XVIII, 1968,
pp. 2l-3L
26. Sur le claustrum-clotre bufique aux moines, cf. mon art. cit, p. II6 ; G. PENco, M onasterium-carcer, dans Studia monastica, t. VIII, 1966, pp. 133-143. H. TouBERT, Le renouveau palochrtien Rome au dbut du XII sicle, dans Cahiers
archologiques, t. XX, 1970, pp. 146-147 ( propos de la mosaque absidale de SaintClment de Rome.)
27. Sur la mtaphore de la tempte, cf. AUGUSTIN, Conf., VIII, 12, 28, 3, p. r99 :
Oborta est procella ingens ferens ingentem imbrem lacrimarum .
18
voit ple-mle sur la plage les autres instruments de la Passion : les ds,
avec lesquels la tunique du Christ fut tire au sort, la lance, la couronne
d'pines, les verges. L'ide est que des souffrances providentielles peuvent
seules mener la terre ferme, comme ce fut le cas pour Augustin28 . Le
cur sans repos >> d'Augustin allait tre plus tard, pour Murillo, le sujet
d'une toile immense29 .
XVI
120.
L'Amour divin, qui a band son arc, vise et atteint d'une flche lecur
d'Augustin. Cette flche l'emporte et le fait voler vers les rayons clestes
(Pl. VIII, fig. 2). Non loin de cet Amour divin, une jeune femme au profil
pur est assise et regarde la scne, mains croises sur les genoux. On songe
d'abord Monique plutt qu' une figure allgorique; mais, vu le texte
illustr, il s'agit plutt d'une contemplative quelconque qui cc pntre le
ciel en esprit>>.
Une route escarpe conduit une glise environne de verdure et
juche sur une colline. Quatre oiseaux s'envolent vers la gauche, comme
effarouchs par la flche.
XVII
128.
Le graveur s'est plu dessiner une haute fontaine. Cette fontaine comporte des cc putti>> joufflus qui crachent l'eau; elle est surmonte d'un
28. Sur le tempte providentielle en ce qu'elle mne au port, voir tout le prologue
du De beata uita d'Augustin ; cf. C. BoNNER, Desired Haven, dans Harvard Theological Review, t. XXXIV, 1941, pp. 49-68.
29. Voir J. et P. COURCELLE, Iconographie d3 s. Augustin. Les cycles du XVI
et du X V IJe sicle, pl. C:XL VIII.
30. Voici le texte complet du PSEUDO-AUGUS'l'IN, Manualc, 14, P.L., t. XL, 957 :
Idcirco super custodiam meam stabo et uigilantibus oculis psallam spiritu, psallam
et mente, et totis uiribus meis te factorem ac refectorem meum collaudabo, polum
penetrabo mente et desiderio tecum ero, ut in praesenti quidem miseria solo corpore
tenear ...
I9
vase en forme de cur, d'o jaillit un jet d'eau vertical encore plus
abondant. L'Amour divin tend une coupe pleine Augustin (Pl. IX,
fig. r). On voit, au fond et droite, une petite glise. Le soleil et la lune
dominent la scne, puisque Augustin veut boire jour et nuit la source de
vie.
XVIII
XIX
lubricae aetatis motus actusque leues cocrcet . L'image de la glissade morale des
adolescents provient des Confessions o Augustin se dcrit lapsantem in lubrico
(IV, 2, 2, 6, p. 67; cf. VI r, r, 4, p. rr7: Ambulabam per tenebras et lubricum ).
32. Cette lgende est rapporte notamment par PIERRE DE NATALI, Catalogus
Sanctorum, VII, 128, dans Acta Sanctorum, aot, t. VI, 357F.
20
nienne 33 . Augustin est nimb ; son De Trinitate ouvert dans la main droite,
il fait de la gauche un geste vers l'enfant-] sus accroupi sur le sable ;
celui-ci montre la fois le trou et la cuiller avec laquelle il essaye vainement d'y verser la mer pour l'emplir (Pl. X, fig. I). Un rayon divin perce
les nues.
De petites voiles, au loin, et l'esquisse d'une chapelle, gauche, ne
sauvegardent pas cette image de la banalit.
XX
21
XXII
Cupidon, qui a dpos sur le sol son arc et une flche, tend un pige en
forme de filet o passe sans encombre 1'Amour divin, protg par des
rayons clestes. Ce dernier tient son arc dans la main droite et, de son
index gauche, fait un signe triomphant Augustin assis au pied d'un
arbre lev (PL XI, fig. 2). Augustin pose une main sur la poitrine et
carte l'autre en signe d'admiration.
Dans le lointain, gauche, on voit, plac sur l'herbe, un large miroir
vers lequel se prcipitent deux alouettes ; le visage d'un guetteur regarde
par-dessus la colline si les oiseaux se font prendre. Ce symbole complte
le prcdent.
Le graveur fait merveille ds qu'il peut utiliser une scne de la vie
quotidienne des fins allgoriques.
XIII, XXVI, XXX, XXXV, XCIII, CVI, CXXIX, CL. Cette lgende apparat
frquemment aussi, en dehors des cycles , sous forme de tableaux l'tat spar.
34. Voir J. et P. COURCELLE, Iconographie des. Augustin. Les cycles du XVJe et
du XVIIe sicle, pl. X.
35. Voici le texte complet du PSEUDO-AUGUSTIN, Soliloquia animae, r6, P.L.,
t. XL, 878A : Inimicus, ut occidat, semper uigilat sine somno. Ecce tetendit ante
pedes nostros laqueos infinitos et omnes uias nostras impleuit decipulis ad capiendas
animas nostras .
22
XXIII
Manuale,
IO,
P. IJ6.
Augustin, qui reprend ici son apparence d'me mystique, prsente son
cur enflamm au Sraphin qui lui apparat sur des nuages, environn
d'une grande (( mandorla >> rayonnante (Pl. XII, fig. I).
Des fleurs l'avant-plan, une glise dans la verdure, esquisse droite,
agrmentent avec bonheur cette pitre image.
XXIV
PSEUDo-AuGUS'l'IN,
0 amor qui semper ardes et nunquam extingueris, dulcis Christe, bone Iesu, charitas
Deus meus, accende me totum igne tua, amore tuo, dulcedine tua, dilectione tua ...
cc
CONFESSIONS)>
23
XXV
I
1. -
..,,,
11;f,,,,;11/ f,1~/l
2. -
JEUNE
A U GUSTIN
DU PRCIPICE .
AU
BORD
t'~I
II
1. -
,.
~ (J ,
,,
,-
'/
L-
el
C11,,1r."
c(
11
J/
r.abns
muums
2. -
AUGUSTIN
DE
SA
PREND
'l'RA'l'RISE.
CONSCIENCE
.
111
I l/ (
11r.
.;;.
flS ~11a
C\
.u1Jm1J1r,
/J~S.tf lv11fl~.
III
1. -
AUGUSTIN,
EST
TRANSPERC
SECOURU
PAR
DE REMORDS,
L'AMOUR
DIVIN
..~,.,.,.,,.,~
~
2. -
AUGUSTIN
0
AFFAM
EST
ACCUEILLI
IV
1. -
2, -
LA
SCNE DU
TOLLE ,
LEGE .
V
1. -
2. -
VI
1. -
' '}
u t.
11
li' '' , vr
r r 1triJ?t$,
.- J:;
--'"'
ci. 'tJ
11/1/ (1
:). -
LA SOBJtE
JVJtESSE >>,
!S
111r 11111r
, / {! .
'-
t:,;;a
eJJt1 t~f1ttfl'
S. A 'f'-1 At d :t .r.J."'
VII
1. -
2. -
VIII
J. -
;
!
IX
1. -
AUGUSTIN
S'ABREUVE
LA FONTAINE
DU SAINT AMOUR.
2. -
L'Ai\IOUR
DIVIN
SAUVE
AUGUSTIN DE LA GLISSADE .
LE
JEUNE
("
':J~'.an .
J l
X
1. -
2. -
XI
1. -
c(,,;,,,1>11..<:
2. -
'--
L'AMOUR
DIVIN
TRIOMPHE
l!tl) rOS
11 t t.-.1
:;;,
''.'< ::.<'
., .
XII
1. -
-~. ,~ "!.,
2. -
AUGUSTIN,
SOURCE DE SAGESSE
POUR L'GLISE.
AUGUSTIN
PRIE
VN
DE L'ENFLAMMER.
SRAPHIN
XIII
) c
~T 1im11mu.s
_.v
. . , [ {--:(
f/i11 .
.) . .../ J '/lflUS
c.
LE TRIOillPHE D'AUGUSTIN
26
D. W. JOHNSON
+ The question of just what books these were, and of Augustine's Neoplatonic
sources in general is highly complex and much debated. The following is only a
sampling of some of the more important judgments on this question : P. HENRY,
Augustine and Plotinus , The.Journal of Theological Studies, XXXVIII (J anuary,
1938), l-23. Father Henry is particulary interested in stressing the result of a
historical-critical analysis which would lead to the reading Platini ... rather than
Platoni ... >l in de beata vita, p. 8. He has elaborated this thesis in his Plotin et
l'Occident, (Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense, 15, 1934), pp. 82-88. A contemporary
treatment of some modern jugdments is found in Olivier DU ROY, L'intetligence de la
foi en la Trin:t selon saint Augustin (Paris: tudes Augustiniennes, 1966), pp. 68-72.
Pierre Courcelle in his Late Latin ... agress that the Enneads esp. On the Beautiful,
were important for the early Augustine, but insists that these philosophical books
also included the De Regressu A nimae of Porphyry (pp. 168-189). However, Courcelle's citations in support of his thesis are almost all from a later period, usually
from De Civ. Dei. But he does receive added support from John J. O'l\IEARA,
The Young Augustine : The Growth of St. Augustine' s M ind up to his Conversion
(London : Longman's, Green, 1954), pp. 131-155. Cf., P. HADO'l', La structure
de l'me, image de la Trinit chez Victorinus et chez saint Augustin , Studia Patristica, VI, (Oxford, 1959). Texte und Untersuchungen (Berlin, 1962), pp. 435-40.
5. Conf. VII, 9, 13-14. P.L., 32, 741.
6. See, for example O'MEARA, The Young Augustine ... , p. lZ. O'Meara believes
that the focus of the entire Confessions is on the discovery of the Incarnate Word.
7. Hans-Georg GADAMER, Warheit und Methode (Tbingen: J. C.B. Mohr, 1960),
Secs. I and II passim, pp. 389-94, 396-40I. Charles Norris COCHRANE, Christianity
and Classical Culture (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1957), esp. pp. 75-81, 157-62,
336-7, 362-3, 370, 383-86, 399-419, 436-7, 459-60, 474. See also H. PAISSAC, Thologie du Verbe: Saint Augustin et Saint Thomas (Paris: Les ditions du cerf, 1951),
Chs. II-III.
27
28
D. W. JOHNSON
of hurnan life at its fullest12 . Since happiness is only secure when its
object is unchangeable, wisdorn must be entirely spiritual in nature
vastly different frorn the knowledge ( scientia) of the corporeal world of
becorning. Wisdorn can only proceed frorn God hirnself, who illumines the
rnind with his own Wisdorn - Christ the power and Wisdorn of God, who
dwells within13
It seerns only natural then, to suppose that in the early period and
perhaps beyond, Augustine would use Verbum within the context of this
philosophical quest, treating it as something akin to Wisdom, the divine
Truth known by contemplation, which attracts men, but is not attracted
to them.
But it is precisely this natural and common supposition that I wish to
call into question in this paper. In opposition toit I suggest that Verbum,
as used by Augustine in the period 386-397 does not grow out of Neoplatonic
roots, i.e., is not identical in meaning to Sapientia or Wisdom, but intends to
convey the idea of the expressive, concerned and involved God of Christianity.
Further, this term does not take the cosmos noetos of the Greeks as its model,
but is modeled, rather, on the expression of thought, and therefore more akin
in meaning to speech14 , than to Sapientia1 5.
r2. De beata vita 4, 23-33, P.L., 32, 970-975. A very thorough and helpful study
of the relation of happiness and Wisdom in Augustine's early works is found in
HoL'tE, Batitude ... , esp. Chs. r and 5, pp. rr-r9, 63-72. Cf., BROWN, Augustine ... ,
pp. 40-45. The coupling of the good or end of man with his search for truth is
clearly within the Platonic tradition and can be traced back to Plato himself.
Robert E. CUSHMAN, Therapeia : Plato's Conception of Philosophy (Chapel Hill :
Univ. of N. Carolina Press, r958), pp. r6-30. Cf., also BURNABY, Amor Dei, Ch. 3,
Beata Vita , pp. 45-84.
r3. Clear and concise treatments of Augustine's search for Wisdom are found in
tienne GILSON, The Christian Philosophy of Saint Augustine, trans. I,.E.M. Lynch
(New York : Random House, r960), Pt. I, Pt. II, Ch. r, pp. 3-r2ti, and in HOL'rE,
Batitude ... , Ch. 5, pp. 64-72. Cf., Vernon J. BOURKE, Augustine's Quest of Wisdom
(Milwaukee : The Bruce Publishing Co., r945). But perhaps the best summations
are given by Augustine himself in De lib. arb. II, 3, 7-r5, 39, P.L., 32, r243-r262,
and in De doct. christ., I, Chs. 3-ro, P.L., 34, 20-23, C.C. 32, 8-12.
14. Throughout this pape1, the usage of MIGNE, Patrologia, will be followed in
regard to the capitalization of Verbum. Wherever the context and usage of the
term would seem to suggest that Augustine intends it to refer in some way to the
Second Person of the Trinity, it will be capitalized. Wherever its usage is not personal in this sense, i.e., where it seems to refer to a common, rather than a proper
noun, lower case letters will be used. This device will be used here, as it is in Migne,
only as a helpful means of clarification. I have found, however, that in the numerous plact:s where the term is found in Migne, the judgments about capitalization
almost universally correspond to what my own exegesis would suggest. Cf. Alfred
ScHINDLER, W art und Analogie in Augustins TrinitiUslehre (Tbingen : J. C.B. Mohr,
1965), p. 86. Schindler comments that the distinction between the two usages is
usually quite clear. It must be remembered, of course, that this is a convenience,
and does not correspond to Augustine's own usage.
15. The Western church in general tended to translate the logos of John I into
terms oriented toward speech (sermo, verbum) rather that into tenus more closely
related to rational concepts (ratio). SCHINDLER, Wort und Analogie ... , pp. n5-r17.
29
This thesis differs, of course, not only from that of Scheel, but also from
such important modern interpretations as those of Alfred Schindler and
Ulrich Duchrow. Schindler, while admitting some speech i> aspects of
Verbum, believes that these are not central to Augustine's thought and
tend to recede behind Logos speculation16 . For Duchrow, the Augustinian VerbitJn is almost exclusively associated with a sight-oriented illuminism rather than with speaking and hearingl 7 .
While gladly acknowledging my debt to their careful and extensive
research, I feel compelled to disagree with themon thiscentralissue. My
reasons for holding this view are as follows :
r.
Augustine was certainly a philosopher, but not only that. He was also
a man of words. He began as a rhetor by training and profession and
ended as a Christian preacher and Biblical commentator18 . Never did he
completely escape from concern over virtuosity with language19 .
This dimension of Augustine's life and thought is being taken into
account by an increasing number of scholars who believe that his entire
spiritual development was extensively influenced by his concepts of communication. Among them one may count K. Kuypers, Joseph Finaert,
and most recently, C. P. Mayer 20 .
16. ScHINDLER, Wort und Analogie .. ., 75, 86-92, 94, 103, rr8, 192-3, 218, 232-3,
239-4I.
17. Ulrich DUCHROW, Sprachverstandnis und Biblisches Haren bei Augustin
(Tbingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1965), pp. l-2, 98-9, 104-5, 109-10, 137-47, 174-97, 240-42.
r 8. For the importance of rhetoric and language in Augustine and in the ancient
world see H.-I. MARROU, A History of Education in Antiquity, trans. George Lamb
(New York : Mentor Books, 1956 (1964), pp. 327-8, 381-90, 416. The practice of
rhetoric was closely connected with wor!dly success in Augustine's mind. Conf.
VIII, Chs. 5-12, P.L., 32, 753-64. The comments of Courcelle are helpful on this
point. His explanation of Augustine's conversion as a turning away from such success seems convincing. CouRCELLE, Recherches ... , p. 190. Cf., Cornelius Petrus
MAYER, Die Zeichen in der geistigen Entwicklung und in der Theologie des fungen
Augustinus (Wrzburg: Augustinue-Verlag, 1969), pp. 108-9. The important part
played by the profession of rhetoric for the success oriented North African is treated
in BROWN, Augustine ... , pp. 2r-2, 35-8, 65-72.
19. Erich AUERBACH, Literary Language and Its Public in Late Latin A ntiquity
and in the Middle Ages, trans. Ralph Manheim (New York: Bollington Foundation,
1965), Ch. l, pp. 27-58. Cf., F. VAN DER MEER, Augustine the Bishop : Church and
Society at the Dawn of the Middle Ages, trans. Brian Battershaw and G. R. Lamb
(New York : Harper Torchbook, 1961), pp. 405-23, 543-6r. Augustine's fascination with verbal fireworks is set in the context of the Baroque style of Roman
North Africans of this period by BROWN, Augustine .. ., pp. 22-3. Also MAYER, Die
Zeichen .. ., p. 222.
20. K. KUYPERS, Der Zeichen- und Wortbegrijf im Denken Augustins (Amsterdam:
N. V. Swets, 1934) Joseph FINAER'r, Saint Augustin Rhteur (Paris: Socit d'dition Les Belles Lettres, 1939). Finaert asserts that Augustine never lost his concern
30
D. W. JOHNSON
Augustine's own writings bear ample evidence of his concern for words.
His first work, the Principles of Dialectic, deals almost exclusively with an
analysis of words as signs. His work entitled The Teacher, written about
three years later, concentrates on the question of communication through
spoken signs, and his On Christian Doctrine, written in early 397, tries to
apply select rules of rhetoric to Christian preaching.
It would be difficult to imagine that this abiding interest in language
exerted no influence on his concept of the divine Word. It is just as
reasonable to suppose that when he heard the term Verbum his thoughts
turned instinctively to speech, as to assume that he thought, automatically, of Wisdom21.
It is of course very weJl known that Augustine holds words and all
signs in 1ow regard during the early period. This is seen most clearly in
De magistro where the major thesis is that words cannot teach at al122 .
The roots of this stance toward verba may be found as early as Principia
dialecticae 23 In one place in this work he defines a word as the sign of a
thing24 , and in another as simply the utterance deprived even of its signing
function 25
for rhetorical eloquence. But he also contends that such eloquence never existed
for its own sake in Augustine's mind. See esp. his important observation that even
Augustine's written works were usually originally spoken, pp. 13-16. A. D. R.
Por,MAN, The Ward if Gad .. ., also concentrates on Augustine's interest in language,
bnt in Polman's case, the focus is on the language of Scripture, rather than on
rhetoric itself. MAYER, Die Zeichm ... , Specific teachings from the tradition of rhetorical education also probably inflnenced some Augustinian doctrines, e.g., the Trinitarian analogies; cf., SCHINDI,ER, Wort und Analogie ... , pp. 56-60.
2r. This problematic exists even in the Greek usage of Logos, which refers to both
speech aud reason ; cf., KUYPERS, Der Zeichen ... , pp. 60-64. The double nature
of Logos (Verbum) is found in classical, hellenistic, biblical and patristic uses, with
the speech aspect prevailing at some times, while the reason aspect prevails
at others. The reader is referred to the following excellent studies : Rendel HARRIS,
The Origin of the Prologue to St. ] ohn' s Gospel. SCHRENK, yro, 'Jc6yo, pfia,
aMro, Theologisches Worterbuch zu1n Neuen Testament, d. Gerhard Kittel (Stuttgart : W. Kohlhammer, 1942), IV, pp. 69-148. G. W. H. LAMPE, A Patristic Greek
Lex:on (Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1964), pp. 807-11.
22. De mag. II, 36-38, P.L., 32, 1215-1216; 38, P.L., 32, 1216.
23. The Principia dialecticae was thought to be spurious by the Benedictine
editors, and is so presented in Migne, P.L., 32, 1385, 1410. Yet modern authors
have become increasingly less skepbcal about its authenticity. Today it is nearly
universally regarded as authentic. Cf., ScHINDLER, Wort und Analogie ... , p. 76,
KUYPERS, Der Zcichen ... , p. 13 and Belford JACKSON Semantics and Hermeneutics
in St. Augustine's De doctrina christiana (Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Yale
Univ., 1967), p. 87. The question of authenticity is also discussed in H.-I. MARROU,
Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique (4th ed., Paris : 1958), pp. 576-8,
and in Jan Pinborg, Das Sprachdenken der Stoa und Augustins Dialectic , Classica
et Medieavalia, XXIII, r49-5r.
24. Prin. dial. v, P.L., 32, r4ro.
25. Ibid., r4rr. The distinction between verbum and vox is not found in the
prin. dia!., and only develops much later in conjunction with the concept of inner
word. The earliest clear indication of this distinction is found in Sermon 288,
31
D. W. JOHNSON
32
Yet along with these negative conclusions there are aspects of this same
doctrine of language which tend to balance them, and even give a
guardedly positive evaluation of speech.
First, the mere corporality of uttered words is not in itself a degradation,
nor is reason's involvement in them. When the soul rationally organizes
sound, it is merely asserting its rational and proper control over the body.
In fact, Augustine clearly parallels the soul-body relationship with that
of the relation of the meaning and sound of words, even referring to
meaning as the cc soul>> of a word 30 It is only when man grasps at the
lesser good and therefore becomes dependent on corporeal communication
that degradation takes place 31
Yet this dependency itself issues in a partially positive evaluation of
speech32 , as may be seen even in De magistro. Because man is now turned
away from the inner truth, words and signs in general perform the necessary and invaluable fonction of admonishing us to look to reality, even
though they cannot display that realityaa.
De magistro also shows that words have a particular fonction in an area
which is important for the Christian faith - the realm of historical
knowledge. Of course, we could not even understand an historical narrative unless we already knew the meanings of the terms that are used. Yet
the way in which these terms are related could not have been known
beforehand. Therefore, hearing the words, we really learn nothing new,
but we can came to believe something new by trusting the authority of
the narrator 34 . An important fonction of words, then, cornes from their
close association with belief and authority. This cannot help but have
some impact on his Christian theology.
Yet when the last word on the matter has been said, words are still
held in low regard. This in itself could mean that Augustine cannot have
speech in mind when he refers to the Verbum of God. But it can also
suggest the opposite : It is just as possible that from the very beginning
Augustine the rhetor intended to present the divine Verbum as God's
asserts that the Christian doctrine of sin did affect Augustine's otherwise Plotinian
concept of fall. Cf., BURNABY, Amor Dei ... , p. 58.
30. De quant. anim. 32, 65, P.L., 32, 1071-73. Also notice the great care with
which Augustine analyzes words as syllables, rests and beats in De mus. II, l, l,
IV, 14, 21-24, P.L., 32, 1099, rr40-4r.
3r. Othmar Perler, among others, feels that the sound itself is degrading; cf.,
PERLER, Der Nus ... , p. 76.
32. Ulrich Duchrow makes the interesting observation that for Augustine, this
apparently negative evaluation has its positive side. Since the proud soul of man
is eager to dominate other persans, God protects men from the imperialism of
others by requiring men in the fallen state to communicate in this indirect way.
DucHROW, Signum und Superbia ... , p. 372.
33. De mag. II, 37, P.L., 23, 1215.
34 Ibid., IZI5-I6.
33
D. W. JOHNSON
34
35
In the first book of On Free Will, for example, Augustine refers to the
Son in the foJlowing manner :
One equal to Himself, whom we call the Son of God, whom we endeavor
to describe more fully when we call Him the power and Wisdom of
God. By Him He made all things which He made of nothing 45
Here we find the equivalence of the term Son of God not only with
Wisdom of God JJ, but also with the power of God J>. This is an explicit
attempt to cc fill out )) the term Son of God - to expJain it, as he says,
cc more fully >J.
But if this is what Augustine is endeavoring to do, why
does he not add Verbum Dei, especially since this passage concerns creation ? It cannot be that he had no first hand knowledge of John I at
this time, because in the very next sentence he refers to that precise chapter.
Yet when giving a fuller list of titles to the Son of God, he omits the term
which is used in the very chapter which he cites for the doctrine he is
discussing !
This same procedure of omitting Verbum yet referring to the Fourth
Gospel recurs repeatedly in The Marals of the Catholic Church. In one of
these places he again explains I Corinthians r : 24 : ... the Apostle says
that the Son of God is the power of God and the Wisdom of God ... as in the
Gospel these two things are expressed in the verse, ' all things were made
through him ' ... ' and the life was the light of men 46 . There can be
absolutely no doubt bere that the cc Gospel>> referred to is John, the
chapter is the first, and the teachings concern creation and illumination
- yet Verbum is not used !
The oft mis-quoted passage from The Teacher makes the point even
more clearly :
Concerning universals of which we can have kuowledge, we do not listen
to anyone speaking and making sounds outside ourselves. We listen to
Truth which presides over our minds within us, though of course we may
be bidden to listen by someone using words. Our real Teacher is he who
is so listened to, who is said to dwell in the inner man, namely Christ,
i.e., the unchangeable power and eternal Wisdom of God (Christus,
id est incommutibilis Dei Virtus atque Sempiterna Sapientia) 41
De magistro is really in large part a study of what words are and do.
The negative conclusions concerning the possibility of one man teaching
the term Wisdom of God , in one place explicitly connecting it with the Incarnation, and in another place with being in Christ (in light ) : De musica VI, 4, 7 and
16, 52, P.L., 32, II66-7, II<JO. The Marals of the Manichecs refers to one Lord
Jesus Christ, one of the earliest refPrences to Jesus: De mor. Man., 14, 33, P.L., 32,
1359
45. De lib. arb. I, 2, 5, P.L., 32, 1224.
46. De mor. eccl. cath., 16, 27, P.L., 32, 1322. See also 13, 22, P.L., 32, 1320-21,
and 27, 59, P.L., 32, 1335
47. De mag. II, 38, P.L., 32, 1ZI6.
D. W. JOHNSON
37
'l'O
Verbum
Verbum
and Sapientia
Sapientia
Incarnation
1: 30
2: IO
3: 2I
4:9
5:4
6: IO
Illumination
7:3
8:3
9 : 12
Creation
10: 6
11: 2
Speech
13: 4
14:
Context of
reference
De /ide et sym.
De lib. arb.
12: 4
II,24,37, P.L.,34,215.
3,3, P.L.,36,73-4. C.C.,38,8.
3,9, P.L.,36,77. C.C.,38,11-13.
I0,12, P.L.,36,138. C.C.,38,82.
20,2, P.L.,36,165. C.C.,38,n5.
21,II,3, P.L.,36,172. C.C.,38,123.
21,II,10-II, P.L.,36,174. C.C.,38,126.
26,I,5, P.L.,36,197. C.C.,38,152.
27,2, P.L.,36,2u. C.C.,38,168.
4,IO, P.L.'40,187.
III,10,30, P.L.,32,1286. C.C.,29,293.
III,10,31, P.L.,32,1286. C.C.,29,294.
5r. De Gen. c. Man. I, r, 3 ; II, 4, 5 ; II, 8, ro ; II, 20, 30 ; II, 24, 37 ; P.L., 34,
173, 198, 201, 21I, 215.
D. W. JOHNSON
Expositio ad Rom.
Expositio ad Gal.
Enarr. in Ps.
De div. quaes.
De agone christ.
De doct. christ.
De ver a relig.
Acta c. Fort.
De /ide et sym.
De div. quaest. 83
C. Ep. Fund.
De agone. christ.
De doct. christ.
Enarr. in Ps.
De vera relig.
De util. cred.
Enarr. in Ps.
De /ide et sym.
De Gen. imp.
Expositio ad Gal.
Enarr. in Ps.
De div. quaest. 83
C. Ep. Fund.
De agone christ.
De doct. christ.
De ver. rel.
Enarr. in Ps.
De fide et sym.
Ad Rom. Inc.
Enarr. in Ps.
De div. quaest. 83
P.L.,35,2077.
P.L.,35,2078.
24, P.L.,35,2122.
101,S1,1, P.L.,37,r294. C.C.,40,1425.
IOl,S1,2, P.L.,37,1294-5. C.C.,40,1426.
101,Si,2, P.L.,37,1295. C.C.Ao,1277.
148,8, P.L.,37,1942. C.C-,40,217r.
56,5, P.L.,36,664. C.C.,39,697-8.
54,3, P.L.,36,629. C.C.,39,656.
100,3, P.L.,37,1285. C.C.,39,1408
71,3, P.L.,40,82.
71,6, P.L.Ao,83.
72,2, P.L.,40,85 (2 refs).
75,2, P.L.Ao,87.
10,ll, P.L.,40,297.
21,23, P.L.,40,302.
I,34,38, P.L.,34,33. C.C.,32,28.
I,VI,
I,IX,
De doct. christ.
Enarr. in Ps.
De /ide et sym.
De agone christ.
De lib. arb.
De vera relig.
Enarr. in Ps.
De /ide et sym.
De Gen. imp.
De div. quaest. 83
De vera relig.
De div. quaest. 83
Enarr. in Ps.
De Gen. c. Man.
De vera relig.
II,12,17, P.L.,34,205.
3,3, P.L.,34,124. C.C.,32,189.
12,24, P.L.,34,132. C.C.,32,202.
40,75, P.L.,34,155. C.C.,32,236.
55,112, P.L.,34,17r. C.C.,32,259.
6,8, P.L.,36,95, C.C.,38,32.
8,6, P.L.,36,IIr. C.C.,38,32.
9,2, P.L.,36,II7. C.C.,38,59.
16,59, P.L.,34,243.
26, P.L.,40,17.
59, P.L-,40A7
I,8,9, P.L.,34,22. C.C.,32,II.
Enarr. in Ps.
De Gen. imp.
De div. quaest. 83
De doct. christ.
10 De Gen. c. Man
Enarr. in Ps.
De Gen. imp.
Enarr. in Ps.
De div. quaest. 83
11 Acta c. Fort
De /ide et sym.
12 De vera relig.
De Gen. imp.
De lib. arb.
I,2,3, P.L.,34,173.
32,I,6-9, P.L.,36,275. C.C.,38,245.
5,19, P.L.,34,227.
16,61, P.L.,34,244.
148,7, P.L.,37,194r. C.C.,40,2169.
63, P.L.,40,54.
13, P.L.,42,117.
2,3, P.L.,{0,183.
39,72, P.L.,34,154. C.C.,32,23+
l,2, P.L.,34,22r.
3,6, P.L.,34,222.
III, 15,42, P.L.,32, 1292. C.C.,29,300.
13 De vera relig.
14 De div. quaest. 83
62, P.L.,40,54.
Enarr. in Ps.
Expos. ad Gal.
39
D. W. JOHNSON
The references found above are exhaustive, and in each case the
item is categorized in terms of what has seemed to me to be the main
thrust of the passage. Yet Augustine presents his material in such a
form that it would be misleading for us to leave these references totally
separated from one another. If one examines the above catena he
will find that in more than half of the cases (6r), the references do not
stand alone, but are related to one or more of the other kinds of usage.
An examination of some of these passages is instructive :
a) By far the most common relation is between the Word (or Wisdom,
or Word and Wisdom) as the Second Person of the Trinity, and the
Incarnation (29 times). But ahnost half of these citations are in the
form of contrasts between eternality and temporality, rather than of
correlations.
b) The Second Person as Creator is related to the Incarnation 9 times.
Six of these are correlations ; 3 are contrasts.
c) The Creator is often related to the Incarnation (6 times), but is also
contrasted with it (4 times).
d) Creation and speech are related 4 times
always as Word.
e) "Inner teacher" and Incarnation are never correlated, but are contrasted 6 times.
f) Word as speech and Word as enlightenment are never related or contrasted.
g) The Incarnation itself is never referred to as a word, but rather the
Word is Incarnate.
It is also necessary to note that verbum Dei (sometimes simply verbum) is used 34 times as what seems to be a technical term for Scripture
and preaching :
De Gen. c. Man.
De vera relig.
Enarr. in Ps.
II,5,6, P.L.,34,199.
II,8,IO, P.L.,34,2or.
II,20,30, P.L.,34,2II.
II,21,31, P.L.,34,212.
38,71, P.L.,34,153. C.C.,32,234.
l,3, P.L.,36,68. C.C.,38,2.
3,1, P.L.,36,73. C.C.,38,7.
8,3, P.L.,36,IIO. C.C.,38,50.
9,7, P.L.,36,n9. C.C.,38,6r.
10,10, P.L.,36,137. C.C.,38,8r.
28,8, P.L.,36,214. C.C.,38,17r.
I,21,71, P.L.,34,1265. C.C.,35,80.
II,7,27, P.L.,37,128r. C.C.,35,II6.
4,9, P.L.,{0,186.
!,XVII, P.L.,35,2082.
15, P.L.,35,2098.
19, P.L.,35,2rn3.
8,37, P.L.,{0,512.
60, P.L.,35,2145.
IOl,S1,{, P.L.,37,1297. C.C.,40,1429.
ro1,S1,5, P.L.,37,1297. C.C.,{0,1429.
ro1,S1,7, P.L.,37,1298. C.C.,40,143r.
145,r, P.L.,37,1884. C.C.,40,2ro5.
De div. quaest. 83
Ad Simp.
De agone christ.
De doct. christ.
Ep. 21
36
41
The above statistics admittedly reveal that there are striking similarities in the ways that Verbum and Sapientia are used. The most
common usage for both terms, whether separately or together, is in
reference to the Incarnation. Likewise, they are both used frequently
as the Second Person of the Trinity. Neither is used very frequently
in passages where the primary thrust deals with either creation or speech.
It would certainly seem that the two terms are closely associated in
Augustine's mind.
But of equal importance is the fact that the table reveals some differences in the way they tend to be used. For example, while illumination,
Verbum occurs in such settings only 3 times. Even in these contexts,
we may note, the emphasis on the connection between Word and enlightenment is usually not strongly made.
An item which shows that there may be a distinction between Verbum
and Sapientia is that Sapientia is never directly referred to when by
itself in contexts concerned with divine speech, and is so treated only
once wben coupled with Verbum. Yet the latter term is used in this
way a total of five times. This is an admittedly small number, but
one must add to it this fact : of the six times where Verbum is used
in a setting where the reference is primarily to creation, four of them refer
to that creation through the Word as some kind of speaking. Sapientia, when used alone in the context of creation is never related to speech.
Remember, too, that verbum is used for Scripture or preaching no less
than 34 times. This makes the proclamation >> meaning of the term
second in numerical frequency only to uses connected with the Incarnation. If these two uses
both of which imply an expressive, active
and self-revealing God - are added together, their sum is more than
double the combined total of occurrences of a11 otber references. It is
I4 times as large as. the frequency of references to illumination - hardly
a strong case for taking Verbum to be a focal termina Neoplatonic doctrine of contemplation. This proclamation >i usage in itself would
tend to encourage Augustine to think of Verbum more in connection with
language than with that complex of ideas centering around Sapientia.
D. W. JOHNSON
a concept of Divine Word whicb parallels human expression but finds this
difficult or impossible due to his own analysis of human language.
In bis enarration on Psalm 8, for example, he concludes that the Church
is analogons to the winepress mentioned in the Psalm, and therefore,
the Divine Word must be comparable to the grape which is crushed in
it. Just as that grape is both husk and pulp with the two being separated in the crusher, so, he says, the Divine Word takes up the sound of
a voice that it might declare itself, the sound prevailing as far as the
ears but the understanding proceeding into the memory 52
Here the Word is not itself speech but is speaking. Yet one cannot
but be reminded of the bifurcation of words which was stated as early
as De principia. Yet now it is the inner truth which is Verbum - a problematic situation which would tend to push Augustine in the direction
of a concept of cc inner word, a development which did in fact take place
later on. But even at this earlier time it is clear that communication by
the Divine W ord runs closely parallel to the same model that Augustine
uses for human speaking 5 3.
There are many references to W ord as speech which are found in
contexts wbere Augustine's interest in centered on some other issue.
In one of these places he is exegeting Psalm 27 : I, cc My God, be not
silent from me ii. Assuming that these words are properly assigned
to Christ, he interprets them as meaning that the human nature is pleading
not to be separated from the Divine Word 54 . The Verbum is here
presented as speech, although indirectly, i.e., its opposite is silence.
Another of his early enarrations deals with the same concept, but positively. By his interpretation, Psalm. 18 : 2, cc Day to day uttereth
speech, means that the Spirit grants the Word and Wisdom of God to the
spiritual, while cc night to night pronounces knowledge ii refers to the
dispensation of the flesh granted to the fleshly5 5 .
But by far the greatest number of passages where Augustine refers
to Word as speech is found within the context of creation through the
Word. It is clear from a host of the saint's sayings that he conceives
of creation through the Word as speaking, or at least as analogons to
speaking. In one of the most pointed of these he asks :
How does he here show that they were made through the Word (V erbum) ?
" He spoke and they were made ; he commanded and they were created. ,,
No one speaks, no one commands, except by a word (verbum) .
52.
53.
2123.
54.
55.
56.
Enarr. in. Ps. 27, 2, P.L., 36, 21r. C.C., 38, 171-2.
Enarr. in. Ps. 18, I, 3, P.L., 36, 154 C.C., 38, 102.
Enarr. in Ps. 148, 7, P.L., 37, 1941. C.C., 40, 2169. Cf., Ad Sim. I, q. 2, 8,
P.L., 40, u6. C.C., 44, 33; De vera relig., 55, 113, P.L., 34, 172. C.C., 32, 260;
Enarr. in Ps. 32, I, 9, P.L., 36, 275. C.C., 38, 245.
43
But one must remember, of course, the temporality of words and the
timelessness of God. These two ideas taken together would suggest
that human words should be contrasted to, rather than compared with,
God' s W ord. This indeed is the case. The confusion introduced into his
thought by the temporal and corporeal nature of words is manifest in
his uncompleted commentary on Genesis, where we find one of his
major attempts at dealing with creation as spoken. Trying to understand ((Fiat lux, he actually suggests that these words might be the
Son himself. He says :
But it is still permissible to ask whether this which was said was said to
the only begotten Son (Filio unigenito dictum est) or whether that which
is said is the only begotten Son (Filius unigenitus est), which saying
(dictum) is called the Word of God (verbum Dei), (Jn. r : r) 57
Here Augustine directly relates the term usually reserved for proclamation
verbum Dei - to the Divine Son, and relates both to creation
through a word which it is possible to refer to as speech. Yet he immediately draws away from the implications of this possibility by warning
against the impiety that this Word was corporeally or temporally uttered
as are ours.
In this passage as elsewhere he is clearly concerned with the Verbum
as spoken but finds the concept slipping through his fingers due to the
temporality of speech. It must be noted, however, that here as in all
the other contrasts that he makes between our words and God's Word,
what prevents their doser association is always this temporality, often
accompanied by corporality, and never the fact that that active expression is inappropriate to Divinity 58
Remember that not only words, but the soul itself is mutable in time.
Thus the very contrast between our words and the W ord might even
suggest the basis of an analogy between the two, where our temporal
soul expresses itself in temporal words, while the eternal God expresses
himself in an eternal One.
44
D. W. JOHNSON
45
D. W. JOHNSON
47
D. W. JOHNSON
each the inner spiritual reality is clearly distinguished from the corporeal signification. And, finally, both are eventually surmounted
by that very inward spiritual and intellectual understanding which
they themselves make possible 72
From 389 onward he begins to make explicit parallels between words
and Incarnation, referring to it as a corporeal demonstration 73 , and
even comparing Christ's celestial and earthly presence with the sound of
a word which is present everywhere but is received by each person in its
entirety 74 . One of the clearest of these references is found in De doctrina christiana where he asks :
And how did he corne, except that the \Vord was made flesh and dwelt
among us (Jn. I : I4) ? For just as when we speak, in order that that
which we hear in our mmd may enter the mind of the hearer through a
corporeal ear, the word which we hear in our heart becomes sound,
and is called speech ; nevertheless our thought is not converted into that
sound, but remaining complete within itself, it assumes the form of the
voice by which it insinuates itself into the ears without any destruction
or mutation : so the Word of God, not being changed, was nevertheless
made flesh, and lived among us".
Thus the Incarnation is God' s word to man. By the condescension
of truth, humanity is given that temporal authority which it may believe
in order to begin its journey home 76 . By this condescension, proud man
is taught humility 77 Being forced to look within he sees that God is
Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie und Kirche, ed. Bonwetsch-Seeberg (Berlin,
r908), pp. 38 sq. For Thimme, Augustine's appeal to Christ is not an intregal part
of his thinking at this early date. Cf., HARNACK, Lehrbuch ... , pp. I23 sq. n. 4,
for an incisive summary of Augustine's development in this regard.
72. C. Aca. III, r9, 42-3, P.L., 32, 956-7; De ord. II, 26-7, P.L., 32, 1007-8 ;
De mus. VI, P.L., 32, II66-68, II70.
73. De div. quaest. 83, q. 62, P.L., 40, 54; cf., De civ. Dei X, r3, P.L., 4I, 29I-92
c.c., 47, 287.
74. De div. quaest. 83, q. 42, P.L., 40, 27; cf., Ep. r37, 2, 6f., P.L., 33, 5r8.
75. De doct. christ. I, I3, P.L., 34, 24. C.C., 32, r3.
76. Expos ad Gal. 24, P.L., 35 2I2I-23 ; De civ. Dei, IX, r5, P.L., 4r, 268-9.
C.C., 47, 262-3. X, 24, P.L., 4I, 300-02. C.C., 47, 297-8 ; XI, 2, P.L., 4r, 3r7-I8.
C.C., 48, 322. Cf., Grard PHII,IPS, L'influence de Christ-Chef sur son Corps
mystique suivant Saint Augustin, Augustinus Magister, I954 p. 808. Cf., also
DU ROY, L'intelligence ... , pp. 129-30. De lib. arb. II, 2, 6, P.L., 32, I243, and
H. HoHENSEE, The Augustinian Concept of Authority , Folia (Supplement II,
r954). Hohensee also gives clear documentation for the close association of credere
and /ides with auctoritas, pp. 57, 73.
77. De doct. christ. I, II, II, P.L., 34, 23. C.C. 32, I2.; De quant. anim 33, 76,
P.L., 32, 1066-7; De lib. arb., III, ro, 30, P.L., 32, r286; De div. quaest. 83, 43,
P.L., 40, 28 ; Cf., also Enatr. in Ps. 147, 25, 26, P.L., 1933-34. C.C., 40, 2r60-62 ;
Ep. r40, 5, I8, P.L., 33, 545-46. Also De lib. arb., III, ro, 30, P.L., 32, r286 ; De
Gcn. c. Man. II, 24, 37, P.L., 34, 2r5 ; C. Ep. Fund. 37, 42, P.L., 42, 202. Cf.,
M.F. BERROUARD, Saint Augustin et le ministre de la prdication- le thme des
anges qui montent et qui descendent ,Recherches augustiniennes, II, r 962, pp. 463-65,
49
D. W. JOHNSON
50
even laid aside at the Passion82 In the same year he would have Christ
say, << for from this, that the eternity of your Word does not cease to unite
[unire] itself to me, it happens that I am not such a man as the rest of
man ... 83 .
I submit that it is precisely this unity that makes the Incarnate Word
God's preeminently and uniquely true Word !
Augustine's dissatisfaction with words in general is that unlike the
consubstantial Word, they necessarily make use of a nature other than
that of the original idea in the mind, and thereby leave the way open for
obscurity, lies, and misunderstanding84 . But if a mind were to take
that nature by which signs are made into union with itself, it would be
able to speak truth through it. A man living in harmony with God
can properly and rationally order his body according to God's will. A
man perfectly united to God would be able to speak God's own truth.
Later on in his career he says; ... the only way that is infallibly secured
against all mistakes is when the very same person is at once God and man,
God our end, man our way85 .
In the Incarnation God speaks in a proper way, not in the best, or
exclusively spiritual way, but still in a manner that expresses rather
than violates the order of reality as Augustine conceived it.
***
The general conclusion resulting from the research presented in this
paper is that during the period from 386 to 397 Augustine treats Verbum
primarily as the expression or address of God to the World, i.e., as
something more like word )) than like Mind or Nous. Thus Verbum is
far from being one more evidence of a Neoplatonic mind-set operating
behind a thin Christian veneer, but rather aids in overcoming or altering
some of the very Neoplatonic doctrines which would otherwise tend to set
his views crossgrained to the basic texture of the Christian tradition.
This conclusion is, of course, quite narrow, since it concerns only one
term in Augustine's vocabulary. Yet some broader implications do
suggest themselves, other than the obvions one that the term ought
C.C., 38, 8.
83. Enarr. in Ps. 27, 2, P.L., 36, 21r. C.C., 38, r68. See also, Enarr. in Ps. 18,
I, 7, P.L., 36, r55. C.C., 38, 103 ; Ep., r4, 3, P.L., 33, 80. Cf., VAN BAVEL,
Recherches ... , p. 93.
84. De /ide et sym. 3, 4-4, 5, P.L., 40, r83-184. Cf. De Trin. XV, r2, 22, P.L., 34,
1075. C.C., 5oa, 493-4 ; Ench. XVIII, P.L., 40, 240-24r. C.C., 46, 58.
85. De civ. Dei XI, 2, P.L., 4r, 3r7-3r8. C.C., 48, 322. See also, C. Acad., III,
43, P.L., 32, 957 ; Ep. 149, II, r7, P.L., 33, 636 ; 157, III, r4, P.L., 33, 680; Enarr.
in Ps. r7, r2, P.L., 36, r49. C.C., 38, 96; De Trin. XIII, 19, 24, P.L., 42, 1033-4.
c.c., 5oa, 415 ; Ench. XXXVI, P.L., 40, 250-5r. c.c., 46, 69-70.
5I
to be understood in the way that I have suggested whenever it is encountered throughout the Augustinian corpus.
First, a minor point, on periodization. Augustine's Christian development has customarily been divided into three major periods : from conversion until ordination, i. e., until 39r ; then the period of the presbyteriate; and fina1ly the period of the episcopacy, from 395 until 43086 .
But since the important term Verbum arises de nova in his works in 389,
it might be more helpful to <livide the study of his deyelopment into
the period before he went into retreat at Thagaste in 389, and the period
following his work there. That this is an important year in Augustine's
life is further evidenced by the appearance at this time of his first works
with a specifically Christian orientation87
Second, the very fact that Verbum and Sapientia are now similar,
now different, reveals a deep tension within Augustine's thought which,
to my knowledge, he never fully resolved. One of the harshest critics
of contradictions within bis thought is Robert J. O'Connell, who sees
Augustine's early picture of reality as almost exclusively Neoplatonic
in spirit and content.
He believes that the inner tension in the bishop's viewpoint can be
traced back, for the most part, to the two pictures of reality - emanation
and omnipresence - which he took over uncritically from Plotinus.
These two basically inconsistent explanations of the world lead to Augustine's self-contradictory thought, which is illustrated in his confused use
of images and results in a nearly total denigration of everything except
God88
But Etienne Gilson, I believe, is nearer to the heart of the matter when
he sees the problem in terms of tensions between Neoplatonism and
Christianity, rather than believing it to be a carry-over entirely from
Plotinus himself89 . And he is nearer yet when he poses the question more
in terms of a contrast between Augustine's essentially Christian doctrine
of creation and his Plotinian doctrine of illumination, which presupposes an
emanationist metaphysic9o.
86. For example, SCHEEL, Die Anschauung .. ., pp. 7-1r.
87. Cf., BROWN, Augustine .. ., pp. 132-37.
88. O'CoNNELL, The Confessions .. ., pp. 81-88, 178-85. Cf., ARMSTRONG, The
Architecture .. ., pp. l-28 for a discussion of the two aspects of the One, which correspond to two different concepts of Deity. The first, or positive aspect, is similar
to Stoic thinking about God, while the second, or negative aspect, is more like
that of Aristole's God. A parallel confusion applies, mutatis mutandis, to the Nous
(pp. 49-82, esp. 59-60, 62). Cf., DU RoY, L'intelligence ... , esp. pp. 419, 451-56.
89. GILSON, The Christian Philosophy .. ., pp. 197-205, cf., HoLTE, Batitude ... ,
p. 352.
90. Ibid., 105-rrr. But Gilson tries to rescue Augustine from an ontologist
view of illumination. The work of Ronald H. NASH, The Lightof the Mind: St. Augustine's Theory of Knowledge (Lexington, Ky : Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1969) is also
based on the premise that Augustine adopts a Neoplatonist epistemology (p. 4).
52
D. W. JOHNSON
My reasons for saying this grow out of the present study of Verbum.
We have to admit, of course, that there is present in Augustine a teaching
of enlightenment as ascent or return of the soul, corresponding well with
an emanationist view of the origin of the world as a descent or fall. Yet
it is just here that Ver bum hardly fonctions at all, and is usually replaced
by Wisdom JJ, Truth )), Inner teacher )), etc. Word plays no part at
all in the Soliloqities, or in the description of the ascent of the soul in The
Magnitude of the Soul. Nor is it involved in the discussions of rationality
in The I mmortality of the Soul, nor does it equal the cc Inner Teacher )) of
the De magistro. The proper context of the term is almost never illumination, but rather God's speech, an idea consistent with a Christian
doctrine of creation91 . Its basic orientation is therefore out of a matrix
of thoughts other than those of emanation 92 . But it is in its close relationship with Wisdom that the inner tension between a Christian doctrine
of creation and a Plotinian return JJ is evident. The problem is not so
much a matter of descent and return, which holds out the possibility of
being treated with consistency, but of creatio ex nihilo and return, which
are inconsistent in principle 93 It is when these two aspects of Augustine's
thought are combined that Verbum becomes enmeshed in the concomitant
inconsistencies. Such is the case in those instances where Genesis is
interpreted as both creation and allegory of return as in the thirteenth
While giving a good summary of the varions positions taken on this issue by interpreters of Augustine, Nash's book fails in its major purpose, which is to show that the
Augustinian illuminism is in fact ontologist (pp. 112-122). ViktorWARNACH, Erleuchtung und Einsprechung bei Augustinus, Augustinus Magister (Paris: tudes
Augustiniennes, 1954), Vol. I, pp. 437-8, tries to rescue the saint from a thoroughgoing
ontologism by insisting that in Augustine's doctrine we see not the essence of God,
but an aura >J which streams forth from that essence. The question is still open,
but the close connection between Augustine's illuminism and a Neoplatonic
epistemology cannot, I believe, be denied.
9r. DucHROW, Sprachvcrstandnis ... , insists upon an illuminist >J view of Verbum
in Augustine (pp. l09-ro, 138-43, 146-7, r74-97). That Augustine stresses seeing
rather than hearing >J is admitted. Yet this very fact suggests the correctness
of the present analysis of a doubleness >J in Augustine's thought - God speaks ,
but man sees . It is also necessary to note, however, that Duchrow relies heavily
on \V'arnach, Erleuchtung ... >J, without considering Schindler's criticisms of Warnach's position that enlightenment is in-speaking >J, SCHINDLER, Wort und A nalogie .... pp. 95, 134, 233-35. It is also important to notice that Warnach assumes
that very identity of Word and Wisdom which we are calling into question, often
by reading Verbum in passages where Augustine uses Sapientia (e.g .. p. 440).
92. Cf., Christopher J. O'TooLE, The Philosophy of Creation in the Writings of
St. Augustine (Washington, D.C. : Catholic Univ. of America Press, 1944), pp. 1-9.
O'Toole gives solid documentation for the belief that Augustine has a clear and
pervasive doctrine of creatio ex nihilo, rather than a doctrine of Emanation. O'Toole
shows (p. 90) that Augustine is particularly insistent that the soul is created. Cf., C.
Faustus, I, 12-13 ; De anima et eius orig., IV, 24 ; De Gen. ad litt. II, 7 ; Cf. also,
GARVEY, St. Augustine .. ., 60-61, and HARNACK, Lehrbuch ... , III, 112, n. 4
93. O'CoNNELL, The Confessions .. ., pp. 83-84. O'Connell himself notes that it is
when Augustine is dealing with anthropological questions rather than with metaphysical ones that his emanation style comes out. >J
53
JOHNSON
94. O'TooLE, The Philosophy ... , p. 30. O'Toole states that [the explanation
of the turning of the creation to God through his vocatio or revocatio in Conf. XIII]
is clearly an adoption by Augustine of the Neoplatonic doctrine of the 'return to
the One ', although he rejected entirely the emanationist elements implied in it ...
For spiritual matter the turning to the Creator just described implies also an enlightenment or illumination.
95. Retract., II, 24, P.L., 32, 640.
96. HOLTE, Batitude ... , pp. 340, 366. For an interpretation of the doubleness
of Augustine's thought which sees both aspects as Neoplatonic in origin, see DU RoY,
L'intelligence ... , pp. 265-7, 415f, 420-21, 438-40, 450, 452.
DAVID F. WRIGHT
<<
57
8. For reviews, mostly critical, of this edition see M.P.J. VAN DEN HouT, in
Augustiniana 5 (I955), pp. 298-308 ; G. For,I,IET, in RA 3 (I957), pp. 403-405 ;
c. MoHRMANN, in vc IO (I956), p. 6I ; B.M. PEEBI.ES, in Traditio II (I955), pp. 424426; L. BIEI.ER, in Scriptoriitm IO (I956), p. 323; E. DES PI.ACES, in Biblica 37 (I956),
pp. 367-368.
9. Tractatus 20-22 of St. Augustine's In Iohannem, in ]TS n.s. 15 (1964), pp. 3I7330.
Io. VAN DEN HOUT, in Augustiniana 5 {I955), p. 298; For,r,rET, in RA 3 (1957),
p. 404.
Ir. La Tradition des grands ouvrages de Saint Augustin, in Miscellanua Agostiniana,
vol. II (Rome, 1931), pp. 257-3I5.
DAVID F. WRIGHT
58
Trinitate is now over 30012 . But even if the application of different principles of inclusion, for instance, in the case of selections in homiliaries,
renders my provisional total for the Tractatus of about 340 manuscripts
not strictly comparable with any others, nevertheless it is high enough
to scotch the suggestion of Miss Ruth J. Dean that the surviving manuscripts are significantly fewer than for Augustine's other main works13 .
Her claim that only four complete copies of the Tractatus earlier than the
tenth century are known to exist is also unduly pessimistic. (In fact,
of her four Cologne 6914 contains only Tract. 55-124 while Paris, B.N. lat.
1959 can be described as complete only with the major qualifications to
be indicated below).
At this stage we may conveniently list the pre-tenth century manuscripts of the Tractatus. The principles followed in determining the limits
of this list are prefaced to the complete check-list on pp. ro7-ro9 below.
Contents are given according to the numbering of the Tractatus in the
editions; S. 125 is Sermo 125 (PL 38, 688-698). At the end of each item
is noted in brackets the title given to the individual Tractatus in the body
of the manuscript, except for those which do not specify any at all or
for which the relevant information is not available. In some cases more
than one title is employed. The diversity of these titles will shortly be
discussed.
VI
/vn
+ Engelberg 59
; fragments
vrr /vnr
vm in.
vm2
II2-II3
(sermo)
vm
59
Paris, B.N. lat. 1959 ; 1-18, 20, 19, 23-123 (many omissions)
(sermo)
Berlin Phillipps 1662 ; 1-19, 23-35 (tractatus)
Vatican Palat. 207 ; 24-54 (sermo)
Paris, B.N. lat. n635 ; 55-124
Munich 18092 ; selections (Alan of Farfa's Homiliary) (sermo)
Berlin Phillipps 1676; selections (Alan of Farfa's Homiliary)
(sermo)
Troyes 853 ; selections (Alan of Farfa's Homiliary)
Vienna 1616 ; selections (Homiliary) (omelia)
Paris, B.N. lat. 2034 ; 5
vm/Ix
VIII
IX in.
Ix1
med.
60
DAVID F. WRIGHT
(omelia)
IX2
IX
(sermo)
Cologne 69 ; 55-124 (omelia)
Le Mans 260 ; 54-124 (omelia)
Paris, B.N. lat. 974 ; fragments of 34-36
Paris, B.N. lat. 1960 ; 55-124
Vatican 637 ; extracts of 1-18, 20, 19, 21-123
Paris, B.N. lat. 2012, ff. I, 136 ; parts of 24, 26
Valenciennes 166 ; part of IO
Vatican Regin. 307 ; extracts of l, 36
Vienna 697; fragments of 1-2
Carlsruhe Aug. Fragm. 98 ; part of 17
Carlsruhe Aug. XV ; selections (Paul Deacon's Homiliary)
Carlsruhe Aug. XIX ; selections (Paul Deacon's Homiliary)
Carlsruhe Aug XXIV ; 24 (Paul Deacon's Homiliary)
Manchester, Rylands 12 ; selections (Homiliary)
Munich 17194 ; selections (Alan of Farfa's Homiliary)
Wolfenbttel 4096 ; part of 15 (tractatus)
IX ex.
IX/X
IX~X
6r
TITLES
15. Op. cit., pp. 310-31r. Wilmart listed 147 manuscripts of the Enarrationes
from the twelfth century, out of a total of 368.
16. Indiculum X<.5, ed. WILMAR't, in Mise. Agost., vol. II, p. 182.
17. E.g., BERROUARD, Homlies (op. cit.), p. 25, with further references.
62
DAVID F. WRIGHT
22
was cited as
Bede's Augustinian florilegium on Paul refers to several Tractatus between 36 and rn8 invariably as (h)omelia, but his two other references, to Trr. 3 and 7, use the term sermo 24 However, we cannot
immediately conclude from this evidence that Bede's manuscripts
used different titles in different sections of the Tractatus.
Alcuin's writings reveal a wide range of usage, referring variously to
Augustine's homilia evangelicae expositionis, sermo, evangelicae
praedicationis homilia, homilia evangelica 25 , etc. Homilia is his
most frequent term, and indeed he once quotes Tr. I4 after the
18. Ep. 165: 6 (PL 54, u8r; ACO II, 4, 128).
19. Excerpta 276 (283) (CSEL 9, r, 879).
20. De Instit. Divin. 7 (PL 70, III9) ; Expos. in Pss. II : I (CCL 97, 40).
2!. Ep. 14 : 17, 27, 34 (CCL 91, 405-406, 418, 426-427).
22. J. MADOZ, El Florilegio patristico del segundo Concilia de Sevilla, in Miscellanea
Isidoriana (Rome, 1936), p. 213.
23. MANS! X, ro73-I074.
24. I. FRANSEN, Description de la collection de Bde le Vnrable sur l' A pdtre, in
RB 7r (r96r), pp. 66, 45, 48.
25. Adv. Felicem 2 : IO; Adv. Haeresin Felicis 67, 68; Adv. Elipandum 2 : 12,
I : 19 (PL IOI, 153, u6, 269, 254). I am assuming that the three references to
Tract. VII, Tract. XIV and Tract. XXV found in Migne's text of Adv. Elipandum
3 : 18 (PL ror, 284) are editorial, though such identifications of sources normally
appear in the footnotes. Cf. also the mention of A ugustini homeliatico (v.l., omeliaco)
sermone explanationes in the Epistle of Gisla and Rectruda prefaced to Alcuin's
Commentary on John (PL roo, 739). The workDe Processione S. Spiritus I, 2 (PL IOI,
68, 79), which is falsely attributed to Alcuin (see E. DUEMMI,ER in MGH Epp. IV
[Karol. Aevi II], p. 482), refers to Augustine's expositio evangelit.
63
DAVID F. WRIGHT
65
39. It is used in Wolfenbttel 4094 (rxin.; Trr r-23) and 4ro2 (rxin.; Trr. 24-54),
both from Weissenburg, and also for each of the sermons in a thlrd manuscript from
the same abbey, 'Nolfenbttel 4096, the ninth-century Augustinian homiliary from
which G. Morin published so many unknown sc'Ymones. Though tractatus as a designation of an ordinary sermon, especially one expounding a passage of Scripture, is
well attested for Augustine's era (cf. BERROUARD, Homlies, pp. 26-29, and the
studies of G. Bardy and C. Mohrmann referred to there), it is not the term normally
employed to describe what the editions present as his Samones. Indeed,
BERROUARD, ibid., pp. 28-29, points out that tractatus itself, as distinct from the
verbs tractare and pertractare, occurs only once in the Tractatus but sernio frequently.
(On this single, and singular, occurrence of tractatus see n. 68 below.) Thus there
may well be some exceptional local factor behind the use of tractatus in these Weissenburg codices. Alternatively it could be argued that since Wolfenbttel 4096
obviously stands in a close relation to the earliest transmission of Augustine's
66
DAVID F. WRIGHT
sermons, we should treat its use of tractatus as a sign of primitive tradition, and
likewise for codices 4094 and 4102.
For a tenth-century catalogue of Lorsch Abbey and a ninth-century one of Fulda
in which tractatus is the title used, see below p. 78. I have there identified one
of the Fulda codices with Berlin Phillipps 1662, which is one of the group of
manuscripts omitting Trr. 20-22. Almost all the others in this group employ sermo,
but Salzburg a VII 33 probably uses tractatus throughout. Mention should also be
made of Vatican Palat. 207 (vur ex. ; Lorsch), which has Trr. 24-54 as' 21-51 ',
severally entitled sermo, but bears the introductory title Tractatus ad populum.
Concerning Wolfenbttel 4102, containing Trr. 24-54 and using the title tractatus but
probably numbering '22-52 'rather than '21-51 ', see n. 76 below.
40. Occurring in Barcelona S. Cugat 21 (incipiunt tractatus) ; Paris, B.N. lat. 3329
(incipit liber tractatuum) ; Reims 92 (incipit tractatus) ; and no doubt others also.
67
Abundant evidence could be adduced, even as a result of my restricted enquiries, to illustrate the fluidity of usage within individual manuscripts. The appearance of different titles for Trr. 1-54 and 55-124 will
be taken note of below in the pages on the division of the work into these
two parts. The list of manuscripts containing S. 125 also given below
tells its own tale of inconsistency, which cannot be entirely ascribed to
the insertion of S. 125. Thus in Madrid 193 Tr. 17 ends as homelia, S. 125
ends as omelia but Tr. 18 begins as sermo, and in Naples VI. B. 7 the standard term, even for S. 125, is (h)omelia, but sermo is used at the end of
Tr. 18 and the commencement of Tr. 19.
One of the oldest complete exemplars of the Tractatus, Carlsruhe Aug.
XLVII, displays remarkable variety. After the initial title of Sermones,
tractatus designates the first five items, omelia appears for the end of
Tr. 5 and the beginning of Tr. 6, and then after the reappearance of tractatus for Trr. 6 /7, sermo is the title for Trr. 7 / 8 and 8 / 9. Thereafter
tractatus predominates until the end of Tr. 22, though not without one
omelia and a few cases of sermo. Sermo holds the field for the rest of the
first half, except that omelia twice puts in an appearance, for Trr. 50 /SI
and 54. Throughout Trr. 1-54 these individual titles are found variously
with the Explicit alone, with the Incipit alone or with both. In the
second part of the collection Incipit sermo - is the invariable usage.
Chartres 6, another of the early copies of the whole work, is in complete
agreement with Carlsruhe Aug. XLVII for the section Trr. 17-23 (17 begins
as sermo, ends as omelia ; 18 ends tractatus ; 19 ends sermo ; 20-22 end
tractatus ; 23 ends sermo), and the presumption must be that the agreement
extends throughout the collection and establishes a kinship between the
two manuscripts.
Other early manuscripts disclose similar variations. Stuttgart H.B. VII
17 (1x in.) normally uses sermo, but Tr. 19, though beginning as sermo,
ends as homelia, while the reverse holds for Tr. 20, and then Tr. 21 starts
as homelia. Vatican Palat. 206 of the tenth century generally employs
sermo but Tr. 33 closes as omelia. Oxford, Bodl. Laud. Mise. 139 consists
of an early ninth-century codex largely supplemented in mid-century.
Sermo is the regular usage of both parts, but tractatus and liber each occur
once in the additions. In Rome, V allicell. A. 14 omilia is employed
throughout, except that Tr. 4 is introduced as a sermo.
There is little point in further documentation of such variations 41
4r. In Angers 175, Tr. 15 begins as sermo XV and ends as oniilia XVI. Bamberg
II8 mostly gives only numbers, but Trr. 17 and 18 end as omiliae, but 22 as sermo.
In Bernkastel-Kues 32 Trr. l-42 are called homiliae, and 43-124 sermones, strongly
suggesting it is itself a composite codex or goes back to one in the tradition.
Homelia, sermo and tractatus are all used by Oxford, Bodl. Canon. Pat. 182 (all three
titles occur within the first five Tractatus), Orlans 76 (73) (see n. 180 below and
cf. the details given above concerning Orlans 161), and, according to the catalogue,
Durham, Cath. B. II. r6. Valenciennes 80 employs tractatus throughout except for
Trr. 13, r8, 57, 68, 90, 95 and 97, which are severally called sermones. For the
distinctive usage of Paris, B.N. lat. 12194 and 12195 see n. 195 below.
DAVID F. WRIGHT
68
vidual Tractatus often appear alone, and that the inclusion of one or
other of the terms we have been discussing seems to observe neither rhyme
nor reason. This is the case, for instance, in Berlin Phillipps 1662 (tractatus)
and Troyes 536 (sermo).
It may be thought premature to attempt to draw any conclusions from
the evidence we have adduced, illustrative and almost accidental as it
admittedly is rather than systematic and exhaustive. But in addition
to the obvious lesson it teaches, that significant and unexpected gains
in the association of manuscripts with each other are held out by this
method of approach, it raises several questions about the interpretation
of Possidius's Tractatus de evangelio lohannis ... in codicibus sex. Are we
right to assume that this description tells us anything beyond the kind
of title that may well have met Possidius's eyes as he opened the first
codex ? Does it require us to believe that throughout the six volumes
each exposition was introduced as a tractatus ? Can it be held to exclude
the possibility not only that the successive expositions merely bore numbers but even that sermo (rather than homilia) put in an occasional or
even frequent appearance ? If, as now seems highly probable, the Tractatus were produced in blocks at intervals covering more than a dozen
years, would one expect the six manuscripts to have presented a tidy
uniformity throughout ? No doubt we are groping in the dark, for
we do not know what took place between the taking down of these
sermons by stenographers and the eventual emergence of the t'ix codices.
We cannot say to what extent editorial or redactionist activity unified
the collection into a consistent whole. We can only suggest that the
testimony of the manuscript tradition can hardly be said to support the
conclusions normally drawn from Possidius's reference 42 . At most it
could be that tractatus featured only in the initial title (with the individual
sermons introduced rnlely by numbers as in the oldest manuscript fragments, Carlsruhe Ettenheimmnster 462 + Engelberg 59. In the next
oldest, Monte Cassino 523 E, sermo appears without a number). And it
could be argued that some uses of tractatus as a title in the manuscripts
reflect a knowledge of Possidius's description, which did not preclude
the misunderstanding of tractatus as a singular noun, in just the same way
as it is so easily mistranslated today in both French and English.
PREFACES
42. If, as BERROUARD, Homlies, pp. 25, 28, strongly argues, tractatus was
Augustine's deliberately chosen title, why did he twice refer to Tr. 99 as a sermo in
De Trinitate r5 : 27 : 48 (PL 42, 1095-1096) ? See also un. 39 above and 68 below.
69
70
DAVID F. WRIGHT
7r
54. The Ps.-Bedan prologue to the Gospel Hic est Johannes evangelista appears,
together with the Gospel, in Gotha I. 57, Klosterneuburg 27 (see above), and probably
Munich 3714. It may well also be the prologue to the Tractatus themselves in
Innsbruck 108 and Munich 45I5. In Nantes II, to judge from the Incipit given in
the catalogue, S. 44 (PL 38, 258-262 ; cf. LAMBO'I', CCL 4I, 5I3) is presented as the
prologue for the Tractatus.
55. The Maurists' collations in Paris, B.N. lat. I I66o, f. 5ov, mention the inclusion
of the Gospel text in their codex 7, i.e., Gemmet-icensis, which is now Rouen A. 9I, but
this appears to be an error for codex I, Audoenensis, now Rouen A. 85.
DAVID F. WRIGHT
72
DIVISION INTO TWO PARTS
' 55-124
'57.
From the earliest writers to make use or show knowledge of the Tractatus, Alcuin 58 , Amalarius of M:etz 59 , and Prudentius of Troyes 60 obviously
had manuscripts numbering the second part ' l-70 ', while both Bede 61
and Florus 62 in their respective Augustinian florilegia on Paul bear testimony to the continuons numeration present in all the editions 63 . As
far as I have been able to discover, although there are several writers
from Salonius onwards who obviously knew the Tractatus as a single work,
in no one else does the manner of citation or reference furnish any relevant
evidence until we reach Abelard, who in Sic et Non quotes according to
the singl<> sequence of numbers 64 .
Nevertheless there is an adequate basis in the manuscripts alone for
holding that the division into two parts and the 'l-70' numeration go
back to Augustine's own library. If Possidius had found the Tractatus
numbered l-124 we might have expected him to mention the fact. He
regularly specifies the number of books in the works he lists, and also
56. Cf. WILLEMS, CCL 36, YII ; WRIGHT, op. cit., n. 2 on pp. 328-329.
57. Lucca 2r gives no numbers at all for Trr. 55-124, except that on f. r39r Tr. 67
ends as sermo XIII and Tr. 68 begins as XIII!. It is possible that these numbers
are not original here.
58. Adv. Haeresin Felicis 68 (PL ror, rr6) quotes Tr. 75 as' sermo XXI'.
59. Liber officialis 3 : 24 : 7, 3 : 26 : 3, ed. HANSSENS, op. cit., pp. 339, 344, respectively cite Trr. rr8 and 120 as' omclia sexagesima quarta' and' sermo LXV'.
60. De Praedestinatione contra Joan. Scotum r3 (PL rr5, rr8o) quotes Trr. 6r and
86 as 'homilia 7 de Coena Domini, homilia 32 de Coena Domini '.
6r. FRANSEN, op. cit., p. 66.
62. CHARI.IER, op. cit. (n. 3r above), pp. 174-175.
63. Except that Bede and Florus both used manuscripts lacking Trr. 20-22 and so
numbering' r-r2r '. See below.
64. Sic et Non 69 ('tract. CV'), 83 ('serina CXXIII '), 96 ('tract. LXVI')
(PL 178, q40, q68, q85). BERENGAR OF TOURS, De Sacra Coena adv. Lanfrancum
43 (ed. W.H. BEEKENKAMP, Kerkhistorische Studien, II; The Hague, r94r, p. q6)
cites a sentence from Tr. 40: 2 lines r8-r9 with the erroneous reference, ' [omelia] LX'
i.e., an original ' XL ' has been accidentally transposed.
73
74
DAVID F. WRIGHT
Thi~ motley assortment proves nothing Not only is the reverse differentiation evidenced in Modena, Capit. O. III. 14 (xr ; Modena), so that
Trr. r-54 are sermones and the rest omeliae, but no dfference of meaning at
all pertinent to the point at issue eau be imagined between homilia and
sermo. The usage of these manuscripts is probably to be explained as the
consequence of fusing together part one from an avenue of tradition where
homilia was current and part two from an area which used sermo.
Thus although a mass of manuscripts give evidence in a variety of
ways of a break between Trr. 54 and 55, none of the different introductions to Trr. 55-r24 affords any grounds for distinguishing them from the
preached sermons Trr. I-54 68 And since all the participants in the con-
68. Nevertheless, special interest attaches to the variety of ways in which the
manuscripts introduce the second half of the collection and Tr. 55 itself commences.
The opening sentence, Coena Domini secundum Iohannem, adiuvante ipso, debitis est
explicanda tractatibus, et ut nabis passe donaverit explananda, appears in several
manuscripts not as the exordium of this particular homily but almost as an introductory rubric to the whole of the second series of Tractatus : Rome, ValliceU. A. 14 ;
Bamberg II8 (where the sentence in question is on f. 198v, and Tr. 55 does not begin
(with Ante diem ... ) till f. 2oov) and 119 ; Florence 14 dext. 5 and Mugell. 5 ; London,
B.M. Addit. 18313 and Burney 291 ; Cologne 69; Basel B. III. 3 (this list would no
doubt be considerably longer were fuller information available). BERROUARD,
Homlies, p. 28, points out that this opening sentence includes the sole occurrence
of the noun tractatus in the whole collection. The sentence has something of the
ring of a semi-formal introduction, which certainly indicates a resumption of expositions of the Gospel but does not point to any particular kind of exposition. In this
context tractatus may well be Augustine's deliberate choice of designation, but see
nn. 39 and 42 above. ZwINGGI, op. cit., p. 125, suggests that Augustine's composition or delivery of Trr. 55-124 was in response to a request, after Trr. 1-54 had been
brought together into one corpus, that he complete his exposition of the Gospel.
This would account for the somewhat unspontaneous tone of the opening of Tr. 55.
In some other manuscripts the first twosentences of Tr. 55 are missing and the ho mily
begins Pascha, fratres, non sicut quidam existimant ... : Carlsruhe Aug. XLVII (and so
by presumption Chartres 6 - see above p. 67 and n. 150 below) ; Heidelberg IO, r 2 ;
London, B.M. Royal 3. C. X; Oxford, Bodl. Canon. Pat. 182, BaUiol 6, St. John's I.
Again it must be certain that further inspection would enlarge this group. In
addition item 88 in pt. I of Alan of Farfa's Homiliary, which is a compilation from
Trr. 55-63, begins in the same fashion, which renders it highly probable that Alan's
source also had this Incipit. The second of the sentences in question, which is
John 13 : r, has probably become detached from the opening of Tr. 55 after the
first sentence had suffered the same fate. For then it could be readily confused
with a summary of or introduction to the lection preceding the homily proper. This
Incipit thus represents in all probability a secondary development.
One further variation can be briefly noted. In Basel B. III. 3, the initial four
words Coena Domini secundum Iohannem have become detached from adiuvante
ip.so etc., which according to the catalogue description appear to follow straight on
from Incipit eiusdem omelias [sic] euuangelii secundum Iohannem adiubante ipso etc.
(G. MEYER and M. BURCKHARDT, Die Mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitatsbibliothek Basel, Beschreibendes Verzeichnis, pt. B, vol. l (Basel, 1960), p. 208).
A similar detachment of the first four words (which in fact form a handy and not
inappropriate title for Trr. 55-124) appears to be evidenced in Amiens 569.
These and other variations in the introduction to the second half of the collection
provide the researcher with further criteria for classifying the manuscripts See
also n. 200 below.
>>
75
tinuing debate are agreed that Trr. 55-124 are not sermons of quite the
same kind as Trr. l-54 the manuscripts have no light to throw on this
controverted issue, apart from the separate numeration, which in itself
is of elusive significance but probably of greater moment, as we shall
suggest, when considered together with Mlle La Bonnardire's (and
Berrouard's) dating of the sections of the Tractatus.
1
This part of our discussion must finally ask when the consecutive
numbering ' l-124' first makes its appearance. The earliest conclusive
witness is Bede whose florilegium on the Pauline Epistles compiled from
the writings of Augustine reveals the numbering ' l-121 ' (i.e., omitting
20-22). This work was composed, it seems, before A.D. 731, quite possibly in the 72o's. On the assumption that Bede himself did not inaugurate
this system of numeration, his testimony probably takes us back to Rome,
or possibly S. France, in the latter half of the previous century, for it
was then and thence that Benedict Biscop collected the core of the distinguished library of Wearmouth and Jarrow. We shall argue below,
in connexion with the omission of Trr. 20-22, that the evidence points to
the South of France, and especially Lyons and Vienne, rather than
Rome. For the complete numeration ' l-124' the earliest witnesses
are the ninth-century manuscripts Carlsruhe Aug. XLVII (rx in.), the
related Chartres 6, and Vercelli XLVI (rx ex.). The wide geographical
spread of these exemplars suggests that the numbering system they present emerged somewhat earlier, though not necessarily as early as the
date required by Bede's usage. We clearly lack the evidence to decide
with confidence whether, in the line of tradition in which the omission
of Trr. 20-22 occurred, it antedated the emergence of the single sequence
of numbers, though I surmise, for reasons which should become apparent
subsequently in discussing this omission, that it did. In any case, the
continuous numeration made its appearance in two arms of the tradition,
one omitting and the other retaining Trr. 20-22, most probably by the
latter decades of the seventh century and the middle of the eighth century
resp ectively.
Another feature that delimits a recognizable group of manuscripts,
the inclusion of Sermo 125 after Tr. 17, must also have originated before
the ' l-124' numbering. Of the five pre-eleventh-century manuscripts
in this group that contain part two of the Tractatus four have the numeration
' l-70 ', while evidence is not to hand concerning the fifth, Madrid 193
Indeed, of the fifteen manuscripts earlier than the twelfth century, only
one, Monte Cassino 21 EE and 22 EE, definitely follows the numbering
through to 124. In addition to Madrid 193 information is required for
Florence Aedil. 8 and Paris, B.N. lat. 8912.
Another smaller yet still significant group of manuscripts lacks Trr. 2122 and transposes Trr. 19 and 20 and their numbers. Its two oldest
representatives which contain Tract. 55-124, Paris, B.N. lat. 1959 (vm ex.)
and Orlans 161 (rx-x), both number them' l-70 '. Although I do not
possess the appropriate details concerning other exemplars such as Paris,
DAVID F. WRIGHT
B.N. r2r94 and r2r95 (x), and hence cannot say when the numbering
through to 124 first appears in the manuscripts of this group, the evidence
clearly indicates that their distinctive features took their rise before the
unbroken sequence of numbers was introduced, at least in this area of
the tradition, as in the other areas already examined.
FURTHER DIVISIONS
St. Gallen r68; rx1 ; r-21 and Incipit omelia XXII. The text of 22 is
in:
St. Gallen 169 ; rx1 ; 22-54
St. Gallen 241 ; rx in. ; abbreviated text of r-r8, 20 (' r-rg ')
St. Gallen 155 ; x ; 55-124 as' r-70'
77
(n)
Basel B. III. 3 ; consists mainly of two codices containing respectively 1-19, 23-24 (' 1-21 ') and 55-124.
(v)
Oxford, Bodl. Laud. Mise. 139 ; IX1 and IX med. ; 14-54 (composite)
as secunda pars.
Oxford, Bodl. Laud. Mise. 124; IX med.; 55-124 (' 1-70 ') as tertia pars.
Here we have a threefold division, but with yet another variation in
the partition of Trr. 1-54 into two sections, certainly exemplified for
Wrzburg around the middle of the ninth century 74 and probably also
for Freising.
7I.
72.
73.
183.
74.
B. BISCHOFF and J. HOFMANN, Libri Sancti Kyliani: Die Wrzburger Schreibschule und die Dombibliothek im VIII. und IX. Jahrhundert (Wrzburg, 1952),
pp.
DAVID F. WRIGHT
Vatican Palat. 207 ; VIII ex. ; Lorsch ; 24-54 (' 21-51 ') as pars
media.
This manuscript agrees with Basel B. III. 3 in the implied earlier omission of Trr. 20-22 but not in the line of division. [See now n. 213 A below. J
(vn)
not know to what this refers.) The present numbering of the first three items,
Trr. 24-26, I have confirmed from a microfilm copy as' 22-24 '. Though the manner
in which ' INCP TRAC XXII ' etc. appears in the manuscript suggests that these
headings were not present when the manuscript was executed, there is no sign in this
part of it that an earlier numeration of '21-23' has been obscured. Nevertheless,
the codex remains in one or two respects something of a puzzle.
77. BECKER, catal. 48, p. 133.
78. BECKER, catal. 128, p. 267.
cc
79
36-54 (' 33-51 ') ; and 55-124 (?' l-70 '). To my knowledge none of these
has been identified in modern times, but Berlin Phillipps 1662 admirably
fits the bill for the first of them. It uses the title tractatus for each of
the expositions, contains l-19 and 23-35 numbered consecutively' l-32 ',
and according to Lowe was written in an important Anglo-Saxon centre
in the Mainz-Fulda-Hersfeld region 79 . The only problem is that of
date. This manuscript belongs according to Lowe to the end of the
eighth century but was given to St. Vincent's Abbey, Metz, by Bishop
Deodericus in the latter half of the tenth. Becker places the Fulda
catalogue in the twelfth century, so that if our identification is to have
any validity it would be necessary either to regard the catalogue as a
copy of a much earlier one or to suppose that it refers to a lost manuscript
which was a copy of Berlin Phillipps 1662 but remaine.d at Fulda when the
latter was removed. Fortunately neither of these hypotheses is needed
for the catalogue was in fact drawn up shortly before the middle of the
ninth century8, a date which is confirmed by the identification we have
here proposed.
(x)
(xI)
DAVID F. WRIGHT
80
THE OMISSION OF
Tractatus 20-22
81
La date (op. cit.), pp. ll9-12r. I have since found that I was anticipated in the
discovery of the intercalation of Trr. zo-zz b:v H. Rondet; cf. RSR 53 (1965), p. 655.
85. Concerning Wolfenbttel 4ro2 see n. 76 above. A catalogue of the library
of Chur Cathedral in A.D. 1457 lists : Augustinus super Iohannem sermones centum
XXI; idem super epistolam Iohannis apostoli sermones decem (ed. LEHMANN, Ein
Bcherverzeichnis der Dombibliothek von Chur aus dem J ahre 1457, in Erforschung des
Mittelalters. Ausgewahlte Abhandlungen und Aufsatze, vol. z (Stuttgart, 1959),
p. 178, no. F 17.) This may well have been a manuscript lacking Trr. zo-zz but
misnumbering may have been solely responsible. Chur's connexions with St. Gallen
where the omission is not attested, speak against the possibility of omission, but not
conclusively.
82
DAVID F. WRIGHT
Vatican Palat. 207 ; VIII ex. ; Lorsch ; 24-54 as ' 2r-5r ' (sermo, but
introductory title of Tractatus ad populum)
Modena, Est. a. W. r. r3 ; xrn ; San Prospero ; r22 : 9-r24 as ' (rr9)r2r ' (sermo)
Turin G. III. 28 ; xv ; Turin ; 49-50, 52, 55-66, ro3-r2r all numbered
three less than in the editions (sermo).
The indirect evidence of two other manuscripts deserves to be mentioned. The original core of Oxford, Bodl. Laud. Mise. 139 (rx1 ; probably Benediktbeuern) contained Trr. r4-r6, r9, 23-32, 36-45 and 48-54
numbered' r4-44' (mostly sermo). The absence of Trr. 20-22 from this
sequence obviously cannot be isolated from the other lacunae for which
collectively there is no simple explanation available. But when the ten
missing Tractatus were later inserted (rx med. ; Wrzburg) they were
not numbered consistently : r7-r8 and 20-22 were given their' correct'
numbers, but 33-35 and 46-47 were provided with numbers three behind
the standard numeration. This oddity will be further discussed at a
later stage in this article. It appears to suggest that the Wrzburg
scribe got Trr. 33-35 and 46-47 from an exemplar which lacked Trr. 20-22
or in its numbering reflected a prior lack of them.
Information concerning Valenciennes 80 supplied by courtesy of
. Bleuzen seems to furnish another strand of evidence C'Oncerning
an original absence of Trr. 20-22. This twelfth-century codex frorn
St. Amand-les-Eaux, which was very probably utilized by the Louvain
editors of the Tractatus (see n. 227 below), norrnally prefaces each Tractatus with the text of the Gospel passage it expounds copied in extenso,
not merely indicated by its opening and closing words. However, this
is not the case with Trr. 20-22, though it holds true for the Tractatus that
precede and follow these three. For Trr. 20-22 the text of the Tractatus
itself follows imrnediately upon' Incipit tractat. S. Aug. XX' etc. Unless
the restriction of this peculiarity to Trr. 20-22 be ascribed to chance
factors, it suggests that Valenciennes 80 preserves a trace of the insertion
at an earlier stage in the tradition of Trr. 20-22 into a fonn of the work
which had previously lacked them. What is surprising is that this echo
of an original absence of these three Tractatus should still be detected in
a manuscript which, according to the available evidence, appears on
other grounds to present a fairly standardized version of the Tractatus.
No other irregularity occurs in the region of Trr. r7-23, and the numbering is continuous throughout from r to 124, with no break of any kind
between Trr. 54 and 55. It is quite possible that further examination
would disclose other rnanuscripts, especially in N.-W. Europe, which
distinguish Trr. 20-22 from their neighbours in the rnanner of Valenciennes
80.
In addition to this direct and indirect manuscript evidence, some later
writers who drew upon the Tractatus were obviously using copies lacking
Trr. 20-22. The details for Bede, Alcuin and Florus of Lyons have been
83
DAVID F. WRIGHT
cc
85
86
DAVID F. WRIGHT
10r. For citations in Prudentius of Troyes see ahove p. 83 with n. gr. They are
not open to confident interpretation one way or the other.
102. Vita Beatorum Abbatum 4 (ed. PLUMMER, vol. I, p. 367). Cf. P.H. BLAIR,
The World of Bede (London, r970), pp. 124, 160. Ceolfrid also augmented the
library of Wearmouth-Jarrow, but his role appears to have been a secondary one,
and is less precisely documented.
103. De Incarnatione Domini contra Nestoriitm 7 : 27 (CSEL 17, 385-386). The
quotatio11 is introduced simply by Augustinus inquit.
THE OMISSION OF
Tractatus 21-22
Tractatus 19
AND
87
20
88
DAVID F. WRIGHT
The Epistle of the Council of Aachen to King Pippin (A.D. 836) cites
Tr. 50 as' quadragesima octava '105.
Since we are obviously dealing here with a predominantly French,
even northern French, tradition, the former of these two references is
probably more germane to our enquiry. Other citations mentioned
above1 06 may also attest the currency of manuscripts with this irregularity, but the evidence is not clearcut.
There is more to be said about two of the three oldest exemplars in
this group, Paris, B.N. lat. 1959 and Orlans 161 (the Maurists' Floriacensis)I07. In the second part of the collection (which they number
cc
89
' 1-70 ') they both omit passages from nearly every Tractatus. The
exceptions are Trr. 55, 70, 71, 81, 82, 84, go, 94. Tr. 109 is omitted
entirely, and in each of at least four Tractatus (96, 97, 105, 124) a total
of a hundred or more lines are missing. It must be very probable, given
the fact that these are the two oldest manuscripts in this group to contain
Trr. 55-124 (Angers 175 only goes as far as Tr. 54), that others are also
marked by these largescale omissions. Two criteria for easy identification are quickly specified : Tr. 58 (' 4 ') begins' Nunc est ut beato Petra ... '
(58 : 2 line 3), and Tr. 109 is wholly absent.
I have noticed also that both these exemplars together with Angers 175
and Paris, B.N. lat. 12194 give' Notum est non rude est ... ' as the Incipit
for Tr. 15 (editions:' Non rude est ... '), which again I would expect to be
common if not universal in manuscripts of this type. However, it was also
found in the mid-ninth-century codex Fossatensis used by the Maurists
(so the collation in Paris, B.N. lat. u66o, f. 28r), which was otherwise
a highly regular copy of the Tractatus.
THE TRANSPOSITION OF
Tractatus 19
AND
20
above the gap. The absence of Tr. 109 should mean that Trr. lI0-124 be numbered
'55-69' instead of '56-70 '. In fact from the end of Tr. u8 (' 63 ') to the end
of 122 (' 67 ') alterations are apparent by the addition of l to an original ' 62-66 '.
The final number in the manuscript is the oddest of all, LX Nonus VIII at the
beginning of T1. 123. The copyist originally wrote LX Non1.1s VII. ThL~ suggests
that he must have been working from a copy which reflected the normal ' 1-70' of
the complete second half, and on this occasion forgot to omit the ' correct ' number
for Tr. 123 before penning his own, doubly faulty, LX ... VII, which was later, by
himself or someone else, corrected (within the terms of this manuscript) to LX ... VIII.
(In Paris, B.N. lat. n66o many of the numbers for the Tractatus in part two of
Orlans 161 from 15 (originally ' 14' ; = Tr. 69) have been altered by the original
writer. No reason is apparent.)
It is quite clear by now that Paris, B.N. lat. 1959 was the model, whether direct or
indirect, for Orlans 161, and that the scribe of the Paris manuscript was himself
responsible for the abridgement of the second half of the collection.
DAVID F. WRIGHT
90
THE INCLUSION OF
Sermo 125
Sorne fifty manuscripts of the Tractatus insert Sermo 125 (PL 38,
688-698) after Tr. 17. This is not the place to present a full study of
S. 125, which is not known to have survived in any manuscript outside
the Tractatus, but some time can usefully be spent capitalizing upon its
presence in order to further our classification of the manuscripts of the
Tractatus. For not only do these fifty or so exemplars forma group apart,
they also fall into two main sub-groups according to two different I ncipits. (No manuscript has yet revealed the Maurists' Incipit, which
must be their own emendation. It will shortly be referred to again).
Incipit A : H aec auribus et cordibus vestris nota sunt reparant tamen dicentis aff ectum
Manuscripts with this or a very similar Incipit nearly always number
S. 125 as' 18' (or one more than the preceding number if for some reason
Tr. 17 is numbered otherwise), and continue with Trr. 18 ff. as' 19' ff.
In these manuscripts the Tractatus are regularly called homiliae or sermones,
only once tractatus. Even within this main group there are some deviations to take note of, and hence sub-division is necessary.
I.
9r
92
DAVID F. WRIGHT
93
De eadem lectione... (affectum) 108 . Their other base was the edition by
Jacques Sirmond109 from a codex belonging to St. Vincent's Abbey, Metz,
which in default of evidence to the contrary we may presume to have been
a copy of the Tractatus. Sirmond's Incipit is diffrrent again : Nec
auribus nec cordibus vestris rudia reparantur, tamen audientis... We have
no way of knowing whether this represents Sirmond's emendation, though
the absence of this precise Incipit, and especially the word rudia, from
all the extant manuscripts undoubtedly suggests it does. The Maurists
certainly indulged in emendation and produced: Nec auribus nec cordibus vestris rudia repetuntur : reparant ta men audientis affectum ...
Several manuscripts of Incipit B do not lack Trr. r8-r9 but display some
rearrangement in their position :
2. Three have the order Tr. r7, S. r25 (in each case as Sermo XVIII),
Trr. r8, 20, 2r, r9, 22 ff.
Verona, Capit. XXXVI ; IX ; (Tr. 20 is unnumbered, De eadem lectione)
Modena, Capit. O.III.r4 ; XI ; (Tr. zo again unnumbered, but an
earlier XVIII(? XVII II) seems to have been erased)
Cesena D. III. 3 ; XV.
3. Two manuscripts place Trr. r8-r9 between 20 and 2I :
Paris, B.N. lat. r739r ; xrr ; S. r25 is the latter part of Tr. IJ (Item
de eadem lectione... Explicit omdia XVII), 20 is ' r8 ', r8 unnumbered (Incipit alia de eadem lectione), r9 as ' r8' again (Item alia
incipit de eo quod... Explicit XVIII), 2r as ' r9' etc.
Porto r3 ; xnr ; original arrangement and numeration was : r7 (Sermo
XVII), S. r25 (Sermo XVII), 20 (XVIII), r8 (unnumbered), r9
(XVIIII), 2r (unnumbered and untitled), 22 (Explicit homelia XX),
etc. One or more ' correctors' have created such confusion that
Tr. r7, hitherto correct, is now XVIII, four items are each numbered XVIII!, none is XX and Tr. 22 is XXI.
108. Copy in Paris, B.N. lat. 11661, ff. 161r-165v. For the omission of Trr. 18-19,
f. 128v.
109. S. Aurelii Augustini ... Sermones Novi numero XL (Paris, 1631), pp. 170-193
(no. 15) and notes, unpaginated, ad fin. The study of P. PETITMENGIN,' A propos
DAVID F. WRIGHT
94
no. The subsequent numbering is very careless : Tr. x8 begins as ' 19 ', ends as
is ' 19 ' ; 19 begins as ' 20 ', ends as ' 21 ' ; ... 23 begins as '24 ', ends as
is ' 22 ', etc.
' 18 ' ; 20
' 2 I ' ; 24
95
DAVID F. WRIGHT
96
Tractatus.
These are all factors which have a possible bearing upon the origins
of the disorder we have encountered, and particularly the absence of
Trr. 20-22. They all relate, though not with equal force, both to the
very beginnings of the tradition in Augustine's own library at Hippo
and to any subsequent stage at which irregularities may have entered
in. They are essentially complementary ; their validity in any attempted
explanation of the irregularities is bound to be cumulative.
cc
97
98
DAVID F. WRIGHT
99
A simple analysis of the way John 5 is dealt with115 will put the point
beyond doubt.
Tr.
IJ : vv. I-I8
I25 : vv. I-I8
(in intention ; little of the Tr. actually deals
Tr. I8: v. I9
S.
with it)
Tr.
I9 :
Tr.
Tr.
Tr.
Tr.
Tr.
20: v. I9
2I : vv. 20-23
22 : vv. 24-30
23 : vv. 31-47 (briefly), 19 and finally a quick run through 20-30.
24 : ch. 6 : 1-14
VV.
I9 after
expounding the rest of the lection but left
himself no time to do so)
DAVID F. WRIGHT
IOO
cc
Tractatus
>>
Here we take up consideration of the implications of Mlle La Bonnardire's and 1\1. Berrouard's dating of the Tractatus, which embody the
conviction that previous attempts to date the collection have foundered
on the persistent refusa! to allow that Augustine prod uced them ' par
fragments '. If, as seems to me almost undeniable, the Tractatus were
thus composed in segments over a period of several years, it is a priori
likely that such groups of Tractatus would have found their way into
Augustine's library in separate codices.
But before we apply this reasoning to the problems of Trr. I7-23,
a further note about Trr. 55-I24 is in order in this context. We have
argued above, in agreement with other students of the issue, that the
numeration' r-70 ' goes back to the library at Hippo. Now La Bonnardire placed Trr. I-I6 in the years 406-7 and the rest in or after the year
4r8. This would mean that Trr. I-I6 and r7-54, which were separated
by more than a decade, have somehow received a consecutive numeration, while Trr. r7-54 and 55-r24, which on this explanation were probably all produced within three or four years11 6, have been allotted separate numbering systems. If Trr. r7-54 could thus be regarded as the
continuation of a series broken off in mid-course eleven or twelve years
earlier, while Trr. 55-r24 were evidently distinguished from the thirtyseven (or thirty-four) sermons delivered in the previous three or four
years, then we have a weighty indication that the separate numeration
' I-70 ' reflects some difference of origin or genre between Trr. 55-r24
rr6. LA BONNARDIRE, op. cit., does not fix a tevminus ad quem for Trr. 55-r24
but appears to incline towards a date soon after A.D. 42r ; cf. pp. 87, rr7, 140-r4r.
101
and the earlier sermons. This evidence does not of course define the
nature of the difference between the two parts of the collection ; it merely
confirms what is strongly suspected 011 other grounds, that such a difference truly exists. In case it should seem that this line of reasoning
depends on too ma11y assumptions, we must spell out clearly that the
only assumption it requires is one for which evidence is not lacking, namely,
that Trr. 55-124 were either numbered ' l-70 ' in Augustine's library
or demarcated from Trr. l-54 in such a way that the introduction of this
numbering ensued at an early stage thereafter. It does not necessitate
any particular belief about the numeration of Trr. l-54 ; they may originally have lacked numbers altogether.
However, if Berrouard's revised dating of Trr. 17-19 and 23-54 is
accepted, the argument of the preceding paragraph loses much of its
force but is not entirely nullified. Berrouard agrees with La Bonnardire in placing Trr. l-16 in 406-7, but brings Trr. 17-54, with the exception of Trr. 20-22, forward to 414. As he has not yet pronounced 011 the
date of Trr. 55-124, it is too early to say whether he has finally opened up
a gap of several years between Trr. 54 and 55, but this is certainly a consequence of combining his dating for Trr. 17-19 and 23-54 with La Bonnardire's for Trr. 55-124. Trr. 17-19 and 23-54 thus corne to occupy a year
roughly equidistant betwee11 Trr. l-16 and Trr. 55-124. This set of circumstances undoubtedly weakens the above argument which contrasts
in the case of Trr. 17-54 and Trr. 55-124 temporal proximity of origin
with separate systems of numeration, but in so far as Trr. 17-54, even
on Berrouard's showing, were delivered as long after Trr. l-16 as Trr. 55124 were after Trr. 17-54 the argument retains some of its validity.
The possibility voiced above that Trr. l-54 may originally havelacked
numeration altogether pinpoints the type of question raised by their
composition in separate blacks, in relation to the circumsta11ces and manner in which the blocks were brought together to form one collection11 7.
II7. Zwinggi's study is of relevance in this connexion. He shows (op. cit., pp. 126129) on the basis of La Bonnardire's dating of the Tractatus that they implement
only to a very limited extent the principle of lectio continua, the importance of
which in Augustine's preaching has been much exaggerated. He also points out
(pp. 124-125) that Possidius lists the Tractatus in a category which includes in
addition only the Enarrationes in Psalnios, distinguishing between the dictated and
the preached Enarrationes, while the Tractatus on John's First Epistle appear
elsewhere among the Tractatus Diversi (Indiculuni X 4 1-5, X. 148; lYiisc. Agost.
vol. II, pp. 181-182, 204). The juxtaposition of the Tractatus on the Gospel and the
Enarrationes Zwinggi attributes to Possidius's recognition that like the latter the
former were' ein Sammelwerk '. It is not only the absence of a title for Possidius's
category comprising these two collections that casts some doubt upon this explanation. Merely in being expositions of the whole of major biblical books and in virtue
of their consequent size, the Enarrationes and the Tractatus are unparalleled among
Augustine's homiletic output. From this stand point the ten sermons on I ] ohn
rightly belong elsewhere, and no doubt appropriately to a category that also includes
a short series of sermons on Genesis r and other small batelles like De cpiphania
tractatus septeni ... Per vigilias paschae tractatus viginti Ires (Indiculum x. 58-62,
102
DAVID F. WRIGHT
La Bonnardire <livides Trr. I-54 into three segments, I-I6 dated in A.D.
406-7, 17-23 probably in 418-9, and 24-54 in 419-20 or 420-I. If this
reconstruction is correct, it means that in 4I8 or 4I9 after more than a
decade had elapsed since Tr. I6, Augustine preached Tr. I7 without
the slightest hint that he was resuming the consecutive exposition of
John's Gospel. The opening of Tr. 17 contains no backward or forward
reference. This contrasts markedly with his forceful reminder at the
start of Tr. I3 of his previous sermons on John which he had had to
discontinue on embarking upon the exposition of John's First Epistle
during the Easter Octave. La Bonnardire calculates the interval between Trr. I2 and 13 as less than two months11s. A similar backward
reference at the beginning of Tr. 15 suggests a lapse of time since Tr. 14,
but according to La Bonnardire it eau only have been a fortnight or
so at the most119 . No doubt in preaching Tr. 17 Augustine could not
expect his congregation to recall sermons delivered ten years earlier,
but his sudden unexplained resumption is still rather odd. The difficulty is scarcely eased by Berrouard's date of 414 for the series of sermons
beginning with Tr. 17, for the interval since Tr. 16 is still one of seven
years. Do we envisage Augustine checking up among his manuscripts
r70-r75 ; Mise. A gost., vol. II, pp. r95, 205). If Possidius was aware of the diversity
among the Traetatus, it is surprising that he has failed to indicate it, even in terms of
the distinction between dictation and preaching he a pp lies to the Enarrationes.
Zwinggi's further suggestion that the bringing together of the sections of the Traetatus should be thought of as analogous to the collection of the Enarrationes into one
corpus raises some interesting questions. How did Possidius know which Enarrationes had been preached and which dictated ? Was an index or inventory available ? Certainly Augustine possessed a catalogue of bis works which Possidius
used (cf. WII,MART, Mise. Agost., vol. II, pp. r58-r60). Does this then preclude the
possibility that Possidius's description of the Enarrationes reflects the circumstances
in which he found them in the library at Hippo, i.e., still in sections according to
their diverse origins and not arranged after the order of the Psalms ? This state
of affairs is no doubt rather unlikely, for the numbering of the Psalms afforded the
easiest and most obvious of methods of arrangement. Likewise the Traetatus would
arrange themselves in accordance with the Gospel text (except in the case of the
slight difficulty over Trr. 20-22) without the need for any additional enumeration.
Thus Possidius's sex eodices probably indicates that his examination of the Traetatus
revealed their lack of a continous numeration, and in this respect they were like the
Enarrationes. (It should not be forgotten that on several Psalms, most notably
Ps. rr8 (rrg), Augustine produced more than one enarratio, so that if the individual
enarrationes were to be numbered consecutively they would total many more than
r50). But if Possidius's description of sex eodices suggests tous that the Traetatus
are similar to the Enarrationes also in being ' ein Sammelwerk ', it is doubtful
whether Possidius was aware of this further similarity.
rr8. Op. cit., PI. 52-53. It must be mere coincidence that in two early or midninth-century codices, Wrzburg M.p.th.f. 74 and Munich 6287, both probably from
Freising, pars prima comprises only Trr. r-r3, while the tenth-century Lorsch
catalogue lists a part one containing only twelve Tractatus, presumably r-12. But
see n. rr3 above.
ng. Ibid., pp. 56, 53.
begins with Tr. 15.
rn3
to discover the point he had reached in the Gospel back in A.D. 407 ?
Had he never preached on John 5 (where Tr. 17 resumes) or any subsequent chapter since that date, and had no such sermons found their way
on to his shelves alongside Trr. r-r6 ? Questions like these are multiplied
in one's mind by the idea of the composition of the Tractatus in groups
over a number of years. It has already been suggested in this study
that breaks like those posited by La Bonnardire make it at least possible
that when Trr. 1-54 first reached completion (with or without Trr. 20-22)
different titles, especially sermo, and perhaps even homilia, in addition
to tractatus, were in evidence among them and continuous numeration
was absent. Similarly, the intervals between the batches of sermons
would have allowed occasional sermons to insert themselves, such as
Tr. r7A (S. r25) and perhaps Trr. 20-22.
When, however, we turn to the details of La Bonnardire's dating in
relation to our problem area, we encounter no tailor-made solutions to our
questions. Berrouard's dates, on the contrary, are in one important
respect positively helpful in our enquiries. La Bonnardire's major
dividing-line between Trr. r-16 in A.D. 406-7 and Trr. l7-r24 in the years
beginning 4r8-9 120 does not favour any straightforward hypothesis for
the intrusion of S. r25, which always occurs after Tr. 17 and never before
it. In a footnote added while her book was in the press Mlle La Bonnardire appears to accept my isolation of Trr. 20-22 from their setting in
the Tractatus but sees no immediate reason for dating them differently
from Trr. r7-19 and 23 121 . More recently, however, Berrouard has argued
DAVID F. WRIGHT
at length and with persuasive force that Trr. 20-22 reflect a more advanced stage in Augustine's controversy with Arianism than the parallel
exposition of]ohn 5 : 19-30 in Trr. 18, 19 and 23, and has assigned their
production to the years 418-9, soon after Contra Sermonem Arianorum
but four or five years later than the same writer's date of 414 for Trr. 1J-I9
and 23-54122 . If Berrouard's conclusions are sound, then the first half
of the collection would have been complete, in the sense that Trr. r-19
and 23-54 provide an exposition of the whole of John 1-12, some years
before Trr. 20-22 were delivered. Thus one could regard Trr. 1-19 and
23-54 as constituting the original ' edition ' or ' version ' of the first part
of the corpus, and a genuine possibility emerges that this version could
have enjoyed some circulation before Trr. 20-22 were even preached,
let alone inserted into their present position between Trr. 19 and 23.
There is no inherent improbability in this suggestion that Trr. r-54,
with or without Trr. 20-22, were known and read outside Augustine's
library even before Trr. 55-124 were composed. Inde<'-d, the separate
numeration of Trr. 55-124 and the frequency of manuscripts containing
only one half of the collection speak in its favour. Furthermore, such
public knowledge of Trr. 1-54 alone could easily have led to requests for
the completion of the exposition of the Gospel and thus to the production
of Trr. 55-124 (see further n. 68 above). Of course the separate circulation of Trr. 1-54 does not of itself argue the absence of Trr. 20-22. It
merely renders more likely the possibility, given the datings proposed
by Berrouard, that an' original edition' of the Tractatus lacked not only
Trr. 55-r24 but also Trr. 20-22.
The next point of diyision in La Bonnardire's dating scheme falls
between Trr. 23 and 24, which again is of no obvions assistance in explaining the disorder prior to Tr. 23. But elsewhere we have already seriously
questioned whether the evidence justifies a break between 23 and 24,
and have been confirmed in our doubts by Berrouard's recent demonstration that Trr. 17-19 and 23 belong closely with Trr. 24-54 as one series
of sermons123 .
But if most of the details of these proposed chronological divisions
do not correspond precisely to the manuscript dislocations, it remains true
that the chief area of discontinuity in the first half of the Tractatus is
almost exactly the same both in the manuscript tradition and in the
perhaps in the last paragraphs, that the bishop might be addressing a gathering of
spiritales. LA BoNNARDIRE, op. cit., p. rr8 n., put forward the very tentative
proposal thatthetwosets of sermons on John 5: 19-30, Trr. r8, 19 and23 and Trr. 2022, were preached in different places.
122. La date (op. cit), pp. 140-141, 146-159, 164.
123. LA BONNARDIRE, op. cit., pp. 87-88, rn4-105, 117; WRIGH'I', in ]TS n.s. 17
(1966), p. 185 ; BERROUARD, La date, pp. 121-130. The reason given by La B.,
pp. 87-88, for treating Trr. 24-54 as a separate group leads logically to the inclusion
of Trr. 17-23 as well, as she shows on p. 105.
>;
ro5
124. Op. cit., n. l on pp. 117-118. A. KUNZELMANN, Die Chronologie der Sermones
des hl. Augustinus, in J'>iJ.isc. Agost., vol. II, pp. 470-471, brought Tr. 17 and S. 125
into close connexion by virtue of their common subject-matter, and regarded the
previous sermon referred to in S. 125 : 7 as Tr. 17. La Bonnardire, p. 107, points
out that these two sermons are Augustine's sole expositions of John 5 : 1-18 which
disclose that this pericope had been read liturgically first.
106
DAVID F. WRIGHT
cc
107
The list that follows this introduction has been drawn up in the circumstances outlined near the beginning of this article, and consequently
displays various deficiencies. It is intended to be exhaustive, but no
doubt has several omissions, most likely for Spain (and Portugal), Austria, parts of Germany and Switzerland. With regard to homiliaries
and lectionaries containing selections from the Tractatus I have been
unable to devise any perfectly adequate and precise principles of inclusion.
Most pre-tenth-century manuscripts have been included, but ignorance
and the unavailability of analyses have irnposed limitations on the fulfilment of this general principle. (The listing of ninth-century copies of
Paul Deacon's homiliary is doubtless incomplete, but this is no serious
loss). Nevertheless, homiliaries represent a fair proportion of the manuscripts prior to the tenth century, as a glance at pp. 58-60 above will show.
In addition, some later homiliaries have been included, in particular
those evidencing an unusually heavy indebtedness to the Tractatus (e.g.
Madrid 194 ; Naples VI. B. 2) or a direct use of patristic sources (e.g.
127. Op. cit., pp. rr7-rr8.
128. CCL 36, XI-XII.
129. Details of the extent of Willems' collations are given by
A ugustiniana 5 (1955), pp. 298-299.
VAN DEN
Hour, in
108
DAVID F. WRIGHT
ro9
IIO
DAVID F. WRIGHT
which the extract begins, and sometimes only with the number of the
item. The century is indicated in capital Roman figures : IX /x means
the turn of the ninth and tenth centuries, i.e., circa A.D. 900, and IX-X
means ninth or tenth century.
The contents of the manuscripts are given in Arabie numerals and,
solely in the list itself and nowhere else in this article, not even in the
footnotes to the list, in italics. Furthermore they are identified according to the numeration of the Tractatus in the printed editions but in
the order in which they appear in the manuscripts. The use of the separate numbering ' r-70' for Trr. 55-I24 is indicated by' (a) ' at the end
of the statement of contents. The preceding sections of this study show
how often the numbering in the manuscripts diverges from that of the
editions, but it seemed unnecessarily burdensome to spell out the details
in every instance. The divergences of significant groups of manuscripts
have in any case been dealt with abovel4o.
With regard to the sections of individual Tractatus, it has been considered necessary to indicate contents only by reference to the sections or
chapters in which a manusc ri pts or extract begins or ends. This means
that ' 8 : 3-4 ' does not specify the whole of chapters 3 and 4 of Tr. 8,
but merely that the item begins at some point in Tr. 8 : 3 and ends somewhere in Tr. 8 : +
In specifying provenances, immediate and ultimate, I have deliberately
given fairly explicit geographical indications, normally anglicized, which
expert mediaevalists and palaeographers may think superfluous. They
may however be appreciated by th ose who like the writer are neither mediaevalists nor palaeographers and are often frustrated by shorthand references to scriptoria, abbeys and the like which are beyond their ken.
The preparation of this list and the acC'ompanying discussions has
been rendered possible only by the admirable co-operation of a great
number of librairies and individuals in response to written enquiries.
Its improvement in terms of greater completeness and doser accuracywill
benefit from similar contributions by librarians, archivists and others
with direct access to the manuscripts, and especially by future cataloguers,
who, one would express the hope, will make it their concern to examine
manuscripts of the Tractatus with eyes open for the distinguishing features
documented above.
140. It has occasionally been a problem to know how far to trust catalogue entries
which may be mere transcriptions of the manuscript's numbers but alternatively
may identify contents according to the numeration of the editions. If a catalogue
states that a manuscript contains ' l-122 ', experience has taught that it is most
probably a complete copy of Trr. 1-124 with some misnumbering or omission
somewhere along the way.
III
II2
DAVID F. WRIGHT
144 For Fulda as the provenance of this codex see pp. 78-79 above, and for the
insertion of Tr. 20 on ff. 160-167 by a tenth-century hand see n. 125 above. The
implication is that the corrector was working either from a manuscript that ended
with Tr. 20 or from one which lacked Trr. 21-22. For complete corrections of the
absence of Trr. 20-22, cf. Berlin Ham. 55 and Preuss. Kulturbes. 22. B. BISCHOFF in
his study Pa;iorama der HandschriftenbPrlieferung aus d,01 Zeit Karls des Grossen,
inKa rl der Grosse: Lebens1Rerk und Nachleben, edd. W. RRAUNFEI,S et al., vol. 2 :
Das Geistige Leben, ed. Bischoff (Dsseldorf, 1965), p. 248 n. 114, relates this manuscript to the Hersfeld school rather than to Fulda itself, and links it with another copy
of the Tractatus, the codex of which fragments survive in Gittingen Mller III and
Hersfeld C. 165. On the Berlin codex see also W. KOEHI,ER, Die Karolingischen
Miniaturen, vol. 3 (Berlin, 1960), pp. 99, 109.
145 Described, but without details of foliation, by V. RosE, Die HandschriftenVerzeichnisse der K oniglichen Bibliothek zu Borlin, vol. 12, pt. 2 : Die Lateinischen
Merrman-Handschriften drs Sir Thomas Phillipps (Berlin, 1892), pp. 81-95. Written
under Bishop Egino of Verona, it is almost entirely based on Alan of Farfa's Roman
collection of some three or four decades earlier ; cf. the comparative tables in
GRGOIRE, op. cit., pp. 231-236. (A. CHAVASSE, Le Scrmonaire des Snts-Philippeet-jacques et Le Sermonaire de Saint-Pierre, in Eph. Lit. 69 (1955), pp. 17-24, thinks
both collections have used independently of each other the ancient homiliary of
St. Peter's, Rome). Hence the impreciseness of Rose's analysis can be overcome by
using Grgoire's analysis of Alan's collection. Items 96, 98, 103, II9 and 185 are
Alan, pt. I, nos. 86, 88, 93, and pt. II, nos. 15 and 82. For precise details of the
content of item 98 see Grgoire, pp. 43-45; item 103, pp. 46-47; item 185, pp. 64-65.
Grgoire's study does not entirely supersede that of E. HoSP, Il Sermonario di Alana
di Far/a, in Eph. Lit. 50 (1936), pp. 375-383 and 51 (1937), pp. 210-241, summarily
reproduced by J. LECI,ERQ, Tables pour l'inventaire des homiliaires manuscrits, in
Scriptorium 2 (1946), pp. 197-205. Alan's collection enjoyed a great vogue in
Bavaria, and Hosp's analysis was based solely on manuscripts preserved at Munich ;
see codices 4547, 4564, 14368, 17194 and 18092 in this list. For a detailed breakdown
of the contents of items drawn from the Tractatus reference should be made to
Grgoire, who sometimes refers back to Hosp.
146. On the back cover is pasted a fragment of another rx-x century manuscript
containing the end of Tr. 104 and the beginning of Tr. 105 numbered as' Sermo 51 '.
Cf. RosE, op. cit., vol. 13 (Verzeichniss der lateinischer Handschriften), pt. r (1901),
p. 80.
113
Cf.
DAVID F. WRIGHT
CAMBRAI. Bibl. Munie. 363 (344) ; Cambrai Cath. ; xrn ; ff. 205r-399 v,
1-124
529 (488) Abbey of Roly Sepulchre, Cambrai ;
XII-XIII; 1-124
558 (516) Cambrai Cath. ; XII ; ff. lr-74 v, 55124148
CAMBRIDGE, Corpus Christi Coll. 17; XII; ff. lr-241r, 1-124
344 ; XIII /XIV; ff. 85r-246v, 1-124
St. John's Coll. 9; Welbeck Abbey, Notts.; XII; 1-124
46; RexhamPriory, Northumberland; XII; 43-124 (a)
216 ; Chicksands Priory, Bedfordhsire; XII; 1-124
Trinity Coll. rr6 ; Christ Church Cath. Priory, Canterbury ;
XII in. ; 1-124
Fragm. ; xn ex.; 40: 11-41 : 3, 120: 2-121 : 31 4 9
Univ. Lib. Ii. 3. 28; XII; 1-111 : 5, 113: 3-124
Kk. 4. 5.; Cath. Priory of Roly Trinity, Norwich;
XIV; ff. rr-r44r, 1-124
Pembroke Coll. 136 ; XV ; ff. 16 v-ro3 v, 1 : 76 : 15, 25 : 6-124 : 5
Pembroke Coll. 209 ; xv; 1-124 : 7
Peterhouse r54; XV; ff. 3ov-254v, 1-124
CARLSRUHE, Badische Landesbibl. Aug. XV ; Reichenau Abbey ; IX ;
f. 33rv, 121 : 4-5 ; ff. 74r-76v, compilation /rom 67-71 ; ff. 79v82r, 105-107 : 4 (Paul Deacon's Romiliary, pt. II)
Aug. XIX; Reichenau Abbey; IX; ff. 3v-5r,
51 : 9-13; ff. 64r-67r, 80-82; ff. 7ov-73v, 83 : 2-86; ff. 74r-77v,
87-91 : 4 (Paul Deacon's Romiliary, pt. II)
Aug. XXIX ; Reichenau Abbey ; IX ; ff. 6r-8r,
24 (Paul Deacon's Romiliary, pt. I)
Aug. XLVII; Reichenau Abbey; IX in. ; 1-12415o
Aug. LXXVI ; Reichenau Abbey ; IX in. ; 1-21
(and introductory rubric to 22) (cf. St. Gallen r68)
II5
I5I. The oldest exemplar of any part of the Tractatus (not early eighth century,
as A. BRUCKNER, Scriptoria Medii Avi Helvetica, vol. 8 (Geneva, I950), p. 15). The
manuscript was eut up for book-binding in the late fifteenth century, probably at
Ettenheimmnster. There survive the remains of 4 ff., 2 in each place. Concerning
the Engelberg fragments, which were later at Offenburg in the same Strasbourg
region, I have been unable to secure more detailed information than the catalogues
provide. I am indebted to Dr. Kurt Hannemann for a xerox copy of the fragments
of the Carlsruhe folios, whose precise contents were originally as follows : f. Ir,
Tr. 75: 5 line I8 (diligimus) to 76: 2 line 3 (mansionem) ; f. Iv, 76: 2 lines 3 (apud)
to 27 (tempus) ; f. 2r (right half only), 79 : 2 lines I6 (remptori) to 4I (nullum) ;
f. 2v (left half only), 79 : 2 line 4I fhabebat) to 80 : 2 line 3 (jructum toll). The
Tractatus bear no title; we merely have FINIT XXI INC XXII, and EXP XXV.
The following variants from the CCL text are discernible with greater or lesser
degrees of clarity : f. Ir, the first word of 76 : I cannot easily be Interrogantibus, but
what it is instead is indeciph~rable ; line 6, [Iscari]othis ; line 8, [? fact]urus (CCL,
factum) ; 76: 2 line 2, meus meus : f. Iv, 76: 2 line 5, suis se ; line 6, ipsa causa est ;
line 9, diliguntur (diligunt'); line II, sonant; line 12, [habu]erunt ; lines 20-21,
perse [? ?] (per os eius) ; line 22, om. de 2 ; lines 22-23, delectionem, mansionem;
line 25, esse potuit; line 26, illam (illa) : f. 2r, 79 : 2 line 19, sanguines ; line 21,
restores ; line 23, intellegerent; line 28, ergo (enim) ; line 31, idem dicit: f. 2v, 80 : r
lines ro-rr, [pro]pietatem; line 13, propietates; line 14, om. utique ; line 15, est;
80 : 2 lines 2-3, probably dittography of omnem palmitem ... tollet eum after et (line 3).
152. See n. 150 above.
I53 Not identified as the Tractatus in Iohannem either by Catalogue gnral des
manuscripts des Bibliothques publiques de France, vol. 56 (Paris, 1969), p. 10, despite
a full description, or by C. SAMARAN and R. MARICHAL, edd., Catalogue des manuscrits en criture latine portant des indications de date, de lieu ou de copiste, vol. 5
II6
DAVID F. WRIGHT
(Paris, 1965), p. 573, where it is regarded as uncertain whether the date is that of the
archetype or of this copy.
153 A. Written during the abbacy of Frowin, c. rr42 /3-u78. This is one of the
very few manuscripts (two others being Valencia, Bibl. Univ. 31 and 39) of which I
have no information beyond that furnished in the printed catalogues. Irregularities
cannot be ruled out.
II7
r53 B. On this manuscript see E.B. GARRISON, Studies in the History of Medieval
Italian Painting, vol. 2 (Florence, r955-6), pp. 56-60, 69, where on the strength of
its Florentine illumination it is dated qui te precisely 'very early in the third quarter
of the twelfth century '. (In vol. I (r953-4), p. 60 and Index Garrison refers to this
codex as Plut. r6 dext. 4 [sic] containing Augustine's Commenla;y on Luke (!).
It is correctly listed on pp. r38, 152, but in vol. 3 (r957-8), pp. 158, 187, 198-r99 and
Index it appears still as the Commentary on Luke, though rightly as Plut. r6 dext. 5.)
r53 c. See GARRISON, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 27, 160-r64, 176, where it is confidently
assigned to a date early in the second quarter of the twelfth century. The scribe
identifies himself in the colophon as 'Aretinus ', i.e., from Arezzo, which confirms
the strong evidence of the illumination in favour of an origin in the Florentine region.
An additional note at the end asserts that it was given to the Franciscans of Bosco,
by the Medici brothers, Cosimo the Elder and Lorenzo, in 1438, suggesting to
Garrison that it may have come from Castelfiorentino, to the south-west of Florence,
where three other volumes donated by the Medici in the same year had previously
lain.
r53 D. For its Hersfeld origin according to Bischoff see n. 144.
II8
DA V ID F. WRIGHT
n9
LAON, Bibl. Munie. 3r7 ; Vauclair Abbey, near Laon; XII; 1-38
LEIPZIG, Karl-}Vlarx-Univ. Bibl. lat. 250 ; Dominican Couvent, Leipzig ;
XIII; 1-124
LE MANS, Bibl. Munie. 260; St. Peter's Abbey, La Couture, Le Mans;
IX; 54 : 7-end, 55 : 2-124 (a) (the Maurists' codex Abbatiae de
Cultura)
LRIDA, Catedral Bibl. Roda r ; St. Peter's Abbey, Roda, near Vich,
Barcelona; xII 2 ; ff. rr-r5rv, 1-19, 23-122 : 71 57
LIGE, Universit, Bibl. Gnr. n7 C (nz) ; Friars of Roly Cross, Lige ;
XV; 1-124
r25 C (n3) ; xv; 1-124
LIL!ENFELD, Stijtsbibl. 164; Lilienfeld Abbey; XIV; ff. rr-79r, 1-39
LINCOLN, Cath. Lib. 9; St. Mary's Cath., Lincoln; XII; 1-84, 113-124
r86 ; XIV /xv; ff. 1r-2r6v, 1-124
LISBON, Bibl. Nac. Alcob. 402 (XXIV) ; Abbey of Alcobaa, N. of Lisbon ; XIII ; 1 : 3-124
LONDON, Brit. Mus. Addit. ro936; St. Mary's Abbey, Huysburg, near
Halberstadt; XII; 1-18, 20, 19, 21-124
Addit. ro937 ; La Grande Chartreuse (then Salvatorberg Chartreuse, Erfurt) ; xn ; 1-1241 58
Addit. r5408 ; XV; 1-124
Addit. r7289 ; St. Mary's Abbey, Le Parc, near
Louvain ; xm ; 1-43 (the Louvain editors' Parcensis)
Addit. r83r3 ; ? Abbey of Prato, near Florence
(then Dominican Convent, Vienna) ; A.D. r466; ff. rr-2oov,
1-17, S. r25 (ff. 54 v-58r), 20-124159
Burn. 29r ; St. Mary's Abbey, Poppiena, near
Florence; XII ; 1-17, S. r25 (ff. 66r-7or), 20-124 (a)
Harl. r9r6 ; Glastonbury Abbey ; XII ex. ; ff.
rr-r8or, 1 : 8-124 (a)
Harl. 3n4 ; Abbey of Sts. Mary and Nicolas,
Arnstein, near Koblenz ; XIII ; ff. rLr34 v, 34-124
Harl. 3r7r ; A.D. r477; 1-124 (a)
Royal 3. C. X; Cath. Priory of St. Andrew, Rochester ; XII in. ; 1-124
Royal 5.B.XIII; Cath. Priory of St. Andrew,
Rochester ; XII ; ff. 1r-48r, extracts, beginning at 1 : 8
Royal 6. A. XIII; XII; ff. 168r-172v, 1
J anini
I20
DAVID F. WRIGHT
121
MANCHESTER,
163. This manuscript is not included in the list of codices indubitably written at
Luxeuil given by LowE in CLA VI. pp. xv-xvn. It was similarly passed over in
silence in LowE's earlier study The " Script of Luxeuil . A Title Vindicated, in
RB 63 (1953), pp. 132-142. Earlier still P. SALMON in Le Lectionnaire de Luxeuil
(Paris, ms. lat. 9427) (Collectanea Biblica Latina, VII ; Rome, 1944), p. XLIV
included it among those manuscripts for which a Luxeuil origin could be affirmed
with confidence, though he dated it in the eleventh century.
It was described by L.W. JONES, Dom Victor Perrin and Three Manuscripts of
Luxeuil, in Bull. of John Rylands Lib. 23 (1939), pp. 166-168, 178-181, and analyzed
with little identification of contents by M.R. JAMES, Catalogue of the Latin Manuscripts in the John Rylands Library at Manchester, vol. 1 (Manchester, 1921), pp. 33-37.
James, following Perrin, dates it eighth or ninth century, but its dependence on
Paul Deacon's homiliary rules out the eighth. It has about 30 items in common
with Paul, some two-thirds of its total, but arranged with virtually no regard for
Paul's order. I have examined the items from the Tractatus by microfilm (see
above p. 109), with the followng results:
ff. 89r-92v : same Incipit and Explicitas Paul Deacon, pt. II, no. 103, for whch
GRGOIRE, op. cit., p. 109, gives the contents as Trr. 87: 1-91 : 4. Ourmanuscript's
contents are as follows : Haec manda vobis ut diligcmus invicem. Maneat ergo
dilectio : ipse est enim fructus noster unde alibi dicit, Et posuit nos ut fructum adfcramus,
hoc est, ut invicem diligamus (= 87 : r lines 7-8, 86 : 3 line 12, 87 : r lines 14-15) ;
then 87 : 2 to line 2 (sustincrc}, and line 5 (Si mimdus) to end of 87 ; 88 : 1 line 13
(Non est) to 2 line ro (servabunt), omtting intra in gaudium Domini lui (r lines 2526); SS: 4 line 13 (Ergo) to end; 89: r lines 16 (Si non) to 33 (factus est); Unde
et aposta/us ait, Quicumque ... iudicabuntur (3 lines 5-7) ; S9 : 4 lines 14 (Hi sunt)
to 27 (humana) ; 90: 1 to line 2 (odit}, 3 line 27 (Quornodo) to end of 90; Deinde ait,
Si opera ... , 91 : 1 line 7 to 2 line 5 (prophetas), id est, heliam et heliseum; 2 lines S
( F ecit) to ro ( quinque), ... quinquc panibus et du obus piscibus saciavit. Et talia
miracula plurima quae nemo aliits fecit. Dicit Marcus, ... 3 lines 14 to 20 (sanavit eos) ;
4 complete.
ff. 94v-97r : same Incipit as Paul Deacon, pt. II, no. 100, which Grgoire, p. 109,
gives as Trr. 80, Sr, 82, but different Explicit. Contents: So : I lines 2 (secundum)
to S (vitis ver a), and ro (Sic enim) to I I (avis), and 14 (ab illa) to end of r ; Vel ita,
Ego sum vitis vera, id est, sapientia, innocentia, iustitia vera, id est, non per gratiam
sed per naturam. Ex quo vos accepistis ut sitis sapientes, innocentes et iusti ; Sr : 1
line 5 (Manete) to 2 line 5 (superborum); 2 line 21 (Qui enim) to end of 2; 3 lines 2
(Qui) to 4 (facere), and 8 (Sive ergo) to 12 (ferre), and 16 (Si quis) to 4 line 3
(vobis); 4 lines 12 (Quando si) to 16 (vcrba eius) and line 19 (Tune) to end;
82 : r lines 2 (In hoc) to 7 (gloria est) ; Sequitur, si ergo in hoc ... , lines 13 to 20
(caelis est) ; 2 line 7 (Sicut) to 3 liner (dilectione mea) ; 3 lines 9 (Tamquam) to 16
(diligimus), and lines 21 (Quid est) to 22 (gratia mea}, line 25 (non crgo) to end of 82
(apparently; script very faint) ; S3: 1 lines 2 (Hatc} to 9 (nostriim) ; Sed illc etiam
ante hominis susccptioncm in illa aeternitate gaudebat, quando nos elegit ante mundi
constitutionem (cf. lines 9-10) ; lines 24 (Gaudimn) to 30 (resurgentium).
ff. 12ov-125r : same Incipit and Explicit as Paul Deacon, pt. II, no. 102, which
according to Grgoire, p. 109, contains S3 : z-S6. Contents : S3 : z beginning to
84 : 2 line rr (vitam) ; 2 line 45 ( Diligamus) to S5 : 3 line 4 2 ( glorictiw) ; S6 beginning
to 2 line 22 (merita) ; 2 line 26 (Audi, ingrate) to end of 86.
I22
DAVID F. WRIGHT
In addition, ff. 31r-35v may bear some relation to Paul Deacon, pt. II, no. 23,
which is an abbreviated form of Trr. 67-71 (GRGOIRE, op. cil., p. 96). Theitem
here is constructed from Trr. 67 : l line 5 (Ne mortem) to 72 : 3 line 28 (et nos.
Sequttur de eo quod dicit, Quia ego ad Patron vado : quodcumque petieritis [Patrem,
mg.] in nomine meo, hoc /aciam. Cf. 73 : r.) The same methods of compilation
have been followed as are illustrated above.
163 A. For my knowledge of these two Melk codices I am indebted to the obliging
assistance of Professor Plante (see n. 50 above). In MS. 354, where the Tractatus
appear as ' Omeliae ', Tr. 5 is unnumbered, and other dislocations occur with the
omission of Trr. 18-19 and subsequently, so that Tr. 124 is 'Homilia CXV '. The
manuscript contains also the collection of Sermones ad fratres iri eremo (ff. l 77r. 199v)
and Augustine's Tractatus in Epistulam I ohannis (ff. l99v-225r). Melk 642 is a
volume of miscellaneous, mainly homiletic, material.
163 B. On this codex see Low:E, CLA III, no. 339, with further bibliography in
the Supplement volume, p. 50, nos. 336-340 (where two corrections are needed : the
article by Natale is on pp. 54-74, not 3-18, and Collura gives a photograph of only
f. 41r). In CLA it is connected with the Tractatus of Augustine only in R.A.B.
MYNORS' Index of Authors, Supplement, p. 73. According to BISCHOFF, Wendepunkte in der Geschichte drr lateinischen Exegese im Frhmittelalter, in Mittelalterliche
Studien, vol. l (1966). p. 269 n. 141, the contents of these folios were first identified
in 1961 by E. Dekkers as an almost complete exposition of John l: l-11 : 9 in the
form of excerpts from the Tractatus.
164. BERI,EI'tNER, op. cit., vol. I /2, p. 143, though with no identification of the
first item or recognition of the second as Paul Deacon, pt. II, no. 25, so that the
reference to the title of Tr. 104 is beside the mark (cf. GRGOIRE, op. cit., p. 96). The
other three items listed (in a ' somewhat later hand ') most probably derive from
another homiliary. Parts of Trr. 12, 45 and 26 in the same order are found also in
Manchester, Rylands 12, ff. 3r.9v (see above), Reims, Bibl. Alunie. 427 (St. Thierry ;
x-xr), ff. 137r-15JY, and Graz, Universitatsbibl. 88 (Seckau; XII 1 ), ff. 26r-3or, and
<loubtless in other manuscripts also. But though the Incipits are the same in each
case for Trr. 45 (beginning) and 26 (2 line 6, Magna gratiae), they differ for Tr. 12
(II line 39, Quomodo qui, Reims and Graz ; 12 line 3, Ergo quantum, Rylands and
Milan), and the extent of the extracts is not constant (the first item ends at 12: 13
line 17 (lucem) in Rylands 12; the second at 45 : 2 line 25 (contemnunt) in the same
manuscript, and at 45 : 8 (end) in Graz 88 ; the third at 26: 3 line 14 (Patrem meum)
in Rytands 12 and at 26: 8 line 9 or 15 (erat Verbum) in Graz 88).
>>
123
124
DAVID F. WRIGHT
167. Though the catalogue gives the contents as n8 sermons, I suspect the whole
work is present, with misnumbering.
168. According to K. GAMBER, Cod;ces Liturgici Latini A ntiquiores (Spicilegii
Friburgensis Subsidia, I) Fribourg, 1963, p. 293, the best manuscript of the summer
part of Alan's collection. Wrongly listed as '457' in the studies of Hosp and
Leclercq (see n. 145 above).
169. This manuscript was the basis of Hosp's analysis of pt. I (see n. 145 above).
170. From the plate in LOWE, CLA IX, no. 1293, off. l4v, where Ti. 34 begins at
ch. 2, and a microfilm of ff. lr-3r, it is probable that this manuscript gives only an
abridged text. Tractatus 30-54 are numbered' 31-56' (' 49' is not used).
l7I. The basis of Hosp's analysis of pt. II (see n. 145 above).
172. The codex consists of 183 ff., but part of Serm. App. 160 appears at the end
probably occupying f. 183. The catalogue specifies Trr. 30-55 as '26-51 ', but
examination of plates and a section of microfilm, confirmed by enquiry of the
Staatsbibliothek, has corrected this. The codex has lost its first quire, so that if it
commenced with the beginning of a Tractatus it must originally have contained
Trr. 29-54.
125
IX;
93)174
21512 ; Weihenstephan Abbey, dioc. Freising ;
XII ;
XII ;
29046
29055a
29162 + Augsburg, Staatsu. Stadtbibl. Fragm. lat. 14 ; Benediktbeuern Abbey, dioc. Freising ; IX in. ; fragments : Augsburg, 99 : 4-6, 101 : 4-5; 29046,
106: 3-5, 113: 4-114: 4, 115: 2-5, 117: 5-118: 1, 123: 4-5, 124:
1, 2 ; 29055a, 109: 2-4, 110: 1, 2-3, 111: 5-112: 1; 29162, 106:
6-107 : 1, 108 : 4-end (a) 17 5
NANTES, Bibl. Munie. I I ; XII ; 1-18, 20, 19, 23-124 (mutil. at end)
NAPLES, Bibl. N az. VI. B. 2
XI in.; ff. 9ov-99r, 15;
173 Used in Hosp's analysis (see n. 145 above). ROSE, op. cit. (n. 145), pp. 81-95,
gives a table of comparison with Berlin Phillipps 1676 (Egino). Ff. 28-172 contain
81 items, corresponding with omissions to Egino, items 1-98. They are preceded by
some pieces from Paul Deacon's collection.
174 According to GAMBER, op. cit., p. 292, the best manuscript of pt. I of Alan's
collection. Used by Hosp (see n. 145 above), but no details of foliation or numeration are available.
175. Cf. B. BISCHOFF, Die Sdostdeutschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der
Karolingerzeit, vol. l (second edit., Wiesbaden, 1960), pp. 31-32. Munich 29055a
was formerly Gttingen, C'niversitatsbibl. Fragm. Kasten 3, I.
176. For a detailed analysis of the Tractatus in this homiliary for the first part of
the liturgical year I am indebted to the Director of the Biblioteca Nazionale. Lam bot
recovered two unpublished sermons from it : Sermons indits de S. Augustin sur
l'aveugle-n del' vangile, in RB 50 (1938), pp. 185-193.
DAVID F. WRIGHT
I26
127
183. Perhaps from Winchcombe Abbey, Glos. Cf. N. KER, English Manuscripts
in the Century a/ter the Norman Conquest (Oxford, 1960), pp. 7, 41, 53.
184. KER, op. cit., p. 24 ; o. PACHT and J .J .G. ALEXANDER, Illuminated Manuscripts in the Boldeian Library Oxford, vol. l (Oxford, 1966), p. 35.
185. In this manuscript Tn. 19-54 were originally numbered ' 20-55 ' but have
subsequently been corrected. See GARRlSON, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 134-136, 168.
Comparative study of its illumination places it in the second quarter of the twelfth
century, and confirms the Florentine provenance indicated by the notes connecting
it with the city in the period 1247 to 1320 found on a folio added at the end.
186. Cf. WRIGHT, op. cit., pp. 322f., with references to BISCHOFF, Die Sdostdcutschen Schreibschulen, p. 38, and BISCHOFF and HOFMANN, Libri Sancti Kyliani,
pp. 20-21, 41, 122. The script of the core of the manuscript is close to that of the
Benediktbeuern school in the first half of the ninth century, but it is not inconceivable that it was written elsewherc, though hardly at Wrzburg itself, by a scribe
trained at Benediktbeuern. The original core contained Trr. 14-16, 19, 23-32, 36-45,
48-54, numbered '14-44 '. The Wrzburg scribe who inserted the ten absent
Tractatus (bracketed in the list above ; the foliation is that of the composite volume)
followed a variety of procedures. Between ff. 21v and 39r (originally consecutive)
he copied on f. 22r (a half sheet, eut laterally ; verso is blank) the end of Tr. 16
(which reappears in the original on f. 39r) before supplying Trr. 17-18. But between
ff. 49v and 71r he removed a sheet containing the end of Tr. 19 and the start of 23.
On f. 5or he transcribed the end of 19 together with its number in the original, ' 17 ',
then intercalated 20-22 with correct numbers, and finally copied the end of 23 from
the original, but numbered it ' 19 ' instead of ' l 8 ', on the lower half of f. 7ov (top
and recto blank). Likewise for the insertion of Trr. 33-35 he removed a folio and
I28
DAVID F. WRIGHT
129
DAVID F. WRIGHT
130
nos. 58, 60, 70, 79 and 80 are missing; no. 82 is the alternative noted by GRGOIRE,
p. rn5, in Vatican 8563 ; no. 93 is lacking; nos. II9-134 are missing.
194. Identified as the Maurists' Corbeiensis tentatively by DEAN, op. cit., p. 117
n. 4, and firmly by WILLEMS, CCL 36, IX. I know of no evidence to indicate the
contents of the Maurists' codex (it is not mentioned in Paris, B.N. lat. II660-1, their
main volumes of collations for the Tractatus). Dean's alternative suggestion that
this might be their Fossatensis is clearly unacceptable. According to B .N. lat. n66o,
ff. 18r-48r, the Fossatensis contained the whole work.
195 These two codices are companion volumes comprising a single copy of the
whole work. MS lat. 12194 originally ended (f. 216v) at Tr. 38: 8 line 17 (ex Aegypto
populum suum}, but a later scribe has supplied the completion of Tr. 38 on ff. 217r218v. MS lat. 12195 begins at Tr. 38 : 8 line 7 (Nisi credideritis quia ego sum}, which
means that it provides an overlap of a few lines between the two codices. The use
of different titles in the course of these manuscripts merits a brief analysis (in which
the numbers of the Tractatus are those of the editions and not those in the manuscripts, where, as indicated above, Trr. 19 and 20 are transposed, and as a result of the
omission of Trr. 21 and 22, 23-124 are numbered' 21-122 '). It is difficult to discern
any design in the way individual Tractatus are entitled. Tr. l begins : 'Incipit
Tractatus Sei Augustini de euangelio secundum Iohannem. Ab eo quod scriptum est:
In Principio ... ', which looks like an introductory title to the whole work merged
with that for Tr. l - hence the use of tractatus in the singular. Thereafter titles are
used as follows: tractatus for Trr. l-5, 13-14 and 26-27 ; omelia for the end of Tr. 49
(which begins as sermo) and the beginning of 50 ; and sermo on every other occasion
where a designation occurs at all, except for one real peculiarity. Tr. 29 (' 27 'in the
manuscript) begins: 'Incipit sermo XXVII Sei Augustini de euangelio Sei Iohannis
de eo ubi ait, I am autem die /esta ... ', where the re-appearance of the references to
St. Augustine and John's Gospel is odd. But it ends simply Explicit liber septimus,
followed immediately by Incipit liber octavus. Ab eo quod ait, Nonne Moyscs ... ',
introducing Tr. 30 (which ends as' sermo XXVIII'). G. Folliet (to whom I am
obliged for most of my knowledge of these two codices) has suggested that ' liber'
means chapter of the Gospel, but although Tr. 29 deals with part of John 7, so too
does Tr. 30, and the exposition of chapter 8 does not begin until Tr. 33. In any case,
why this unparalleled reference to the chapters of the Gospel ? It is possible, though
not easily conceivable, that behind ' liber ' stands the Latin for ' twenty ', for then
the numbers of these two Tractatus would be correct in the sequence in this manuscript. But I am at a loss to imagine how this corruption could have occurred.
Throughout the two manuscripts, with an inconsistency that seems almost random
but allows for patches of uniformity, the Tractatus appear most often with a title at
the end (e.g., 'Explicit sermo XI') but not at the beginning ('Incipit undecimus '),
less frequently with a title in both places (e.g., for Trr. 92-ro2), more rarely with one
only at the beginning (e.g., for Trr. 50-61), and sometimes with a title in neither
position. With like irregularity, an Explicit is totally lacking on some sixteen
occasions (e.g., for Trr. 50-61), and a few times the word ' Incipit' before 'sermo '
etc. is absent.
13r
According to the Maurists' prefatory Admonitio (CCL 36, XIII) among their
manuscripts were vetustissimi Germanenses duo. However, in Paris, B.N. lat. 11660
only one codex from St. Germain-des-Prs is collated, which cannot be identified
with the two-volume copy in MSS lat. 12194 and 12195. (See the following note.
In addition, the original catalogue or press numbers of these two manuscripts at
St. Germain-des-Prs were 195 and 196, whereas the one whose collations survive
was 197, according to MS lat. II66o, f. 5or.) It remains possible, however, in
default of further information concerning the second Germanensis vetustissimus,
which, if we may judge from a varia lectio noted on Tr. 87: I (PL 35, 1853 n. r), was
probably a complete copy of the work, that it is now Paris, B .N. lat. 12194 and l 2195.
I know of no evidence to exclude this identification. If it is erroneous, then there is
no other extant candidate for the second Maurist manuscript from St. Germain-desPrs.
196. See the last paragraph of the preceding note. The codex Germanensis
collated as codex 6 in Paris, B.N. lat. u66o apparently contained only Trr. l-54, for
it does not feature in the collations for the second half. Paris, B .N. lat. 12196 is the
only manuscript extant from St. Germain-des-Prs which could possibly be identified as the Maurists' one (which BERROUARD, Homlies, p. 114, regards as unknown
today). It is, I think, early enough for them to speak of it as vetustissimus, and
examination may well reveal the original St. Germain-des-Prs press mark, 197,
which the Maurists' codex bore. The sequence of numbers between these three
manuscripts, MSS lat. r2194 to 121961 is probably parallel to their original sequence.
132
DAVID F. WRIGHT
80-82 ; f. I55 v, 83 : 2-86 ; f. I58r, 87-91 : 4 (Paul Deacon's Homiliary, pt. II) 197
nouv. acq. lat. 244r ; Beauvais Cath. (then Cistercians of Chaalis (Troussures Chteau), dioc. Beauvais) ; XI ;
1-124
nouv. acq. lat. 26rr ; xrr ; 58 (end)-94 (incomplete),
95 (end)-99 : 9
nouv. acq. lat. 2639, f. rrrv ; XII ; 121 : 3-122 : 2
Bibl. Sainte Genevive 235 ; Abbey of St. John Baptist, Le Jard,
S.-E. of Paris; xrr; ff. 3v-4v, 17: 1-11
A.D. r26r
1-17,
PRAGUE, Knih. Metrop. Kapit. A. 73 /6 ; XIV ex. ; ff. rr-r97v, 1-17, S. r25,
20, 22-124
A. ro8 /3 ; St. Vitus' Cath., Prague; xv1 ; ff. r98v204 v, 1-2
Univ. Knih. VI. C. r7; Augustinian Couvent of St. Giles, Tfeb011
(Wittingau), S. of Prague; XIV; 1-17, S. r25 (ff. 79r-83r), 20124
XII. B. II; Monastery of Goldenkron, dioc.
Prague ; A.D. I408 ; ff. 2r2r-2z7v, selections
PRINCETON, University, Dcpt. of Art and Archaeology Friend r; St. Martin's Abbey, Tournai; xI/xrr; ff. rv-r73v, 39-124198
197 See n. 193 above. Analyzed by DELISLE, op. cit., pp. 193-194, 298-312. A
complete copy of part two of Paul Deacon's homiliary, differing from Grgoire's
analysis exactly as does Paris, B .N. lat. 9604 except that nos. 79-80 are present in
this manuscript, as are of course nos. 1-31 and 119-134. After no. 94 (b) a rubric for
St. Martin directs the reader to nos. 108-109 below ; similarly after no. ro3 a rubric
refers to nos. 54-55 above. At the end occur Ps.-BEDE, Homilies III: 70-71 (PL 94,
450-455 ; cf. CCL 122, 383), which do not appear in the table of contents.
198. This manuscript may be the one that appears in the Phillipps catalogue as
no. 2037, which was almost certainly one of the major portion of the collection,
q6 manuscripts in all, bought by Phillipps from St. Martin's Abbey, Tournai,
in l 822-3, which was fraudulently sold by a man in Brussels charged with their
safekeeping (cf. A.N.L. MUNBY, Phillipps Studies 3 (Cambridge, 1954), p. 22). Its
absence from Schenkl's catalogue of the Cheltenham library indicates its failure to
reach there. Thus though the Princeton manuscript, for details of which I am
grateful to Professor Kurt Weitzmann, bears none of the identification marks noted
by MUNBY, Phillipps Studies 4 (1956), p. 165, this would not be surprising in the
circumstances. However, the fact that it does not display the pressmark ' B. 28'
mentioned in Phillipps' catalogue may tell against the identification. The Louvain
editors of the Tractatus used a codex Tornacensis containing the whole work, which
may equally have become Phillipps 2037. If it survives today, it remains unidentified.
>>
133
REIMS, Bibl. Munie. 92; St. Mary's Abbey Man ... ensis (? Germany)
(then Abbey of St. Remi, Reims) ; XII ; 1-124 (a) 1 99
93 and 94 ; Abbey of St. Remi, Reims ; XII ; 93,
1-38; 94, 39-124 (together form one Remigiensis used by Maurists)
ROME, Bibl. Angelica 177 (B. 7. 6) ; Couvent of St. Augustine de Urbe,
Rome ; XIV; 1-124
Bibl. Naz. Centr. S. Andrea della Valle u6 ; Church of San Andrea
della valle, Rome; XIV; 1-18, 20, 19, 23-35 : 7
Bibl. Vallicelliana A. 14 ; S. Italy (then Rome) ; VIII /rx and
(ff. l69r-178r) XII ; 1-17, S. 125 (ff. 93L98v), 20-124 (a) 2 00
199 The Maurists' Admon-itio (PL 35, 1378-1380} mentions only one Remigicnsis
among their manuscripts, but in their collations in Paris, B.N. lat. u66o, ff. 49r221r, two Remigienses are encountered, codices 4, which may be Reims 92, and 8,
which is listed in two parts and is certainly Reims 93 and 94. If Reims 92 is codex 4,
then according to these collations its text includes several glosses, especially in the
region of Trr. 5 ff. Reims 92 fits the bill in numbering Trr. 55-124 as ' 1-70 '.
200. On the liturgical significance of this manuscript see WILLEMS, CCL 36, rx-x,
and G. Low, Il codice Ms A. 14 della Biblioteca Vallicclliana (del sec. IX) e il sua
contributo alla liturgia romana, in Miscellanea Liturgica in H onorem L. Cunibrrti
Mohlbcrg, vol. 2 (Bibliotheca 'Ephcmerides Liturgicae ', 23) Rome, 1949, pp. 245-266.
BERLEITNER, op. cit., vol. I /2, p. 228, repeats the error of A. REIFFERSCHEID, in
Sitzungsber. der Kaiser!. Akad. der Wissensch., Phil.-Hist. Classe 53 (Vienna, 1866),
p. 335 n. IO, that the omission is of Trr. 18-20. As a result of the disordering of the
sheets indicated by Reifferscheid, the present order of the text is as follows: T1'1'. r- 2:
13, 4 : 7 (f. 14r)- 5 : 4, 2 : 16 (f. 18r)-4 : 4, 5 : 4 (f. 24r)- etc. Thus in the process
two folios have been lost, containing respectively Tr. 2 : r 3-16 and Tr. 4 : 4-7. The
twelfth-century ff. 169'-178r supply the loss of Trr. 37 : l0-41 : 8. Rubrics and
headings in later manuscripts similar to those found in Vallicell. A. 14 demonstrate
its connexions with a widely influential line of tradition. The heading to the
Capitula for the first half is as follows (f. rr} : In nomine Dei summi incipi$tnf capitula
in expositum euangdii sancti Iohannis dita a sa-,icto Agustina in primis de [what
cornes next is not legible on microfilm ; probably as Reifferscheid gives, natale
Domini nos tri I esu Christi, which is the completion in the parallels noted below].
This formulais found in Naples VI. B. 7, in manuscripts from the region of Florence
such as Florence 16 dext. 4 and Mugell. 5 and London, B.l\!I. Burney 291, and in
essence in Durham, Cath. B. II. 17 (expositionem ... Aitgustino venerabile episcopo),
which in other respects is far distant from these Italian exemplars. A trace of its
influence may even be discerned in manuscripts like Oxford, St. John's I, where Tr. r
begins after the bare heading In natali Donnni. 8imilarly, the index of lections
from part two of the collection (cf. CCL 36, IX n. 7) is prefaced with the rubric
(f. 3v} : Hoc in libella ,inscruntur omelns Aureoli Augustini expositum in Iohanms
euangelium et unicuiqite euangelii lectiones per haec capitula repperies adnotatas.
Together with the index itself this formula (with the variant Aurelioli) recurs in
Bamberg II8 but situated after Trr. l-54 as part of the introduction to the second
half (f. 199r). In Florence 16 dext. 4, Lincoln 9 and Vich 27, on the other hand it
occupies a position comparable to that in Vallicell. A. 14. In Vatican 7615 the
index of lections, which precedes the list of Capitula for part two, bears the title
Item incipiunt capitula eiusdem Augustini super Iohanne partis II a cena Domini
usque in finem et per hacc capitula repperies adnotatas (so BERLEITNER, op. cit.,
vol. I /z, p. 289), which represents the fusing of the end of the rubric discussed above
with the heading for the Capitula of part two found in Vallicell. A. 14 (f. 3r) and in
several other manuscripts. These connexions between ValliceU. A. 14 and other
DAVID F. WRIGHT
r34
ROUEN, Bibl. Munie. 467 (A. 85); Abbey of St. Evroult, S.-W. of Rouen
(then Abbey of St. Ouen, Rouen) ; xn ; 1-124 (the Maurists'
Audoenensis) 200 a
468 (A. 9r) ; St. Peter's Abbey, Jumiges, dioc.
Rouen ; xn ; r-r24 (the Maurists' Gemmeticensis)
ST. GALLEN, Stiftsbibl. r55 ; St. Gallen Abbey; x ; 55-124 (a)
r68 and r69; St. Gallen Abbey; Ix1 ; r68, 1-21
(and introduction to 22) ; r69, 22-54 (for r68 cf. Carlsruhe Aug.
LXXVI)
24r ; St. Gallen Abbey ; IX1 ; pp. 65-r72, abbrevn.
of 1-18, 20
ST. OMER, Bibl. Munie. 23 (two vols.) ; vol. I, xu, 1-40; vol. II, xm, 41:
10-124 : 8
rr6; Abbey of St. Bertin, St. Omer; xv; 55-124
(a)
SALISBURY, Cath. Lib. 67 ; Salisbury Cath. ; XII in., and XIII (ff. rr24 v, 227r-229v); 1-124
SALZBURG, Bibl. der Erzabtei St. Peter a VII 33 ; St. Peter's Abbey,
Salzburg; Ix1 ; 15-19, 23-36 : 9201
SCHAFFHAUSEN, Stadtbibl. r8 ; All Saints' Abbey, Schaffhausen ; XI ;
1-18, 20, 19, 21-124
S!ENA, Bibl. Comunale F I 2, ff. 9r-205r ; St. l\Iary's Cath., Siena ; XII
in.; 1-124201 a
STUTTGART, Wrttemberg. Landesbibl. H.B. VII r7; Constance Cath.
(then Abbey of Weingarten, dioc. Constance) ; IX in.; 2: 2-21 : 12
copies of the Tractatus would probably be found to be far more extensive were fuller
information available.
In the opinion of M.P.J. VAN DEN Hou'!' (Augustiniana 5 [I955], p. 297) the
variant readings displayed by this manuscript ' ne sauraient s'expliquer que par des
erreurs des divers stnographes ', which is for him confirmation that all the Tractatus,
and not merely Trr. I-54, were truly preached to a congregation. I donotsharethis
scholar's view of the origins of Trr. 55-I24 (he is persuaded by the arguments of
M. Le Landais), and have not yet been able to examine the kind of variations he
adduces, to ascertain whether or not they support the inferences he draws.
zoo A. The earlier location of Rouen 467 (A. 85) at St. Evroult is established by
G. NoR'l'IER, Les Bibliothques Mdivales des Abbayes Bndictines de Normandie
(new edit.: Bibliothque d'Histoire et d'Archologie Chrtiennes, Paris, I97I),
pp. rr4-II5, IZZ, I90, [zoo].
zor. Cf. K. FORS'l'NER, Die Karolingischen Handschriften in den Salzburger
Bibliotheken (Ende des 8. ]h. bis Ende des 9. jh) (Mitteilungen der Gesellschajt fr
Salzburger Landeskunde, 3 Erganzungsband) Salzburg 1962, p. 35. The omission
has been confirmed in a communication from Dr. Adolf Hahnl.
zoI A. I learnt of this manuscript (which is not listed in BERLEI'l'NER, op. cit.)
from the description by VIVIANA JEMOLO in Censimento dei codici dei secoli XXII, in Studi Medievali II {I970), at pp. Io75-Io76.
135
DAVID F. WRIGHT
TURIN, Bibl. Naz. Univ. G. III. 28 ; Bibl. Ducale, Turin; xv; ff. rr3r, 49: 26-50; ff. 3r-4v, 52; ff. 4v-r5r, 55-66; ff. 15v-39v, 103-121:
3206
137
IX;
10
DAVID F. WRIGHT
XI;
of 50 : 2-5
139
Millennium Scriptorii Veronensis dal IV 0 al XV 0 Secolo: Esempi di Scrittura Veronese ... (Verona, 1967), pl. 13, is unaccompanied by any indication that the author is
not claiming it for the Verona scriptorium (a possibility which TAIX, loc. cit.,
emphatically rejects). Turrini places the manuscript unambiguously in the eighth
century, and also dates codex XXXVI (see my list above) more precisely to the end
of the ninth century.
217. Ou this reconstructed codex see the works of G. MOSCHE'!''.l'I and M. CARRARA
listed in Clavis Patrum Latinorum (second edit.), no. 278. More precise indication
of contents is given by CARRARA,
pii't antico Codice della Biblioteca Comunale di
Verona, pp. 10-1 r. Trr. 56, 72 and 75 are complete, 55, 62, 70 and 73 virtually so.
The manuscript seems to have been a companion volume to Verona, Capit. XXXVI.
218. On this manuscript, for details of which and for other assistance I am indebted to Dr. M.S. Gros, see n. 125 above. The Tractatus are sub-divided into liturgical
homilies ; cf. n. 147 above.
219. Denis's catalogue describes the contents as sermons I-LXIV of the second
part. Misnumbering may disguise the presence of the whole of Trr. 55-124.
DAVID F. WRIGHT
141
4102 (r8) ; Abbey of Sts. Peter and Paul, Weissenburg ; IX in. ; 24-54 225
WRZBURG, Universitatsbibl. M.p.th.f. 74; S. Bavaria (? Freising) (then
St. Kylian's Cath., Wrzburg) ; IX med. ; ff. rr-94r, 1-13226
M.p.th.f. r24 ; XII ; 55-124 (a)
ZURICH, Zentralbibl. Z. XIV. r7 (614) ; XII ; f. rrv, 87 : 1-88 : 3; ff. 2r3v, 122: 8-123: 5; f. 4rv, 124: 4-5
ZWETTI., Stiftsbibl. r9; Zwettl Abbey; XII; 1-17, S. r25 (ff. 64v-6Sr),
20-124
THE MANUSCRIPTS USED
BY
the activity of Caesarius of Arles, according to Morin. On its use of the term
tractatus see above n. 39.
225. See n. 76 above.
226. In Die Sdostdeutschen Schreibschulen, pp. l 15-116, Bischoff a~serted that the
scribe of this manuscript, one Tiso, must have originated in the Freising school even
if his script subsequently underwent variation elsewhere. This connexion with
Freising, which Bischoff qualifies somewhat in Libri Sancti Kyliani, pp. 42-43, is
probably confirmed by Munich 6287 (1x 1 ; Freising) which alone of other early
manuscripts also contains Trr. l-13 and no more.
227. According to the editors' Castigationes et Variae Lectiones (vol. 9 1 p. 457)
their codex S. Amandi contained the whole work, and Valenciennes 80 is the only
known copy from St. Amand-les-Eaux which fulfils this requirement. Two items
of information received through . Bleuzen confirm this identification. A piece of
parchment sewn into the last sheet of the codex bears the date 1570, a probable
indication of the year the manuscript was collated for the Louvain edition which
appeared in 1576. Secondly, the last words of Tr. 14 in Valenciennes 80 are Deus
bibit mortem ne mors biberet hominem (Maurists, PL and CCL: uicit ... uinceret), which
was the reading in the Louvain edition. However, since all the manuscripts used
for this edition, as well as ail earlier editions, presented this reading, this last point is
of limited significance. For one distinctive feature of Valenciennes 80 see p. 82
above,
!42
DAVID F. WRIGHT
The Maurist editors also took note of the variant readings listed by
their Louvain predecessors from their seven manuscripts, which explains
how on occasion they could refer to more manuscripts than their own
228. PL 35, 1379-1380; CCL 36, XIII.
229. This manuscript from the Cistercian house of La Merci-Dieu on the River
Gartempe in Haute-Vienne disappears from the collations in Paris, B.N. lat. n66o,
ff. 1r-1r, after Tr ..: 27. Itis referred to in the edition only on Trr. r and 2 (PL 35,
1384 n. l, 1389 n. l, 1390 n. r).
143
POSTSCRIPT: J.P. Weiss and R. taix have shown that the Commentary
on John ascribed to Salonius by C. Curti (see p. 70 above) is a Carolingian
production, a dating which its otherwise remarkably early use of the Praefatio
Incerti Auctoris (or in fact of Alcuin ?) must confirm. See Weiss's review in
Revue des tudes Latines 46 (1968), pp. 481-482, and his studies in Studia
Patristica 19 (TU 107 ; Berlin, 1970), pp. 161-167, and SE 19 (1969-70), pp. 77114, and Etaix's review in RHE 65, (1970), pp. 133-135. According to
P. Verbraken in RB 80 (1970), pp. 341-2, Etaix earlier accepted Curti's ascription.
230. On Tr. r : 9 (PL 35, 1384 n. r). Cf. also the reference to thirteen manuscripts
on Tr. 54 : 3 (PL 35, 1786 n. 2), a total which equally cannot be reached solely from
the Maurists' own codices. The Louvain editors' Parcensis is explicitly mentioned
on Tr. 5 : 14 (PL 35, 1421 n. 1). Fifteen are referred to on Tr. 12: 12 (PL 35, 1490
n. l), which must include at least one manuscript in addition to their own (so VAN
DEN Hou'!', in Augustinia11a 5 [1955], p. 302 n. 7, correctly but working only from
the Maurists' Admonitio), and perhaps two if their qrbeiens'i conta,ined only
Trr. 55-124 (see above).
L'article trs document de D.F. Wright, qui prcde, tait dj compos, lorsque nous avons eu connaissance de la dcouverte rcente
Vzelay d'un fragment de manuscrit, 130 X 135 mm, comportant au recto,
et au verso deux extraits du Tractatus 75 in Euangelium Iohannis de
s. Augustin1. Ce fragment est aujourd'hui conserv l'Htel de Ville
de Vzelay.
C'est au milieu des dblais provenant d'une ancienne salle de l'abbaye,
situe au-dessus de l'actuelle Chapelle-Basse, que R. Pirault2 eut la bonne
fortune de dcouvrir, au cours de l'hiver 1966-1967, ce fragment ainsi que
d'autres documents dont une lettre, date de 1240, de l'abb de Flavigny
l'abb de Vzelay, un authentique des reliques des. Lazare et de ses surs
Marie-Madeleine et Marthe, probablement du xne s., et deux quittances
dates respectivement de 1309 et 1414. De ces documents tous trs prcieux
pour l'histoire de l'abbaye ou de la basilique, le manuscrit du Tractatus 75
aurait un intrt tout particulier s'il tait un vestige des richesses de la
2. Robert Pirault (Frre Sylvestre, O.F.M), a fait part de ses dcouvertes dans
L' cho d'Auxerre, n. 80 (mars-avril 1969), p. 6-Io; n. 81 (mai-juin 1969) p. 24-28 ;
n. 86 (mars-avril 1970), p. 15-18 ; n. 89 (septembre-octobre 1970), p. 3-7. Pour le
ms du Tractatus 75, voir n. 80, sous le titre Comment furent dcouverts en 1966-1967 les
manuscrits de Vzelay ; aux p. 7 et 8 fac-simil du manuscrit. C'est en dcembre 1966
que R.P. a dcouvert le fragment manuscrit du Tractatus 75.
GEORGES FOLLIET
3. Manuscrit conserv Lyon, Bibl. mun. 555 (473), parchemin, 165 >< II4 mm,
485 feuillets. Voir V. LEROQUAIS, Les Brviaires manuscrits des bibliothques publiques
de France, t. II, n. 319, p. 181-184. Dans son dition des Sermons de Julien de Vzelay (coll. Sources chrtiennes), t. I, p. 19, n. 3, D. Vorreux signale, comme provenant
Cette note, malheureusement bien sommaire, n'a pu tre rdige que grce au
concours bienveillant du R.P. Hugues DEI.AUTRE, Recteur de la Basilique de
Vzelay, qui nous a facilit l'examen du manuscrit et nous en a communiqu les
reproductions photographiques ; nous lui exprimons notre gratitude ainsi qu'
MM. Franois AVRIL et Jean VZIN, conservateurs au Cabinet des manuscrits de la
Bibliothque Nationale de Paris, qui nous ont fait bnfici de leur haute comptence.
-US.
.)
eu;
tW$ "1"'p}Jdt
$~
UJ?.lt fUtt
"
1.1'!1.tttO ttUL
UW1 ..S1
f
:t1.
tt
(recto)
rrfum~
tp~m
f~
"11
u~u co'lrt'CA-An&.m
n~ntb~
.,,
~. uD<4..~
wdtttfmr-t
~~~u1 -a.<
Uccurw~
t"l'Cr'
(Yerso)
On peut regretter avec J.-M. Lagrange que saint Augustin n'ait pas
compos un commentaire complet de l' ptre aux Romains : Nous
aurions, crit-il, le chef d'uvre des commentaires anciens >> et il ajoute :
Peut-tre aussi, dans une tude qui et suivi de trs prs l'enchanement
des penses de l' Aptre, Augustin aurait-il adouci certaines interprtations qui serrent trop prs des mots et des phrases isoles de leur contexte.
Il n'en est pas moins vrai qu'Augustin a pntr plus fond qu'aucun
ancien dans la pense de saint Paul dont il s'est assimil la doctrine 1 >>.
Nous ignorons si, dans sa critique discrte, l'auteur visait aussi l'emploi
qu'Augustin a fait de Romains 14, 23b 2 Comme nous allons le voir, trois
exceptions prs qui ne tin'nt pas consquence 3 , l'vque d'Hippone ne
cite de Rom. 14, 23 que la phrase finale (23 b) : Omne (autem, enim) quod
I. M.-J. LAGRANGE, Saint Paul. ptre aux Romains, Paris, 2e d. I922, p. IX.
Saint Augustin nous a laiss : Expositio quarundam propositionimi ex epistula
apostoli ad Romanos (PL 35, 2063-2088 ; CSEL 84 /I, pp. 3-52), Epistolae ad Romanos inchoata expositio (PL 35, 2087-2Io6 ; CSEL 84 /I, pp. 145-I8I), un commentaire
de Rom. 7-8, II, 8, I8-24 et 9, 20 en D< div. quaestionibus 83, quaest. 66, 67 et 68
(PL 40, 60-74; BA IO, pp. 234-282) ; de Rom. 7, 7-25 et de Rom. 9, 10-29 en De
diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum I, quaestio I (PL 40, 103-IIo ; CC 44,
pp. 7-23 ; BA IO, pp. 4Io-440) et quaestio 2 (PL 40, I 10-I28 ; CC 44, pp. 24-56 ;
BA Io, pp. 442-508). Ces uvres, mmes prises ensemble, ne forment pas un commentaire complet. Cependant c'est dans 1' pitre aux Romains qu'Augustin trouve
l'inspiration principale de sa doctrine sur la grce, voir Ph. PLA'tZ, Der Romerbrief in
der Gnadenlehre Augustins, Wrzburg, I938 et D. DEMMER, Luther interpres. Der
theologische N euansatz in seiner Romerbriefexegese unter besonderer Bercksichtigung
Augustins (Untersuchungen zur Kirchengeschichte, 4) Witten I968.
2. Voir cependant M.-J. LAGRANGE, op. cit. pp. 322-340.
3. En De moribus ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus manichaeorum, II, 14, 32
(BA l, pp. 300-304) ; Contra Adimantum, 14, 2 (BA 17, pp. 288-292) ; C. Iulianum
pelagianum, IV, 3, 24 (PL 44, 750). Rom. 14 est cit en entier en De Scriptura sacra
Speculum (PL 34, 998-999), dont l'authenticit augustinienne n'est pas admise par
tous.
ALBERT C. DE VEER
non est ex jide, peccatum est, en donnant au mot /ides le sens thologique de
foi qui justifie et rend chrtien. Est-ce conforme la pense del' Aptre?
r4,
23
+ Sur la question difficile de savoir qui taient ces faibles dans la foi et quelles
influences ils avaient subies, voir par ex. M.-J. LAGRANGE, Les faibles et les forts
dans ptre aux Romains, Paris, 2e d. r922, pp. 335-340.
5. Nous croyons que les v. 22-23 s'appliquent aux faibles aussi bien qu'aux forts,
ce qui en souligne le caractre de conclusion gnrale ; voir A. FEUILLET, art. cit la
note suivante, pp. 364-365.
6. Sur l'opinion des anciens et des modernes on peut consulter R. CoRNELY,
Epistola ad Romanos, Paris, r896, pp. 722-726 ( rectifier sur certains points) et
M.- J. LAGRANGE, op. cit., pp. 322-340. Il faut ajouter de nombreuses tudes parues
depuis, par ex. Ch. H. DoDD, The Epistle to the Romans, Londres r949, G. Rrccro'.l'TI,
Le Lettere de San Paolo tradotte e commentate, Rome, 2e d. r949, Otto MICHEL,
Der Brie/ an die Ramer, Gttingen r955. Voir aussi: R. ARNAUD, Quidquid non est ex
/ide peccatum est Quelques interprtations patristiques, dans L'Homme devant Dieu.
Mlanges ... H. de Lubac, vol. I, Paris, l 963, pp. r27-145. Nous nous inspirons principalement de A. FEUILLE'.!', Les fondements de la morale chrtienne d'aprs l' ptre aux
Romains, dans Revue Thomiste, 78e anne, t. 70, 1970, pp. 357-386 ; on y trouvera
une abondante littrature. L'auteur s'inspire souvent, son tour, d'une monographie
de G. THERRIEN, Le discernement moral dans l' ptre aux Romains, Rome, Universit
du Latran, 1968.
7. Les versions latines ont toutes la leon : qui autem discernit, ou plus rarement :
qui autem diiudicat et les anciens commentateurs latins n'ont pas t embarrasss
pour lui trouver un sens parfaitement dfendable dans la logique du contexte.
Mme Rufin, dans sa traduction arrange du Commentaire d'Origne, dont nous ne
conscience douteuse. On y lit en effet : Celui qui a des doutes, s'il mange,
est condamn parce que sa conduite ne procde pas de la foi, autrement dit,
d'une conscience assure de bien faire. Ce serait le cas du faible dans la foi
qui, branl dans ses convictions par les critiques du fort, mais sans tre
pleinement convaincu par ses arguments, se laisserait nanmoins entraner par son exemple manger de tout (cf. v. 13, 15, 20). L'exgse qui
identifie purement et simplement foi et conscience 8 est cependant sujette
caution pour plusieurs raisons.
ALBERT C. DE VEER
153
suprieur que Paul se place pour dnouer le litige : le faible ne doit pas
condamner le fort, car Dieu a t accueillant pour lui et, qu'il reste ferme
ou qu'il tombe, cela regarde son Matre (v. 4 et IO). Quant au fort, il ne doit
pas mprisu le faible (v. 3 et IO) : en effet, si le faible estime un aliment
impur, il l'est pour lui, et s'il en mangeait, cela ne pourrait tre pour le
Seigneur. Il ne faut donc pas l'attrister pour un aliment car ce n'est
pas se conduire sdon la charit (v. 14) ; il faut encore moins lui donner du
scandale en l'entranant par l'exemple manger des aliments qu'il croit
impurs, et devenir ainsi la perte du frre pour lequel le Christ est mort
(v. 15). Ne dtruisons pas pour un aliment l'uvre de Dieu (v. 20). Dtruire l'uvre de Dieu, en soi-mme ou dans le frre, voil le pch !
Le pch, comme le doute, se dfinit donc en fonction de la foi au Christ
dans sa double dimension pE>rsonnelle et communautaire : le mot fides
en Rom. 14, 23b s'opposant peccatum ne parat donc pas pouvoir tre
purement et simplement synonyme de conscience; s'il l'tait, on ne
comprendrait pas pourquoi le risque de contrister ou de scandaliser
autrui priverait du droit de la suivre en dE's matires indiffrentes en soi.
11
154
ALBERT C. DE VEER
la conscience pour savoir ce qu'il doit faire. Bien que tous les croyants
aient la mme foi dans le Christ, leur jugement sur ce qu'ils doivent faire
ou s'abstenir de faire en raison de leur appartenance au Christ peut
diverger parce qu'il est conditionn par la mesure mme de la foi qui leur a
t rpartie (Rom. 12, 3). Que la foi se prsente ainsi avec un caractre
subjectif, et c'est l le sens habituel chez saint Paul, ne doit pas nous
tonner, puisque la relation nouvelle qu'elle comportE avec Dieu et avec le
prochain ne peut s'actualiser que dans la de individuelle. Ce qui importe
c'est que chacun soit pleimment convaincu (Rom. 14, 5) de la conformit
de son jugement avec les exigences de la foi qu'il a dans le Christ.
Il n'est donc pas justifi de dpouiller le mot foi en Rom. 14, 22-23 du
sens dont il est revtu partout ailleurs dans les ptres pauliniennesl 5 .
Seulement, la foi est ici envisage dans ses rapports avec la vie morale,
dans sa double dimension personnelle et communautaire. Ce sont les
convictions de foi qui doivent toujours commander les dcisions morales
des chrtiens. En rsumant son long expos par la sentence du v. 23 b :
tout ce qui ne procde pas de la foi, de la conviction que la foi donne, est
pch, l'Aptre n<' fait que tirer une conclusion du principe nonc par lui
en Rom. 12, 2 : la foi unie la grce du baptme renouvelle chez les chrtiens leur discernement moral1 6
23 b
Dans le relev des citations de Rom. 14, 23 b faites par Augustin, nous
suivrons autant que possible l'ordre chronologique de ses uvres. Nous
prsenterons la citation dans son contexte immdiat afin d'attirer l'attention sur les textes scripturaires qui souvent l'accompagnent, et de permettre ainsi une premire intelligence du sens qu'Augustin lui donne.
155
peccatum est (Rom. 14, 23 b). Hinc et ecclesiae dicitur in Cantico canticorum :
venies et transies ab initio fidei (Cant. cant. 4, 8, selon les Septante). Quapropter
quamvis bene operandi gratiam fides impetret, ipsam certe fidem ut haberemus,
nulla fide meruimus, sed in ea nobis danda, in qua dominum sequeremur, misericordia eius praevenit nos (cf. Ps. 58, II). An ipsam nobis nos dedimus et ipsi
nos ipsos fideles fecimus ? Prorsus etiam hic clamabo : ipse f ecit nos et non ipsi
nos (Ps. 99, 9), nisi vero aliud apostolica doctrina commendat, ubi ait : dico
autem per gratiam dei, quae data est mihi, omnibus qui sunt in vobis, non plus
sapere, quam oportet sapere, sed sapere ad temperantiam, sicut unicuique deus
partitus est mensuram fidei (Rom. 12, 3). Hinc est quippe et illud : quid enim
habes quod non accepisti ? (I Cor., 4, 7) quando et hoc accepimus, unde et incipit
quicquid in nostris actibus habemus boni (PL 44, 340-341 ; CSEL 42, pp. 8990 ; BA 21, pp. 5ro-5r2).
2. Epistula 188, 3, 13 ( Juliana, mre de Dmtriade; entre octobre
417 et avril 418) :
" Satis enim di ci non potest quantum cupiamus in eorum hominum scriptis ...
apertam confessionem illius gratiae reperiri, quam vehementer commendat
apostolus, qui etiam ipsius mensuram fidei, sine qua impossibile est deo placere
(Hebr. rr, 6), ex qua iustus vivit (Rom. l, 17), quae per dilectionem operatur
(Gal. 5, 6), ante quam et sine qua omnino nulla cuiusquam bona opera existimanda sunt, quoniam omne quod non est ex /ide, peccatum est (Rom. q, 23 b),
dcum dicit unicuique partitum (Rom. 12, 3) : nec sola revelatione scientiae nos
divinitus adiuvari, ut pie iusteque vivamus (cf. Tit. 2, 12), quae sine caritate
in/lat (I Cor. 8, l), verum etiam inspiratione caritatis ipsius quae plenitudo legis
est (Rom. 13, ro) ... (PL 33, 853 ; CSEL 57, p. 129).
ler mai et le
Quid autem boni faceremus, nisi diligeremus ? Aut quomodo bonum non facimus, si diligamus ? Etsi enim dei mandatum videtur aliquando non a diligentibus,
sed a timentibns fieri, tamen ubi non est dilectio, nullum bonum opus imputatur,
nec recte bonum opus vocatur : quia omne quod non est ex /ide, peccatum est
(Rom. 14, 23 b) et/ides pcr dilectionem operatur (Gal. 5, 6) PL 44, 374; CSEL 42,
pp. 147-148).
ALBERT C. DE VEER
(I, 3, 4) " Quid ergo dicimus, quando et in quibusdam impiis invenitur pudicitia coniugalis ? utrum eo peccare dicendi sunt, quod dono dei male utantur,
non id referentes ad cultum eius a quo acceperunt ? An forte nec dona dei
putanda sunt ista, quando haec infideles agunt, secundum apostoli sententiam
dicentis : Omne quod non est ex fide, pcccatum est (Rom. 14, 23 b) ? Quis autem
audeat dicere donurn dei esse peccatum ? Anima enim et corpus... etiam in
peccatoribus dona dei sunt, quoniam deus, non ipsi ista fecerunt. De lus autem
quae faciunt dictum est: Omne quod non est ex fide, pcccatum est (Rom. 14, 23 b)
(PL 44, 415; CSEL 42, p. 214).
6. Ibidem, I, 4, 5 :
"Vera igitur pudicitia ... dicenda non est, nisi quae verae fidei mancipatur ...
tantum valet fides, de qua dicit apostolus: Omne quod non est ex fidc, peccatum est
(Rom. 14, 23 b) ; et de qua item scriptum est ad Hebraeos: Sine fide impossibile
est placere deo (Hebr. II, 6) (PL 44, 416 ; CSEL 42, p. 216).
20 (entre le
2I dcembre 4I9 et le
" Cum vero coepisset gentibus evangelium praedicari, iam coniunctos gentiles
gentilibus comperit coniuges : ex qtbus si non ambo crederent, sed unus aut
una infidelis cum fideli consentiret habitare, nec prohiberi a domino dehuit
fidelis infidelem dimittere nec iuberi : ideo scilicet non prohiberi, quia iustitia
pern1ittit a fornicante discedere, et infidelis hominis fornicatio est maior in
corde ; nec vera eius pudicitia cum coniuge dici potest, quia omne quod non est ex
/ide, peccatum est (Rom. 14, 23 b) ; quamvis veram fidelis habeat pudicitiam
etiam cum infideli coniuge qui non habet veram (PL 40, 462-463 ; CSEL 41,
pp. 367-368 ; BA 2, p. 148).
LA BONNARDlRE,
121-127.
157
operatiw (Gal. 5, 6) ; tamen pet ipsam etiam peccata solvuntur, quia iustus ex
fide vivit (Rom. l, 17) : sine ipsa veto etiam quae videntur bona opera, in peccata
vertuntur; omne enim quod non est ex /ide, peccatum est (Rom. 14, 23 b)" (PL 44,
598 ; CSEL 60, p. 503).
II.
(aprs 420)
Cur ergo diceret Non vos me elegistis (Ioh. 15, 16) nisi quia misericordia eius
praevenit nos (cf. Ps. 58, II) ? ... Non est ut dicas: Ideo electus sum, quia iam
credebam. Si enim credebas in eum, iam elegeras eum. Sed audi : Non vos me
elegistis (loh. 15, 16). Non est ut dicas: Antequam crederem, iam bona operabar;
ideo electus sum. Quid enim est boni operis ante fidem, cum dicat apostolus :
Omnc quod non est ex fide, peccatum est (Rom. q, 23 b) ? "(PL 35, 1851 ; CC 36,
p. 542).
IO
cc Quid ergo operatur haec potestas (diaboli) in filiis diffidentiae (Eph. 2, 2),
nisi opera sua mala, et in primis maximeque ipsam diffidentiam et infidelitatem
qua sunt inimici fidei, per quam scit eos posse mundari...? Itaque aliquos eorum,
per quos amplius decipere affectat, sinit habere nonnulla velut bona opera, in
quibus laudantur, per quasque gentes, praecipueque in gente Romana, qui
praeclare gloriosissimeque vixerunt. Sed quoniam, sicut ve:racissima scriptura
ALBERT C. DE VEER
dicit : Omne quod non est ex /ide, peccatum est (Rom. 14, 23 b) et sine fide impossibile est utique placere deo (Hebr. r r, 6), non hominibus ; nihil sic agit hic princeps
quam ut non credatur in deum, nec ad mediatorem, a quo solvuntur opera
eius (cf. I loh. 3, 8) credendo veniatur (cf. Ioh. 6, 44) " (PL 33, 982 ; CSEL 57,
pp. 410-4rr).
r6. De praedestinatione sanctorum,
IO,
" An forte opera bona gentium deus promisit Abrahae in semine ipsius, ut hoc
promitteret quod ipse facit, non autem promisit fidem gentium, quam sibi
homines faciunt, sed ut promitteret quod ipse facit, illam praescivit homines
esse facturos ? Non quidem loquitur sic apostolus ; filios quippe promisit deus
Abrahae, qui fidei eius vestigia sectarentur : quod apertissime dicit. Sed si opera
gentium promisit, non fidem, profecto quoniam non sunt bona opera nisi ex fide :
iustus enim ex fide vivit (Rom. r, 17) et omne quod non est ex fide, peccatum est
(Rom. r4, 23 b) et sine fide impossibile est placere (Hebr. II, 6), nihilominus ut
impleat quod promisit deus, in hominum est potestate ... Quod si veritas et pietas
nos credere vetat, credarnus cum Abraham, quoniam quae prornisit potens est et
facere (cf. Rom. 4,2r). Promisit autem filios Abrahae ; quod esse non possunt, si
non habeant fidem; ergo ipse donat et fidem "(PL 44, 975 ; BA 24, pp. 524-526).
r7. Sermo Guelferbytanus XI, 6 (5) (date inconnue, mais tardive en raison
des erreurs trinitaires vises ?) :
" Et si non estis idonei cogitare, tamen fidem tenete ; ipsa perducit, ipsa facit
ut opera vestra bona acceptentur deo : omne enim quod non est ex /ide, peccatum
est (Rom. r4, 23 b) " (Miscell. Agost., II, p. 478).
159
Notum est cette quod ad Hebraeos ait idem doctor, quia sine /ide impossibile
est placere (Hebr. l l, 6) et quod in Romanorum epistula ait: Omne quod non est ex
/ide peccatum est (Rom. 14, 23 b). Haec autem fides, ex qua iustus vivit, sicut
scriptum est : Justus autem ex /ide vivit (Rom. l, 17), ipsa est procul dubio
initium omnium bonorum operum nostrorum ... (Rcv. bn., 19, 1901, p. 248 ;
BA 24, p. 232).
Conclusion
Un constatation s'impose : Augustin n'invoque titre d'argument la
sentence del' Aptre que dans ses uvres tardives (417-429) ; encore ne le
fait-il que dans ses uvres antiplagiennes ou dans un contexte qui
trahit sa proccupation de combattre le plagianisme, l'exception
peut-tre du Sermo Guelf. XI qui vise des erreurs trinitaires. Ainsi ne la
cite-t-il pas en De Trinitate XIII, 6, ni en De civitate Dei, XIX, 25, alors
que ces livres datent de l'poque antiplagienne, le premier d'environ
419, le dernier de 425, et qu'aux endroits indiqus, Augustin s'en prrnd
aux vertus des paens tant loues par les plagiens.
Pour souligner l'importance de cette constatation, rappelons que dans
les premires annes de son sacerdoce, Augustin a eu l'occasion de citer
en entier ou par fragments et de commenter le chapitre 14 de Romains.
Est-il possible de dcouvrir dans le commentaire qu'il en fait des lments
qui permettent d'entrevoir la manire dont il comprend alors le mot
fides et par consquent la sentence del' Aptre en Rom. 14, 23 b ?
L'INTERPRTATION DE ROM. 14
AVANT LA CONTROVERSE ANTIPLAGIENNE
r6o
ALBERT C. DE VEER
Il ne faut cependant pas oublier qu'ici les questions ne sont pas choisies
par Augustin seul mais proposes aussi par les frres de Carthage au
cours de leur lecture en commun de 1' pitre 21 Cette circonstance suffirait
expliquer l'omission du v. 23 propos duquel les frres n'auraient pas
soulev de problme ; encore serait-il intressant de savoir pourquoi.
Quant Augustin, il n'ayait pas encore cette poque d'ide prcise et
rflchie sur la place de la foi dans la gratuit absolue de la grce22 . La
porte qu'il donnera plus tard la sentence de l'Aptre devait alors lui
chapper. Nanmoins, nous dcouvrons dans le commentaire fragmentaire
du chapitre I4 des lments d'interprtation qui mritent d'tre signals.
Augustin ne commente de Romains r4 que les versets ou des fragments
des versets r-3 : Expositio 70 (78) ; 4 : Ibid., JI (79) ; 5-6 : Ibid., 72 (80)
et 22, avec insertion de r6 : Ibid., 73 (Sr). Avant d'en analyser l'interprtation il convient d'en examiner le texte23
161
par Amerbach, les Lovanienses et les Mauristes ! L'dition des textes scripturaires
cits par les Pres comporte des difficults au second degr du fait que les copistes
peuvent toujours tre souponns d'accommoder les citations la leon qui leur est
familire : voir G.G. WILLIS, St. Augustine's Text of the Acts of the Apostels, dans
Studia Evangica V, r968 (TU ro3), pp. 22-225 et D. DE BRUYNE, art. cit, p. 522 (!)
27. Voir : Retract. I, 7 (6) : ... cum Romae essem ... scripsi duos libros, unum de
moribus ecclesiae catholicae et alterum de moribus manichaeorum , (BA r2, p. 298).
28. D. DE BRUYNE, art. cit, p. 524, fait remarquer que ce codex italien ne donne
pas le texte de l'Ambrosiaster ni de la Vulgate, mais un texte intermdiaire. On est
d'autant plus tonn de le voir accomoder la Vulgate le v. 22 en De moribus, en
introduisant la forme interrogative l o, tout comme l'Ambrosiastcr (CSEL Sr /r,
p. 450) et PLAGE, Expos. in Romanos (Texts and Studics, IX, p. r rr). les diteurs
l'omettent. Il crit en effet : Tu fidem habes ? penes temct ipsum habe coram Deo
(p. 526).
29. CSEL 84 /r, p. 48, apparat.
30. Voir note 7.
162
ALBERT C. DE VEER
35. Expos. 72 (80), pp. 49-50. Augustin voit exprime au v. 5 l'opposition, non pas
entre deux hommes, mais entre l'homme et Dieu. Celui qui juge les jours alternes ,
c'est l'homme qui condamne aujourd'hui un tel qu'il proclamera demain homme de
bien; celui qui juge tout jour, c'est Dieu qui sait ce que vaut un tel aujourd'hui
et ce qu'il vaudra demain. Dans nos jugements gardons-nous donc de dpasser les
limites assignes l'intelligence de l'homme : unusquisque in sua sensu abundet, nous
dit !'Aptre (v. 5). Encore s'agit-il de bien juger l'intrieur de ces limites; c'est ce
que l'Aptre suggre quand il dit au v. 6 : qui sapit diem, domino sapit. Juger avec
sagesse au jour prsent veut dire en effet qu'en condamnant quelqu'un aujourd'hui juste titre pour une faute manifeste, nous n'cartions pas la possibilit de le
voir se corriger 1' a venir.
36. Expos. 70 (78) : {<quasi ferre audeamus sententiam de alieno corde quod non
videmus >) (p. 48) ; Expos. 71 (79) : nec audeamus de alterius corde quod non videmus, ferre sententiam (p. 49). C:f. De serm. dom. in n;onte II, 18, 59 : in occulta
cordis ferre sententam (CC 35, p. 155).
37. Voir M.- J. LAGRANGE, op. cit. p. 323, ad V. l).
38. Expos. 70 (78) : Firmi enim infrmiores contumaciter contemnebant et
infirmi firmos temere iudicabant >) (p. 49).
ALBERT C. DE VEER
(Matth. 15, II-20) ; aussi prenaient-ils indiffremment toute nourriture
sans faire violence leur conscience 39 )).
En dclarant que les forts s'inspiraient pour leur conduite d'une parole
du Christ, Augustin laisse entendre qu'il donne au mot credere le sens
thologique, celui d'tre convaincu en raison de la foi qu'on a dans le
Christ. Il redira la mme ide, mais en la formulant autrement, dans son
commentaire du v. 22 : .. parce que bonne est la foi par laquelle nous
croyons que tout est pur pour les purs40 )).
A la suite de 1' Aptre, Augustin donne naturellement raison aux forts
sur ce point. Quant aux faibles, il les prsente comme des scrupuleux qui,
en raison de leur foi moins claire et moins solide, croyaient devoir
s'abstenir de viande et de vin par crainte de tomber, leur insu, sur des
matires offertes aux idoles 41 . Il souligne le tort qu'ils avaient de tenir
pour souills ceux qui en mangeaient et en buvaient indiffremment sans
tenir compte de ce scrupule, mais il ne met nullement en doute l'authenticit de leur foi dans le Christ, dont leur scrupule est sa manire la
preuve 42 . Par contre, il semble suggrer que les forts, dans leur mpris
pour les faibles, jugeaient l'authenticit de leur foi douteuse : on ne voit
pas en effet sur quoi d'autre aurait pu porter leur jugement, interdit par
l'Aptre.
De Rom. 14, 6 Augustin passe directement au v. zz b : Beatus qui non
iudicat semetipsum in quo probat. La version latine dcalque mot mot le
texte grec 43 dont le sens est clair : Heureux qui ne se condamne pas lui-
39. Expos. 70 {78) : Quia illo iam tempore multi iam firmi in fide et scientes
secundum scientiam domini non com.maculare ea, quae in os intrant sed quae exeunt,
indifferenter sumebant cibos salva conscientia {p. 48). L'diteur a rem.plac sentcntiam ( cdd.) par scientiam sans en donner la raison ; se refre-t-il au v. 14 : Scia et
confido .. ? La correction de in eos (edd.) en in os est plus heureuse. On peut hsiter
sur la manire de traduire salva conscientia >J ; voir : J. S'!'ELZENBERGER, Conscientia
bei Augustinus, pp. 74-75.
40. Expos, 73 (Sr) : quoniam bona est haec fides qua credimus omnia munda
mundis ... (p. 50).
4r. Expos. 70 (78), p. 48. Comme Augustin voit dans les faibles en foi des chrtiens
qui venaient de la circoncision (voir : Expos. 74 (82), p. 5r), on s'attendrait l'entendre dire que leur faiblesse en foi consistait se croire toujours tenus par les prescriptions lgales du judasme, mais il la dfinit d'aprs le cas de I Cor. 8, 7-r3 et ro, r4-33.
En De serm. dom. in monte II, r8, 59, o il cite Rom. r4, 3-4, Augustin met en scne
des asctes qui jugent que boire et manger de tout, c'est manquer d'esprit de pnitence et de matrise de soi (CC 35, p. r55).
42. On pourrait tre tent de voir dans le scrupule des faibles tel qu'Augustin le
dcrit l'attitude d'une conscience douteuse, mais y voir de prs, Augustin n'insiste
pas sur le doute mais sur l'ignorance ( nescientes ) ; voir ce propos sa rponse
la consultation de Publicola sur le mme sujet en Ep. 47, 4 (vers 398).
43. La Vulgate lit : in eo quod probat, leon que les diteurs et D. De BRUYNE
(art. cit, p. 526) retiennent pour le De moribus II, 14, 32, tandis que Zycha y retient
in quo (CSEL 25, r, p. r50). Cette dernire leon se rencontre aussi chez l' Ambrosiaster
Expos. in Romanos, r4, 22 (CSEL Sr, p. 450) et chez PI,AGE, Expos. in Romanos, q,
22
III),
mme dans l'acte qu'il se dcide accomplir )), c'est--dire : qui ne fait pas
ce qu'il est convaincu de ne pas devoir faire. Cela vaut pour les faibles
aussi bien que pour les forts 44 . Augustin cependant croit que l'Aptre
s'adresse ici aux seuls forts 45 . C'est qu'il organise tout son commentaire
en fonction de la leon : in quo probat. Son effort se porte d'abord
identifier la ralit laquelle se refre le relatif in quo, identification
rendue ncessaire par le fait qu'Augustin donne au verbe probat, sans s'en
expliquer davantage, le sens rflexif, celui, pensons-nous, de se montrer
agrable Dieu 46 Pour lui donc in quo se rfre en premier lieu bonum
nostrum mentionn au v. 16 : Non ergo blasphemetur bonum nostrum.
Ce bonum nostrum n'est rien d'autre que la fides dont il est parl au v. 22 a :
Tu fidem quam habes penes temetipsum, ha be coram deo. Celle-ci, Augustin
la dfinit : fi des qua credimus omnia munda mundis ... )). La formule
omnia munda mundis rappelle Tite l, 15 o elle est insre dans un contexte
qui parle de garder une foi saine (v. 13) et d'incroyants dont l'esprit et la
conscience sont souills (v. 15). Mais point n'est besoin de croire qu'ici
Augustin pense spcialement ce texte, puisque la formule se trouve
amorce en Rom. 14, 20 : omnia quidem sunt munda et que par ailleurs son
contenu est justifi par l'appel l'enseignement du Christ en Rom. 14, 14 :
Scia et confido in Domino Iesu quia nihil commune per ipsum. Saint Paul,
ce disant, s'inspire de Marc 7, 1-2 et 14-19, comme l'emploi du terme rare
commune le suggre ; Augustin, nous l'avons vu propos du v. 2, se rfre
l'enseignement du Seigneur rapport en A1atth. 15, II-20.
A la lumire de ces rapprochements, l'expression fides qua creditur ))
exprime certes une conviction, mais en mettant l'accent sur la foi plutt
que sur la conviction que la foi inspire; il faut en dire autant de l' expression qui fait suite : << et in ea fide nos probamus )). Aussi le pch contre
lequel Augustin, la suite du v. 22 b, met les forts en garde, ne consiste-t-il
pas agir contre sa conviction intime - c'est le sens vis par saint Paul !
- mais causer du scandale en s'obstinant abusivement dans son bon
droit ( eo bono abusi ll) et pcher ainsi contre les frres ( ne peccemus
in fratres ))). Il s'agit en ralit du pch contre la charit, ou en d'autres
termes, contre la foi qui agit par la charit (Gal. 5, 6). Augustin n'insiste
pas sur cet aspect. Il ne mentionne mme pas la charit. Il n'avait pas
rappeler son auditoire des vrits qui allaient de soi. Ayant expliqu le
v. 22b : Beatus qui non iudicat semetipsum in quo probat, il suffisait de
parler, la suite de l'Aptre (Rom. 14, 13 ; 20 ; 21) de scandaliser les
faibles)) pour voquer l'esprit l'anathme jet par le Seigneur sur les
I66
ALBERT C. DE VEER
Conclusion
Le commentaire qu'Augustin nous offre de Rom. r4 dans son uvre de
jeunesse sacerdotale qu'est l' Expositio est trs fragmentaire et, en raison de
la version qui lui sert d'appui, il s'carte plus d'une fois, dans le dtail des
versets, du sens vis par l'Aptre. Nanmoins l'analyse que nous venons
d'en proposer a permis de constater que sur le sens du mot /ides en Rom. r4,
Augustin est pour l'essentiel fidle saint Paul ; cela transparat dj
travers le commentaire qu'il labore des v. r-6, et se rvle plus nettement
dans l'explication quelque peu laborieuse qu'il propose du v. 22 b. Pour lui
aussi le mot /ides se rfre la connaissance de foi donne par le Seigneur
et envisage dans ses rapports avec la conduite morale, personnelle et
communautaire. Ce sont les con\ictions de foi qui doivent inspirer en tout
le comportement des chrtiens. Comme la connaissance de foi n'est pas
gale chez tous (aspect subjectif du don de la foi), les convictions peuvent
diverger de l'un l'autre, du moins dans les matires en soi indiffrentes.
Ce qui importe, c'est de se conduire en conformit avec les convictions
que la foi inspire ; agir l'encontre, c'est pcher. Sur ce point chacun est
son propre juge et personne d'autre l'exception de Dieu qui connat les
secrets des curs (dimension personnelle de la vie chrtienne). Le chrtien
47. L'explicatioa que nous proposons par manire d'hypothse est galement
celle de Plage : Omne autem quia non est ex /ide, peccatum est. Non ex fide quae per
caritatem operatur. Quitquit ergo alium destruit, ex fide non est et idcirco peccatum
est (Texts and Studies IX, pp. III-II2). L'explication de I'Ambrosiaster est plus
difficile saisir en raison des recensions al3 et y qui sur un point d'importance se
contredisent propos du v. 23 : ipse enim se damnat, quando id quod sibi inutile
adserit facit >l (rec. aj3, CSEL 81, p. 450) et : ipse enim se reum facit, quando id quod
sibi utile putat facit (rec. y, p. 45 r) ; impossible de dire avec certitude si les v. 22 b et 23
s'appliquent galement aux faibles et aux forts. Quant au v. 23 b il est suivi dans
les deux recensions de considrations concernant les faibles, dont la conclusion, qui
peut s'appliquer aussi bien aux forts qu'aux faibles, est la suivante dans la seule
rec. y : omne ergo quod ad conscientiam pertinet, si aliter fiat, quam fieri debere
scitur, dicit esse peccatum >) (p. 453).
167
r68
ALBERT C. DE VEER
Cette foi, qui est de l'homme, Dieu en tient compte au point qu'il ne
prdestine personne sinon ceux dont il sait l'avance qu'ils croiront son
appel et le suivront, ceux dont l'Aptre dit qu'ils sont lus ; tout comme
Dieu tient compte du refus de croire pour endurcir le cur du Pharaon.
Augustin soustrait donc indirectement la foi, du moins dans son stade
initial, la grce gratuite de Dieu pour la mettre dans le libre arbitre de
l'homme au mme titre que l'infidlit ou le refus de croire55. Sur la
qualit de cette foi Augustin ne donne pas d'autres prcisions ; il est certain qu' ses yeux elle ne suffit pas librer l'homme de l'esclavage du
pch aussi longtemps que le secours du Librateur auquel il croit ne lui
soit effectivement donn56.
Augustin ne tardera pas dcounir, la lecture plus approfondie de
saint Paul, que tout est don de grce, mme le commencement de la
foi57. Mais tant qu'il laissait l'homme sans la grce le moindre pouvoir de
s'assurer le salut, l'ide ne pouvait lui venir l'esprit que la sentence de
Rom. 14, 23 b condamnt toute activit des paens voire des hrtiques,
aussi honnte qu'elle puisse tre.
L'INTERPRTATION DE ROM.14, 23 b
DANS LA CONTROVERSE ANTIPLAGI:ENNE
55. Expos. 54 (62) : Sicut enim in his, quos elegit deus, non opera sed fides
inchoat meritum, ut per munus dei bene operentur, sic in his, quos damnat, infidelitas
et impietas inchoat poenae meritum, ut per ipsam poenam etiam male operentur ... (p. 37).
56. Sur la conception de la foi dans l'Expositio voir: M. LOHRER, Der Glaubcnsbegriff des hl. Augustinus in seincn ersten Schriften bis zu den Confessiones, EinsiedelnZrich-Kln, 1955, pp. 241-250.
57. Ds 396 en Ad Simplicianum I, quaestio 2, 2 (BA ro, p. 442 suiv.) ; voir aussi
Retract. I, 23 (22) propos de l'Expositio et Retract. II, I (28) propos de l'Ad
Simplicianum, textes cits in extenso en De praedestinatione sanctorum (aprs 428),
3, 7 et 4, 8 (BA 24, pp. 480-484 et 486-488).
58. C. duas ep. pet. III, 5, 44 : sine ipsa vero (fide) etiam quae videntur bona
opera in peccata vertuntur (texte no ro).
59. Voir textes nos I, 5, 8, r5, 16.
60. Voir textes nos 5, 6, 8.
61. Voir texte n 7.
169
62. Voir ce propos G. STRAUSS, Schriftgebrauch, Schriftauslcgung und Schriftbeweis bei Augustin, Tbingen, I959.
63. Nous empruntons l'expression A.-M. LA BONNARDIRE. Sous cette dnomination, elle groupe, dans les tableaux de sa Biblia augustiniana, en cours de publication,
Paris, I960 et suiv., les textes scripturaires qui dans l'uvre d'Augustin accompagnent habituellement un verset dtermin actuellement mis en vedette. Ailleurs
l'auteur dsigne par orchestration scripturaire >J le groupe de textes bibliques qui
rapparaissent plus ou moins semblables eux-mmes chaque fois que saint Augustin
expose un thme doctrinal (voir Revue des tud. augustin., I, I955, p. 129). Les deux
emplois se compltent : le verset vedette amorce un thme doctrinal, l'orchestration
scripturaire le reprend et le dveloppe avec des variations diverses.
64. Voir textes n 5 et 6.
65. Voir supra notes 3 et 7.
66. Augustin ne prcise pas le pch que l'Aptre avaient en vue et sur lequel
Julien tait apparemment d'accord avec lui. Nous pensons que sur ce point il est
rest fidle sa manire de voir dans I'Expos. ad Romanos et qu'il dsigne ainsi,
tout comme Plage (voir note 47) le pch du scandale, autrement dit, le pch
contre la foi qui agit par la charit. S'il en est ainsi, l'opposition : hanc peccati
speciem
generali sententia >J affecte aussi le sens de peccatum du v. 23 b. Nous y
reviendrons dans la suite.
12
170
ALBERT C. DE VEER
gendum esse concedam, quid de alio d:cturus es testimonio quod identidemposui67 ... ) sine/ide enim impossibile estplacere (Hebr. II, 6) ? Ce texte ne
concerne pas seulement le boire et le manger, mas toute la vie de l'homme
<< nempe ut hoc diceretur, de tota vita hom nis agebatur in qua iustus ex
/ide vivit (Rom, I, I7) 68 . Ainsi pour prouver Julien qui la contestait
la porte gnrale de Rom. 14' 23 b, Augustin lui rappe le-t-il un texte
galement cit et auquel il n'avait pas ragi ((( nec inde aliquid disputasti >>)
et en ajoute-t-il un autre: deux textes dont la porte gnrale est indiscutable
A la lumire de ce passage (texte nI2), le seul o Augustin cherche
justifier son interprtation de Rom. I4, 23 b, on mesure l'intrt de connatre les textes scripturaires qui en accompagnent habituellement la
citation. En relisant donc le dossier nous constatons que dans cinq passages, Rom. I4, 23 b est cit sans accompagnement comme un axiome allant
de soi (textes n 8 5, 7, 8, II, I7) ; dans les onze autres, il est cit, au gr du
thme envisag, de pair avec un ou plusieurs textes dont certains, par la
frquence de leur emploi, s'imposent notre attention spciale. Ce sont
des textes emprunts saint Paul 69 :
Rom. I, IJ ( = Gal. 3, II ; Hebr. IO, 38 ; Habacuc 2, 4) : iustus ex fide
vivit (textes nos 2, 9, IO et IZ) ;
Rom. I2, I3 : cc sicut unicuique Deus partitus est mensuram fidei (textes
nos I, 2 et 4) ;
Gal. 5, 6 : /ides quae per dilectionem operatur (textes nos l, 2, 3 et IO) ;
Hebr. II, 6 : sine jide impossibile est placere (Deo) (textes n 8 2, 6, 12, 14,
I5 et 16).
Au moins un de ces quatre textes accompagne Rom. 14, 23 b dan> les
passages cits. Si Hebr. II, 6 l'emporte en frquence, c'est peut-tre
parce que, tant formul en termes ngatifs comme Rom. 14, 23 b, il
exprime comme lui une sentence absolue qui ne souffre pas d'exception.
Dans la lettre r88 (texte n 2), les quatre citations forment avec Rom.
r4, 23 b une seule phrase numrant les points essentiels de la doctrine
paulinienne de la grce que les plagiens, aux dires d'Augustin, ont
l'habitude de passer sous silence.
De nombreux autres textes scripturaires surgissent dans 1' entourage de
Rom. 14, 23 b, sous forme de citations ou d'allusions, mais sans la rgularit
67. Voir texte no 6.
68. Voir texte no IZ.
69. On peut objecter que le texte iustus ex /ide vivit, signal par nous Rom. I, I7,
se rencontre aussi non seulement en Gat. 3, II, mais encore en Hebr. Io, 38 et dj en
Habacuc z, 4 ; que par ailleurs, partir de 4rr-4I2, Augustin se montre prudent
quand il s'agit de se prononcer sur l'auteur de l'p. aux Hbreux: voir A.-l\L LA
BoNNARDIRE, L' ptre aux Hbreux dans l'uvre de saint Augustin, dans Rev.
tud. augustin., 3, 1957, pp. I37-I48 ; pour iustus ex /ide vivit: p. I4I, note 8. En fait
Augustin cite nos cinq textes d'un souffle pour dfinir la grce quam vehementer
commendat apostolus qui... (texte n z).
des textes pauliniens cits plus haut. Quelques-uns apparaissent deux fois,
tels Cant. cant. 4, 8 selon les Septante : venies et transies ab initio fidei
(textes ns l et 4), Ioh. 6, 44 : nemo potest venire ad me nisi Pater traxerit
eum (textes ns 9 et 15), Ps. 58, II : misericordia eius praeveniet me (textes
nos l et II); d'autres ne paraissent qu'une seule fois, par ex. Ioh. 15, 16 :
non vos me elegistis(texte n II) et I Cor. 7, 7 : vola autem ... sed unusquisque
proprium donum habet a Deo (texte n 5).
Tous ces textes, citations ou allusions, s'insrent dans un mouvement de
pense qui se veut biblique ; ce titre leur prsence n'est jamais fortuite.
L'analyse du contexte en rvlera la raison et par l-mme clairera l'un
ou l'autre aspect de l'interprtation qu'Augustin donne la sentence
de l'Aptre.
Le fondement scripturaire de l'interprtation de Rom. 14 23 b et de son emploi
dans la controverse antiplagienne
Nous avons dj vu Augustin faire appel Rom. l, 17 et Hebr. II, 6
pour dmontrer la porte gnrale de Rom. 14, 23b conteste par Julien
(voir texte n 12 etp. l69sv.). A lire le contexte loign de ce passage (C. Iul.
pel. IV, 3, 16-34) on constate que le Plagien critique l'exgse d'Augustin,
pour ainsi dire subsidiairement, dans une longue discussion sur le pouvoir
du libre arbitre d'accomplir par ses seules forces, sans l'aide de la grce, des
actes de vertu ; ces vertus sont striles en fruits de vie ternelle, mais
tant de vraies vertus, on ne peut pas les qualifier contradictoirement de
pch. Dans cette perspective Julien avait tout intrt restreindre la
porte de Rom. 14 23 b au seul usage des aliments par des chrtiens.
Ajoutons que pour les plagiens la foi elle-mme est l'effet du libre
vouloir et nullement un don gratuit de Dieu ; ils auraient t capables de
montrer que les sentences Rom. l, 17, Rom. 14, 23b et Hcbr. II, 6, prises
en elles-mmes, ne les contredisaient pas ncessairement sur ce point.
Or ds son premier emploi de Rom. 14, 23b Augustin carte cette possibilit.
Dans son De gestis Pelagii, 14 34 (texte n l), il fait suivre le verset par
un appel global des textes de saint Paul qu'il introduit et rsume en ces
termes : Ideo saepe dicit (apostolus) 'non ex operibus sed ex fide nobis
iustitiam deputari' )), Nombreux sont les textes pauliniens qui expriment
cette ide: Rom. 3, 20, 22, 28 ; 4, 2-4, 5, 9, II, 22-23 ; 5, l ; Gal. 2, 16 ; 3, 6.
Il n'est cependant pas possible de prciser les versets qu'Augustin aurait
eu spcialement en vue. S'il formule son rsum en des termes emprunts
saint PauF 0 , il lui donne une tournure de sentence qui l'insre parfaitement dans l'argumentation amorce par la citation de Rom. 14, 23 b.
70. Tous les mots utiliss par Augustin se rencontrent chez saint Paul, mais dans
un ordre dispers et une situation grammaticale diffrente. Le verbe drputari nous
oriente vers les passages o l'Aptre se rfre au cas d'Abraham dont il est dit en
Gen. 15, 6: credidit Abraham Dro et reputatum est illi ad iustitiam (cf. Rom. 4, passim).
Dans le rsum, ex /ide rpond magnifiquement l'ex /ide de Rom. 14, 23b et donne
de la suite l'argumentation.
r72
ALBERT C. DE VEER
73
seulement le Dieu des Juifs, il l'est aussi des paens, puisqu'il n'y a qu'un
Dieu qui justifiera les circoncis grce la foi et les incirconcis par le moyen
de la foi (Ib. 29-30). Abraham en est l'clatante preuve : sa foi, non ses
uvres, lui fut compte comme justice alors qu'il tait encore incirconcis.
Il reut le signe de la circoncision comme sceau de la justice que la foi lui
avait obtenue alors qu'il tait encore incirconcis (Rom. 4, 9-rr).
L' Aptre ne connat donc pas pour l'homme face Dieu, ni de fait
(Rom. 3, 9 et 23) ni de droit (Rom. l, 20-21 et 25), un quelconque tat
intermdiaire, exempt la fois de pch et de justice, comme Julien
semble le prtendre (voir : C. Iul. pel. IV, 3, 22). Par ailleurs l'opposition
entre le pch et la justice est si radicale qu'elle frappe l'homme pcheur
d'une impuissance absolue poser par lui-mme un acte mritoire de
justice. L'Aptre n'en donne pas la raison, mais il constate le fait rapport
par les critures. C'est Dieu qui prend l'initiative de justifier l'homme en
lui donnant d'abord d'avoir foi dans ses promesses de salut. Sans la foi
l'homme est sous l'empire du pch et que peut-il faire sinon s'affirmer
pcheur dans tous ses actes ?
Cette doctrine, Augustin estimait qu'elle tait parfaitement exprime
en Rom. 14, 23 b ; et c'est pourquoi il pouvait s'en servir pour prouver que
c'tait de la foi, grce initiale non mrite, que l'Aptre voulait parler en
disant que la justice nous est impute non pas en raison des uvres,
mais en raison de la foi)). Il est vident qu'il ne l'a pas dcouverte en Rom.
14, 23b ni en Rom. I, r7 ou Hebr. II, 6, puisque, sans elle, malgr leur
porte gnrale, ces sentences ne permettent de rien conclure sur le
caractre absolument gratuit de la foi. Il l'a dcouverte dans l'tude
plus approfondie de 1' ptre aux Romains et notamment, croyons-nous,
des chapitres trois et quatre d'o sont tirs les textes qu'il rsume ici dans
la formule : (( non ex operibus sed ex fide nobis iustitiam deputari )J.
Ces textes ne paraissent qu'une fois en compagnie de Rom. q, 23 b dans
l'ouvrage o Augustin cite le yerset pour la premire fois. Ils nous orientent
d'emble vers le fondement scripturaire sur lequel s'appuient l'interprtation qu'il en donne et l'emploi qu'il en fait.
Malheureusement, Augustin ne nous a pas laiss de commentaire
proprement dit de Rom. r4, 23b: l'exgse qu'il nous en propose dans le
texte no I2 ne vise qu' justifier la porte gnrale qu'il donne au verset,
mais nglige de prciser le sens qu'il attribue aux deux mots-clef fides et
peccatum. Nous en sommes rduits rechercher ces prcisions dans les
divers emplois qu'il fait de la sentence, soit propos des infidles, soit
propos des chrtiens, orthodoxes ou hrtiques.
r74
ALBERT C. DE VEER
7r. Qu'il suffise de rappeler la querelle attritionniste >) qui a divis si longtemps
rigoristes et laxistes sur la question de savoir quel regret du pch exiger du pnitent
pour lui donner l'absolution. Cf. H. DONDAINE, L'Attrition suffisante, Bibliothque
thomiste XXV, Paris, 1943
72. Voir J. MAUSBACH, Die Ethik des heiligen Augustinus, Freiburg im Br., 1909,
I, pp. 184-190 ; II, pp. 287-290.
175
bene fit bonum ; nec fit in corde quod fieri videtur in opere, quando
mallet homo non facere, si posset impune (C. duas ep. pel. II, 9, 21 ;
PL 44, p. 586) ii. Le pch se trouve, non pas dans l'acte objectivement
bon, mais dans l'attachement du cur au mal. La nature spcifique du
mal qu'on vite contre-cur en faisant par crainte d'tre puni le bien
qui lui est contraire, dtermine la nature du pch, et le degr de l'attachement secret au mal, le degr de sa culpabilit.
Ce qui vaut de la crainte, vaut aussi de tous les autres motifs d'agir en
conformit avec la loi que la concupiscence pourrait inspirer, avarice,
orgueil, respect humain, vaine gloire et tant d'autres. N'est uvre bonne
que celle qui procde de la foi oprant par la charit et dans la mesure
mme o elle en procde. Cette dfinition de l'uvre bonne condamne
l'avance toutes les uvres des hrtiques et des infidles.
Rom. I4, 23 b et les hrtiques
ALBERT C. DE VEER
177
n'est plus la foi ? Augustin semble le dire tout comme Origne. Est-il donc
assur que l'hrtique n'a mme pas la simple foi au Christ qu'il juge
suffisante chez l'infidle pour qu'ilsoit justifi (voir p. 182, n. 98) ? aurait-il
oubli que Dieu donne chacun la foi selon sa mesure (Rom. 12, 3) ? et
que c'est prcisment propos de dissensions dans la foi que l'Aptre a
promulgu sa sentence (Rom. q) ? aurait-il oubli enfin que pour excuser
Cyprien, il a jadis soutenu qu'une erreur sur un point de la foi peut aller de
pair avec une foi vivante 79 ? Certes non ! Ce qui pour Augustin fait
l'hrtique, ce n'est pas l'erreur comme telle, mais l'obstination dans
l'erreur malgr les avis autoriss reus80 . La foi a une dimension communautaire qui est implicite dans la simple foi au Christ, mais qui pour les
chrtiens doit s'affirmer en foi catholique, c'est--dire en conformit avec
la foi reue des Aptres et transmise par l'glise. L'obstination de l'hrtique dans son erreur est contraire cette foi - Augustin y voit l'effet
de l'orgueil, cette forme de la concupiscence qui fut l'origine du pch de
l'ange et de l'homme
aussi le prive-t-elle de la charit et le spare-t-elle
de l'unit des esprits et des liens de la paix qui attachent les uns aux
autres les membres de l'glise catholique (Eph. 4, 3). Il se trouve finalement, pour d'autres motifs, dans la mme situation que les schismatiques81 .
Aux schismatiques qu'taient les donatistes, Augustin ne cesse de
rpter que leurs bonnes uvres, la chastet de leurs continents et de
leurs vierges consacres, oui, leur foi et leurs sacrements sont striles,
parce que, spars de l'glise catholique, ils n'ont pas la charit82 . Pour les
confondre, il n'utilise cependant jamais la sentence de l'Aptre (Rom. 14,
23 b) dont il n'a d'ailleurs dcouvert la pertinence que plus tard. Mais
dans un ouvrage, estim contemporain de la querelle plagienne83 , le
De patientia, 27, 23-25, il soulve, propos de la patience d'un schismatique un problme semblable celui de la continence des hrtiques. La
solution qu'il nous en propose n'est pas sans intrt pour notre propos,
d'autant plus qu'en De continentia, 12, 18 (notre texte n 7) il fait luimme le rapprochement8 4 .
79. Voir par ex. De baptismo, passim et I, 18, 28- 19, 29 ; II, 1, 2-2, 3 ; BA 29,
pp. 116-122 et 126-132 ; voir aussi G. BAVAUD, Aucune erreur dans la foi ne rend nul le
baptme, Ibid., pp. 598-600.
80. Voir A. DE VEER, La dfinition de l'hrsie et du schisme par Cresconius et par
Augustin, en BA 31, pp. 759-764.
Sr. Pour Augustin le schismatique est vou, s'il s'obstine dans la sparation,
devenir hrtique, parce que, pour justifier sa sparation il finira par invoquer des
raisons qui sont contraires la foi qui opre par la charit, et notamment la conception catholique des sacrements et de l'glise. Voir A. DE VEER, art. cit la note 80.
82. Voir par ex. In Ioh. ev. tr. VI, 21-24; BA 71, pp. 392-396.
83. Voir G. CoMBS, en BA 2, p. 528. Le passage qui nous intresse se trouve
pp. 572-574.
84. Sicut autem non omnis qui aliquid patitur ... habet earn virtutem quae similiter Dei rnunus est et patientia nuncupatur .. .ita non onrnis qui aliquid continet ...
istarn continentiam (quae munus est Dei), de cuius utilitate et decore disserimus,
habere dicendus est (BA 3, p. 86).
ALBERT C. DE VEER
Voici donc un schismatique qui subit le martyre, non pour l'erreur qui
l'a spar de l'glise, mais pour ne pas renier le Christ par crainte des
peines ternelles. Son sacrifice, Augustin n'hsite pas l'affirmer d'emble,
est sans utilit pour gagner le royaume des cieux ; l'Aptre dit en effet ;
J'aurai beau livrer mon corps au bcher, si je n'ai pas la charit, cela ne me
sert de rien (I Cor. I3, 3) ; mais il ne dit cependant pas, remarque-t-il,
que la rigueur du dernier jugement n'en sera pas adoucie pour lui85 .
Augustin se pose ensuite la question dont l'intention antiplagienne est
manifeste : La patience de cet homme est-elle un don de Dieu ou faut-il
l'attribuer aux forces de la volont humaine ? Rpondre qu'elle est don de
Dieu, c'est faire croire celui qui la possde qu'il appartient aussi au
royaume des cieux. Or, s'il n'a pas la charit, et le schismatique en est
priv, sacrifier sa vie ne lui sert de rien. Rpondre qu'elle n'est pas don de
Dieu, c'est tre contraint d'avouer que sans le secours de Dieu il peut y
avoir quelque chose de bon dans la volont humaine. Car c'est une chose
bonne de croire qu'on sera puni d'un supplice ternel si on nie le Christ
(cf. Matth. ro, 33 ; Luc. IZ, g), et de supporter pour cette foi n'importe
quel supplice humain. On ne peut donc nier que cette patience du schismatique soit un don de Dieu, mais il faut comprendre aussi qu'il n'est pas
semblable aux dons de Dieu faits aux enfants de cette Jrusalem, la
femme libre, notre mre d'en-haut (Gal. 4, 26)8 6
On pourrait dire de mme : Voici un hrtique qui pratique la continence, non pour l'erreur de ceux qui condamnent le mariage, mais pour
suivre le conseil vanglique afin d'obtenir la vie ternelle. Sa continence
est sans utilit pour gagner le royaume des cieux, car obstin qu'il est
dans l'erreur sur un point de la foi, il n'a pas la charit et sans la charit
sa continence ne lui sert de rien ; tout au plus pourrait-elle adoucir pour
lui la rigueur du jugement. Mais comme c'est chose bonne de croire qu'on
sera rcompens de vie ternelle si on observe la continence (Matth. rg, rz)
et de renoncer pour cette foi au mariage, on ne peut nier que sa continence
soit don de Dieu ; il faut cependant comprendre que ce don n'est pas semblable ceux faits par Dieu aux enfants de la femme libre.
La distinction n'est pas facile saisir. Il est clair que la patience du
schismatique est dite don de Dieu en raison de la foi ; il en est de mme,
par assimilation, de la continence de l'hrtique87 . La foi en l'occurrence
donne la connaissance d'une vrit proclame par le Seigneur, mais elle ne
fait pas agir par la charit : le schismatique en effet est suppos subir la
mort par crainte des peines ternelles, l'hrtique pratiquer la continence
85. De mme la conduite honnte des infidles leur sera compte au jour du
jugement, cf. C. lut. pet. IV, 3, 26 : Minus enim Fabricius quam Catalina punietur,
non quia iste bonus, sed quia ille magis malus, et minus impius quam Catalina Fabricius, non veras virtutes habendo, sed a yeris virtutibus non plurimo deviando
(PL 44, 751). Voir infra note 98.
86. BA 2, pp. 574-576.
87. La distinction ne s'applique pas telle quelle la chastet conjugale des infidles
qui, par dfinition, n'ont pas la foi ; voir texte n 5 et p. 183.
179
par dsir de la vie ternelle ; l'un et l'autre sont mus par l'amour de soi
et non par l'amour de Dieu, puisqu'il est entendu pour Augustin que ni le
schismatique ni l'hrtique ne possdent la charit.
88. L'attitude critique d'Augustin l'gard des uvres des infidles a t tudie
par J. ERNST, Die Werke und Tugenden der Unglaubigen nach dem hl. Augustinus,
Freiburg i. Br., 1871, par J. WANG TcH'ANG-TCHE, Saint Augustin et les vertus des
paens, Paris, 1938, par J. MAUSBAC'H, Die Ethik des hl. Augustinus, Freiburg i. Br.,
1909, vol. II, pp. 258-299. Avant eux H. DE NoRIS, dans ses Vindiciae augustinianae
IV, 5, avait cherch justifier l'interprtation augustinienne de Rom. 14, 23b,
contre ceux, entre autres, qui prtendaient qu'elle tombait sous la condamnation
de la thse III, 5 de Baus : Omnia opera infidelium sunt peccata et philosophorum
virtutes sunt vitia ,par Pie V dans la Bulle Ex omnibus afflictionibus du 1er oct. 1567
(Denzinger 1025) : Non errasse S. Doctorem exponentem illud Apostoli Rom. 14 :
' omne quod non est ex /ide peccatum est'. Ecclesia Catholica, Romani Pontifices ac
Patres S. Augustini interpretationem approbant. Voir : Historia Pelagiana ... additis
Vindiciis Augustinianis, Ed. nova ab ipso auctore, Lovanii apud Henricum Schelte,
MDCCII, pp. 74-77. Notre propos n'est pas de dfendre l'interprtation augustinienne
de Rom. 14, 23 b mais de la dcouvrir dans l'emploi qu'il en fait.
89. Voir spcialement : C. Iul. pel. IV, 3, 16-33 ; PL 44, 744-756. L'argument
devait avoir du poids dans un milieu o l'ducateur profane aimait faire appel
aux exempla maiorum et o mme l'ducateur chrtien ne ddaignait pas de proposer
ces exemples l'mulation des fidles. Augustin ne fait pas exception, voir par ex.
De civ. Dei V, 13-20 ; BA 33, pp. 704-738.
90. Dj avant cette date il avait eu l'occasion de parler des vertus des anciens
Romains et de montrer que, ne possdant pas la vraie pit, ils ne possdaient pas
non plus de vraies vertus, voir : De civ. Dei V, 19 ; BA 33, p. 735 ; Ep. 138, 3, 17
Marcellinus, CSEL 44, p. 144.
9r. Ce n'est pas sans raison que dans le texte n 2, parlant de la foi, Augustin dit :
(( ante quam et sine qua omnino nulla cuiusquam bona opera existimanda sunt ...
ISO
ALBERT C. DE VEER
tous, par nature, enfants de colre )). Il crit : cc Le diable agit dans les fils
de l'incroyance en les provoquant aux uvres mauvaises et en tout
premier lieu l'incroyance elle-mme et l'infidlit par laquelle ils sont
rebelles la foi, cette foi dont il sait qu'elle les rendrait purs )). De ce passage il ressort que le pch des infidles est avant tout leur infidlit
mme 92 . Ce pch est prsent comme un refus de croire (cc qua sunt
inimici fidei ))), attitude fondamentalement perverse qui s'exprime par
toutes sortes d'uvres mauvaises et vicie mme les uvres qui, aux yeux
des hommes, passent pour tre bonnes. Le diable, en effet, cc pour mieux
tromper, permet que chez divers peuples et spcialement chez les Romains,
certains d'entre eux se signalent par des actions apparemment (cc velut )))
bonnes et en recueillent des louanges. Mais l'criture qui est on ne peut
plus vridique, proclame que tout ce qui ne procde pas de la foi est pch
(Rom. I4, 23 b) et que sans la foi, si on peut plaire aux hommes, on ne peut
certes pas plaire Dieu (Hebr. II, 6). Le diable agit ainsi pour qu'on ne
croie pas en Dieu et ne vienne pas, en croyant (I oh. 6, 44) au mdiateur
par qui ses uvres sont dtruites (I I oh. 3, 8) ))_
Il n'est pas douteux qu'en prsentant l'infidlit comme le pch
proprement dit des infidles, source de tous leurs autres pchs, Augustin
ait voulu stigmatiser, la suite de l'Aptre (Eph. 2, I-3) la corruption de la
nature humaine dans sa cause et ses effets. Un autre passage (texte n 9)
confirme cette interprtation et claire des aspects rests dans l'ombre,
notamment celui de refus volontaire attach l'infidlit. Augustin s'y
dfend d'avoir jamais dit cc que tous sont contraints pcher, malgr eux,
par le penchant tyrannique de leur chair)). C'est tout le contraire qu'il a
dit : cc quand les hommes atteignent l'ge de pouvoir se servir de leur
propre esprit pour se guider, c'est par leur vouloir propre qu'ils restent
dtenus dans leur pch et par leur vouloir propre qu'ils sont prcipits de
pch en pch. Et l'intention du diable qui agit en eux par ses suggestions
et ses tromperies (cf. Eph. 2, 2) n'est autre que de leur faire commettre le
pch volontairement... Leur volont est libre dans le mal, mais elle
n'est pas libre pour le bien parce qu'elle n'a pas t libre 93 . Aussi l'homme
ne peut-il vouloir quelque bien que ce soit, s'il n'est pas aid par celui
qui ne peut vouloir le mal, autrement dit, par la grce de Dieu qui vient
par Jsus-Christ (cf. Rom. 7, 25). En effet, tout ce qui ne procde pas de la
foi est pch (Rom. I4, 23 b). Et c'est pourquoi la bonne volont qui se
dtache du mal, n'appartient qu'au croyant, car le juste vit de la foi
92. Dans un autre passage (C. duas ep. pel. III, 3, 4) galement inspir d'Eph. 2, 2,
mais o Rom. 14, 23 b n'est pas cit, Augustin l'affirme absolument : Filios autem
diaboli infidelitas facit, quod peccatum proprie vocatur quasi solum sit, si non
exprimatur quale peccatum sit et il justifie son opinion par un appel I oh. 16
8-9; 15, 22 et Eph. 2, 2 (PL 44, 589-590) ; cf. En. in ps. II8, scrmo 3, 3 (CC 40,
1673).
93. C. duas ep. pel. I, 3, 7 dont nous avons retenu le texte n 9 qui y fait suite.
Cf. F.-J. THONNARD, La notion de libert en philosophie augustinienne, dans Rev. itud.
augustin., 16, 1970, pp. 243-270.
181
94. De pecc. meritis et remiss. I, 7, 7: ... sed iam spiritum coepisse vivere propter
iustitiam fidei, qui et ipse in homine quadam morte infidelitatis extinctus est >)
(PL 44, 113).
95. C. Iul pel. VI, 14, 43 : Ita in femina fideli creatus est infidelis, et in eum
parentes infidelitatem traiecerunt, quam non habebant quando ex ipsis natus
est, sed tune habebant quando et ipsi similiter nati sunt >) (PL 44, 847).
96. Cf. In Ioh. ev. tr. 29, 9; PL 35, 1630-163r.
97. Cf. In Ioh. ev. tr. 26, 4-5 ; PL 35, 1608-1609 ; A. SAGE, Praeparatur voluntas
a Domino , dans Rev. t. aitgustin., Io, 1964, pp. 1-20.
182
ALBERT C. DE VEER
aux quatre vertus morales classiques, que l'acte qu'elles inspirent est
vertueux parce qu'il tient sa bont de ce qui est fait ( quod agitur >>) et non
pas de son motif( causa cur agitur ).Ce dernier dpend d'ailleurs uniquement de la libre dcision de l'homme ; il ne change pas la nature vertueuse
de l'acte, il n'en diversifie que le mrite. Ainsi : pratiquer la vertu pour
obtenir la vie ternelle est mritoire de vie ternelle ; la pratiquer pour
obtenir des biens temporels n'en est pas moins louable, mme si par la
dcision de la volont, sa bont est strile en fruits de vie ternelle (IV, 3,
19).
Augustin ne peut admettre cette thorie. Pour lui l'acte de vertu se
dfinit par sa finalit ( propter quod faciendum est), et non par son
objet ( quod faciendum est). Faire un bien pour un motif autre que
celui pour lequel il doit tre fait, c'est ne pas le faire bien et pcher. Ainsi:
observer la justice dans les affaires est en soi un acte louable, mais si
c'est pour viter les dpenses qu'entranerait un procs en fraude, c'est ni
plus ni moins que de l'avarice. La vraie vertu n'est pas au service d'intrts
temporels ou charnels ; elle n'existe pas non plus pour soi au service
de personne et de rien ; elle est au service de celui qui la donne l'homme,
Dieu, et elle a sa finalit propre indpendamment de la dcision de l'homme,
celle d'tre directement ou indirectement au service de Dieu: absit autem
ut virtutes verae cuiquam serviant nisi illi vel propter illum cui dicimus :
Deus virtutum converte nos (IV, 3, 21). Les infidles, mme des sages
comme Platon, ne peuvent avoir de vraies vertus, parce que, par dfinition, ils se trouvent dans un tat de rbellion contre Dieu (IV, 3, 17 avec
rfrence Rom. l, 21-22). Julien a beau faire appel Rom. 2, 14-16 pour
prouver le contraire, introducens hominum genus, quod Deo placere possit sine Christi fide, lege naturae . De deux choses l'une : ou bien les
paens dont parle saint Paul ont de vraies vertus mais sont strilement
bons parce qu'ils ne les exercent pas pour Dieu, ou bien ils plaisent Dieu
pour leurs vertus et reoivent de lui en rcompense la vie ternelle. Or,
s'ils sont strilement bons, quoi leur servira-t-il que leurs penses leur
soient comptes en dfense le jour o Dieu jugera les desseins secrets des
hommes ? S'ils ne sont pas strilement bons et trouvent pour cela en
rcompense auprs de Dieu la vie ternelle, ce sont des justes et ils plaisent
Dieu, mais pour la seule raison qu'ils vivent de la foi (IV, 3, 23) 98 . C'est
98. En De civ. Dei XVIII, 47, Augustin admet, en raison de l'exemple de Job,
qu'avant la venue du Christ il ait pu y avoir parmi les paens des hommes vivant
selon Dieu, s'appliquant lui plaire et appartenant la Jrusalem cleste. Mais,
ajoute-t-il, il faut croire que cette faveur n'a t faite qu' ceux qui Dieu a rvl
l'unique Mdiateur entre Dieu et les hommes, l'homme Jsus-Christ ... afin que par lui
une seule et mme foi conduise Dieu les prdestins devenir Cit de Dieu (BA 36,
p. 657). Dans sa discussion avec Julien, Augustin ne fait apparemment cette concession qu' contre-cur. Il se hte en effet de dire qu'en Rom. 2, 14-r6, l'Aptre
parlait probablement de paens convertis l'vangile sans passer par le judasme,
ou encore de paens qui accomplissaient de fait, comme naturellement, ce que la loi
de Dieu prescrit, en ne faisant pas d'autres ce qu'ils n'auraient pas aim subir
eux-mmes , mais qui commettaient tout de mme le pch, en ne rapportant pas,
hommes sans foi qu'ils taient, leur actiYit la gloire de Dieu. Tout ce qu'ils peuvent
attendre en rcompense, c'est de voir adoucir au jugement la rigueur de leur peine
(IV, 3, 25).
99. Cf. En. in ps. 88, sermo 2, 7 : De quelle purification le Juif est-il exclu ? A
fide. Ex fide enim vivimus (Gal. 5, 6) et de fide dictum est : Fide mundans corda
eorum (A et. 15, 9) ; et quia sola fides Christi mundat, non credendo in Christum
soluti sunt ab emundatione (CC 39, 1240).
loo. Certaines allusions dans le contexte loign nous suggrent que la foi dont il
s'agit doit comporter au moins de croire dans l'Incarnation, cf. C. Iul. pel. IV, 3, 17,
propos des platoniciens : quomodo sunt veri iusti quibus vilis est humilitas veri
iusti ? comparer avec De civ. Dei X, 29 suiv. propos de Porphyre. De cette foi
ne sont pas exclus ceux qui vcurent avant la venue du Christ, voir note 98.
10r. Voir De nupt. et concupiscentia I, r, l ; PL 44, 413-414.
ALBERT C. DE VEER
de Dieu qui les a donns. C'est le cas des infidles quand mme ils garderaient la fidlit au conjoint et respecteraient les autres biens du mariage,
car ils ne le font que pour des motifs coupables102 : de his autem quae
faciunt dictum esL. eo peccare dicendi sunt quod dono Dei male utantur,
non id referentes ad cultum eius a quo accepereunt i> (texte n 5). Leur
chastet n'est qu'apparente et tout comme les autres vertus des infidles,
pch, pch d'infidlit d'abord et tout autre pch commis en fonction
du motif qui inspire en pratique l'observance des biens du mariage. La
vraie chastet conjugale, celle qui est don de Dieu, ne peut exister sans la
foi.
Augustin ajoute encore une prcision qui mrite d'tre signale: la vertu
rside dans l'me, mme celle qui, comme la chastet conjugale, s'exerce
par et dans le corps (I, 4, 5). Comment le corps pourrait-il tre dit chaste,
si l'me ne l'tait ? Si la chastet de l'me se dfinit par son attachement
Dieu1 0 3 , l'infidle est par rapport Dieu comme une pouse adultre :
a vero Deo ipse animus fornicatur. Quam fornicationem sanctus ille
psalmus accusat ubi dicit : Ecce enim qui longe se jecerunt a te peribunt ;
perdidisti omnem qui fornicatur abs te (Ps. 72, 27 ; I, 4, 5) i>. L'infidlit
loigne de Dieu et en tient loign, la foi unit Dieu et dveloppe avec lui
des rapports de personne personne104 .
C'est pourquoi Augustin peut invoquer Rom. I4, 23 b, dans un autre
passage, propos des mariages mixtes qui taient indtables au dbut de
l'glise, pour affirmer que la chastet observe dans leurs rapports par
les conjoints est authentique chez l'un qui a la foi et inauthentique chez
l'autre qui ne l'a pas ; en effet: tout ce qui ne procde pas de la foi est pch.
Aussi le conjoint chrtien (fidelis) est-il autoris, sans y tre toutefois
oblig, de renvoyer l'autre fornicationis causai> (cf. Matth. 5, 32) :
<< quia iustitia permittit a fornicante discedere et infidelis hominis fornicatio est maior in corde >> (texte n 8) 105 . Conclusion inattendue, mais
combien significative de l'importance qu'Augustin attache la foi !
Conclusion
Au cours de notre enqute sur l'interprtation et l'emploi de Rom. I4,
23 b par Augustin, nous n'avons pas donn la parole aux nombreux tholo102. Augustin en numre un certain nombre avant de conclure : non peccata
coercentur, sed aliis peccatis alia peccata vincuntur (I, 3, 4).
103. Dj Adodat avait dfini l'homme chaste par sa rfrence Dieu : ille
est vere castus qui Deum attendit et ad ipsum solum se tenet (De beata vita, 3, 18) ;
cf. G. MADEC, Ex tua castitate (Confessions IV, II, 3), adulescens ... valde castus (Ib.
IV, III, 6), dans Rev. t. augustin., 7, 1961, pp. 245-247.
104. Sur l'identification par Augustin de la foi avec la chastet, et de l'infidlit
avec l'adultre, voir : M. AGTERBERG, Ecclesia-Virgo . tude sur la virginit de
l'glise et des fidles, Hverl-Louvain, 1960.
105. Sur le problme voqu ici, voir : M.-F. BERROUARD, Saint Augustin et
l'indissolubilit du mariage ; volution de sa pense, dans Recherches augustiniennes,
5, 1968, pp. 139-155.
185
13
188
D.J. MACQUEEN
power 2, and how they came to be what they are. Thus we find that he
characteristically states and resolves problems relating to property rights
in terms of a mandatory distinction, rather than of a radical separation or
dichotomy, between the several realms of the Divine and the secular. For
no-one is more acutely aware of or responsive to the' givenness' of the
socio-political order than Augustine. Hence, of course, all the greater
need for eliciting, at the outset, those architectonie theorems and axioms
required by the exigencies of his thought to delimit the respective jurisdictions here at stake, and, on occasion, to reconcile competing norms and
daims between them. Two additional data further complicate our present
task of establishing a complete and accurate contextual framework for
subsequent discussion. One arises from the mannerisms and characteristic procedures of St. Augustine's own literary style, with its familiar
but unpredictable transitions or digressions back and forth between the
domains of rhetoric and rearnn, philosophy and theology, h:tory and
Revelation. Secondly, the student must always bear in mind the fact
that like property itself, Augustine's works didnot simply appear in vacuo.
They are indebted, in differing degrees, to the classical Roman philosophers and lawyers, the Hebraeo-Christian tradition and certain earlier
Church Fathers. Due weight must therefore be accorded tosuchauthoritie~ as possible source-material for his mature beliefs concerning both
the origin of owner~hip itself and the nature of the moral problems which
this institution generates.
Within the orbit of the Bishop's own doctrine, especially as developed,
for instance, in the de civitate Dei, our primary emphasis upon the context
at stake in any given reference to private property raises other, and even
more immediately topical issues. For it brings into focus the whole
complex of associations between the spiritual and the temporal orders
implied and even necessitated by the' co-existence' in this world of the
two great fellowships or communities which together occupy the stage of
universal history. Now perhaps the term' co-existence' is here misused,
because the Society of God and the Devil's Society are not merely contradictory, but mutually exclusive, and this so much so that Augustine finds
himself unable to apply the word ' being ' to the one and to the other in a
univocal sense 3 . Nevertheless, he invokes the authority of Divine Revelation as proof not only that both fellowships do subsist in spatio-temporal
contiguity, but, what is more, their respective inhabitants participate in
many of the needs and cares of an earthly life lived side by side4. Now
2. De doct. chr. I, 22, 20, PL 34. 26 : Magna enim quaedam res est homo ...
Cf. De Trin. XIV, 4, 6 ; PL 42, ro40 : ... quia summae naturae capax est ... magna
natura est.
3. De civ. Dei XIV, 13, l ; PL 41, 420-21, especially : ... relicto itaque Deo, esse
in semetipso, hoc est sibi placere, non iam nihil esse est, sed nihilo propinquare.
4. Ibid. XV, l, 2, PL 41, 437-38. See also XIX, 26, PL 41, 656; XIX, 17, PL 41,
645-46; Enarr. in ps. 51, 6, PL 36, 603-04; ibid. 61, 8, PL 36, 735-36, especially :
Hanc totam civitatem dispersam, diffusam, permixtam ...
189
the fact that two separate and opposed societies perforce share one and
the same material mode of existence, not only accounts for the genesis of
controversies about property rights but also accentuates the anomalies
resulting from this heterogeneity. It follows, then, that a climate of
moral ambiguity must inevitably pervade the syrnbiotic relationship here
in evidence, implying, as the latter does, a sort of neutral zone, wherein,
for example, any common activity performed by two fellow citizens might
mask a radical divergence alike in their immediate motives and their
ultimate intentions 5 . In such an environment, all the greater care is
required in attempting to determine the exact context of any reference to
property ownership. Let us suppose that the uses and dangers of wealth
form the subject of a discussion introduced by St. Augustine. Here,
everything would depend upon his particular apologetic purpose, this
being defined in turn partly by the state of life, partly by the moral
dispositions of the respective participants. It is obvions, as we shall see,
that the counsel given to a pagan or to a Donastist schismatic would
differ considerably, in approach and emphasis, from that offered to the
members of a religions community, or yet again from advice tendered
to a lay Catholic Christian. In the ensuing analysis we shall aecordingly
endeavour, for our part, to take cognizance of and to respect these neces~ ary distinctions.
Second problem: To determine the role played in this doctrine by the notions
of' Law' and' Nature'
The second of the two basic questions which challenge the would-be
interpreter of Augustine's, or indeed of any other doctrine concerning
property is no less crucial than the first : what role is played in it by the
interrelated notions of' law' and' nature' ? The commentators, as a
rule happily at odds among themselves about the distinctive tenets of the
Bishop's socio-political thought, here exhibit one Ptriking characteristic in
common. For each critic seems supremely assured that, whatever else
may be in doubt, he, and he alone, has understood St. Augustine's own
formulation of the ' law' or ' laws' presupposed in any discussion of
property rights. Hence once again, then, an evident need for care in the
evaluation of the data at hand. Cicero, for instance, had defined' law'
(lex) as ' right reason in ordering and prohibiting' : recta ratio in
iubendo et vetando 6 )). In a phrase which echoes this formula, Augustine
praises the Mosaic legal code as one which forbids what must be forbidden,
and orders what must be ordered 6 a. His most celebrated definition of
5. Enarr. in ps. 141, 8, PL 37, 1837: i Omnia enim facta humana ante oculos
hominum incertum est quo corde fiant. Ibid. 41, 13 (vers. 8), PL 36, 473.
6. De leg. l, 12, 33, ed. K. ZIEGLER, Heidelberger Texte, XX (1950), p. 35, line 27.
Cf. ibid. II, 4, 8, op. cit., p. 55 ; de nat. deor. I, 14, 36, ed. C.F.W. MI,LER in M. T.
Cie. Scripta quae manserunt omnia (Bibliotheca teubneriana), Part 4, vol. 2 (1878),
p. 15, lines 13-15. For lex in classical jurisprudence see BLACK'S Law Dictionary,
4th dit., St. Paul, Minnesota, 1951, p. 1053. For ius v. below, fn. 94.
6a. Quar. prop. Ep. ad Rom. exp. XIII-XVIII (Rom. 3, 20), PL 35, 2065.
190
D.]. MACQUEEN
191
r92
D.]. MACQUEEN
own description of the natural law as the product, not of opinion but of a
certain innate force15 . As stated by Augustine, its precepts are frequently expressed in the form of generalized prohibitions, e.g. what you would
not be willing to suffer, be unwilling to do; that which you would not
wish done to yourself, do it not to another. In this, his practice follows
the pattern of the Decalogue and other Scriptural passagesl 6 . The
offences which St. Augustine singles out for special mention include theft,
fraud and lying, as well as the more serious sins of murder and false
witness. Even pagans and wicked men resist harm and injury that others
inflict upon them ; thus a thief who is rich will never condone theft
committed by one who happens to be impoverished17 .
Augustine distinguishes three separate and distinct enactments of Divine
legislation within sacred history : the law of sin and death codified for
the Jews, the natural law - which even the Gentiles observe, and finally
the salvific law of Christ proclaimed in the Gospels18 . Of these the first
and last are preserved in written form, lest men should complain that
something had been lacking19 >>. As such, they neither contradict nor
supersede the lex naturae, but rather reinforce its imperatives by the
unquestionable authority of direct and explicit commandments from
God. The latter part of the Decalogue (IV-X) reflects a common theme:
the love of neighbour, ultimately based, in the historical order at least,
upon a bond of unity and concord inherent, according to St. Augustine,
within society itself20 . Here we see another aspect of the laws of human
nature, for it is their power which impels the sons of Adam to seek fellowship with each other, i.e. to establish communities or peoples united by
an agreement about what they love21 .
r5. De div. quaest. 83, 3r, r, PL 4 o, 20 : Natura ius est, quod non opinio genuit,
sed quaedam innata vis inseruit, ut religionem, pietatem, gratiam, vindicationem,
observantiam, veritatem. For Cicero's definition see de leg. I, 6, r8 ; r9 ; IO,
28 : ZIEGLER, op. cit., p. 29, lines 8-9 ; r. 19, p. 33, lines 29-30. In addition to the
natural law, Augustine further distinguishes the customary and the temporal laws:
ibid. 31, 3, PL 40, 2r. Cf. CICERO, de invent. Book II, r60-I62 ; M. Tulli Ciceronis
scripta quae manserunt omnia, Fasc. 2, libri duo qui vocantur De Inventione, Leipzig,
l9r5, rec. E. Stroebel ; Cicero's definition of justice as habitus animi communi utilitate conservata suam cuique tribuens dignitatem (ibid. 160, ad fin.) is also reproduced
by AUGUSTINE in de div. quaest. 83, 31, I, PL 40, 20.
I6. In Johan. ev. tr. 49, l r, I2, PL 35, I752: quod tibi non vis fieri, alli ne feceris ..
Quod non vis pati, facere noli. See also Conf. I, I8, 29, PL 32, 674 ; Enarr. in ps. 57
r, PL 36, 673-74, where the thought is developed and illustrated at length.
r7. Conf. II, 4, 9 (ad init.), PL 32, 678; de lib. arb. I, 3, 6, PL 32, I224 and BA,
6, pp. 504-06.
r8. C. Faust. XIX, 2 (ad init.), PL 42, 347-48.
19. Enarr. in ps. 57, l, PL 36, 673 : ... ne sibi homines aliquid defuisse quaererentur, scriptum est et in tabulis quod in cordibus non legebant. Non enim scriptum
non habebant, sed legere nolebant.
20. De civ. Dei XIX, 2r, PL 41, 372, Cf. Enarr. in ps. 54, 9, PL 36, 634-35.
21. If even untamed animals seek peace and a protected social life, so much the
more is man impelled by hi.s naJure to do the same. De civ. Dei XlX, I2, 2, PL 4r,
I93
639 : Quanto magis homo fertur quodam modo naturae suae legibus ad ineundam
societatem ... cum hominibus. For various definitions of a civitas, see ibid. I, 15,
2, PL 4r, 29; XV, 8, 2, PL 41, 447 ; Ep. r38, 2, ro, PL 33, 529. Augustine's most celebrated definition of a populus occurs in de civ. Dei XIX, 24, PL 4r, 565.
22. Ep. r53, 6, r6, PL 33, 660.
23. De ord, II, 2, 4, PL 32, looo.
24. De lib. arb. I, r5, 31, PL 32, 1238.
25. Ibid. I, 15, 32, PL 32, 1239.
194
D.J. MACQUEEN
195
This much being granted, we must next examine the problem of how
property may be licitly acquired. Our author's attitude is here in harmony with the legal norms of his day: any citizen can gain dominium by
inheritance, gift, commerce - including transfer by sale and exchange just conquest and lawful posEession 32 In connexion with the latter, one
hypothetical case which Augustine presents is of special interest at this
point because it illustrates the important Roman principle the sense of
which may be quite adequately conveyed by the traditional formula :
possession is nine parts (tenths) of the law 32 a. In the absence, that is,
of any reasons for suspecting fraud or other irregularity, daims to title
were accepted at face value. The text referred to above introduces a
man who possesses property which in fact is not his, although he himself
knows nothing of the true situation. What, we might ask, is the legal
status of such a person qua proprietor ? Is he obnoxious to the law ?
Augustine will reply that under the circumstances, his possessio, albeit
illegitimate, should be regarded as' in good faith '. If however, having
discovered that the property in question did not belong to him, our
supposititious owner still refused to surrender it, then in strict justice he
would merit the epithet of ' unjust ' 33 . To conclude : the acquisition of
goods by any means other than those enumerated above is tantamount
to either outright theft or usurpation 34 .
32. On the question of to what extent lawful possession may be equated or compared with title to ownerschip in Roman law, and for a discussion of property generally,
see J. CROOK, Law And Life Of Rome, pp. 139-67. Cf. Enarr. in ps. 21, enarr. 2,
31, PL 36, 181 : ... quando potens aliquis invenerir titulos suos, nonne iure rem
sibi vindicat ? ; also de lib. arb. III, 15, 42, PL 32, 1292. In Roman law (according to F. SCHULZ, Classical Roman Law, p. 428: see the entire chapter on possession),
posscssio meant the control of a physical object. It was a matter of fact and not
of right but it was a fact which was, within certain limits, endowed with legal
consequences . B. NICHOLAS, An Introduction to Roman Law, Introduction, p. II,
says that possession implied controlling a thing 'in the manner of an owner '. The
Roman concept of dominium - a word itself never defined in the sources - was
no less free from ambiguity in the realm of practical affairs: it asserted a right agains
the whole world. The peremptory tones of the plaintiff's words in a vindicatio
conveys at least some suggestion of the highly individualistic nature of Roman
ownership : hune fundum meum esse aio ex iure Quiritium !cf. GAlUS, I nst. IV, 16,
F. DE ZULUETTA, The Institutes of Gaius, II, 233-34). To summarize : A Roman
principle must have existed to the effect that the right of ownership was to be as
unrestricted as possible and the greatest possible latitude given to individual action
and initiative (F. SCHULZ, Pr-inciples of Roman Law, pp. 151 sq.). For St. AuGusTINE's personal views, see e.g. Enarr, in ps. 21, enarr. 2, 30-31, PL 36, 180-81, de lib.
arb. III, 15, 42, PL 32, 1292, in Johan. ev. tr. 6, 25, PL 35, 1436-37 ; de civ. Dei XV,
16, 2, PL 41, 459; fns. 17, 25, above; fns. 33, 34, below.
32 Dig. 43, 17, 2 (Corp. Iur. Civ. I, p. 739, Berlin 1954) : Qualiscumque enim
possessor hoc ipso, quod possessor est, plus iuris habet quam ille qui non possidet >>.
33 De /ide et. op. 7,
IO,
PL 40, 203.
196
D.J. MACQUEEN
HISTORICAL SOURCES AND INFLUENCES
We have argued provisionally that for St. Augustine, property ownership exists as an institution ratified by the sanctions of the natural
law itself. Let us now hasten to add that this statement, accurate in
what it affirms, oversimplifies the issue by failing to take account
of all the elements contributing to his final verdict. For even a superficial
examination of the pertinent texts would suggest the presence in Augustine's thought of two important limiting factors. The first appears to be
a product of the difficulties involved in attempting to reconcile certain
' conservative' interpretations of the Judaeo-Christian Revelation with
the views expressed in the writings of a number of Church Fathers, the
latter in turn based partly, at least, upon Cicero and Seneca as authoritative representatives of Stoic social doctrine. The second such factor is
clearly occasioned by certain very grave and seemingly ubiquitous moral
problems whose origin Augustine consistently attributes to ownership.
I97
37. See S'I'. AMBROSE, de offic. min. I, r37, PL 16, 68 ; cf. fn. 41, below, and
A.J. CARLYLE, A History of Mediaeval Political Theory In the West, vol. l, pp. 132-37.
38. De offic. min. I, 132, PL 16, 67.
39. Exp. in ps. 118, sermo 8, 22, PL 15, 1372.
40. Sermo 64, de temp. See The Summa Theologica Of St. Thomas Aquinas, Parr II
(Second Part), Second Number, Q. 66, art. 2, obj. 3, p. 223. This sermon is not
included in any of the standard editions, but it at least attests a view once commonly
attributed to AMBROSE. The quotation given is not in conflict at any point with
his known doctrine. Cf. once more ROLAND-GOSSI<:LIN, op. cil., p. 175, : .. Saint
Ambroise, dont la hardiesse parat certains presque rvolutionnaire ...
198
D,], MACQUEEN
the poor with justice, since God, to Whom all things belong, has given
omnia ... communiter omnibus4J. JJ.
Cicero
The original source of this vein of thought leaves no room for doubt :
thus it is obvious that the first Ambrosian treatise cited above depends
to a large extent on Cicero's similarly-named work, and we can also be
reasonably sure that the latter's phrase, << sunt autem privata nulla natura lJ,
forms, so to speak, the principal text for Ambrose's commentary. Now
it is not easy to assign any very definite meaning to Cicero's words,
because in his political thought, the contrast between a theory of the
state of nature and a theory explaining the origin of later social conventions, had not yet become explicit. Cicero appears, however, to be
asserting that ownership of every kind results from war, from treaties,
and from the occupation of unclaimed land. As soon as a person has
received his due share and portion of what nature places at the disposal of
mankind, it is his duty to remain content therewith, and to seek no more.
He who fails in this requirement violates the law of human society. The
ideal here recommended is that man should imitate the example of Plato,
adopt Stoic teaching generally, and - with' nature' as his watchword put himself at the service of all, thus avoiding avarice and cupidity, the
origin of every form of injustice 42 .
Seneca
Seneca's doctrine, at least as far as ownership is concerned, does not
differ significantly from Cicero's point of view. He depicts a ' Golden
Age' in which the first men, as yet free from corruption, followed nature's
guidance by submitting themselves to the control of a leader not only
more powerful, but wiser and better than his fellows. Rulers like these
protected the weak against the strong, and by forethought, bravery and
benevolence fulfilled their subjects' every need and desire. For them,
sovereignty was thus a service, and not the exercise of royal power :
<< officium erat imperare,
non regnum >>. This guileless concord was,
however, to be ruptured by the onset of avarice, with its attendant
evils of inequality, ambition and poverty ; men cease to possess ail things
when they begin to covet all things for their own : << Desierunt homines
omnia possidere dum volunt propria >>. In consequence of these vices,
4r. For the various theories in circulation regarding the identity of the mysterious
fourth-century author known as 'Ambrosiaster' see G. BoNNER, St. Augustine Of
Hippo, p. 373 and fns ; also E. TESEI,I,E, Augustine The Theologian, pp '157-58
and fns. The complete ref. to the above-mentioned text is : Comment. in Ep. II
ad Cor. 9, 194 (vers. 9), PL 17, 332.
42. CrcERO, De offic. I, vrr, 20-24, ed. H.A. HoI,DEN, p. 10, lines 20-33, p. II,
lines r-26.
199
kingdoms were transformed into tyrannies, and there now arose a need
for repressive laws : << opus esse legibus cpit ... 43 ))
If the conclusions we infer from the above data are correct, the social
doctrines alike of Cicero and of Seneca do share one basic element in
common. For central to both theories is the belief that neither a' right '
to private property nor crcive political regimes eau appeal to the sanctions of any supposed prototype in nature or primitive society. Yet
altough, strictly speaking, not good in themselves, since the evils which
generated them have proved the ruin of man's original innocence and
beatitude, these two conventions are henceforth indispensable, serving as
they do to hold in check or to remedy still greater wrongs.
THE PARTICULAR CONTEXT OF ST. AUGUSTINE'S DOCTRINE
REGARDING PROPERTY OWNERSHIP
H istorical Context
We have now indicated one of the factors which, in our view, contributes
to a tension in St. Augustine's thought regarding the problem of ownership.
The doctrine that the right to possessions in common is ratified by nature
itself, or alternatively, by the Divine bounty at the moment of Creation,
receives undoubted support from classical Roman theory, Sacred Scripture and a number of earlier Fathers known to Augustine. On the other
hand, however, the comparative status and daims of private property
vis-a-vis the natural law within the same general tradition appear much
less clearly defined. St. Ambrose, for example, in a passage to which we
have already alluded, has this to say : since God gave the world and its
fruits for the common use and enjoyment of all men, it is an act of strict
fustice that the rich should support the poor with some portion of what
was intended for mankind as a whole 44 ... It will remain for us in the
sequel to determine to what extent this principle of what we may henceforth call ' the priority of public ownership ' acts as a mediating influence
between, or rather perhaps as an equipoise to, certain other contributory
elements in St. Augustine's doctrine.
Personal and Moral Context: Pride and Avarice
The second nuance or factor modifying his theories about the institution
of ownership arises in connexion with the grave vices which he invariably
associates with wealth and property as these are administered by the
43. SENECA, Epist. moral, XC, 3-6, Script. Classic. Bibl. Oxonienis, II, pp. 332-33.
44. Iustum est igitur ut si aliquid tibi privatum vindicas, quod generi humano,
imo omnibus animantibus in commune collatum est, saltem aliquid inde pauperibus
aspergas. iJ For ref. see fn. 39, above.
200
D.]. MACQUEEN
45. Sermo 6r, 9, ro, PL 38, 4r2-r3 : Nihil enim est quod sic generant divitiae,
quomodo superbiam. Omne pomum ... habet vermem suum. Et alius est vermis
mali, alius pyri ... Vermis divitiarum superbia. Cf. sermo 85, 3, 5, PL 38, 52r.
46. De Gen. ad litt. XI, 15, r9, PL 34, 436-37. Cf. de civ. Dei XII, 8, PL 4r, 355
(ad fin.) ; sermo 85, 6, 6, PL 38, 523. See below, fn. 48.
47. AUGUSTINE distinguishes between frui, the use of a thing in and for itself :
de doct. chr. I, 4, 4 (ad init.), PL 34, 20, and uti, to use one thing for another's sake,
i.e. as a means to an end. Ultimately, God is the only End (ibid. I, 22, 20-2r, PL 34,
26-27) ; hence the counsel : utendum est hoc mundo, non fruendum (ibid. I, 4, 4,
PL 34, 21). For a detailed discussion of the frui /uti principle in our author's
thought, see Fruitio Dei in Dictionnaire de spfritualit, V, r964, cols. r547-52.
48. Enarr. in ps. 39, 7 vers. 5), PL 36, 438.
49. Enarr. in ps. 64, 9, PL 36, 780-8r. In Christian literature this vivid metaphor of ' fish ' devouring ' f,.i ' in the stormy sea of human life eau be traced at least
as far back as IRENAEUS, adv. hacr. V, 24, 2 (ad fin.), PG 7, u87.
201
We have already seen that avarice in a more generalized sense is indistinguishable from pride, the greatest danger in riches. The problem here
at stake is to determine why St. Augustine chooses and insists on pride and
avarice as constituting precisely those vices which offer the greatest moral
threat in the acquisition of wealth and private property. Instead of
attempting to answer this implied query by a deductive approach,
let us rather seek a reply at the inductive level. We accordingly offer
in translation two basic texts, where Augustine contrasts the effects
of material prosperity as they appear in two very different sorts
of men. The first passage reads as follows : Is not this happiness, to
have sons free from danger, beautiful daughters, barns full of corn, cattle
in abundance, every wall and every hedge intact, no disturbance and
shouting in the streets, but rather peace and quiet, with plenty of all
things in house and in city ? Is not this then happiness ? Or ought the
just to avoid it ? Or do you not find the house of the just also abounding
with all these things, full of this happiness ? Was not Abraham's house
rich in gold, silver, children, servants, cattle ? ... What do we say ? Is
this not happiness ? Agreed, but yet it is on the left hand. What is on
the left hand ? That which is temporal, mortal, of the body. I do not
wish you to shun it ; only, you should not think it to be on the right hand.
God, eternity, the years of God that do not fail... Let us use the left for
time ... the right for eternity 50 }}. With the latter passage we shall now
compare another describing the relationship of a dives to his material
environment within an entirely different moral situation ... this rich man
feels anxiety and fear ; he wastes away with discontent ; he is aflame
with avarice, never free from worries, always i11 at ease, panting from the
ceaseless strife of his enemies, adding to h.is patrimony ... by these miseries,
and by these additions also accumulating the bitterest cares 51 }}.
What light do our two texts throw on the present discussion ? The
first like the second brings into immediate juxtaposition its essential data
by confronting man with the lure of great wealth. To the worldling5la, at
leaf't, riches, especially in their visible, quasi-symbolic form of unlimited
gold and silver, represent by far the most prestigious and thereforeenviable
expression of the power at which the opulent often aim. But the varied
objects comprising the realm of matter, in themselves undeniably good,
may be sought from a diversity of motives and desires. As Augustine
sees it, everything will depend upon the quality of the respective' desires '
or' loves' by which such objects are pursued, and the final end or ultimate goal to which they are referred. The mention of ' love ' thus adds
an entirely new dimension of meaning to the problem : at this point, we
50. Enarr. in ps. 143, 18 (vers. 12-14), PL 37, 1867-68: cf. also Enarr. in ps. 51,
14, PL 36, 609-rn. For St. Augustine's use of the left hand/right hand metaphor,
see below, fn. 55.
5r. De civ. Dei IV, 3, PL 41, II4.
51a. For our author's portrait of a typical worldling of his own day : sermo 32,
20, 20 (ad init.), PL 38, 20,. Cf. fn. 63, below.
202
D.J. MACQUEEN
have clearly reached the crux of the contrast here in evidence. For
St. Augustine declares that as a man's love is, so is he 52 ; this equation
being granted, the whole question turns on the nature of the two fondamental forms of appetition exemplified in the parables before us. Now
love issues in action : da mihi vacantem amorem et nihil operantem !53 >> :
it is the ends chosen which determine and define the morality of
human acts 54 . Himself born in tirue, man's ultimate purpose and destiny eau only find fulfilment in the Eternal ; but there are some men so
immersed in material interests and concerns as to lose sight of eternity and
its prior daims. The antithesis which these two respective attitudes
suggest is often, as here, portrayed by Augustine in terms of a distinction
between the general pre-eminence of the right hand ( dextera) and the
lesser dignity, not to say, pejorative connotation, of its opposite (sinistra55). Let us now apply this imagery to the rich man of our first text.
As there depicted, he neither shuns nor covets, but rather thankfully
accepts the unmerited gifts that God bestows upon him : a healthy,
flourishing family, together with abundant gold, silver, slaves and cattle.
Free from the restlessness which ayarice engenders, he enjoys the benefits
of peace and quiet both at home and in his own community. By this
attitude of detachment, the rich man here- in question shews that he
recognizes and respects the limit separating the human from the Divine,
the transient from the eternal. Expressed in the terms of our metaphor,
his constant care is to keep all that is temporal, mortal and bodily on the
left hand; and God, Whose years do not fail, on the right. As a result, he
acquires a happiness strictly commensurate with his loving acceptance and
use of Divine gifts. And this happiness, however relative, is already
both token and pledge of the eternal felicity which awaits the members of
God's Society.
52. In ep. Johan. ad Parth. tr. z, z, I4, PL 35, I997: '' ... talis est quisque, qualis
eius dilectio est.
53. Enarr. in ps. 31, enarr. z, 5, PL 36, 260.
54. De mor. II, I3, 28, PL 32, I537 : ... vanam esse continentiam istam (Mani
chaeorum) nisi ad aliquem rectissimum finem certa ratione referatur. Cf. C. Jul.
Pel. IV, 3, 2I, PL 44, 749 : Noveris itaque, non officiis, sed finibus a vitiis discernendas esse virtutes.
55. Although doubtless conscious of the principle of dexteriority, and aware of
prevailing Graeco-Roman prejudices, St. Augustine finds his sources for this distinction in Sacred Scripture : See Locut. in Hept. I (De genesi, XXIV, 49), PL 34>
492-93 : ~' Renuntiate mihi ut redeam in dextram aut sinistram (Fer dextram prosperitatem, per sinistram adversitatem significavit (locutio) ... dextra nominatur
in omnibus bonis, sinistra in malis ... Cf. also Enarr. in ps. I37. I4, PL 37, 1782;
de symb, 7, 7, PL 40, 658. For a few brief but suggestive comments about what
we have called the pre-eminence of the right hand see R.B. NIANS, The Origins
Of European Thought, p. 97 and fn. IO ; p. I98, fn. I (2nd para.), as well as Dictionnaire d' Archologie chrtienne et de liturgie), IV, 2, cols. 1548-49. Augustine also
elicits from Scripture an intimate connexion between the dextera Dei and the notions
of justice, judgement, reward and condemnation. His perhaps most formal and
explicit statement of this relationship occurs at In Johan. ev. tr. 31, 7, II (ad. fin),
PL 35, 1642.
203
What of our second rich man ? The crucial flaw in his character is
immediately pin-pointed for us by the significant phrase ... ii cupiditate
flagrans ii : he is aflame with covetousness ii. Now we have already
studied the nature and effects of this capital vice as presented both in
the works of St. Augustine himself and in his varied sources; suffice it,
then, to add here that the present passage emphatically confirms the
key-notes of perpetual frustration, anxiety and misery inseparable from
the disordered pursuit of means as ends, which pride essentially is. To
conclude : by his insatiable avarice - a privative love that prefers
the part to the whole, the transient to the eternal, and ultimately, the self
to God - the rich man in this text has proved beyond doubt the fact of
his membership in the Devil's Society.
Our preceding analysis has perhaps furnished the data indicated for a
solution to the problem, posed on p. I5, of why it is pride which, in St.
Augustim::'s eyes, constitutes the gravest moral danger to ownership.
Briefly stated, the answer is that in its generic sense of a' capital' vice,
avarice expresses and ministers in a unique mannE'r to self-centred love.
For what is more calculated to enhance the ' excellence ' of proud men
than the unlimited possession of riches, including private property and the
other external marks of material welfare which avarice typically
seeks ? But this is not all. Pride resembles a coin : it has two
sides or faces. One of these is avarice, which conduces to the autarky at
which, by an inner compulsive dynamism, the disordered love of self ever
aims56. The other major aspect or expression of pride is, of course,
autarchy (dominandi libido 57 ). Here, again, what means or instrument
could be considered more necessary and efficacious in thetask of attempting to achieve such power, than wealth ? To summarize : regardless of
the viewpoint from which, or the context within which, we study ownership, the final judgment imposed upon us by St. Augustine appears
everywhere invariable : the besetting sin which threatens it is, and can
only be, pride.
THE DOCTRINE ANALYSED
D.]. MACQUEEN
of the priority of << ownership in common >l. As we see the matter, this
principle arose as the result of a tension in his thought caused by the
difficulty, within the Graeco-Roman, Scriptural and Patristic traditions
generally, of matching divergent views about the daims made by some
critics that the institution of public property alone reflects man's original
' state of nature'.
205
says, this estate is mine, this house is mine, this servant is mine. Human
right, therefore, means the right of the emperors. Why so ? Because
God has distributed these very rights to the mankind through the emperors
and kings of thiP world. Do you (the Donatists) wish us to read the laws
of the emperors, and to deal with the estates according to these laws ?
If you daim your possessions by human right, let us recite the laws of the
emperors ; let us see whether they would allow the heretics to possess
anything. ' But what is the emperor to me ? ' ' It is by right from him
that you possess your land. Take away the rights created by emperors,
and then who will dare te say, that estate is mine, that slave is mine, or
this house is mine ? If, however, men have received rights from kings in
order to possess such property, do you wish us to read the laws ? ' ' But
what have we to do with the emperor ? ' ' But I have already said that
we are discussing human right ... The Apostle wishes us to obey kings ...
he said : honour the king)) (I Pet. z, 17). Do not say : what have I to do
with the king ? since in that case, what have you to do with the possessions ? It is by the rights derived from kings that possessions are enjoyed.
You have said: what have I to do with the king? Do not then say: 'the
possessionP. are ours ', because it is to those human rights by which men
enjoy possessions that you have referred. ' But it is with Divine right
that I have to do' ... 'Well, in that case, let us read the Gospel: let us see
how far the Catholk Church of Christ extends ' 59 ... ))
At first sight, the above passage appears, ironically enough, to read
like an extract from a Manichaean or Pelagian tract. Briefly summarized,
St. Augustine's reply to his opponents is based upon the following chain
of argumentation. Property, as a social institution, derives from either
the Divine law or the human law. If the Donatists appeal to thefirsttribunal in support of their daims to ownership, two remarks are in order.
AU things, according to the ius divinum, are in the hands of God : << the
earth is the Lord's, and its fullness also (ps. 13, l). In the second place,
the riches of the whole world belong to the just or faithful man, while
the infidel does not possess even a farthing (Prov. 17, 6 = Septuag). But
the Donatists are not just, because they foment schism and destroy both
religious and civil peace : thus their recourse to the Divine law cannot
be sustained. If next they seek to ratify their title-deeds to ownership
of churches, farms and land by human right or law, let them never forget that ius humanum means in effects ius imperatorum, for do not
kings and emperors possePs the power of administering earthly laws,
laws that God Himself communicates to them ? Vain is the Donatists'
attempt to minimize or dismiss out of hand these imperial privileges
and responsibilities ; they find explicit sanction in Sacred Scripture. It
follows that those who reject the royal supremacy automatically forfeit
the rewith all pretended rights to property.
I,
206
D.]. MACQUEEN
Let us now examine a further text still concerned with the Donatist
schism : cc he who, because of the imperial laws, persecutes you ... to
satisfy his hatred, incurs my blame. No man can justly possess
earthly goods except in one of two ways ; either by Divine law, according
to which everything belongs to the just, or by human law, which is in
the power of kings. You have therefore no right to regard what you
possess as personal property, since you are not just. Moreover you have
lost these possessions as a result of the temporal power. The labour
by which you acquired your property cannot count in your favour, because
it is written : The just shall devour the work of the impious 60 (Prov. r3, 22).
Many commentators, of sometimes markedly differing persuasions,
see in the above and in similar passages occuring elsewhere the expression
on St. Augustine's part of a kind of theocratic communism or Christian
socialism ; others, again, base upon such texts a conviction that it is
the positive law, rather than natural law, to which he attributes
the origin of private property. Yet a third group of commentators is
equally persuaded that these varied interprtations result in every case
from a failure to recognize the overriding importance of St. Augustine's
doctrine in its totality as the final criterion with referance to which
quaestiones disputatae must be resolved 61 . From our own particular
standpoint, there exists some measure of truth in all these positions. As
regards the passages just discussed, for example, there seems little doubt
that Augustine's apparent surrender of all human rights to the mere
caprice of imperial power is at least partly counter-balanced by his significant affirmation : cc ipsa iura humana per imperatores et reges saeculi
Deus distribuit generi humano n. We rny' part1y ', because in the present
context of reference certain adventitious factors have intervened to
obscure the general and basic issues at stake in our problem. These may
be conveniently itemized in question form as follows :
(a) does St. Augustine teach that there exists a right, derived from
the natural law, and therefore inviolable, to the common or public
possession of prop<>rty ?
(b) given that his reply is in the affirmative, what responsibility,
if any, does he assign to individual states in its administration ?
(c) does St. Augustine teach that there also exists a right to private
property, derived from the natural law, and therefore inviolable ?
(d) if his answer is again in the affirmative, what responsibility does
he concede to the secular state in its administration ?
60. Ep. 93, 12, 50, PL 33, 345
6r. Among the first group we may include v:ycliffe, Barbeyrac, Nourrisson, Janet,
Nitti (for refs. see RoLAND-GOSSELIN, op. cit. pp. 168-69, and fns.) ; the second
group againincludes BARBEYRAC [op. cit. p. 199] as well as H. DEANE (op. cit. pp. 105107) and R. MEKEON (op. cit. pp. 320-21) ; ROLAND-GOSSELIN himself belongs to,
the third group (La Morale de Saint Augustin, pp. 182-83; 210-14).
207
(e) finally, does the natural law, as he understands it, recognize any
meanirigful difference in the sphere of property ownership as between acquisition and distribution on the one hand, and use, on the
other ?
Regarding (a) above, it has already been established that St. Augustine,
in complete harmony with ancient Roman, Scriptural and Patristic
doctrine, unreservedly acc<>pts possession in common as founded upon
and ratified by the natural law. In (b), the problem of ownership rights
within the states of recorded history revives in a fresh form the whole
question of man's original endowments. Now we know that, according
to Augustine, Adam was created in the relative perfection of a nature
completely free not only from sin itself but from the slightest inclination thereto. As a result, however, of his' fall ', and b<>cause of both the
malice which preceded the actual event and the magnitude of this, the
first human transgression, which alienated him and his issu<> from God,
Adam's nature became' corrupt ', i.e. changed for the worse and henceforth exposed to every sort of evil and misery. As thus bequeathed to
his descendants, it may be called, and is, another nature : the immediate
cause of death, ignorance and concupiscence in mankind at large 62
This turning-point in universal history marks the first appearance of
temporal law, the specific fonction of which is to punish those who disturb
the peace and violate the order of human society. The new ' penal '
era thus inaugurated, for it is nothing less, administers and regulates every
institution, property-ownership included, within the realm of the' secular ' 63 .
In performing these tasks, the earthly ruler, whose authority and power
corne from God, need not, however personally virtuous he might be, in
fact cannot enforce every provision of the natural law. On the contrary',
lesser evils and injustices are sometimes perforce tolerated for the sake of
avoiding greater ones. But the temporal law as such may never sar.ction
62. De civ. Dei XIII, 23, I, PL 4r, 396. It is interesting and important to observe
here that Augustine nowhere advances the theory of a natura pura, or any definition
based upon the philosophical concept of the essence of man. For him human nature
is a historico-theological fact, constituted as at the moment of creation : Rctr. I,
IO, 3, PL 32, 600. For further texts illustrating the same line of thought see Enarr.
in ps. 37, 5 (vers. 4), PL 36, 398; de civ. Dei XIII, 3, PL 4I, 378-79. While, historically speaking. St. Augustine recognizes sensu stricto only one human nature, i.e.
that constituted as at the moment of creation, he also maintains that, precisely
because of the changes resulting from Adam's sin, the nature inherited by his
issue may in some senses be differentiated from the first: ibid. XIV, I, PL 41, 403 ;
Retr. I, 9, 6, PL 32, 598. Consult now F.- J. THONNARD, Revue des t. Augustin.,
II, I965, 3-4, pp. 239-265.
63. For Augustine's notion of saeculum and the 'secular ' see de vera rel. 20, 38
(ad init.) - 39, PL 34, 138: Est autem vitium primum animae rationalis, voluntas
ea faciendi quae vetat summa et intima veritas. Ita homo de paradiso in hoc saeeulum expulsus est, id est ab aeternis ad temporalia, a copiosis ad egena, a firmitate
ad infirma ... ; cf. ibid. 21, 41, PL 34, I 39. A further definition occurs in de civ.
Dei XV, l, l, (ad fin.), PL 41, 437 : Hoc enim universum tempus in quo cedunt
morientes, secceduntque nascentes, istarum duarum civitatum ... excursus est.
208
D.]. MACQUEEN
64. De lib. arb. I, I5, 32 (ad init.), PL 32, I238 ; Ep. r53, 6, 26, PL 53, 665.
65. De div. quaest. 83, 79, r, PL 40, 90.
66, Conf. Ill, 8, 15, PL 32, 690.
209
esteem the order of the statE' which coerces even sinners into the union of
its earthly peace 6 7 ? ))
Of the problems (a) - (e) itemized above, it now remains only to examine
the last ; and this, for the sake of convenience, we here repeat : does
the natural law, as St. Augustine understands it, admit any meaningful
difference in the sphere of property-ownership between acquisition
and distribution on the one hand, and use on the other ? In connexion
with the possible ' meaningful difference ' suggested by our query,
Augustine's corpus includes two texts which seem to bear so directly on the
issue that they merit detailed discussion. The passage chosen for initial
comment may be translated as follows : If we carefully scrutinize the
words of Scripture, ' the riches of the whole world belong to the faithful
man, while the infidel has not even a jarthing', can we not convict those of
usurpation who appear to find happiness in their own legally acquired
goods, but who do not know how to use what they have (italics added) ?
For that which a man holds by right cannot belong to another. Now
he who possesses some thing justly, possesses it in the ' proper' way
(bene here = as genuinely one's own). Hence when a man possesses
anything' improperly ', i.e. wrongfully or' illegitimately ', his possession
is usurped ; and improper use in this sense of the term uti equates with
improper possession. It is easy to see how many persons would be obliged
to return others' goods if even a few could be found to accept what belongs
to them (or : if even the few could be found to whom their own property
might be returned). But wherever the few happen to be, the more
just their title to ownership of goods, the greater their actual contempt for these. Justice indeed is a good which is never wrongfully
possessed, because it can only be had by someone who loves it (diligit) as a
virtue. Money, on the other hand, is not ' proper ' to those who live
' improper' lives (mali) ; while as for those who conform to the canons
of ' propriety ' (boni) the less they love (amant : contrast with diligit)
money, the more ' proper' is their possession thereof. Nevertheless,
between these (scil. justice and money), the unfairness of those who
possess goods illegitimately is tolerated, and certain rights, called' civic'
(iura civilia), have been established among them, not in the expectation
that these can make such men good or ' proper ' users of their wealth,
but that wrongful users of it may thereby become less harmful... 68 n.
The following is a translation of the second text noted above : He
who uses gold in the ' proper ' manner may be said to ' possess ' it ;
and so this applies more truly to Gad (or : and so it is more truly God's
property). Gold and silver therefore belong to him who knows how to use
them (uti). For even in ordinary speech, a man is referred to as the
' owner' of that which he uses properly. Now what he does not administer justly, is not his by right. And if he claims as his what he does
67. De Gen. ad litt. IX, 9, 14, PL 34, 398.
68. Ep. 153, 6, 26, PL 33, 665.
2IO
D.]. MACQUEEN
not rightfully own, then his words will be those not of a just possessor, but
of a dishonest and shameless usurper>> (italics added) 69 .
The first point to be noted about the above passages is the obvious
debt to classical thought revealed by three of the leading ideas that
they share. Thus when St. Augustine utilizes for a particular purpose
the Scriptural dictum that the world and its riches are the property
of the faithful man alone, his judgement clearly parallels the GraecoRoman commonplace which Seneca has epitomized in one lapidary
sentence : << sic sapiens universa anima possidet iure et dominio sua (the
sage in his mind possesses all things, though by actual right and ownership
only his personal belongings) 70 . According to the second principle
just mentioned, ' possession ' in its authentic sense suggests much
more than the fact of mere physical control ; as Cicero, for instance,
understands the idea, it implies complete knowledge, and hence perfect
mastery of the thing possessed. Thus in his treatise De republica, he
specifically alludes to the ' common law' by whose decrees only the
wise have access to the bounties of nature, because only the wise know
how to handle and use them 7oa. For St. Augustine, in like fashion, it
is not title-deeds but the mature exercise of native intelligence that
alone permits a man to enter into the full and genuine possession of
what is legally his.
The third of the leading ideas mentioned may be easily deduced from
(a) Augustine's formula : iure = iuste = bene, which appears to throw
some light on
(b) his repeated use of the expressions bene uti, male uti.
Now iure and iuste, the first two terms of this equation, are etymologically cognate forms : as such, their juxtaposition does not seem to call
for any further remark here 71 . Again, Latin literature, both ante-and
post-classical, attests instances of bene, male, employed in the respective senses of iuste, iniuste 72 . Leaving aside, for the moment, the
first of these two pairs of adverbs, we find that in the texts already
translated, St. Augustine has introduced no less than five closely-interrelated vocabulary items - licite, iure, iuste, iustitia and iniquitas - to
particularize the various nuances of his doctrine regarding just and unjust
possession. All the more intriguing, therefore, is the immediate problem
69. Sermo 50, 2, 4, PL 38, 327: "Quod autem iure non tenet, si suum esse dixerit,
non erit vox iusti possessoris, sed impudentis incubatoris improbitas .
70. SENECA, De bene/. VI, 3, Bibliotheca Teubneriana, p. r 87, lines 2-3.
70. CICERO, De rep. I, r7.
7r. Enarr. in ps.145, r5 (vers. 7, 8), PL 37, 1894.
72. TLL, vol. II, s.v. bonus (bene), F. ad mores pertinentia: r i.q. recte, probe, honeste ... 2 iuste, merito ... (2rr7-r9). Ibid. vol. VIII, fasc. II, s.v. malus (male), Dm.
specialiter i.q. iniuste, contra legem (praecipue in re iudicaria) ... (242).
ZII
before us : to discover what additional determination of meaning Augustine in fact wishes to suggest by bene and male.
Curiously enough, it is this self-same phase of his thought which has
occasioned among commentators otherwise quite sound in judgement
a number of startling exegetical vagaries and aberrations. RolandGosselin, for example, after quite correctly pointing out that bene, as
found heni signifies at one time, ' well ', as in : ' I possess well ', i.e.
I know how to possess something, and at another,' justly ', thus summarizes his interpretation of Augustine's thought : he who uses things
well, possesses them de iure, while he who uses them badly possesses
them contrary to the right. Hence the obligation of the latter to make
restitution
if possible - to the legitimate owner 73 >>. So far, so
good. But then, in his next breath, as it were, Roland-Gosselin proceeds to cast to the four winds all the coolly judicious and consistently
objective precision elsewhere typical of his approach. The paragraph
in question seems so surprisingly out of character as well as so wide of
the mark that it deserves reproduction in full : cc Cette argumentation
(scil. Roland-Gosselin's above-quoted summary), btie sur des jeux
de mots, ne prouve rien si elle est prise littralement. Ce serait faire
injure au bon sens de Cicron et celui de saint Augustin de discuter
srieusement la valeur de ces mauvais syllogismes, et surtout de leur attribuer une porte qui est bien loin de la pense de leurs auteurs 74 !
A more recent book by Professor Herbert A. Deane has these observations to make about the subject-matter of the preceding paragraph :
cc In one of his letters Augustine says that cc lawfully (iure) means
justly >> (iuste) and justly >> means cc rightly >> (bene) ; therefore, cc he
who uses his wealth badly possesses it wrongfully, and wrongful possession
means that it is another's property (omne igitur, quod male possidetur,
alienum est, male autem possidet, qui male utitur) . In the light of
this statemevt and the comment that cc money is wrongly (male) possessed
by bad men while good men who love it least have the best right to
it, it is sometimes argued that Augustine held that a man's property
rights are limited by the use to which he puts his possessions, that he
who uses his property badly has no real claim to it, and that, at least
de iure, property belongs to the good. Clearly, however, this is a misinterpretation of his intent. He has already told us that the property
rights of individuals are determined by kings and rulers. Any such
system of positive legal rights to property would be thrown into complete
chaos and confusion by the rule that evil men have lost their title to their
property by their bad use of it and that only those who use possessions
well have a rightful daim to them. The confusion disappears when we
73. ROLAND-GOSSELIN, op. cit. p. 204 : ... celui qui se sert bien des choses les
possde de iure, celui qui s'en sert mal les possde contre le droit. D'o obligation
pour celui-ci de restituer celui-l, si c'tait possible.
74. op. cit. p. 204.
212
D.J. MACQUEEN
75. HERBERT A. DEANE, The Political And Social Ideas Of St. Augustine, pp. ro6-
07.
213
have been lawfully (licite) acquired, how eau he at the same time consistently proceed to accuse their possessor of usurping another's property ?
To the present writer, at least, the apparent paradox just noted admits
of one, and only one explanation, namely, that there exists in Auguf'.tine's
thought a tacit distinction between the right to procure or acquire property
and the right to use it. From the moment that we accept and apply
this hypothesis to the cruces quoted above, all problems disappear;
a way is now open to resolve the inconsistency which has been claiming
our attention. It would then follow that while anyone may rightfully
(iure privato) acquire possessions - 'private property ', to use the traditional pleonasm -the ius divinum allows no man to claim them as exclusively and unreservedly his. Rather, he must always recollect that
both in the first instance and in the last resort, ' the earth is the Lord's ',
and its treasures corne to him from God as to a steward or dispenser.
It is on this account that he should be ever ready to' communicate ', viz.
to distribute to others in their need 76 . Thus according to one of
St. Augustine's sermons, the wealthy must remember that when they
give to the poor, they are giving what is God's (meum est aurum et meum
est argentum) rather than their own: otherwise, pride may ensnare them 77 .
The duty of almsgiving does not, after all, make oppressive demands upon
the bounty of the rich : what they offer from the superfluity of their
possessions and the luxuries of a pampered life will oftentimes more than
suffice for the wants of poorer neighbours. And these wants, cupidity
and avarice aside, equate with the same essential necessities, food and
shelter, sought by every man, irrespective of his social position. AU
else is superfluity. From this point of view, therefore, it would be true
to say that what the wealthy possess over and above their basic needs,
i.e. those external goods which, precisely, make them rich, constitute in
turn so many requirements of the destitute. Strictly speaking, we
must in fact take one step further in this comparative inventory. For
since wealth, as just remarked, begins at the level where personal needs
find satisfaction, how can one deny the inference that as long as it is
possible to find any who lack what such abundance can pro,ide, owners of
' superfluous ' goods are literally usurping their property ? ' Superflua
divitum necessaria sunt pauperum. Res alienae possidentur, superflua
possidentur ' 78 Like Ambrose, St. Augustine sees in this unlovely miserliness a flagrant violation of justice, the virtue which pre-eminently enshrines respect for rights and dues, human as well as Divine. Even the
detested Pharisees gave tithes to the poor: can Christians, then, be content
with lesser standards ? Indeed for those who boast of generosity when
they offer scarcely a thousandth part of their riches to the needy, Christ
76. Sermo 85, 4, 5, PL 38, 522.
77. Cf. sermo 50, I, 2, PL 38, 326-27.
78. Enarr. in ps. q7, 12, PL 37, I922. Ibid. n7, 13, PL 37, I922: Ne putetis,
fratres, quia tune non est iustus, quando nostri miseretur ... cum commiseretur,
iustus est. ~
D.j. MACQUEEN
Himself has left this solemn charge and warning ' unless your justice
exceeds that of the Scribes and Pharisees, you shall not enter into the Kingdom
of Heaven ' 79 (Matth. 5, 20) )).
The treatise De moribus M anichaeorum contains what is perhaps
the locus classicus for both St. Augustine's principle of ' the priority
of public ownership ', as we have elsewhere called it, and his distinction
between acquiring, and using, property. Book Two of this work presents us with the hypothetical case of a weary wayfarer, his body wasted
by the. ravages of disease, who has collapsed and is lying half-dead on
a road. Unable to utter more than a few words, he sees and desires
some fruit ('ad stringendum corpus') growing on a near-by tree. Now
the condition of this wretched man is in fact so critical that unless he
receives prompt succour, his life will corne to a swift and certain end.
Augustine's interlocutor is a follower of Mani, and as such refuses to
handle either fruits or vegetables, on the supposition that the divine
nature dwelling within these substances would be thereby destroyed.
To him, then, since he regards himself as a' Christian saint' (Christianus
ac sanctus), St. Augustine addresses in effect the following challenge.
Suppose yourself to be a traveller on that self-same road. It is you
whom the dying man begs and beseeches to bring him a pear plucked
from a neighbouring tree. As a typical l\Ianichee, you are of course
free to continue your journey and abandon the sufferer to his fate,
lest the tree should weep at the loss of its fruit : ' 0 mores et innocentiam
singularem ! ' If, on the other hand, you yield to his entreaties, you
can rest assured that no human right, indeed no genuine legal sanction
of any kind prohibits you from giving fruit to the man : nullo humano,
nullo denique vere iure prohiberis, pomum a/feras homini80 )).
It is, apparently, on the strength of the above text that RolandGosselin has written ... <<en cas d'urgence extrme, aucun droit quel
2I5
qu'il soit n'interdit qu'on ne sauve sa vie avec le bien d'autrui81 )), This
statement, however, receives no explicit corroboration from the passage
in question. For Augustine does not suggest there that the fruit sought
by his distressed wayfarer is to corne from a tree forming part of an
orchard or other private estate. In fact if, quite unlike a second peartree which features prominently in the Confessiones 82 , we assume this
one to be growing by the side of a public road, and therefore res publica,
then, pace Roland-Gosselin, the issue of le bien d'autrui does not even
arise. It is true that, excluding the De moribus M anichaeorum, this
author offers, in support of his above-quoted thesis, six other references
to various works where St. Augustine discusses the interconnected topics
of robbery, restitution, almsgiving and the payment of debts. But
none of these, if we understand them aright, so much as adverts to
the specific problem here at stake. Enarratio in psalmum 72 does,
however, contain a passage, not noted by Roland-Gosselin, which invites
attention by reason of its particular relevance to our theme. Here,
commenting upon verse seven, ' prodiet quasi ex adipe iniquitas eorum ',
Augustine underscores the similarities and differences between two
suppositional acts of theft perpetrated, respectively, by a rich man
and by a penniless beggar. We therefore cite verbatim the main body
of this highly significant excerpt because, subject-matter a part, its wording
and phraseology also seem to suggest, if not provide, the appropriate
terms of reference for a study of what St. Augustine might regard as
mitigating factors or' extenuating cirumstances ' in the delict of furtum.
And such discussion might in turn throw some light on the problem
of whether he is prepared to disculpate a person who steals in order
to save human life. We translate the Latin extract in question as follows:
<c there are wicked men (who sin from the compulsion of circumstances),
but they are wicked from leanness ; they are therefore eYil, because they
are lean... and are afflicted by the pestilence, as it were, of necessity :
and they themselves are wicked men, and worthy of condemnation ; for
every sort of compulsion must be endured rather than to perpetrate any
iniquity. Nevertheless sinning from necessity is different from sinning
in the midst of plenty. A beggar who is poor commits a theft; iniquity
has issued from (the) leanness (of poverty) ... Accordingly when you
say to a lean man : why did you do this ? he is overcome with abject
humility and replies : the compulsion of circumstances forced me. Why
did you not fear God ? Extreme want compelled me ii (Italics added) 83 .
A number of important and interesting principles appear to emerge
from the above parable : of these, the one to be noted first is that although the beggar steals from ' the compulsion of circumstances '
(necessitas) and because of ' extreme want' (egestas), St. Augustine does
Sr. ROI,AND-GOSSEI,IN, op. cit. p. 188.
82. Conf. II, 4,9-9,17, PL 32, 678-82.
83. Enarr. in ps. 72, 12 (vers. 7) ; PL 36, 920.
D.]. MACQUEEN
216
not hesitate to stigmatize him as ' evil' (malus) and therefore, like
his more prosperous counterpart, as ' worthy of condemnation '
(damnabilis). Both thefts, too, are indiscriminately called ' sins' and
iniquities '. The phrase : ' aliud est de necessitate peccare, aliud in
abundantia ' may well, however, be intended to indicate that there
exists in the case of the rich man a greater degree of guilt, stemming from
his malice and delight in the commission of a crime initiated not through
want but through sheer wilful perversity and proud contempt of God :
'totum in contemptum Dei loquitur (dives). Quare ? Quia superbus est'.
As argued above, the varions self-contradictions and inconsistencies
that many critics impute to Augustine's doctrine regarding private
ownership can be resolved if, and only if, we adopt the hypothesis of
a tacit distinction therein between acquisition and use. When the
Saint declares that the right to possessions is limited by the manner
in which their owner uses them, and that a man who does not know how
to handle his property justly (bene) has no real daim to it, he intends
us to understand him quite literally. To Roland-Gosselin this statement
seems illogical nonsense if accepted at its face value ; when Professor
Deane observes that Augustine is making a moral judgement and
not formulating a legal rule when he says that those who use property
badly possess it wrongfully8 4 , he is, to be sure, somewhat less wide
of the mark. However, by opposing the expressions ' moral judgement' and ' legal rule ', Deane in fact adds to the very confusion
which he professes to have dissipated. For there exists no antithesis
such as he apparently suggests, between the moral law qua law (ius
divinum) and the temporal law (ius humanum) qua law : both, as iura,
are equally binding within their particular spheres. The only major
differences between them would seem to be: (a), the nature of the sanctions,
i.e. penalties and rewardf attached to each, and (b), their applicability,
or respective areas, so to speak, of jurisdiction. Viewed objectively,
the ius divinum obliges all men, regardless of particular political allegiance << eos qui temporali legi serviunt, non esse passe ab aeterna liberos85 ,
the wages of final impenitence being the eternity of hell, with the everlasting bliss of heaven as the recompense for drtue. But except in contingencies where the peace and unity of Church or State are threatened,
the powers-that-be in spiritualibus will not normally restrict the rights
and liberties of pagan and other non-Christian fellow-citizens85 a. The
secular authorities, on the other hand, sometimes seek to exercise
coercive powers even within the realm of morals and religion. In
situations like these, a clash is inevitable between God and Caesar; and
no member of God's Society can fail to recognize the choice that must be
84. ROLAND-GOSSELIN,
op.
dt., p.
107.
217
his. Consider, for instance, the case of a Catholic husband who attempts
a second marriage during his first wife's lifetime. Here is St. Augustine's
blunt comment and condemnation : adulteria sunt ista coniugia, non
iure fori, sed iure coeli 86 >>. Apart, however, from such crises of conscience,
in which martyrdom might well be the ultimate sacrifice required on
the part of the faithful believer, the temporal law has competence
precisely in regulating the varions modes of ambition, desire and affection
that ordinary men cherish for certain preferred objects, states or conditions of life, and persons. First on the list of these desiderata, all in
themselves perfectly innocent, ascribed by St. Augustine to l'homme
moyen sensuel are bodily goods and graces : health, acute senses, strength
and beauty. Next in order cornes liberty, which in its authentic form
may be predicated only of those happy beings who cling to the eternal
law. But in the present enumeration, libertas means rather the freedom
that people think is theirs when no human being can lords it over them,
and which slaves long for when they seek manumission by their masters.
After this we encounter the principal degrees of kinship and affinity,
parents, brothers, wives and other relatives and friends, whether near or
remote. Mention now occurs of the coveted status of citizenship (civitas),
with its far-reaching consequences for political and community life at
large ; and in the same context, the honours, praise and love of popular acclaim normally linked with high rank in affairs of state.
Last on the list is pecunia, i.e. material wealth, cc a single word here used
to designate in its totality all that we lawfully possess and have the
right to dispose of by sale or gift ... Now as regards these diverse objects of
ambition, some use them badly (male), others use them well (bene87 ).
It is precisely in St. Augustine's employment of these phrases bene /male
uti to contrast the norms of the eternal and of the temporal law, as
also their respective roles in the Divine economy, that we find the kernel
of the doctrine upon which depends any complete and definitive answer to
our final problem : does St. Augustine distinguish the acquisition of
property from its use; and if so, on what grounds ? The passage to
which we refer necessitates translation in full, so that the significance
of the issues at stake, as well as their congruity with texts already studied,
may become immediately apparent :
Aug. : cc He who makes a bad use of (the things which can be taken
from him against his will) is he whose love for them entangles and traps
him; for he subjects himself to what should in fact be subject to him;
and treats as goods things-in-themselves whose good he ought to become
by ordering and handling them properly. That man, on the other
hand, who uses things justly shews that they are good, though not for
him, &ince they make him neither good nor better than before. Rather,
it is he from whom they derive their goodness. Because of this he
86. Sermo 392, 2, 2, PL 39, 1710.
87. De lib. arb. I, 15, 32-33, PL 32, 1238-39.
15
2I8
D.j. MACQUEEN
does not love them so as to be caught fast in their toils, nor does he make
them, as it were, part of his soul, which would happen if he loved them,
for fear lest the moment they are taken from him, he should waste away
through cruel wounds. But he keeps himself wholly abovc their level,
ready to possess and govern them, if need arise, but even readier to
lose and be without them. This being so, do you think that gold and
silver should be blamed because there are misers, or food because there
are gluttons, or wine because there are drunkards, or female beauty
because there are fornicators and adulterers, and so on, especially since
you can see that a doctor may make a good use of fire, and a poisoner
a wicked use of bread ? '
Ev. << Very true. It is not thing themselyes which we must accuse,
but men who utilise them improperly (italics added) 88
Summary
At this point we may perhaps, by way of recapitulation, put together
the various conclusions which emerge from our running commentary
upon St. Augustine's key-texts relative to the acquisition and use of
property. Let us, at the outset, recall two of his basic assertions : rightly
understood, these, taken along with the passage just translated, both
epitomize his doctrine and provide the major ingredient8 essential to its
correct interpretation. Here is the first, as we have rendered it : << If we
carefully scrutinize the words of Scripture : the riches of the whole world
belong to the f aithful man, while the infidel has not even a Jarthing , can we
not convict of usurpation those who appear to discover happiness in
their own legally-acquired goods, but who do not know how to use them ? >>
(italics added). The following is our translation of the second affirmation just mentioned: he who uses gold in the ' proper' manner (bene)
may be said to ' possess' it, and so this applies more truly to Gad>> (or :
and so it is more truly God's property >> (italics added). What does
the Saint wish his readers to make of these first two statements ? Nothing
less and other, surely, than the principle that since common or public
ownership precedes private ownership both in time and in nature, the
part being greater than the whole, the licit acquisition and possession
of property must always remain conditional upon and subordinate to its
just use. For as Revelation teaches, God, the Creator of material things,
has bestowed them without distinction upon all human beings, virtuous
and wicked alike. In so doing, He, their only trm: Possessor, because He is
their sole Master and knows them as they are, has by one and the same
act bequeathed an example of both consummate charity and perfect
justice. In his hour of need, therefore, a man has the right, by natural law,
to expect and ask for the succour that rich neighbours, in accordance with
this identical law, are strictly bound to offer from their superfluity. As
88. Ibid. 33, PL 32, 1239.
219
220
D.J. MACQUEEN
ZZI
Behind a great deal of the misunderstanding exemplified by such interpretations as those discussed on pp. 2n-2r5; 219 lies, of course, the virtually unanimous desire of many ' orthodox' writers to avert at all costs
any possible suspicion that Augustine, correctly interpreted, is the champion of some sort of communistic or otherwise ' revolutionary ' system.
Thus Roland-Gosselin, a typical representative of the group to which
we refer, sums up his conclusions in the following terms : <<L'vque
d'Hippone, autant que l'un de ses inspirateurs prfrs Cicron, est un
sage conservateur de l'ordre tabli 96 " In support of this viewpoint,
shared by the admitted majority of modern commentators, eve.n so
independent and redoubtable a scholar as tienne Gilson does not hesitate to lend the weight and prestige of his approbation. Witness The
Christian Philosophy of St. Augustine, where he writes : In theory,
therefore, we may say that all things belong by right to those who know
how to use them with God and beatitude in view, and this is their only
legitimate use. Redistribution of this earth's goods in accordance with
this principle would mean radical upheaval, but it is neither possible nor
desirable... Things must stay as they are ii (italics added) 97 . Now there
can be no doubt that St. Augustine tends to adopt a' strong' position
regarding the rights, powers and responsibilities of the secular ruler,
as well as the binding character of civic ordinances, considered in themselves and, so to speak, at their own level. As a parallee to the corroborative material already cited let us now however adduce some further
texts, not, indeed, to illustra te the dictum: << things must stay as they are ii
but rather in an attempt to determine the extent to which Augustine's
alleged ' conservatism ' bears upon and modifies his doctrine of property
ownership.
The passages in question may be translated as follows : It is lawful
for a king, in the state over which he rules, to command what neither he
himself nor any of his predecessors had previously commanded. And ...
it cannot be considered disadvantageous to the public interest to obey
him... in truth, it would be disadvantageous if he were not obeyed 98 ii ..
<< it is not right to say that a thing rightly done once should not be changed.
Clearly right reason demands a change in what was right to do at some
earlier time, if the circumstance of time be altered ; so, when these
objectors allege that it is not right to make a change, truth shouts in
reply that it is not right not to make a change because in that case it
96. ROLAND-GOSSELIN, op. cit. p. 207.
97. E. GILSON, The Christian Philosophy of St. Augustine, r960, p. 177.
98. Conf. II, 8, 15, PL 32, 690.
222
D.J. MACQUEEN
will be right both ways, if the change is in accord with the variation in
time 99 >> << with regard to temporal laws, although men make judgements
concerning these when they enact them, nevertheless once they have
been enacted and confirmed, it 1s not lawful for a judge to pass judgement upon them, but only to give judgement in agreement therewith.
In like manner, the deviser of temporal laws, if he be a good and wise
man, takes into consideration the very eternal law upon which no soul
is allowed to pass judgement, so that in accordance with its immutable
rules he may decide for the time in question what is to be commanded
and what forbidden100 ... >> << Is justice, therefore, variable and changeable ?
No, but the times over which she presides are not all alike because they
are different. But men, whose days upon earth are few, cannot by their
own apprehension harmonise the causes of past ages and other nations,
of which they have had no experience, and compare them with those
of which they do have experience. Although in one and the same body,
or day, or family, they are readily able to see that what is suitable for
each member, season, part and person may differ1 01 ... >>
The first and most striking impression that this writer, at least, receives
from the above ensemble of texts is one of muted optimism, of latent
dynamism ; more precisely, ' a dynamics of unpredictable change '.
Thus, for example, a king or other supreme ruler need never, according
to St. Augustine, consider himself bound by precedents arising from
earlier legislation ; salva religione, he is at all times legally entitled to
introduce any new laws, measures, usages or institutions thought appropriate or necessary in view of altered circumstances. By the same
token, of course, he enjoys an equal and complementary right to modify,
suppress or supersede existing ordinances and customs. As regards
the latter, indeed, Augustine does enter a caveat that a mere change of
custom, although it may be of partial advantage, unsettles men by the
very fact of its novelty ; unless, therefore, it brings some advantage,
such a change can create much harm by disturbing the Church to no
profit102 . At a lower level, judges and other administrators find themselves in the same camp, as it were, with those subject to their immediate
authority ; for once a given civic law has been enacted with the approbation of the monarch, then both judge and judged are severally obliged
by its provisions.
From the foregoing, certain critics, ancient if not modern, have found
it all too easy to conclude that Augustine's so-called ' virtue ' of justice
resembles a fickle and inconstant jade, whose name may with impunity
be conjured to bless not only every act of blind and unreasoning obedience
to the pa~t, but also innovations deliberately calculated to offend and
99. Ep. 138, I, 4, PL 33, 526.
rno. De vera rel. 31, 58, PL 34, 148.
Ior. Conf. III, 7, I3, PL 32, 689.
102. Ep. 54, 5, 6, PL 33, 203.
223
224
D.]. MACQUEEN
The fact that Dr. Deane himself comments upon and translates this
very passage does not, surprisingly enough, deter him from writing of
<< Augustine's political and moral quietism JJ ; indeed, he even goes so far
as to declare that there is no room ... for the view that one form of
government should be abolished ... rn that a better social and political
order may be instituted ... Since everything that takes place, whether
good JJ or bad >J is part of God's plan for the world and is therefore, ultimately good, there is little or no impulse towards social or political reconstruction or amelioration107 )), \Vith the statements we may be interested
to compare a remark made by the same author, which occurs in an earlier
chapter of the identical work just quoted, as follows : It is this (St.
Augustine's) belief in the omnipotence and goodness of the God who
rules the affairs of men that gives to his thought a positive, dynamic
quality, a sense that there is meaning and purpose in history, that is far
removed from the world-weariness and negativism that characterize
so many of the writings of his period 108 n. In our criticism of Dr. Deane's
observations regarding this particular topic, it may suffice, by way of
conclusion, to point out that if, as he alleges, impulses and incentives for
socio-political reform have no place in Augustine's thought, why is the
latter at such pains (Deane has duly noted the fact) to urge good men
to accept' the burdens of rule ' ... there could be nothing more fortunate
for human affairs than that, by the mercy of God, they who are endowed
with true piety of life, if they have the skill for ruling people, should also
have the power JJ (St. Augustine, cited in trandation by Dr. Deane109).
We have had occasion to speak of' a muted optimism ',' a dynamics
of unpredictable change ' as characterizing Augustine's political outlook.
Is it not, in the last analysis, his firm belief that no human act escapes the
far-flung net of Divine Providence and a rooted conviction concerning
the ultimate benevolence of Divine Power which impart to his outlook
the dual qualities just mentioned ? According to Augustine, indeed, this
Power, because Supreme, presides at the very heart of universal history,
and guides, as it were, the helm of the entire human enterprise. But since
His designs are often hidden, enigmatic or hard to reconcile with the
customs or agreements of particular societies, St. Augustine will always
stress not only the uniqueness but also the untrammelled freedom and
inscrutability of the God Who irrupts, whenever and wheresoever He
pleases, into the seeming maelstrom which bears the sons of Adam to
their appointed destiny. Let us conclude in our author's own words,
translated as follows : When God commands anything contrary to the
customs or agreements of any nation, even though it had never been
done by them before, it fr to be done ; and if '.t has been interrupted, it is
to be restored ; and if it has never been established, it is to be established
rn7. HERBER'.I' A. DEANE, op. cit. p. 15I.
108. Op. cit., p. 68.
109. Op. cit., p. 130 : the ref. is de civ. Dei V, 19, PL 41, 166.
225
].D. MACQUEEN
226
University of Ghana.
Legon, Accra
APPENDIX A
APPENDIX
AND
crvrc
RIGHTS
III. In Johan. ev. tr. 67, 13, 2, PL 35, 1812: .. ita Deus erit omnia in omnibus
(I Cor. 15, 28), ut quoniam Deus Charitas est (I Johan. 5, 8), per charitatem fiat ut
quod habent singuli, commune sit omnibus. Cf. Enarr. in ps. 83, 8 (vers. 3),
PL 37, lo61 ; ibid. 105, 34, PL 37, 1415 ; Ep. 243, 3, PL 33, 1056
APPENDIX A
To some, a comment in the body of our text about Augustine's relative ' toleration '
of non-Christian cults 1 may appear at best a misguided attempt to palliate the
uncompromising harshness of his ultimate position. But our present terms of reference deliberately exclude any consideration of the campaigns led or supported by
him against heresy and schism. In this Appendix we examine solely the evidence
bearing on St. Augustine's attitude towards religions derived, in whole or in part,
from pagan premises, especially as this affects the question of property ownership.
How, then, might one summarize Augustine's general reaction to paganism, as he
knows it ? In the first place, it is quite proper, according to him, that emperors
should forbid such enormities as idolatry and sacrilege, together with the various
forms of strife and emulation distinguished by St. Paul in Galatians'. For kings,
by virtue of their rank and status, can serve the Lord in a manner impossible for
these who do not possess royal power<. Rulers are indeed bound by their authority
to legislate in favour of and extend protection to the true religion. This
solicitude on the part of Augustine merely reflects Imperial policy in North Africa,
which as from the year 399 AD increasingly promoted the practice of closing pagan
temples and liquidating cultic equipment6. On the other liand we must emphasize
that for Augustine, the prerogative of implementing these measures of gradua!
repression belonged to the State alone ; citizens who presumed to take the law into
their own hands were justly liable to punishment. Nor would he sanction the conduct
of over-zealous Catholics who might feel inclined to steal or destroy pagan statues
in private villas or even from temples'. In the light of such data, we feel free to maintain that as regards both civic rights and personal religions loyalties, Augustine
always respected the status of pagani within the community. For despite his
rejection of conscience as the valid norm operating in moral decisions', no-one more
clearly appreciated the fact that it is impossible to believe in the absence of the will
to do so.
As a tailpiece to our discussion of pagan or syncretistic sects, as Augustine
views them, we add a brief comment about the Manichees, since they constitute
a remarkable exception to his normal attitude. In refuting the general doctrine
of this group, which, more than any other, fell fou! of the Empire's ' anti-dissent'
laws, he sums up his indictment in a passage of which the following translation is
offered : I cannot be harsh with you : I must now endure you as others endured me
then (at the time of my Manichaean membership), I must treat you with the same
patience that my friends displayed to me when I myself wandered astray amid your
teachings 10 Is it entirely fanciful to suggest that if Augustine's long journey in
search of beatifying Truth had included a Donatist phase, the tragic history of
subseguent religous crcion in medieval and Reformation Europe might never have
been written ?
APPENDIX B
St. Augustine's cnarratio in psalmum 131 1 contains one passage which would appear
at first reading, to deprecate any form of ownership by individual Christians. The
text in question is so often quoted and interpreted ' out of context ' that it perhaps
merits treatment apart from the main body of our discussion. After eloquently
praising the first Christians for their renunciation of persona! possessions, the Bishop
continues : ... (But in contrast to avoid making a place for the Lord (vers. 5),
pursue persona! interests as ends-in-themselves, love as ends (diligant) their own
concerns, rejoice in persona! power as an end-in-itself' and in general seek their
own perverse objects of desire 3 But he who wishes to make a place for the Lord
should rejoice, not in his own separative and privative goods, but in the common
good ... It is those things which we possess as individuals (singuli) that give rise to
lawsuits, enmities, disagreements, civil wars, disturbances, social strife, scandais, sins,
general wickedness, murders - all on account of those things that we possess as
individuals. Do we go to law for the sake of things which we possess in such a
manner that they separate us neither from Gocl nor neighbour (communiter) ? We
all breath the same air, and see the same sun. Blessed are those who make a place
for the Lord in such a way as not to rejoice in their private property ... Therefore,
brothers, let us refuse to pessess 'private ' property ; or at least let us abstain from
the worldly love (amor) of it, if we cannot avoid actual possession ... 5 (our translation and italics).
To begin with, we wish to direct attention to our rendering (in the latter part of
the last paragraph) of the sentence which follows Numquid propter ista quae
communiter possidemus, litigamus ? Do we go to law on account of things which we
possess in such a manner that they separate us neither from God nor neighbour
(communiter) ? According to us, the latter word means not ' in common with
others ', as though Augustine were here arguing in favour of a universal Christian
socialism, but rather the opposite of proprie, separatim or pr,ivatim. This usage is
quite classical, two unexceptionable instances of it occurring, respectively, in Cicero 6
and Quintilian'. The great majority of commentators however translate communiter as 'in common' or the like (implying joint ownership) : this of course makes
nonsense of texts, already noted, in which St. Augustine not merely sanctions but
expresses approbation of ownership by individuals. Thus R. McKEoN writes :
He who would have a place in the Lord must enjoy common not private things,
for the things which we possess as individuals lead to lawsuits ... 8 Very similar
is the interpretation favoured by H. DEANE : For Christians, the most admirable
course is to renounce all ownership of earthly goods and to hold in common the material
things that are necessary for the support of life' .
229
What apparently neither of these two scholars has remarked is that the abovecited passage contains certain terminological 'sign-posts 'indicating an unmistakable reference to the Bishop's doctrine of the bonum commune (see above, fn. 93).
This teaching, enunciated in its most general terms, can be found in his Letter 21 l :
Charitas ... communia propriis, non propria communibus anteponit 10 . It is
moreover not a special or restricted rule, but one ordinated to Christian perfection
in every sphere and relationship, from the lowest to the most eminent". We here
once more emphasize that communia does not in Augustine's thought necessarily
mean goods owned by a group, like monastic holdings, for example. In the
present context the word rather signifies matters or problems affecting all the
members of a community, the object of a common concernas opposed to what affects
only individuals or subordina te units of larger wholes. Further to clarify the
concept of bonum commune and communia, as so formulated, let us note a significant passage in the Confessions which clearly states that the sin of avarice consists
not in possessing material goods, but in loving them more than the Common Good
of al1 12
Yei a third commentator seems to interpret St. Augustine's general attitude to
property exclusively in terms of a caveat against being possessed by things, instead
of possessing them (see above, our fn. 91). We here refer to S. GIET, La doctrine
de l'appropriation des biens chez quelques-uns des pres 13 This author describes the
text translated above (see our p. 209) as "une page trs curieuse , thereby
revealing his failure to detect the all-important relationships in the Bishop's thought
between legif.ime acquirere, iuste /iniuste possidere, bene /male uti and usurparc. Note,
however, on the same page (79) GIET's perceptive observation : ,, Augustin nous a
avertis en effet que, de droit divin, il n'existe pas de proprits prives, et rien n'autorise penser qu'il se soit contredit ...
To recapitulate : the principal problems connected with ownership, as St. Augustine views them, are centred respectively on the acquisition and the use of property.
In the beginning, the world and its treasures were offered by their Creator to mankind at large ; and this gift has never been revoked. But after Adam's sin, and the
appearance of ownership by individuals - evidence in itself of a new penal dispensation - the natural law without prejudice to the ius dvinum, legislates accordingly : hence the Decalogue, and in particular the commandments relating to theft
and covetousness. \Ve might thus observe, by way of conclusion, that in Augustine's
doctrine of the eternal law, considered as a totality, two aspects or 'moments '
can be distinguished. Let us label the first ' supralapsarian ', as it is concerned
with man's rights to, and use of, nature's bounties Rt Creation. The second 'moment
could be called 'infralapsarian ', because it deals in the concrete with problems
engendered by private ownciship since the Fall. Taken separately and in isolation, neither of these two aspects of what is one and the smne Divine law will yield
a satisfactory synthesis of all the data involved in our inquiry. Taken together,
theyexist 'in tension' (see above, pp. 199-204), but readilycomplement each other, provided that we do not allow ourselves to forget Augustine's cardinal distinction,
in hi.> concept of the ius privatum, between titles to legitimate ownership, and the
just use of material goods.
9. HERBERT A. DEANE, op. cit. p. 108 (italics ours).
IO. Ep. 2II, 12, PL 33, 963.
II. De Trin. XII, l l, 16, PL 42, 1006 : Tanto magis itaque inhaeretur Deo,
quanto minus diligitur proprium (italics again added). For dilectio as love of the
good, or charity, see : in ep. I ahan. ad Parth. 8, 4, 5, PL 35, 2038 ; de div. quaest. 83,
36, 1, PL 40, 28.
12. Conf. III, 8, 16, PL 32, 690 : priva ta superbia diligitur in parte unum falsum
.... (whereas God is unus et verus creator et rector universitatis) ... avaritia plus
E. L. FORTIN
232
s'occuper. A supposer qu'il y ait quelque avantage retirer d'une connaissance plus prcise du problme de la justice sociale tel qu'il s'est pos au
cours de l'histoire, nous pouvons nous sentir justifis de retourner aux
origines de la pense politique chrtienne et surtout saint Augustin, le
penseur politique le plus profond de l'glise ancienne et le seul avoir
soulev la question de l'idalisme politique dans toute son ampleur et sa
complexit.
* **
La thologie politique de saint Augustin s'offre dans son ensemble
comme un effort gigantesque d'intgration de la foi chrtienne et des
principes de la philosophie grco-romaine. Il ressort de nombreux tmoignages tirs de ses uvres qu'Augustin considrait Platon comme le
reprsentant le plus illustre de la tradition politique ancienne 2 . Bien que rien
ne permette de croire qu'il ait lu les principaux dialogues politiques de
Platon, soit dans l'original, soit dans une traduction latine quelconque, il
tait abondamment renseign sur leur esprit et leur contenu par les
disciples romains de Platon, Varron et surtout Cicron. On peut dire sans
exagration qu'Augustin a contribu plus que n'importe quel auteur de son
poque restaurer l'enseignement platonicien dans son contexte politique
primitif. Quoi qu'il en soit des circonstances immdiates qui ont motiv sa
rdaction, la Cit de Dieu se voulait comme une rponse la Rpublique de
Platon, qu'elle a ventuellement remplace comme texte de base de la
civilisation occidentale et comme l'analyse la plus autorise de la manire
dont l'homme doit vivre en socit. On y trom-e, en effet, la premire
grande tentative de la part d'un auteur chrtien pour en venir aux prises
avec la philosophie platonicienne dans son intgrit et au niveau de ses
principes les plus levs, par del le platonisme tronqu et quelque peu
livresque des no-platoniciens, qui demeure avant tout mtaphysique et
mystique et d'o la dimension essentiellement politique de l'uvre de
Platon a peu prs compltement disparu. C'est dans la Cit de Dieu, et
nulle part ailleurs peut-tre, que la lutte entre le Christ et Socrate, dont
avaient parl les chrtiens des premiers sicles, atteint ses proportions
dfinitives. Nous arriverons nous faire une ide des problmes sousjacents cette lutte si nous nous reportons pour commencer la premire
critique de l'idalisme politique esquisse par un auteur classique, l' Assemble des femmes d' Aristophane.
L'Assemble des femmes a pour thme la dmocratie et, plus prcisment,
l'opinion selon laquelle la dmocratie est le plus juste et le plus philanthropique de tous les rgimes. L'intrigue met en scne un groupe de femmes
habiles qui se dguisent en hommes et trament un complot devant leur
permettre de s'emparer du gouvernement de la cit. La dmocratie vise
2. Cf. De civ. Dei, VIII, 4 ; VIII, 5 ; VIII, 9 ; De vera relig., rv, 6-7 ; Contra
Acad., III, 17, 37
233
16
234
E. L. FORTIN
235
E. L. FORTIN
237
ment en attendre, sans croire pour autant que l'idal projet soit susceptible d'tre traduit en actes 20 . Il est strictement utopique, pour employer
un terme invent par un disciple tardif de Platon qui en avait admirablement saisi la porte. En ce sens il est vrai de dire que la Rpublique est
une comdie21 , mais une comdie d'un ordre suprieur, qui imite consciemment et dpasse celle d'Aristophane. Comme toute grande comdie,
elle aussi repose sur une impossibilit. Elle dcrit un tat de choses qui
pourrait se rencontrer uniquement si, en traitant de la vie politique, il
tait permis de faire abstraction du corps et des passions humaines, ou si
on avait affaire des anges et non pas des hommes 22 . Elle russit ce tour
d'adresse en invitant le lecteur rflchir aux raisons pour lesquelles la
solution envisage est irralisable. Son caractre comique se reflte dans les
mesures les plus tonnantes et les plus audacieuses qu'on y propose, telles
que l'galit parfaite des deux sexes mme en ce qui concerne la guerre 23 ,
la communaut des femmes et des enfants24 , et le gouvernement du
philosophe-roi, dont aucune n'est appele tre prise au srieux. tant
donn la raret des vraies natures philosophiques 25 , les obstacles dont elles
doivent venir bout afin de pouvoir s'panouir 26 , les forces qui menacent
sans cesse leur corruption 27 , et l'hostilit habituelle de la multitude leur
endroit28 , on peut peine supposer que la personne requise sera disponible
20. Sur le mensonge noble et sa fonction pdagogique, cf. Rpublique, II, 377d
et 382b ; III, 414b ; V, 459c ; et sur l'ide que la vrit pleine et entire ne peut tre
exprime en toute scurit que devant un auditoire compos d'amis raisonnables,
ibid., V, 450; Gorgias, 487.
2r. Cf. Rpublique, VII, 536c I. Voir aussi ibid., III, 394bc, o Socrate reprend la
pense d' Adimante, mais en ajoutant la dfinition de la forme dramatique la notion
de comdie, qui n'tait pas venue l'esprit de son interlocuteur. Tout ce passage
contient une description peine voile du dialogue platonicien.
22. Cf. PLA'l'O:>r, Lois, V, 739 : Cependant, la rflexion et l'exprience vont nons
faire voir qu'une cit n'aura probablement jamais qu'un rgime quelque peu infrieur
au meilleur. Le meilleur rgime ne serait possible que si ses citoyens taient des
dieux ou des fils de dieux. Ibid., III, 684c : Maintenant, qu'il me soit permis
de te rappeler qu'on s'attend ordinairement ce qu'un lgislateur n'introduise que
des lois telles que la multitude les acceptera volontairement. Autrement dit, les
contraintes lgales risquent de rester sans effet si elles ne sont pas soutenues par
l'habitude et la conviction intrieure. L'ide chre la critique moderne selon laquelle
l'enseignement modifi des Lois serait le rsultat d'un dsenchantement amer
subi par Platon vers la fin de sa carrire ne repose sur aucun fondement solide. La
Rpubli.que nous fait dj comprendre d'une manire suffisamment claire que l'idal
trac dans ses pages peut tre imit mais jamais excut la lettre. Sur la notion
d'imitation dans ce sens, cf. Rpublique V, 47rc. Malgr son impraticabilit, un tel
idal conserve toute son utilit, car, s'il ne pouvait s'y rfrer, l'homme serait sans
orientation dans la recherche d'un rgime juste quoique imparfait.
23. Rpublique, V, 45rb; cf. V, 47rd.
24. Ibid., V, 457d SS.
25. Ibid., VI, 49rd; cf. V, 476d.
26. Ibid., VI, 502d ss.
27. Ibid., VI, 489d ss.
28. Ibi., VI, 487 ss.
E. L. FORTIN
239
E. L. FORTIN
***
Ibid., III, 17, 2I.
Ibid., II, 2, 4 ss.
Ibid., III, 21, 32 SS.
Ibid., II, 30, 52. Contrairement ce qui a parfois t dit, e. g., par R. NIEBUHR,
Christian Realism and Political Problems (Londres, 1953), p. 121, la position de saint
Augustin ne reprsente pas une correction salutaire des illusions moralisatrices de
Cicron, pour la bonne raison que Cicron ne s'est jamais fait de telles illusions au
sujet de la socit civile. La remarque de Niebuhr, selon laquelle Augustin aurait t
de l'aveu de tous le premier grand 'raliste' de l'histoire occidentale (ibid., p. n5),
simplifie la question et interprte d'une manire nave l'intention de Platon et de
Cicron. Voir galement, dans le mme sens que Niebuhr, C:. DAWSON, St. Augustine
and His Age, dans M.C. D'ARCY et al., A Monument ta St. Augustine (Londres, 1930),
p. 62, qui affirme que saint Augustin a t amen par l'tude de l'histoire rejeter
l'idalisme politique des philosophes et mettre en question la thse de Cicron
selon laquelle l'tat repose essentiellement sur la justice.
40. LACTANCE, Div. instit., III, 21-22 ; Epitome, 38.
36.
37.
38.
39.
Le reproche qu'Augustin adresse au platonisme ne diffre pas substantiellement de celui qu'on rencontre plus tard chez Machiavel, Hobbes et
leurs successeurs, qui ont rompu avec la tradition classique sous prtexte
qu'elle tait inapte produire le type de socit qu'elle prsentait comme
essentielle au bien-tre social de l'homme 41 . Il est difficile, en effet, de
E. L. FORTIN
243
E. L. FORTIN
fin d'attirer notre attention sur l'cart malheureux mais habituel entre
l'tre >>et le cc devoir tre >>dans la vie des tats aussi bien que des individus qui en font partie.
Bien plus, il ne serait jamais venu l'esprit d'Augustin d'accrotre
l'efficacit de son enseignement en assignant la vie humaine une fin plus
modeste ou plus terre terre, comme on a tent de le faire au dbut de
l're moderne. En raison de leur caractre absolu, ses propres principes
sont encore plus levs que les principes les plus levs de la pense
classique. La pense classique a chou, non pas parce qu'elle s'est montre
trop exigente pour la plupart des hommes, mais parce qu'elle ne pouvait se
fier qu' des moyens purement humains pour atteindre sa fin. Grce la
rvlation de la vrit divine, la justice qui depuis toujours avait chapp
l'homme devient enfin accessible, mais elle appartient en propre cette
cit dont le Christ est le fondateur et le chef 50 . C'est la grce divine, et non
la justice humaine, qui constitue le lien de la socit 51 . Elle seule apporte
aux principes de la philosophie paenne, comme du reste aux commandements de la loi ancienne 52, leur complment ncessaire en menant bien
une entreprise qui tait reste jusque l l'tat d'bauche. De mme que
Platon avait suggr que l'idal imagin par Aristophane, si absurde qu'il
ait pu paratre Aristophane lui-mme, pourrait tre mis en pratique si les
philosophes devenaient rois, de mme l'idal de Platon, que pour d'autres
raisons on ne croyait pas moins irralisable, devient praticable pour peu
que l'homme consente se faire citoyen de la cit de Dieu.
Toutefois, comme Augustin a d le reconnatre la longue, rien ne
certifiait que la nouvelle solution, mme en admettant sa supriorit
morale, donnerait de meilleurs rsultats. A vrai dire, cette solution ne
laissait pas de comporter des difficults, qui allaient bientt se manifester
en raison des changements survenus dans les conditions politiques de
l'poque. Aux yeux des contemporains d'Augustin, la grande objection
n'tait pas que les chrtiens ne se conformaient pas toujours aux exigences
de la morale vanglique mais qu'ils seraient peut-tre un jour tents de le
faire. En propageant l'ide que tous les hommes sont en principe gaux et
membres d'une seule<< cosmopolis >> gouverne par Dieu, le christianisme
allait l'encontre de la vie politique. Il en dvoilait l'horizon comme un
simple horizon, ce qui avait pour rsultat de le dissoudre et de priver la
cit de l'atmosphre protectrice l'intrieur de laquelle elle avait pu
jusqu'alors prosprer. Il engendrait une tendance considrer les diffrences naturelles et les frontires traditionnelles qui divisent l'humanit
en groupes spars menant une vie distincte comme tant dpourvues de
qu'on trouve une certaine mesure de justice mme dans la pire des cits, car aucune
cit ne pourrait exister autrement. Il n'y a pas de mal absolu ; cf. De civ. Dei, XIX, 12,
2.
50.
21,
4.
245
53. Sur les difficults qu'prouvaient les amis d'Augustin rconcilier le christianisme et la vie politique, cf. Epist., I36, 2 (Marcellin Augustin) : Une autre
objection qu'il (Volusien) souleva, c'est que la doctrine et l'enseignement chrtiens
ne sont nullement compatibles avec les devoirs et les droits des citoyens. Ibid., I5r,
I4 : Il y a, en effet, chez toi, une chose qui, puisque tu veux que je te dise la vrit,
me cause beaucoup de chagrin : c'est que, bien qu'il te serait permis de faire autrement en raison de ton ge, de ta vie et de ton caractre, tu prfres rester catchumne ; comme s'il n'tait pas possible pour des croyants, en progressant dans la foi
chrtienne et les bonnes uvres, de devenir d'autant plus loyaux et utiles l'administration des affaires de l'tat. La mme objection reparat notre poque chez
F. DAHN, Die Konige der Germanen (Leipzig, 1908), t. II, p. 209, qui dclare la
doctrine augustinienne logiquement fausse, moralement dprave, dsastreuse du
point de vue politique et incompatible avec les devoirs remplir l'gard de l'tat.
54. Cf. De mor. eccl. cath., I, 30, 63.
55. Les inquitudes suscites en hauts lieux par l'expansion du christianisme
deviennent de plus en plus nombreuses au cours du troisime sicle. Si on peut se
fier au tmoignage de Cyprien, l'empereur Dce aurait t moins proccup du
soulvement d'un rival que de l'lvation d'un saint vque au sige de Rome.
Cf. CYPRIEN, Epist., 55, 9.
E. L. FORTIN
en mme temps que son contraste le plus marqu, dans la conception que
Platon se faisait des rapports entre la philosophie et la cit, telle qu'on la
dcouvre particulirement dans l' Apologie de Socrate.
***
L' Apologie plaide la cause de la philosophie en nous faisant voir en
Socrate un matre de vertu, qu'on accuse tort de nier les dieux de la cit
et de corrompre la jeunesse. Socrate se rend utile surtout en rappelant aux
athniens qu'ils devraient se soucier davantage du bien de leur me que de
celui de leur corps 56 . Contrairement ce que font les sophistes, il n'exige ni
n'accepte aucune rmunration pour ses services et ne peut donc pas tre
souponn d'agir pour un motif goste. Son amour pour la vertu est tel
qu'il le pousse ngliger ses propres intrts pour s'occuper entirement
de ceux d'autrui 57 . Malgr sa pauvret, il est plus gnreux et dvou
qu'aucun des riches citoyens d'Athnes. Il n'y a pas non plus de vrit dans
le reproche d'impit qui court son sujet. La preuve qu'il ne rejette
pas les dieux, c'est que l'enqute laquelle il se livre auprs de ses concitoyens a t entreprise la demande d'un dieu et prend la forme d'une
mission qu'il ne se croit pas en droit de rcuser 58 . D'un bout l'autre
de sa dfense, il se prsente comme un homme pieux, qui ne s'attaque pas
aux lois de la cit et, en particulier, aux lois qui ont trait aux dieux. En
donnant son assentiment ces lois, il enseigne implicitement qu'elles
sont indispensables et que c'est en partie cause de leur croyance aux
dieux que la plupart des hommes parviennent vivre en citoyens honntes.
Il ne considre pas l'existence de la cit comme allant de soi et reconnat
sans ambages qu'elle aussi a ses exigences, auxquelles dans l'intrt
commun tout citoyen est cens se plier. Personne ne peut douter de sa
propre loyaut. Il ne s'est pas drob ses devoirs de soldat quand les
circonstances le demandaient et a mme fait preuve de beaucoup de
courage sur le champ de bataille 59 . Il est d'ailleurs le premier admettre
sa dette l'gard de la cit. Il n'est pas n d'un chne ou d'une pierre
mais de parents qui se sont maris sous ses lois et ont bnfici pendant
toute leur vie de leur protection 60 . Lui-mme a vcu en paix Athnes
pendant soixante-dix ans. Une cit qui peut produire un Socrate et le
tolrer pendant si longtemps n'est pas entirement mauvaise. Sous la
tyrannie des Trente, Socrate aurait sans doute pri beaucoup plus tt 61 .
Cela ne veut pas dire qu'il regarde toutes les lois d'Athnes comme tant
justes. Certaines de ces lois, comme celle qui permet un procs pouvant
56.
57
58.
59.
60.
6r.
247
E. L. FORTIN
aux balais croit galement aux sorcires. Lorsqu'on lui demande quoi il
s'occuperait dans l'autre vie si on prononait contre lui la sentence de
mort, Socrate rpond qu'il n'aurait rien changer ses habitudes ; il
continuerait tout simplement de faire ce qu'il a toujours fait, savoir,
interroger les autres et s'entretenir avec ses amis de ce qui constitue
l'excellence de la vie humaine 71 . Il n'est plus question de rendre les hommes
meilleurs en les exhortant la vertu. Tout porte croire que la manire
dont Socrate comprend la noblesse, la justice et la pit ne ressemble que de
loin ce que la multitude entend par ces termes. Parmi les personnes qu'il
s'attend rencontrer dans l'au-del se trouvent des hommes qui ont t
condamns dans cette vie, ainsi que leurs accusateurs 72 . Socrate laisse
entendre par l qu'il n'est pas satisfait du jugement port jadis contre eux
par d'autres hommes et mme par les dieux. Il se dresse en juge de la
justice divine. Sa vie toute entire est consacre la recherche de rponses
aux questions les plus fondamentales, et il n'a d'autre ambition que de se
donner sans relche la poursuite de la vrit 73
On peut infrer de l que Socrate est plus soucieux de sagesse que de
vertu morale. Son dieu lui, par opposition aux dieux de la cit, n'est pas
un dieu qui prend une part active aux affaires humaines. C'est un dieu
sage, que l'on comprend, plutt qu'un dieu juste, quel'onaccepteetauquel
on obit. Le sage Socrate fait ce que le dieu lui-mme fait et non pas ce
que le dieu lui ordonne de faire. Alors que les services qu'il rend la cit
se rangent parmi les activits qui relvent de la ncessit, la recherche de la
vrit nous apparat comme une activit voulue pour elle-mme et qui
seule lui agre pleinement. Les rcompenses qu'elle comporte sont intrinsquement indpendantes de la cit et diminuent plus qu'elles n'augmentent en raison des devoirs dont Socrate s'acquitte envers son prochain.
Dans la mesure o elle procde d'une connaissance des limites de la vie
active, elle se situe au-del de la morale et de la politique et requiert un
dtachement peu commun l'gard de la cit et de ses uvres. Du point de
vue du citoyen loyal, elle est goste et sans cur 74 . Le philosophe vit
dans la caverne, mais la faon de quelqu'un qui ne s'y sent pas chez lui et
qui n'y appartient pas vraiment.
Le but de tout ce plaidoyer, tel qu'il se droule dans !'Apologie, n'est
pas tellement de prouver que la cit a besoin de la philosophie que d'esquisser une dfense de la philosophie qui pourrait rendre la cit moins hostile
son endroit. Socrate ne s'intresse pas la cit et ses vertus pour elles-
7r. Ibid., 38, 41b. Cf. Rpublique, V, 45ob : Pour des hommes intelligents, le
dsir d'couter de tels discours n'a d'autre limite qu'une vie toute entire.
72. Ibid., 41a-b.
73. Pour une discussion plus tendue de ce passage, cf. G. ANAS'l'APLO, Human
Being and Citizen : A Beginning to the Study of Plato's Apology of Socrates >l, dans
J. CROPSEY, ed., Anciints and JV1oderns (New York, r964), p. 29 ss.
74. Sur la connaissance sine corde des philosophes, cf. AUGUSTIN, Confessions,
VIII, 8, 19.
249
17
250
E. L. FORTIN
Sr. Serina 96, 6-8, et le commentaire de R.A. MARKUS, Saeculum : History and
Society in the Theology of St. Augustine (Cambridge, 1970), p. 105 ss.
82. E.g., Epist., 93, 2, 4. Cf. MARKUS, lac. cit., p. 141 ss.
83. In Joan. Epist., VII, 8.
84. Cf. J. GALLAY, Dilige et quod vis fac: notes d'exgse augustinienne, dans
Recherches de science religieuse 43 (1955), pp. 545-55.
85. Cf. De gratia Christi, x, II.
86. Cf. De doctr. christ., I, 36, 40.
251
E. L. FORTIN
252
***
Nous ne pouvons pas dire, cependant, qu'avec cette rponse, mme si on
devait l'accepter, le problme soit entirement rsolu. Ce qui faisait la
force de la position d'Augustin pouvait d'un autre point de vue tre
253
considr comme sa plus grande faiblesse. Cette position visait avant tout
donner satisfaction aux exigences lgitimes de la socit civile ; mais
on voit moins bien en quoi elle donnait galement satisfaction aux exigences de la foi chrtienne. S'il est vrai, comme le veut Augustin, que les
cits terrestres sont toutes des degrs divers imparfaites, que chacune
d'elles est toujours en quelque sorte le rsultat d'un pacte conclu avec le
mal 95 , le chrtien qui se fait de l'amour de la patrie un devoir religieux
devient par l mme complice de son injustice. Personne ne peut se
comporter en citoyen loyal d'une socit quelconque, aspirer ses magistratures et partager son mode de vie sans s'associer ses iniquits et
contribuer activement leur renforcement. L'argument, semble-t-il,
a fait de l'injustice un devoir d'amour et du chrtien un instrument de sa
prservation. Comment, pour exprimer la mme ide en termes plus
gnraux, peut-on vivre en honnte homme dans une socit immorale ?
La solution qu'apporte Augustin cette nouvelle objection est troitement lie la version primitive de la doctrine du droit naturel dans le
monde chrtien. Cette doctrine a t formule avec plus de prcision,
mais aussi plus de rigidit, par certains crivains postrieurs qui, s'inspirant de saint Augustin, ont distingu entre deux formes du droit naturel,
le droit naturel absolu, dont les principes sont immuables et universellement valables, et le droit naturel relatif, secondaire ou conditionnel, qui
suppose la chute originelle et sanctionne nombre d'institutions trangres
l'tat d'innocence primitive, telles que, notamment, la proprit
prive, l'esclavage et l'autorit politique sous sa forme actuelle 96 .
Bien qu'Augustin lui-mme ne parle jamais de droit naturel relatif ou
secondaire 97 , il reconnat nanmoins l'impossibilit de surmonter une fois
95. Cf. De civ. Dei, XIX, 24.
96. GUILLAUME d'OCKAM, Dialogus, 3 partie, ze trait, livre III, c. 6. R. HOOKER,
Of the Laws of Ecclesiasticc Polity, I, 10, 13 : Touching laws which are to serve men
in this behalf ; even as those laws of reason, which (man retaining his original
integrity) had been sufficient to direct each particular person in all his affairs and
duties, are not sufficient but require the access of other laws, now that man and his
offspring are grown thus corrupt and sinful ; again, as those laws of polity and
regiment, which would have served man living in public society together with that
harroless disposition which then they should have had, are not able now to serve,
when man's iniquity is so hardly restrained within any tolerable bounds : in like
manner, the national laws of natural commerce between societies of that former and
better quality might have been other than now, when nations are prone to offer
violence, injury, and wrong. Hereupon hath grown in every of these three kinds
that distinction between Primary and Secondary laws ; the one grounded upon
sincere, the other built upon depraved nature. Primary laws of nations are such as
concern embassage, such as belong to the courteous entertainment of foreigners and
strangers, such as serve for commodious traffick, and the like. Secondary laws in the
same kind are such as this present unquiet world is most familiarly acquainted
with ; I mean laws of arms, which yet are much better known than kept.
97. Une thorie du droit naturel relatif est impute aux auteurs chrtiens des
premiers sicles par E. TRLTSCH, op. cit., p. 164 ss., 179 Cf. ID., Das stoischchristliche und das moderne profane Naturrecht , dan;i Geswmmelte Schriften,
t. IV (Tubingen, 1925), 175 ss.
254
E. L. FORTIN
pour toutes les ingalits que l'usage et la loi humaine autorisent, mais qui
par d'autres cts peuvent paratre comme la source des plus grandes
injustices dans ce monde. Dans la mesure o les hommes participent dj
l'unit de la foi, toutes ces diffrences de nation, de sexe ou de condition
sociale, ont t dpasses ; mais elles retiennent leur signification politique
et peuvent tre admises conformment aux coutumes en vigueur, car en
mprisant ces coutumes on n'aboutirait le plus souvent qu' jeter le
discrdit sur la foi9s.
Il en va de mme pour la guerre, qui a sa racine dans la division actuelle
de l'humanit en cits ou nations spares, et qu'on ne parviendra jamais
liminer tant que cette situation durera. Si grande que soit l'aversion
qu'elle nous inspire, la guerre est invitable, non pas parce que les bons la
veulent, mais parce qu'il n'est pas en leur pouvoir d'y chapper totalement, tant donn qu'elle leur est impose par les mchants dont les
desseins malveillants doivent tre contrecarrs dans l'intrt de la justice.
Rien, en effet, ne serait plus nuisible la race humaine que de donner
libre cours l'injustice en permettant aux malfaiteurs de prosprer et
d'utiliser leurs prosprit pour opprimer les bons 99 .
A supposer que la guerre fasse ncessairement partie de l'conomie
prsente de l'humanit, du moins peut-on autant que possible tcher
d'en attnuer les mfaits. La thorie de la juste guerre, laquelle on
reproche parfois saint Augustin d'avoir souscrit, n'a manifestement pas
t inventf pour encourager la guerre, mais pour en mitiger les rigueurs et
mettre un frein 1' agressivit humaine. Si Augustin l'a admise, ce n'est pas
parce qu'elle rgle la question dfinitivement ; c'est uniquement parce qu'il
n'en connaissait pas de meilleure100 . On pourrait aller plus loin et se
255
demander si Augustin croyait vraiment qu'aucune guerre ft jamais parfaitement juste. Le cas le plus obvie de la soi-disant juste guerre est celui
de la guerre entrepris< contre un agresseur pour la dfense de ses propres
frontires 101 . Mais un tel raisonnement suppose que les frontires protger
ne sont pas injustes au dpart. A la lumire de ce que dit saint Augustin
ailleurs sur l'origine des nations et des empires et sur les crimes qui ont
prsid leur naissance, on imagine difficilement qu'il ait considr ces
frontires comme tant purement et simplement justes. Si cela on ajoute
que l'tat de guerre donne invariablement lieu des situations o les
rgles ordinaires de la justices se relchent, on ne peut que conclure que la
guerre appartient un ordre de choses qui, de quelque manire qu'on
l'envisage, laisse beaucoup dsirer et ne convient qu' la condition d'une
nature humaine blesse et imparfaite.
Il suit de l qu'il n'y a pas, pour saint Augustin, de socit chrtienne
proprement parler. Le christianisme ne rivalise pas avec la socit civile et
ne cherche pas se substituer elle. Il transcende tous les rgimes, mais il
se trouve par le fait mme limit dans ses applications pratiques par les
modalits de son existence dans le monde. Il arrive sans doute que la
sagesse chrtienne et le pouvoir politique se rencontrent dans un seul et
mme sujet, savoir, la personne du prince chrtien102 , mais mme alors
ils restent distincts, cooprant ensemble le cas chant, sans jamais fusionupon which mankind has throughout its history been so frequently impaled. Final
judgment upon them can only be recorded by history in relation to the facts of the
case as known to the parties at the time, and also as subsequently proved ... It is
baffling to reflect that what men call honour does not always correspond to Christian
ethics. Le mme conflit est la base des deux ractions opposes typifies dans
l'antiquit par Constantin d'une part et Julien l'Apostat de l'autre. Les thologiens
constantiniens prdisaient la fin de toutes les guerres la suite du triomphe du
christianisme comme religion mondiale unissant tous les hommes dans le culte du
vrai Dieu. Ils ont pour ainsi dire tent d'liminer la politique classique en faveur
d'une identification thocratique de l'glise et de l'empire romain. Cf. 'f.E. MOMMSEN, St. Augustine and the Christian Idea of Progress , dans] ournal of the History
of Ideas 12 (1952), p. 346-74, rimprim dans ID., Medieval and Renaissance Studies
(New York, 1959), p. 265-96. Voir aussi, du mme auteur, Orosius and Augustine,
ibid., p. 325-48. L'empereur Julien, qui voyait les chrtiens comme une menace pour
l'tat et les croyait plus aptes la prire qu'au combat, a voulu rsoudre le problme
par la suppression du christianisme en faveur d'un retour l'hellnisme. Cf. Contre les
Galilens, 218 A ss., et passim. Par sa doctrine des deux royaumes, Luther a
cherch une solution originale ce mme problme. En tant que personne prive et
membre du royaume de la droite, le chrtien doit vivre selon l'idal du Sermon sur la
Montagne, tandis qu'en tant que citoyen et membre du royaume de la gauche, il est
contraint de se plier aux lois de l'tat, qui, malgr son imperfection manifeste,
n'en est pas moins un instrument de Dieu dans le gouvernement du monde. Sur les
ressemblances et les diffrences entre la doctrine luthrienne des deux royaumes et
la doctrine augustinienne des deux cits , cf. H. BORNKAMM, op cit., p. 19 ss.
ror. Cf. Contra Faust. Manich., XXIII, 74-75.
102. Cf. De civ. Dei, V, 24, qu'on considre gnralement comme le prototype de
ces nombreux miroirs de princes crits pendant les sicles suivants. Cf. W. BERGER,
Die Frstenspiegel des hohen und spiiten Mittelalters, Schriften des Reichsinstitut fr
altere deutsche Geschichtskunde, n. 2 (Leipzig, 1938).
E. L. FORTIN
257
***
En oprant un rapprochement entre la Bible et la philosophie classique,
Augustin a pu rpondre aux objections massives auxquelles du point de
rn5. Contra litt. Petil., II, rg, 43 ; II, 31, 70. De cat. rudibus, zr. 37.
rn6. Sur ce point prcis de la polmique d'Augustin contre le donatisme et sa dette
l'gard de Tyconius, le donatiste dissident, voir en dernire analyse R.A. Markus,
op. cit., p. rn5 ss.
107. Cf. Contra Faust. Manich., XXII, 78; De civ. Dei, XIX, r5.
ro8. Retract., I, 2. Cf. Enar. in Psalm. 48, 6 : Car ce n'est qu'au ciel que nous a t
promis ce qu'ici-bas nous cherchons. Ibid., 84, ro. Cf. P. BROWN, St. Augustine,
lac. cit., p. r8 : We are left with a dichotomy : an acute awareness of the actual
condition of man in this saeculum ; and a yearning for a city far beyond. Augustine
never overcame this dichotomy.
258
E. L. FORTIN
259
Au fur et mesure que la civilisation mthodique se dveloppe, cependant, des doutes se font jour concernant le bien fond de ses aspirations.
La nouvelle socit a prospr au-del de toute prvision, mais rien n'autorisait croire qu'en progressant elle ft devenue moins irrationnelle111 .
L'alarme a t sonne par Nietzsche vers la fin du dix-neuvime sicle. Elle
est devenue depuis le cri de bataille de l'aile marchante de la pense du
vingtime sicle. Le re-drement opr dans les annes qui suivirent se
reflte dans la transition de l'ancienne la nouvelle gauche. Dans le
mariage htif et quelque peu inattendu entre Marx et Nietzsche, c'Est
Nietzsche, comme on aurait pu le prYoir, qui s'est rvl le plus fort des
deux partenaires. Toute la porte du contre-vangile de Nietzsche avait t
de restaurer la grandeur humaine sur le fonde.ment de la critique moderne
de la raison. Ce qui importait, ce n'tait plus le but spcifique de l'activit
humaine, au sujet duquel il n'y avait plus de discussion possible, mais la
sincrit et l'intensit avec lesquelles l'homme tait cens se lancer la
poursuite de n'importe quel but, pourvu qu'il ft librement choisi. L'engagement avait remplac la vrit comme critre unique et ultime de toute
action.
Nietzsche s'en tait pris la raison et la foi au nom de la vie. A son sens,
l'amour de Dieu tait incompatible avec l'amour du prochain112 . A la
lueur des vnements de l'histoire contemporaine, on peut se demander si
la solution rsolument terrestre de Nietzsche113 a effectivement contribu
davantage l'lvation de l'homme qu'aucune des solutions qu'il avait si
loquemment attaques, et notamment la solution supra-terrestre pour
laquelle avait opt saint Augustin.
Nietzsche considrait Augustin, avec Pascal, comme le seul reprsentant
de la grande tradition chrtienne. Sa propre philosophie peut se comprendre, et fut comprise par Nietzsche lui-mme, comme une transformation
radicale de la pense occidentale depuis ses origines. Il est impossible de
saisir la nature de cette transformation sans d'abord en saisir la forme
primitive, et cela seul suffirait justifier une nouvelle enqute sur la
pense politique augustinienne. En mme temps, nous ne pouvons pas
nous empcher de nous demander si l'attaque lance par Nietzsche contre
la double tradition classique et chrtienne n'a pas t elle-mme prpare
de loin par la critique qu'avait faite Augustin de la pense classique au
260
E. L. FORTIN
E.I,.
FORTIN
Un abrg du
r. En ddiant cette tude la mmoire du Pre A. Sage, c'est une dette de reconnaissance que j'acquitte l'gard d'un matre qui je dois beaucoup ; c'est galement
au thologien, auteur de plusieurs articles sur le sacrement de l'eucharistie, que je
tiens rendre hommage. - J'exprime aussi toute ma reconnaissance tous ceux
qui ont facilit cette tude ou m'ont fait bnfici de leur savoir, plus particulirement
au R.P. M. Haverals, M. le Conservateur de la Bibliothque de Soissons et aux
membres si dvous de l'Institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes.
2. Monique-Ccile GARAND, Les copistes de Jean Bud (1430-1502), dans Institut
de Recherches et d'histoire des textes, Bulletin n 15, 1967-1968, Paris 1969, p. 293-332,
p.
l I-6.
262
GEORGES FOLLIET
ditions de leurs uvres, dont les plus importantes sont reproduites dans PL 175
(Hugues de Saint-Victor), r 82 (S. Bernard), Les tudes des spcialistes comme
Haurau, Wilmart, H. Weisweiler, J. Leclercq, R. Baron, etc. fournissent de prcieux
renseignements pour la tradition manuscrite.
6. Toutes nos investigations travers les uvres des. Bernard sont restes vaines.
L. J anauschek semble confirmer ce rsultat ngatif, cf. Xenia Bernardina, pars 4,
Bibliographia Bernardina, r 891, p. x (sub n ro7) : Tractatus de interiori domo
(seu de conscientia aedificanda), in quo multa ex (< Meditationibus reperiuntur,
tertius equidem legitur inter IV libros de Anima apud Hugonem a S. Victore, tribuitur autem potins monacho cuidam Cisterciensi illius aevi .
GEORGES FOLLIET
Les manuscrits.
Une description sommaire des manuscrits qui ont servi l'dition du
texte de la compilation ou que nous connaissons indirectement, nous
parat utile pour l'histoire de la transmission de ce texte. Elle pourra aussi
faciliter sa dcouverte en d'autres manuscrits similaires.
2. Poitiers, Bibl. mun. 74 (294) , xrr s., 124 folios. Provenance : abbaye de
Mores.
Recueil de lectures ou traits spirituels (uvres ou extraits de Guigues le
Jeune, Hugues de Saint-Victor, s. Jrme, s. Isidore de Sville, Julien
Pomre etc). Plusieurs mains. Le ms. dbute par le Liber de conscientia
(f. l-25), sans attribution, suivi desMeditationes (f. 29-43), sans attribution
mais uvre de Guigues le Jeune, et un fragment de son commentaire
sur le Magnificat (f. 42-44 v). Fol. 45-55, Confessio cuiusdam monachi.
Fol. 55v-60, la compilation Verbum caro ... , prcde de la rubrique porte
dans la marge suprieure (( Eusebius Emisenus de corpore Christi quem
transtulit in parte Ambrosius de sacramentis et in part<' Augustinus in
libro de sacramentis fidelium ideo utrorumque inueniuntur eadem )).
3. Valenciennes, Bibl. mun. 196 (188), XII s., II2 folios. Provenance :
abbaye de Saint-Amand7 .
Recueil de traits spirituels (uvres de Hugues de Fouilloy, Drogon,
Yves de Chartres, ou anonymes). Aux fol. 83v-ro5, Liber de anima, sans
attribution; en fait se trouvent la suite, sous le mme titre, le De cognitione humanae conditionis (ch. l 4, 13 ; et ch. 14, 36 la fin du ch. 14)
(83v-86v), le De spiritu et anima (86v-ro5). Fol. ro5, Incipit de sacramento
corporis et sanguinis Christi; sous ce titre figurent tout d'abord vingt-deux
lignes qui ne sont que des extraits du De sacramentis de Hugues de SaintVictor, Livre II, pars 8, ch. 7, 8, 9, sauf les dernires lignes que nous
7. Ancienne cote G. 123, mentionne par A. SANDER, Biblioteca belgica manuscripta, Lille r64r, I, p. 42, sous cote G. r22, et d'aprs Sander, dans !'Histoire litt. de.la
France, p. 702.
18
266
GEORGES FOLLIET
explicit
267
qua
12. Tours, Bibl. mun. 488, fin xv s., 243 folios. Provenance : abbaye de
Saint-Martin. Ce manuscrit a t dtruit en r94010
10. La seule description de ce ms. que nous connaissions est celle du Catalogue gnral des manuscrits ... Dpartements, (in-8), vol. 37, Paris 1900, p. 391-393, o les renseignements donns ne sont malheureusement pas trs prcis.
268
GEORGES FOLLIET
269
Le texte
L'analyse qui accompagne l'dition du texte montre que celui-ci est constitu, deux exceptions prs, d'extraits ou d'emprunts au De sacramento
corporis et sanguinis Domini d'Alger de Lige. Sur les 86 passages que nous
avons ainsi reprs, 75 sont repris littrakment, dont 39 sont des citations
des Pres de l'glise ou d'crivains ecclsiastiques ; reste une douzaine de
passages qui sont dm adaptations ou des rsums du texte d'Alger. Le tableau qui suit peut donner une ide d\.nsemble de la facture du compendium.
13. Ce catalogue a t dit par A. Molinier et H. Omont, d'aprs le ms. Dijon 35 8,
1-93, dans Catalogue gnral des manuscrits ... Dpartements, (in-So) vol. 5, Paris 1889,
p. 339-452 sous le titre : Inventaire des manuscrits de Cteaux de Jean Cirey ; voir
n. 652, . la p. 407.
270
GEORGES FOLLIET
67- 69
74- 76
81- 83
83- 86
88- 90
90- 93
102-105
105-107
107-108
lo9-u1
II6-II8
II8-II9
155-156
166-167
167-169
169-170
173-174
174-175
184-186
187-189
Lanfranc
J. Chrysostome
Augustin
Eusbe Gallican
Paschase
Augustin
Ps-Hilaire (Ps-Augustin)
Paschase
Augustin
Csaire (Ps-Augustin)
Augustin
128-130
130-133
133-135
136-139
139-141
141-143
143-147
148-152
153-155
156-162
163-165
170-171
176-180
180-184
184-186
186-187
190-192
192-195
195-201
202-206
206-208
208-209
210-212
212-215
40
45
74
80
86- 88
II l-II4
120-122
122-126
135-136
162-163
171-173
189-190
271
Tout en suivant dans ses grandes lignes le plan des trois livres dont est
compos le De sacramento corporis et sanguinis Domini d'Alger, l'auteur a
opr un choix, mettant profit surtout le premier livre dont 58 passages
sont tirs, sur les 88 que l'on a pu distinguer, les autres se retrouvant
proportion peu prs gale dans les deux derniers livres. Ce choix indique
clairement les intentions du compilateur, car des trois livres d'Alger le
premier est certainement le plus riche du point de vue doctrinal. Alors que
les livres II et III traitent de questions secondaires relatives au sacrement
de l'eucharistie (dispositions morales, attitudes des hrtiques, cas de
profanation, etc.), le livre premier expose l'essentiel du dogme : l'eucharistie comme mystre d'unit, le rle de la foi dans la ralisation et les effets
de ce mystre, la conversion du pain et du vin opre par les paroles du
Christ, la participation du communiant la passion et la rsurrection
du Christ, la prsence mystrieuse et permanente du Christ ressuscit
au milieu des hommes par ce sacrement. Tous ces passages doctrinaux
repris par le compilateur occupent la quasi totalit de notre texte, seules
les dernires lignes voquent des aspects secondaires et leur vocation
dflore la porte spirituelle de l'ensemble.
Les 39 citations des Pres et crivains ecclsiastiques, donnes sans
rfrence, figurent toutes, une exception prs (lignes 169-170 = Csaire)
dans lP texte d'Alger, lequel avait eu soin de leur donner une attribution
plus ou moins prcise et exacte. Elles appartiennent en fait au dossier des
tmoignages que l'on retrouve peu prs identiques dans les crits suscits
par la controverse autour du sacrem\"nt de l'eucharistie, du IX au XII s.
Ces textes entrrent pour la plupart dans les collections canoniques et les
sommes du xn et du XIII s. o puisrent largement les thologiens postrieurs14. C'est d'ailleurs de cfs collections canoniques que l'un des copistes
du xv s. (Paris Mazarine 993) fait dpendre la compilation Verbum caro
comme il le prcise dans l'intitul: Sermo beati Augustini de sacramento
altaris ymo alterius doctoris, sumptus tamen de corpore iuris ideo probatus
in ecclesia , sans doute pour lui donner autorit.
Nous ne pouvons tudier ici en dtail ce dossier qui occupe une place
prpondrante dans notre texte comme le relve le tableau prcdent. Tout
au long de l'analyse on a eu soin de prciser les sources de chacune de ces
citations <'t d'en indiquer sommairement la fortune travers quelques
uvres. La transmission de ces textes pose de multiples problmes
comme celui des sources directes et indirectes ; l'intitul prcdant le texte
de la compilation dans le ms. de Poitiers 74, du XII s. laisse souponner que
ds cette poque on avait conscience de ces problmes. Ds le IX s. se constiturent des florilges qui se multiplirent par la suite, s'enrichissant de
l'un l'autre ou se spcifiant. Et c'est de ces florilges, travers Alger,
14. Sur la transmission de ces dossiers, on peut consulter : J. DE GHELLINCK, Le
mouvement thologique du XII sicle, Bruxelles-Paris, 1948, passim. Ch. MUNIER,
Les sources patristiques du droit del' glise du V III au XIII sicle, Mulhouse, 1957,
passim. Consulter galement les art. Florilges dans les Dictionnaires.
272
GEORGES FOLLIET
que proviennent le plus grand nombre des citations que nous avons pu
reprer dans l'abrg Verbum caro. Pour ne prendre que quelques
exemples t:r"'Piques, les citations faites aux lignes Sr-83, rn2-I05, n8-n9,
r55-r56 qui se retrouvent chez Alger comme appartenant au Liber A ugustini de sacramento altaris ne sont autres que des extraits d'une compilation
du De sacr. corp. et sang. Domini de Paschase et qu'a dj utilis Raban
Maur ( t 856). De mme en est-il des lignes 45-46, 67-69, 74-76, qui se
retrouvent chez Alger sous le titre Sententiae Prosperi, autre florilge que
l'on voit apparatre au xr s. et qui n'est constitu que d'extraits du De
corp. et sang. Dom. de Lanfranc15 . Semblable problme se pose pour un
texte cit deux fois par ALGER I, 9, c. 769 C et I, II, c. 772 B sous le titre
Augustinus in epistola ad I renaeum et dont dpendent les lignes 65-66 du
compendium Verbum caro. Il s'agit au dpart d'un passage de l'Enarratio
in ps. 98, 9 : Non hoc corpus quod uidetis manducaturi estis ... , cit
dj par BDE et FLORUS dans leur florilge augustinien in I Cor. II, repris
par plusieurs auteurs ultrieurs, par exemple DURAND de Troarn, De
sacr. corp. et sang. Dom. VII, 23 et 25, PL I49, I4I2 D et r4r6 D, par
GuITMOND d'Aversa, De sacr. corp. et sang. Dom. II, PL r49, r46I D,
I464 D, par LANFRANC, De corp. et sang. Dom. I8, PL r50, 430 C, 432 D,
433 C, 434 A-B; et c'est ce mme texte qui combin avec la glose de Lanfranc apparat sous le titre Augustinus in epistola ad Irenaeum chez YVES
de Chartres, Decretum II, 9 et Panormia I, r34, PL I6I, r56 B, rn75 B,
chez Alger de Lige aux rfrences donnes ci-dessus, chez GRATIEN
Decretum III, de cons. 45, d. Friedberg I, col. I330-r33r, chez LOMBART,
Sententiae IV, dist. IO, 2, PL r92, r8o 1 6.
Tous les rapprochements tablis entre le texte de la compilation et le
trait d'Alger montrent l'troite dpendance du compilateur par rapport
sa source. Pour appuyn cette dmonstration relevons seulement deux
indices mineurs mais assez frappants. Aux lignes I70-I7I et r86-r87
rEvient l'expression:<< Fide omnia sacramenta complentur )) qui a toute la
densit d'une dfinition thologique et qui est trs proche de l'expression
augustinienne cite par ALGER III, 7, c. 840 A : sacramenti vicem comples
fidei merito )) et dont elle s'inspire trs probablement. Alger en est-il
l'auteur comme nous sommes port le croire ? Il est en tout cas certain
qu'Alger l'adopte comme expression de sa doctrine puisque nous la retrouvons sous sa plume dans son Liber de misericordia et iustitia III, 7, PL I8o,
)>
936 A. Notons enfin pour appuyer cette fidlit du compilateur par rapport
sa source, la juxtaposition de plusieurs citations aux lignes 46-54 et 54-61,
88-90 et 90-93, ro2-ro5, ro5-107, 107-ro8, juxtaposition que l'on trouve
dj chez Alger.
Si dpendant qu'il soit, ou qu'il veuille l'tre, l'auteur de la compilation
trahit quelque peu son anonymat en trois endroits, o l'influence cistercienne est marquante. Aux lignes 1rr-rr4 et 169, l o Alger fait mention
des hrtiques et des schismatiques (qui extra ecclesiam sunt) qui se
trouvent exclus de l'eucharistie pour leur refus de l'unit dans l'glise,
le compilateur transpose le problme sur le plan d.e la charit, et ses
yeux quiconque entretient de la haine en son cur ne peut s'approcher de
l'eucharistie. On ne peut s'empcher de voir l une influence de l'enseignement de s. Bernard, cf. De resurrectione domini, sermo 1, 16-17, (Sti
Bernardi opera, V, Editiones cistercienses, 1968 p. 93) : cc Neque enim
cohabitatio esse potest luci ad tenebras, Christi cum superbia ... cum
fraterno odio ... Si indigne suscipitis, iudicium uobis manducatis, sanctum
corpus Domini non diiudicantes ii. Ligne 189, propos des effets de
l'huile, une retouche lgre mais non moins significative est apporte
galement par le compilateur : << Oleum uero ... animam fide illuminet,
dilectione inflammet, spe clesti muniat et roboret n, lisait-il chez Alger,
passage qu'il adapte comme suit : << Oleum illuminat, ungit et pascit ;
illuminat animam fide, ungit dilectione, pascit dilectione )). Ne serait-ce
pas l un cho aux mots mmes de s. BERNARD, In Cantica canticorum,
sermo 15, 5, (Sti Bernardi opera, I, Editiones cistercienses, 1957, p. 85,
23-25) : cc Est autem, dico, in triplici quadam qualitate olei, quod. lucet,
pascit et ungit, si uos melius non habetis )), Emprunt tout naturel si
l'hypothse de l'origine d.e la compilation en milieu cistercien se trouvait
vrifie.
Le texte de la compilation Verbum caro figure dans la Patr. lat., t. 177,
c. 165-170 ; il reproduit celui de l'dition des Chanoines Rgulie1 s de
Saint-Victor, paru Reims en 1648. La collation des manuscrits r~vle
que ce texte a t tabli partir des manuscrits tardifs, bon nomb1e de
leons si retrouvent en effet dans le ms. Paris B. N. lat. 14507, xrv-xv s.
qui a appartenu l'abbaye de Saint-Victor. Une nouvelle dition s'imposait sur la base des manuscrits du XII s. : Dijon 582, Poitiers 74, Valenciennes 196. Dans l'apparat critique sont mentionnes les variantes des
autres manuscrits y compris celles des manuscrits tardifs du xv s. afin de
permettre de suivre les vicissitudes d'un texte qui aboutit finalement
dans les recueils de dvotion grand succs. Nous avons retenu l'incipit
tardif tel qu'il apparat dans les trois manuscrits du xv s. : Orlans 189,
Paris Bibl. Mazarine 993, Soissons 126, car son adjonction pose quelques
problmes. On constate en effet qu'aux cinq prE.mires lignes, qui sont une
reprise des lignes 31-35, est ajout un extrait des. Lon: <<Hoc ore accipitur quod corde creditur ii qui n'est pas dans la compilation mais qui
figure dj dans le De sacr. corp. et sang. Dom. d'Alger, ce qui fait supposer
que l'auteur de cet incipit tardif aurait eu sous les yeux le trait d'Alger.
274
GEORGES FOLLIET
Autres questions que l'on se pose sans pouvoir y rpondre : quel est
l'auteur de ce second incipit et quel en a t le motif ?
Le trait d'Alger ayant t l'origine du compendium, nous avons t
amen comparer les textes dans les cas d'emprunts littraux. De ces
comparaisons il ressort que le texte du De sacr. corp. et sang. Dom. d'Alger
reproduit dans PL 180, 739-854, d'aprs l'd. de J.-B. Malou (Louvain,
1847), laisse beaucoup dsirt>r. Dans les citations d'Alger, reproduites
dans le dossier des sources face l'dition, sont signales un certain
nombre de leons des trois manuscrits qui nous ont t facilement accessibles : Paris B. N. lat. 812 et 3482, Troyes 443, manuscrits que nous
avons examins lorsque le texte du compendium diffrait du texte d'Alger
dans l'd. Malou. On a pu constater que le texte des extraits d'Alger
figurant dans le compendium tait trs proche de celui du De sacr. corp. et
sang. Dom. dans les mss. du XII s. tout particulirement du ms. df Troyes
443, XII s. Une dition nouvelle du trait d'Alger partir des plus anciens
manuscrits permettrait probablement de dcouvrir le texte original dont
s'est servi l'auteur de l'abrg.
275
E
T
X
C
0
S
a
XII
s.
A
B
Y
b
276
IO
GEORGES FOLLIET
r De sacramento altaris D Eusebius F.misenus de corpore Christi quem transtulit in parte Ambrosius de sacramentis et in parte Augustinus in libro de sacramentis
fidelium ideo utrorumque inueniuntur eadem add. supra al. manu De sacramento
corporis et sanguinis Christi V Tractatus mirabilis et utilis de scramento altaris
expunctus X Sermo beati Augustini de sacramento altaris MO Mirabilia de
sacramento altaris S
r-5 om. DPVETXCa
5 quali] qualis MOS
corde om. 0
accessit 0
7 uerbum 2 om. MOS
8 uerbum] nobis MOS
9 aestimandus] existimandus a
et] per ECa om. T
12 omnes] nos MOS
13 his] iis C'a hiis C 2 MOS
14 misericordia] per misericordiam MOS
>>
277
2-3
AUGUSTIN, C. litt. Petiliani II, 52 (I2o), CSEL 52, 89, 9-IO: Nos dicimus tale
cuique fieri sacrificium qualis accedit ut offerat et qualis accedit ut sumat .
ALGER,
III, II, c. 844 D-845 A : Nos dicimus tale cuique fieri sacrificium, qualis accedit ut
offerat, et qualis accedit ut sumat ...
35 AUGUSTIN, C. epist. Parmeniani II, 6 (II), CSEL 5r, 56, 23-26 : Nam unum
atque idem sacrificium propter nomen dei (ms. a : domini) quod ibi (ms. 13 ibi am.)
inuocatur et semper est sanctum (ms. y : sanctum est), tale (ms. a : et tale) cuique fit,
quali corde ad accipiendum accesserit . - ALGER III, 2, c. 833 B : Nam unum
idemque sacrificium propter nomen Domini quod inuocatur, et semper sanctum est,
et tale cuique fit, quali corde ad accipiendum accesserit . Cf. GRATIEN, Decretum,
2 pars, causa I, qu. r, 98, d. Friedberg, I, col. 397.
5-6 LON, Sermo 9r, 3, PL 54, 452 B : 'Hoc enim ore sumitur quod fide creditur' .
- ALGER I, ro, c. 770 D : Item Leo: ' ... Hoc enm oresumitur quod fide creditur' .
Cf. PASCHASE, Ep. ad Fredugardum, CC Med. r6, p. r59, 474-475, p. 169, 763.
HRIGER, Dicta 12. LANFRANC, De corp. et sang. Dom. 19, PL 150, 435 A. DURAND,
De corp. et sang. Dom. VI, r9, PL 149, 1404 B. Gu1TMOND, De corp. et sang. Dom.
III, PL 149, 1473 B. YVES de Chartres, Decretum II, 9, PL 161, 156 C.
7
7-13 HILAIRE, De Trinitate VIII, 13, PL IO, 246 A : Si enim uere Verbum caro
factum est, et uere nos Verbum carnem cibo dominico sumimus ; quomodo non
naturaliter manere in nobis existimandus est, qui et naturam carnis nostrae iam
inseparabilem sibi homo natus assumpsit, et naturam carnis suae ad naturam
aeternitatis sub sacramento nobis communicandae carnis nobis admiscuit. Ita
enim omnes unum sumus ... quia in Christo Pater, et Christus in nobis, unum in his
esse nos faciunt >>. - ALGER I, 3, c. 748 A : Vnde Hilarius in libro octauo de Trinitate : 'Si uere Verbum caro factum est, et uere nos Verbum carnem (factum add.
b om. A Y) cibo dominico sumimus (quomodo non add. b om. A) naturaliter manere in
nobis existimandus est, qui et naturam carnis nostrae iam inseparabilem sibi homo
natus assumpsit, et naturam carnis suae ad naturam aeternitatis sub sacramento
no bis communicandae carnis admiscuit '. Ita enim omnes unum sumus quia in
Christo Pater et Christus in no bis unum in his nos esse faciunt >>. Cf. P ASCHASE,
De corp. et sang. Domini, IX, CC Med. 16, p. 56, I05-II2; Epist. ad Fredugardum
ibid. p. 162, 556-561 ; p. r69, 784-790. HRIGER, De corp. et sang. Domini, 6, PL
139, 184 A; Idem, Dicta 2. DURAND, De corp. et sang. Dom. III, 3 et 4, PL 149,
1382 Cet 1383 A. GuITMOND, De corp. et sang. Dom. III, PL 149, 1474 CD et 1476 D.
13-15 AUGUSTIN, Sermo 229 = Denis VI, 1, PL 46, 835 ; Miscell. agost. I, p. 30,
7-9 : ... Nam et nos corpus ipsius facti sumus et per misericordiam ipsius, quod
accipimus, nos sumus . - ALGER I, 3 et I, 19, c. 749. Cet c. 794 D : unde Augustinus in sermone de sacramentis fidelium feria II Paschae : ' ... Nam et nos corpus
ipsius facti sumus et misericordia ipsius quod accipimus nos sumus '. Quia igitur
corpus Christi sumus qui corpus Christi accipimus ... . Cf. FLORUS, Expos~ in Ep.
beati Pauli, in I Cor. IO, 17, d. 1499, fol. 98v. DURAND, De corp. et sang. Dom.
VII, 24, PL 149, 1414 C. GuITMOND, De corp. et sang. Dom. II, PL 149, 1465 C.
YVES de Chartres, Decretum II, l, PL 161, 135 A. GRATIEN, Decretum III, de cons.
II, 36, d. Friedberg, I, col. 1326. GUILLAUME de Saint-Thierry, De sacramento altaris, 12, PL 180, 364.
278
GEORGES FOLLIET
15
279
15-16
AUGUSTIN, Tract. in Eu. Johan. III, 6, PL 35, I929: ... et nos ipse sumus,
cum ... corpus eius sumus . Enar. in ps. I42, 3, PL 37, I846: Omnia autem membra corporis, cum sint multa, unum est corpus (I Cor. I2, I2) .
ALGER I, 3, c.
748 D, citant littralement et la suite ces deux textes.
17-18 ALGER I, 3, c. 749 C: Quia igitur corpus Christi sumus... non soli (AB Y
solum b) capiti per dilectionem sed etiam cum membris nostris inuicem uniri debemus .
19-22
2224
AUGUSTIN, Sermo Denis III, 2, PL 46, 827 ; ,Vfisc. agostin., I, p. I9, 7-9 :
Hoc agnoscite in pane, quod pependit in cruce : hoc in calice, quod manauit
ex latere . - ALGER I, 9, c. 769 B : Augustinus ... ait in sermone ad neophytos :
' Hoc accipite in pane quod pependit in cruce; hoc accipite in calice quod effusum
est de Christi latere ... ' . Cf. PASCHASE, Epist. ad Fredugardum, CC I6, p. 147
74-76 ; p. I49, 118-149; I94-195. DURAND, De corp. et sang. Dom. V, II, PL 149,
1392 C. GurTMOND, De corp. et sang. Dom. II et III, PL I49, 1464 A et 147I B.
BRENGER, De sacra coena, d. W.H. Beekenkamp, 70, I3-14 ; 94, 22-24 ; I04, 4-5 ;
I47 l6-I7 ; Idem, Mmoire sur les conciles romains de la Toussaint de 1078 et de
carme de Io79, I07 D, d. R.B.C. Huygens, dans Sacris erudiri, I6, 1965, p. 399,
237-239. LANFRANC, De corpore et sanguine Domini, I9 ,PL 150, 434 D (cf. J. de
MONTCLOS, Lanfranc et Branger. La controverse eucharistique du XJe sicle, p. 308
n. 5). YVES, Decretum II, 9, PL r6I, I56 B.
24-30
EusirnE Gallican, Homilia I7, 2 et 3, CC Io1, p. 196, 27-30 : Nam inuisibilis sacerdos, uisibiles creaturas in substantia corporis et sanguinis sui, uerbo suo,
secreta potestate conuertit ita dicens : Accipite et edite, hoc est corpus meum, et,
sanctificatione repetita : Accipite et bibite, hic est sanguis meus ; ibid. p. 198,
53-56 : cum reuerendum altare cibis satiandus ascendis, sacrum dei tui corpus et
sanguinem fide respice, honore mirare, mente continge, cordis manu suscipe et
maxime haustu interiori assume . - ALGER I, IO c. 771 A et B (texte ci-dessus avec
quelques variantes) : {< Inuisibilis sacerdos ... in substantiam corporis... dicens :
Accipite et bibite (sic) hoc est ... et sanctificatione repetita : Accipite ... : {< cum
(ad add. b om. ABY) reuerendum altare ... ascendis (sic ABY accedis b), ... honore (sic
ABY honora b) mirare ... assume; idem II, 3, c. 820 B: {<ut inuisibilis sacerdos,
uisibibiles creaturas in substantiam suae carnis inuisibiliter conuertat . Sur les
diverses attributions de ce texte et sa fortune voir Monitum l'dition dans CC IOl,
pp. l92-I93 ; Sacris erudiri, 3, r961 (Clauis Patrum latinorum), p. 212, n.0 966 ;
LEPIN, L'ide du sacrifice de la messe, pp. 44-47. Rfrence ajouter, HRIGER,
Dicta I.
280
GEORGES FOLLIET
30
cordis manu accipe et maxime haustu interiori assume. Il Nam credere in eum hoc est accipere panem uiuum. Il Nos credimus et
dicimus quoniam corpus Christi tale unicuique fit qualis accesserit
ut offerat, et qualis accesserit ut accipiat. Il Nam unum idemque
corpus, propter nomen domini quod inuocatur, semper sanctum est
et tale unicuique fit quali corde ad accipiendum accesserit. Il Si
offerat Deo malus et accipiat bonus, tale cuique erit qualis quisque
fuerit.
35
40
28I
30-31
AUGUSTIN, Tract. in Euang. Johan. 25, 12, PL 35, 1602 : [Vtquid paras
dentes et uentrem ?] Crede et manducasti ;et Tract. in Euang. Johan. 26, I, PL 35,
I 607 : Credere in eum, hoc est manducare panem uiuum. Qui credit, manducat .
- Ar,GER I, 8 et I, l I, c. 762 B et 773 C : Augustinus in libro de poenitentia (en
I, I I : in libro secundo de poenitentia) [Vtquid paras dentes et uentrem ?] Credere
in eum, hoc est manducare panem uiuum (panem et uinum A). Qui credit in eum
manducat eum . Cf. YVES de Chartres, Decretum II, 4, PL r61, r37 C. GRATIEN,
Decretum III, de cons. II, 47, d. Friedberg, I, col. l33I. LOMBARD, Sententiae IV,
9, l, PL 192, 858.
Reprise de l'incipit, cf. !. l-2. AUGUSTIN, c. litt. Petiliani II, 52 (120),
CSEL p. 52, 89, 9-ro. - Ar,GER III, II, c. 844 D-845 A, texte supra, avec quelques
modifications : Nos credimus et dicimus quoniam corpus Ch}isti tale unicuique fit
qualis accesserit ut accipiat .
31-33
33-35 Reprise des lignes 3-5. AUGUSTIN, C. epist. Parmeniani II, 6 (II), CSEL 51,
p. 56, 23-26. -Ar,GER III, 2, c. 833 B. Seule modification: quod inuocatur au lieu
de quod inuocatum est .
35-37
38-40 Ce passage n'est pas une citation littrale, mais il est trs probablement
inspir par Ar,GER I, 14, c. 780-782, o se retrouvent thme et expressions: c. 781 B :
qui... in Patris sit dextera constitutus, in eadem carne quam sumpsit ex uirgine ... ;
c. 781 A : corpus in quo resurrexit ; c. 780 C de hoc supersubstantiali corpore
credendum est quod eodem tempore et uere est in Sacramento suo in terris et uere
in coelo sedet ad dexteram Patris ; c. 780 D : ... sempiterna erit in regno haec
eadem forma immortalis ; c. 781 B ... forma illa humana, in qua Christus coenans
cum discipulis tradidit illis seipsum ... uno loco est in coelis ad dexteram Patris
integra ... et tamen in humana et in sacramentali forma idem uerus utrobique Christus
in coelo et in terris ; c. 782 C ... sala caro Christi ... ubicumque, quomodocumque
sibi placuerit, non de loco ad locum transeundo, sed ibi, ubi est, remanendo, et alibi
ubicumque uoluerit existendo tota et integra et substantialiter sit et in coelo et in
terra ... . Certaines expressions se retrouvent plus loin : II, 3, c. 820 C et 821 B.
40-41 JEAN CHRYSOSTOME, De sacerdotio III, 4, PG 48, 642, cit au moyen-ge sous
le nom de Basile. - Ar,GER I, 12, c. 777 D : Hanc Filii Dei uere adorandam carnem
B. Basilius admirans, ait in dialogo suo de dignitate sacerdotii : (0 miraculum,
o Dei in nos beneuolentia (sic A beneuolentiam b) !) Qui sursum sedet ad dexteram
Patris, sacrificii tamen tempore hominum manibus continetur ... ; idem, I, 14,
c. 78I C : Idem Basilius in dialogo suo: 'Qui sursum sedet ad dexteram Patris,
sacrificii tamen tempore hominum manibus continetur' .Sur la fortune de ce texte
voir LEPIN, L'ide du sacrifice de la messe, pp. 56-58. Rfrences ajouter: PASCHASE
RADBERT, Epist. ad Fredugardum, CC Med. I6, p. 168, 752-75+ HRIGER, Dicta I8.
41-43 Ar,GER I, 14, c. 78 l D : [Cum ergo dictum sit quia] corpus Christi tale
accipimus in sacramento, quale post resurrectionem est in seipso ... .
43-45
Passage inspir probablement par Ar,GER I, I4 et 15, o l'on trouve certaines expressions approchantes: c. 783 B sumptum non consumptum ; c. 784 A:
(<Eusebius Emesinus (EUSBE Gallican, Homilia r8, 4, CC IOI, p. 20I, ror) ...
benedictio huius sacramenti scit distribui, nescit distributione consumi ; c. 784 A :
(<Augustinus in sermone de uerbis domini (Sermo r3r, l, PL 38, 729) ... Quid ergo
si uideritis Filium hominis ascendentem ubi erat prius ? Certe qui integer ascendere
potuit, consumi non potuit . L'expression (< in illud quod transfertur cite par
19
282
GEORGES FOLLIET
45
>>
ALGER I, 17, c. 790 D, sous le nom d'Augustin, est tir de PASCHASE RADBERT
De corp. et sang. Dom. 7, CC Med. 16, p. 38, 26 (cf. LEPIN, L'ide du sacrifice de la
messe, p. 762 ; et supra p. 272). HRIGER, De corp. et sang. Dom. 3, PL 139, 181 B.
4654 JEAN CHRYSOSTOME, De sacerdotio VI, 4, PG 48, 681 cit par Alger sous le
nom de Basile, ALGER I, 12, c. 778 A : Cum sacerdos Spiritum sanctum aduocauerit,
et reuerendam illam hostiam immolauerit, communemque omnium Dominum subinde
contigerit, ubi illum, die mihi, nostra aestimatione ponemus ? ... Expende enim
quales oporteat eius esse manus tantarum rerum ministras, qualem linguam uerba
illa fundentem, aut quo genere non mundiorem et sanctiorem animam, talis spiritus
receptricem. Tune etiam angeli circumstant sacerdoti (sic ABY sacerdotem b) et
tribunal atque altaris locus coelestibus uirtutibus adimpletur, in honorem illius
qui immolatur .Sur la fortune de ce texte voir LEPIN, L'ide du sacrifice de la messe,
pp. 56-58. Ajoutons HRIGER, Dicta 19.
54-61
GRGOIRE le Grand, Dialogues IV, 58; 59, PL 77, 428 : in ipsa immolationis hora ad sacerdotis uocem caelos aperiri, in illo Iesu Christi mysterio angelorum choros adesse, summis ima sociari, terrena coelestibus iungi, unumque ex
uisibilibus atque inuisibilibus fieri ? Sed necesse est ut cum haec agimus, nosmetipsos Deo in cordis contritione mactemus, quia qui passionis dominicae mysteria
celebramus, debemus imitari quod agimus. Tune ergo vere pro nabis hostia erit
Deo, cum nos ipsos hostiam fecerimus .
ALGER I, 12, c. 778 B (texte identique
avec quelques variantes) : Item Gregorius in quarto Dialogorum libro : ' Quis
fidelium habere dubium possit, in ipsa immolationis hora ... unum ex uisibilibus .. .
nosmetipsos (Deo add. b om. A) in cordis contritione mactemus ; et qui passionis .. .
hostiam fecerit (sic ABY fecerimus b) . Sur la fortune de ce texte voir LEPIN, L'ide
du sacrifice de la messe, p. Sr ; aux rfrences donnes ajoutons PASCHASE RADBERT,
De corp. et sang. Dom. IX, CC Med. 16, p. 65, 393-395; Epist. ad Fredugardum,
ibid. pp. 151-152, 219-223. HRIGER, Di.ta 4. YVES de Chartres, Decretum II, 9,
PL l6I, 157 C. GRATIEN Decretum, III, de cons. II, 73, d. Friedberg, I, col. 1343.
61-65
JEAN CHRYSOSTOME, Homilia in Hebraeos 17, 3, PG 63, 130-131 ; traduction latine du vre s., ibid. 349 : In Christo autem e contrario semel oblata est ...
Quid ergo nos ? nonne per singulos dies offerimus ? Offerimus quidem, sed ad recordationem facientes mortis eius : et una est haec hostia, non multae. Quomodo una
est et non multae ? Et quia semel ablata est illa, oblata est in sancta sanctorum :
hoc autem sacrificium exemplar est illius. Idipsum semper offerimus, nec nunc
quidem alium agnum, crastina alium, sed semper idipsum .-ALGER I, 15, c. 784 D785 A ; I, 16, c. 786 C: Vnde Ambrosius in epistola ad Hebraeos: 'In Christo semel
oblata est hostia ad salutem sempiternam potens. Quid ergo nos ? Nonne per singulos dies offerimus ? Offerimus, sed ad recordationem mortis eius ; et una est hostia,
non multae. Quomodo una et non multae ? Quia semel oblatus est Christus, hoc
autem sacrificium exemplum est illius ; idipsum, semper idipsum ... ' >>. Idem, I,
16, c. 786 C. L'incidente quoniam per singulos dies peccamus >> est probablement
284
GEORGES FOLLIET
PSEUDO-AUGUSTIN
cc
DE SACRAMENTO ALTARIS"
285
prise au passage parallle d'Alger I, 16, c. 788 B : Iteratur autem quotidie haec
oblatio, licet Christus semel passus sit, quia quotidie peccamus ... , texte cit sous
le nom d'Augustin, mais qui appartient en ralit au florilge de Paschase, extrait
du De corp. et sang. 9, 4-10, CC Med. 16, p. 52. Sur le texte de Jean Chrysostome,
cit sous le nom d'Ambroise depuis Yves de Chartres, et sur sa fortune, voir LEPIN,
L'ide du sacrifice de la messe, pp. 42-44, p. 43, n. r.
286
GEORGES FOLLIET
Sr
82
83
84
85
87
89
90
gr
93
94
95
81-83
83-86
88-90 AUGUSTIN Sermo Mai r29, in Miscell. agost. I, p. 375, r6-r8 : Per partes
manducatur, et manet integer totus ; per partes manducatur in sacramento, et
manet integer totus in caelo, manet integer totus in corde tuo .
ALGER I, r5,
c. 783 D, citant ce texte travers la collection de Florus (cf. A. \YILMART, Distiques
d'Hincmar sur l'eucharistie ? Un sermon oubli de s. Augustin sur le mme sujet,
dans Revue bndictine 40, 1928, pp. 90-96) : Augustinus in sermone de uerbis
domini : ' ... unusquisque partem suam accipit, per partes manducatur et manet
integer, totus in caelo, totus in corde tuo' ;texte qu'Alger reprend et glose au
mme chapitre I, r5, c. 785 B-C : Quod autem Augustinus ait : ' Et quidem in
sacramento sic fit unusquisque accepit partem suam, et per partes manducatur,
ne hoc quidem impedit eius integritatem aliquatenus ... Quia semper idem est
(Christus)totus in magno, totus in paruo, totus in integro totus in fracto (sicAB Y) ... '.
90-93
93-94 ALGER I, r5, c. 786 A : [Ita in sacramento corporis Christi, nec in minori
defectus, nec in maiori abundantia], quia non in specie uel quantitate sacramenti,
sed in uirtute Christi est gratia .
94-95 ALGER I, r5, c. 785 D : ... quomodocumque uarientur signa, semper idem
est in seipso .
95-97 ALGER I, r5, c. 784 C : Quod euidentius ipse Christus in seipso manifestans
praesens ipse (A Y praesens ipse om. b) in coena corpus et sanguinem. suum. discipulis suis distribuit ... .
288
GEORGES FOLLIET
roo
97 distribuit] tribuit S
99 unus] uiuus VMOS
Ior officiis add. sit cMOSa
astricta add. sed a
roz semetipsam] semetipsum MOS
infundat] infundit DMOS
I03 corporis] om. T
consecrantis om. S
Io4 merito add. sacerdotis MOS
I05 efficitur] perficitur MO
106 per eos om. S
I08 consensione factorum] consumptione sanctorum MOS
diabolo om.
rro sed add. bonum C'Sa
sed male accipiendo om. ET
MOS
III indigne] in se S
quisque] quis MO quisquis S
paenituerunt] paeniuz criminalibus] criminibus D crimine quolibet MOS
tuerint DT XMOS
aut] et MOS
II3 hominem om. X
289
Ar,GER I, 14, c. 78 r B : [ coenans cum dis cipu lisJ tradidit illis seipsum in
sacramento quasi alium et tamen eundem >).
97-98
98-99 Ar,GER I, r5, c. 784 C. Suite du texte cit aux lignes 8r-82 : et cum ipse a
singulis sumptus comederetur et biberetur in sacramento, ipse tamen uiuus et
integer mansit in seipso .
100-102 Ar,GER III, 7, c. 838 D : ... gratiamque Dei ita liberam, ut nullis hominum meritis uel officiis astricta, quando uult, quomodo uult, cuicumque uult, seipsam infundat.
102-105
105-107 AUGUSTIN, C. ep. Parmeniani II, ro, (22), BA 28, p. 320 : ... qui scilicet
omnia sacramenta, cum obsunt indigne tractantibus, prosunt tamen per eos digne
sumentibus ... >)
AI,GER I, 21, c. 802, D : Item Augustinus ad Parmenianum
libro II : ' ... quia scilicet ... cum obsint ... sumentibus ; III, r r, c. 845 A, idem.
107-108 AuGUS'l'IN, Epist. r4r, 5, CSEL 44, p. 239, 5-7 : .. quia communia malorum non maculat aliquem participatione sacramentorum sed consensione factorum . -Ar,GER I, 21, c. 802 D: Item Augustinus contra donatistas: 'communia ...
factorum .
109-111
111-114 Ar,GER I, 22, c. 804 C-805 A : [Communicare non desinat quamuis eos]
qui in affectu peccandi sunt uel de criminalibus digne non poenituerunt [uel ab
his ministris qui extra ecclesiam sunt conscios, sumere interdicat auctoritas]. - L'expression affectus peccandi est tire du De ecclesiasticis dogmatibus 53, PL 42,
r2r7, cit par Alger c. 804 A, passage reproduit dans le compendium aux lignes u6rr8
A noter chez notre auteur l'expression uel aliquem hominem odio habent >)
l o Alger fait mention des hrtiques et schismatiques ministri qui extra ecclesiam sunt conscios ; on retrouve cette mme substitution plus loin ligne r69.
Quant la finale corpus Christi non accipiant ne moriantur , allusion probable
aux contextes relatifs l'unit de l'glise avec le Christ que dveloppe Alger en
plusieurs passages I, 3, c. 750 B corpus Christi in ecclesia mirabili unitatis gratia
nos ad se pertinere uoluit, cum mysterium nostrum sicut et suum in sacramento
altaris, ne moriamur sumere nos concessit ; cf. I, 22, c. 805 A-B ; III, 9, c. 842 A-B ;
III, 12, c. 847 A-B. Ces 1. rn-II4 rvlent une influence cistercienne, cf. p. 273,
GEORGES FOLLIET
290
II5
rzo
r25
r30
114
uero am. X
periculosius] periculum D
29I
114-115 ALGER I, 22, c. 806 B : [Vnde sciendum quia Agnum Dei sine macula
qui uirginis est filius] luxuriosi et incesti sumunt periculosius, quia ... nihil sic munditiae ut foeditas .
118119
PASCHASE RADBERT, De corp. et sang. Domini 9, CC Med. I6, p. 53, q15 : Et ideo quia cotidie labimur, cotidie pro nobis Christus mystice immolatur ... . Texte pass dans un rsum de Paschase qu'ont utilis plusieurs auteurs
(cf. LEPIN, L'ide du sacrifice de la messe, pp. 47-50; 759-786 ; et supra p. 272) ;
Alger en reprend des extraits sous le titre : Augustinus in libro de sacramentis
altaris . - ALGER I, r6, c. 788 B : Vnde Augustinus in libro de sacramentis altaris : ' ... Et ideo quia quotidie labimur quotidie Christus pro nobis mystice immolatur ;idem I, r6, c. 787 B, o Alger glose un texte de Jean Chrysostome; Homilia
in Ep. ad Hebraeos, r7, 3 : [Licet enim eius oblatio in cruce semel suffecerit ...
tamen quotidie est etiam necessaria ad muniendam et mundandam humanam
fragilitatem] quae quotidie tentatur et labitur ... .
120-122
122-126 Adaptation de deux passages, ALGER, I, 22, c. 805 D-806 A : [Testamento enim sanguinis sui... uitae aeternae foedus nobiscum pepigit, et tanti testamenti sacramentum ad confoederandam sibi sanctam ecclesiam in commune omnibus reliquit ut] unde habemus gustum in uia, satietatem quaeramus in patria, et
ipsum per ipsum inueniamus [cumin manifesta sua apparuerit gloria]. Cum enim
corpus Christi sumpserimus, et corpus eius facti fuerimus, transibit ipse in nabis
ad Patrem, transibimus et nos in illo, ut cum illo in tanti transitus labore unum facti,
[unum semper simus in peruentionis gaudio i> ; II, 3, c. 8r6 C : .. .ipse qui futurus
erat electis uita et praemium, in praesenti esset medicina et uiaticum i> ; cf. I, r9,
c. 794 C : corpus eius nobis uiaticum est i> ; I, 22, c. 805 D : et unde dabat exemplum, ... et nostri uiaticum delegaret ... i>.
127128
128-130
130-133
133-135 ALGER II, 5, c. 823 A : si panis in carnem et uinum in sanguinem cuiuslibet transformatur naturaliter quanto magis, si Deus uoluerit, in carnem et sanguinem
suum transfertur omnipotentialiter i>. Ce dernier mot omnipotentialiter i> est trs
probablement emprunt par Alger PASCHASE RADBERT, De corp. et sang. Domini,
4, CC Med. 16, p. 27, r5-16 : (Christus) uoluit in misterio hune panem et uinum
uere carnem suam et sanguinem consecratione Spiritus sancti potentialiter creari.. .. ;
cf. ALGER I, I6, c. 788 B.
292
GEORGES FOLLIET
I40
I45
ISO
I55
transfertur] transferetur a
Christi add. in quo S
traici am. V
quod] quo VETS
si] nisi DXCOS sed M
sit] fiat a ut sit ... non erat am. S
enim am. JYIOS
ipse am. MOS
enim] autem MOS
uitam 1 add. aeternam C 2 MOSa
continet] habet C 2 1Vl0Sa
creaturae am. ET
retinere add. et conseruare a
in corpore am. XS
peccaret] peccasset MOS
ecclesia] ecclesiam 0
tantopere] tanto tempore 0 tanto opere S
suggerenti] suggerente D
deo add. illi T
l5I modo am. a
152 fide uera ETCa perfida] perfidia X
153 quoniam] quia MO add. autem a
esset] esse
155 alterutrum] alterum C 2 M 2 Sa alterus 0 add. esse ETC
Nec] nam S
ergo] eius MOS
157 proprius am. MO
cibus est ETCMOSa
158 ideoque] ideo X
mysterio] ministerio a
159 cui] qui M
r35
137
138
139
141
142
r44
146
148
149
293
135-136 Texte qui ne se trouve pas littralement chez Alger mais qui rsume tout
un chapitre : Ar,GER I, 7, c. 756-760 ; c. 756 C titulum : substantia panis et uini in
uerum corpus Christi mutetur- Sed iterum, teste beato Ambrosio, ubi ait sermonem
Christi operatorium esse, ut panis et uinum ... et in melius commutentur ... et in
aliud mutentur. ; c. 757 B Ambrosius in libro de sacramentis (IV, 4, 14) ... ubi accesserit consecratio, de pane fit corpus Christi. Consecratio igitur quibus uerbis est, et
cuius sermonibus ? Domini Iesu. Ergo Christi sermo hoc conficit corpus. Quis sermo
Christi ? Nempe is quo facta sunt omnia ... . Cf. PASCHASE RADBERT, De corp. et
sang. Dom. 15, CC Med. 16, p. 92, 17-22 ; LANFRANC, De corp. et sang. Dom. 18,
PL r50, 43r B-C.
136-139
139-141
Ar,GER II, 5, c. 822 C : {< sicut cibus et potus sunt uita nostra (A, nostra
uita b) temporalis, quandiu Deo placuerit, sic et multo amplius ipse panis coelestis
sit uita aeterna quibus ipse uoluerit .
141-143
Ar,GER I, 19, c. 794 B : {< 11/Iagis enim credendus est uitam conferre qui
uitam in se habet et uita est quam qui non habet .
143-147
AI,GER II, 5, c. 822 C : {< Et quid mirum si creator creaturae conferre possit
uitam aeternam, cum etiam creatura creaturae retinere potuerit aeternaliter eam ?
Sicut enim lignum uitae in paradiso positum est, quo aeternaliter homo in corpore
uiueret, sic Christus in ecclesia lignum uitae seipsum posuit ut in se credentibus uita
aeterna esset .
148-152
153-155
AI,GER II, 5, c. 822 D : [\-nde etiam] quia cibo et potu ita uiuinms, ut
alterutro carere nequeamus, utrumque in sacramento suo esse uoluit, ne si alterutrum deesset, quasi imperfecto uitae signa, ipse non plena sed imperfecta uita
signari uideretur .
PASCHASE RADBERT, De corp. et sang. Domini r9, cc l'vfed. r9, p. lOI,
5-6 : {< quia nec caro sine sanguine utique nec sanguis sine carne iure communicatur ,texte pass dans l'abrg de Paschase intitul: Sermo Augustini de sacramentis
altaris, et qu'a utilis AI,GER II, 7, c. 826 D : ut ait Augustinus, nec caro sine sanguine, nec sanguis sine carne iure communicatur . Lepin qui a tent de reconstituer
l'abrg de Paschase (cf. L'ide du sacrifice de la messe, pp. 759-786) ne relve pas
cet extrait. Voir supra p. 272.
155-156
156-162
Ar,GER II, 5, c. 823 B : {< Item quia panis et uinum proprie proprius cibus
et potus est non bestiarum sed hominum ideo Christus utriusque usus est (A Y est usus
b) mysterio ut singularis et propria hominum crederetur refectio cui etiam postmodum per apostolos aquam admisceri uoluit... ut ad unitatem tanti mysterii pertinere
signaret non solum iustorum sed et peccatorum si poenitere uellent consortium .
294
GEORGES FOLLIET
160
295
162-163
ALGER I, 19, c. 796 A : ... de latere Christi sanguis et aqua [contra naturam] manauit ut regenerationis et redemptionis [unum nostrae salutis opus esse
mystice signaretJ ; idem III, 8, c. 840 C : [Ecclesia producta credatur] de latere
Christi [in morte quiescentis, quia], sicut illa inde generata, sic ista inde regenerata.
[Vnde mirifice sua profluxerunt sacramentaJ aqua in regenerationem, sanguis in
redemptionem .
163-165
ALGER I, 16, c. 789 D : Cum enim uinum pro Christo, aqua sacrificetur
pro populo, et utrumque un us sanguis fiat, [ quid nisi] capitis et membrorum [inde
compassione et morte Junitatem significat ?
166-167
AUGUSTIN, Sermo 229 Denis VI, 2, PL 46, 835; Miscell. agost, I, p. 30, 2021 : Quomodo ergo unum uidetis esse quod factum est, sic unum estote et uos,
diligendo uos .
ALGER I, 3, c. 750 A et I, 19, c. 794 D : Quomodo unum ... uos .
167-169
169-170
Passage dont nous ne trouvons aucune trace dans le texte d'Alger mais qui
est en fait une citation de CSAIRE, Sermo 219, 2, cc 104, p. 869 (Ps. AUGUSTINUS,
sermo 210, 5, PL 39, 2139) : qui uel unum hominem in hoc mundo odio habet, quicquid deo in operibus bonis obtulerit, totum perdit . - Ces lignes s'insrent dans un
contexte relatif l'unit entre le Christ et l'glise, cf. plus haut lignes 113-114
o l'auteur a dj introduit la mme expression qui hominem odio habent l
o Alger dveloppait le thme de l'unit, ce qui dnote une influence cistercienne,
cf. p. 273.
170-171
ALGER III, 13, c. 848 A : [Sciendum enim quia] fide omnia sacramenta
complentur ; cf. idem III, 7, c. 840 A : sacramenti uicem comples fidei merito .
173-174 AUGUSTIN, De baptismo VI, 25 (47), BA 29, p. 458: quia plerumque precis
uitium superat precantis adfectus . - ALGER III, 13, c. 849 A : " Vnde Augustinus
de baptismo : ' ... quia plerumque ... affectus ' ; ibidem c. 849 B : Ecce Augustinus
baptizatos, precibus contra fidem dictis quia precis uitium superat precantis affectus ... ; c. 851 B et 852 A. Cf. YvEs de Chartres, Decretum, I, r, rr5, PL 161, 88 ;
Panormia, I, 53, PL 161, 1057 B. GRATIEN, Decretum, III, de cons., IV, 72, d.
Friedberg, I, col. 1385.
174-175
AUGUSTIN, Tract. in epist. Johan. 7, 7; PL 35, 2033: Videtis quia non quid
faciat homo, considerandum est, sed quo animo et uoluntate faciat . - ALGER III,
13, c. 848 B : <' Vnde Augustinus in epistolam Ioannis cap. vu : ' ... Videtis quia ...
faciat' .
296
GEORGES FOLLIET
l8o
185
190
195
200
in
297
180-184 ALGER III, 4, c. 837 A : [Quia enim] aqua extinguit, mundat et candidat
prae caeteris liquoribus, ideo etiam in baptismate, carnis incentiua extinguit, peccatorum tam originalium quam actualium labem abluit, innocentiae candorem
reducit, et dum sic coelestis Patris imaginem reformat, filios adoptionis regenerat .
184-186
AUGUSTIN, Tract. in Euang. Johan. 80, 3, PL 35, 1840 :Vnde ista tanta
uirtus aquae, ut corpus tangat et cor abluat, nisi faciente uerbo, non quia dicitur,
sed quia creditur ? - ALGER III, 2, c. 833 B : Item (Augustinus) idem in homilia super Ioannem LXXX : ' Vnde ista tanta uirtus est aquae ... creditur' ;idem III,
13, c. 848 B.
186-187 ALGER III, 13, c. 848 B : [Sciendum enim] quia fide omnia sacramenta
complentur ; cf. supra lignes l70-17r.
187-189
189-190 ALGER III, 4, c. 837 B : Oleum uero ... animam fide illmninet, dilectione
inflammet, spe coelesti muniat et roboret . Texte adapt par le compilateur qui
reprend une image familire en milieu cistercien, voir supra p. 273.
190-192
192-195
ALGER III, 4, c. 837 B : per aquam Deo Patri nos regeneret, per corporis
et sanguinis Christi communionem Filio Dei ad uitam nos concorporet, per olei
unctionem Spiritus sancti uirtute confirmet .
195-201
ALGER I, 3, c. 747 D : [Non esset misericordiae Dei et institiae condignum] si eos repelleret a regni sui consortio quibus tam familiariter uniri dignatur
in mundi exsilio ; eisque honoris uicissitudinem non rependeret in manifesta uisione
suae maiestatis, a quibus digne susceptus et adoratus est in occultis et peregrinis
sacramentorum suorum figuris. Quomodo etiam ibi fieret diuersum quod hic factum
est unum ?
20
298
205
zro
ZI5
GEORGES FOLLIET
mutationis] mutabilitatis D
et quidquid X
eius] huius V
205 nihilominus] nihil indignum a
206 perferet] perferret a
207 sint] sit X
esse om. MO
208 impaenitentis peccatoris] peccatorum impenitentium esse MO
2ro mucore] mutatione C 2 M0Sa
213 eueniunt] ueniunt ECa
215 et om. MOS
reprobi] infideles D
indurentur] iudicantur MS
rantur 0
216 Custodiatur add. amen MS
Explicit liber III de Conscientia ETC
202
204
indu-
299
202-206
206-208
Ar,GER II, l, c. 814 A: Cum enim praeter peccatum [creatori qui ubique
est] omnia munda sint, quomodo uidetur immundius esse in uentre muris quam in
uentre adulteri impoenitentis .
208-209
Ar,GER II, l, c. 8II D : [Sed iterum opponunt haeretici ad tanti sacramenti indignitatem quod panis et uinum]. .. ignibus etiam comburatur >; ibidem
c. 814 A : [quod autem etiam a religiosis incendio tradi, et ibi disparere] dicuntur
[ipsae sacramentales species, non ad indignitatem Christi fit, quasi ignibus exurendus
tradatur] quod impossibile est, cum sit omnium elementorum Deus>.
210-212
212-215
Ar,GER II, l, c. 812 A-B : ... talia fieri [permittet in suo sacramento]
unde electi exerceantur, reprobi indurentur... [Fit etiam aliquando huiusmodi
indignitas] ad puniendam uel corrigendarn [ministrorurn] negligentiarn ; ibid. c.
813 C : [Quidquid igitur in sacrarnento Christi specie tenus, ut dicturn est, fieri
itiam monstruose uideatur], seu pro aliquorum negligentia punienda uel corrigenda,
seu pro fide probanda et instruenda [seu pro perfidorum scandalo et ruina] ... >.
215-216
Necesse est ... custodiatur >, sans parallle littral chez Alger, mais
proche du passage II, r, c. 814 B (fin du chap. r).
Georges FoLLIET
der Sigel fr Kirchenschriftsteller: Vetus Latina, Die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel
r /r (Freiburg i.Br. 1963).
F.G. CREMER
302
l.
DIE
VERSCHII<;DENEN SPRECHER
(Mk 2, r8 parr)
Die Ungereimtheit der verschieden bezeichneten Sprecher Mk 2, r8a
parr laBt sich heute im Zusammenhang mit dem synoptischen Problem 6
glatt losen : Der von Matthaus und Lukas gebotene Text ist eine unabhan-
6. Vgl. dazu K.Th. ScHXFER, Grundri(J der Einleitung in das Neue Testament
(Bonn 2 1952), 7of. ; X. LON-DUFOUR, Die synoptischen Evangelien : A. ROBERTA. FEUILLET, Einleitung in die Heilige Schrift, 2 Neues Testament (Wien - Freiburg
i.Br. - Basel 1964), 237-245.
F.G. CREMER
F.G. CREMER
Schlern des Johannes, von den Gasten aus dem Hans des Levi oder
irgendwelchen anderen beliebigen Leuten, die sich mit der Sache,warum
die J ohannesj nger und Pharisaer fasteten, die J esusj nger jedoch nicht,
beschaftigt hatten26 . Auch dieses Textverstii.ndnis hat eine Rolle gespielt 27.
Der Matthauskommentar des Ps-BEDA (verfaBt vor 82I)28 stellt
sich erneut dem Problem, das die Fragesteller Mk 2, I8a parr aufwerfen.
Ein Textvergleich ergibt, daB Ps-Beda hier den Markuskommentar Bedas
exzerpiert hat 29 . Sofort fallt auf : Ps-Beda kennt nur noch zzcei Gruppen
von Sprechern, Johannesjnger und nicht nii.her bezeichnete Lente, denen
am Fasten der Frommen gelegen war 30 . Damit ist der Erklarungsversuch
Augustins wieder zur Sprache gebracht worden. Der unbekannte Verfasser hat seinen Auszug nicht gedankenlos angefertigt, sondern sich auch
am augustinischen Originaltext orientiert 31 .
Augustinus hatte den consensus durch ein N ebeneinander der unterschiedlichen Fragesteller zustande gebracht. In der griechischen Exegese
ist die Schwierigkeit durch ein N acheinander beseitigt worden. Soweit
wir sehen, hat EuTHYMIUS ZIGABENUS ( t nach III8) erstmals die Differenz so zu beheben versucht : Dem Markus- und Lukastext zufolge
wandten sich zuerst die Schriftgelehrten und Pharisaer mit der bekannten
Frage an Jesus. Als sie anschlie/Jend die J ohannesjnger aufwiegelten,
erwachte auch bei jenen die Eifersucht auf Christus 32 . Ob ALBERTUS
MAGNUS (+ I280) sich bei seiner ganz ii.hnlichen berlegung33 auf den
Gedankengang des Euthymius sttzen konnte, entzieht sich unserer
Kenntnis. Sicher aber wird jener gelegentlich in nachmittelalterlicher
Zeit zitiert 34 .
In der Neuzeit hat schlieBlich FRANZISCO DE TOLEDO ( t I596) nochmals
einen Harmonisierungsversuch unternommen, der die Lisungen des
26. In Marci evangelium expositio l (ed. D. HURS'l': CC sl 120/2, 3 [1960] 459,
889-893).
27. Vgl. dazu F.G. CREMER, Zum Problcm der verschiedenen Sprecher, a.a.O.,
l, 177 und Anmm. 147-15r.
28. Zum Standort dieses Kommentars s. F.G. CREMER, Die Fastenansage ]esu,
a.a.O., 66, Anm. 333.
29. Der Beleg dazu findet sich bei F.G. CREMER, Zum Problcm der verschiedcnen
Sprecher, a.a.O., l, 178. 179 und 17J. Ein weiteres Beispiel zur Methode des Exzerpierens bietet F.G. CREMER, Die Fastenansage ]esu, a.a.O., 66, Anm. 334.
30. In Matthaei evangelium expositio 2 (PL 92, 47C).
3r. Zu der auf Ps-BEDA sich sttzenden Traditionsreihe s. F.G. CREMER, Zum
Problem der vcrschiedenen Sprecher, a.a.O., l, 178.
32. T Kai: Mai:0aov sayy?ciov I4 (PG 129, 312 B): ooiro Kai 1:0i31:0 M'ipKo
KUi AouK'i, '!O ypaai:si KUi <paptcraiou EtEV tyOUOW, ro EtVut fjOV,
np'>'!OV V KEVOt 'tOU'tO E1tOV, E1;U napropJcmv KUi W TOU pamtcHOU U0TJ1:U,
ro tuKEtVOU Kai aw np 1:0V Xptcri:v Joi:(mro.
on
33. Enarrationes in primam partein evangelii Lucae 1-9 (ed. A. BoRGNE'l' [Parisiis
1893 /94] 22, 388). Den Text s. auch bei F. G. CREMER, a.a. O., l, 172, Anm. 94.
34. Vgl. z.B. J. d. SvLVEIRA ( t 1687), Commentaria in textum evangelicum 4 /28
(ed. Lugduni 1697), 2, 607, 6.
Augustinus und des Euthymius, also der lateinischen und der griechischen
Exegese miteinander verbindet. Toletus will die lukanische Einleitung
of, s stn:av n:po afYr6v nicht auf die Pharisaer als Gesamtheit sondern
nur auf die Schriftgelehrten bezogen wissen. Die Schiftgelehrten niimlich, die mit den Pharisaern eines Sinnes waren, trugen Christus mit dem
Blick auf die Schler des Johannes und der Pharisiier die Frage vor :
W arum fasten die J ohannesj nger und die Anhiinger der Pharisiier ? J>
Die Verleumdung nahm in gleicher Weise von den Pharisaern und Schriftgelehrten ihren Ausgang, wurde aber von den letzteren allein in Worte
gefaf. Anders ist die Situation im Matthiiusevangelium. Dort sind einzig
die J ohannesj nger Sprecher. Ein Ausgleich ist im augustinischen Sinn
moglich: Sowohl diese als auch jene haben gleichsam wetteifernd Christus
gegenber Anklage erhoben. \Alahrscheinlicher ist die von Euthymius
vorgelegte Losung, daB zuerst die Schriftgelehrten ihre Vorhaltungen
machten, indem sie von den Schlern des Johannes und der Pharisiier
entsprechend dem lukanischen Text sprachen. In einem zweiten Redegang
seien erst die Anhanger des Tiiufers selbst in Aktion getreten, wie es von
Matthaus festgehalten ist. Damit sind die verschiedenen Fassungen in
Einklang gebracht35.
Es hat sich herausgestellt, daB in der Frage eines Ausgleichs der verschiedenen Sprecher im Fastenstreitgespriich die biblische Theologie die von
AUGUSTINUS vorgeschlagene Losung beibehalten hat bis ihr in jngster
Zeit durch die historisch-kritische Methode der Exegese, niiherhin durch
die Redaktionsgeschichte ein Einblick in das Verhiiltnis der Synoptiker
untereinander eroffnet wurde.
2. DIE BESONDERHEITEN DES LUKANISCHEN TEXTES
(Lk 5, 33. 34. 36. 39)
Anm. 4.
F.G. CREMER
3IO
F.G. CREMER
Sachkenntnis dazu kam 52 . Bei Markus war der Schaden, den n:i~:r1a
jSaKou yvacpou hervorruft, mit ai pst 'CO n:ijproa n:' awu und im Endeffekt mit xstpov crxicra yiVS'Cat beschrieben worden. Lk 5, 36b fhrt die
Konstruktion aus Vers 36a weiter und gelangt zu der Feststellung doppelten Schadens : 1:0 KatVOV crxicrst und 1:cp n:aatcp o crucprovl)crst 1:0 !mi~]a 1:0 n:o 1:0\3 Katvou 53 . Moglicherweise hat Lukas neben Ausschmckung54, Angleichung an die Zielsetzung des folgenden Gleichnisses
erstrebt 55 . Die von Lukas vorgenommenen stilistischen Korrekturen
haben den beschriebenen Vorgang ganz unwahrscheinlich gemacht.
Keinem Menschen wird es einfallen, ein neues Kleid zu verderben, um
ein altes schlecht zu reparieren. Oder sollte fr die lukanische Fassung
in Anschlag gebracht werden drfen, daB Jesu Gleichnisse zwar aus dem
Leben genommen sind, aber in groBer Zahl ungewohnliche Zge aufweisen, die die Aufmerksamkeit der Horer erregen sollen 56 ?
Wiederum drfte AUGUSTINUS der frheste Gewahrsmann sein, der
fr eine Bezugnahme auf den Lukastext der ersten Parabel genannt
werden kann. Wahrend er in De consensu evangelistarum betreffs der
Gleichnisse Mk 2, 2r. 22 parr eine grundsatzliche bereinstimmung untereinander konstatiert 57 , setzt et in den Quaestiones evangeliorum die lukanische Sonderform der ersten Bildhalfte voraus. Er wird sich ihrer um so
lieber bedient haben, weil sie ausgezeichnet in sein biblisches Auslegungsprinzip, den Symbolismus 58 , paBte59 . Das Doppelgleichnis spricht Angus52. Vgl. dazu J. "WEISS, Die drei altercn Evangclien : Die Schrijten des Neuen
Testaments neu bersetzt und fr die Gegcnwart erklart r (Gottingen 4 1929), 427.
53. W. LARFELD, a.a.O., 335, ziihlt Lk 5, 36b gegenber Mk 2, 2rb zu den von
ihm beobaehteten Absehwiiehungen und Verallgemeinerungen des lukanisehen
Textes, die er u.a. aueh in Lk 4, 22 ; 8, 22; 18, 22 gegenber Mk 6, 2; 4, 35; ro, 21
erkennt.
54. Vgl. J. JEREMIAS, a.a. O., 25.
55. Vgl. H. J. HOL'I'ZMANN, Die Synoptiker: Handbuch zum Neuen Testament I, I
(Tbingen-Leipzig 1901), 337.
56. Vgl. J. JEREMIAS, a.a.0., 25. Anders urteilt P. WERNLE, Die Synoptische Frage
(Freiburg i.Br.-Leipzig-Tbingen 1899), 14: Lukas hat (das Gleiehnis) in Jesu Antwort auf die Fastenfrage 5, 36 ... so ungleklieh kommentiert, daB er den ursprngliehen Sinn ganz zerstort hat .
57. 27, 63 (ed. F. WEIHRlCH : CSEL 43 /3, 4 [ 1904] 167, 21f.) : Quas similitudines
(se. Mk 2, 2r. 22 parr) et alii duo (se. Mk ; Lk) similiter expliearunt.
58. Vgl. dazu H.v. CAMPENHAUSEN, Augustin, a.a.0., 2or.
59. Der Sehlssel allegorisehen Sehriftverstiindnisses ist ihm von AMBROSIUS
( t 397) gereicht worden. Vgl. dazu H.v. CAMPENHAUSEN, a.a.0., 159 : Augustin
sehildert uns selbst, wie er den berhmten Prediger zuniiehst als Redner kennenlernen
wollte und nur darum seine Gottesdienste aufsuehte. Aber alsbald fesselt ihn die
Predigt aueh durch das, was sie saehlich enthielt. Mit Staunen bemerkt Augustin,
wie sieh dureh die allegorische Auslegung die vermeintlichen Ungereimtheiten
und Altweiberfabeln der Bibel tiefer verstehen lassen und wie hinter den anthropomorphen Aussagen und scheinbar primitiven Vorstellungen der Texte eine gewaltige
Gesamtsehau Gottes, der Welt und des Mensehen erkennbar werde11 . Zu Person
und Werk des Ambrosius s. H.v. CAMPENHAUSEN, Ambrosius : Latcinische Kirchenvatcr, a.a.O., 77-108. Ein Beispiel ambrosianiseher Allegorie s. bei F. G. CREMER,
Die Fastenansage Jesu, a.a.O., 167-169.
tin us von Fasten. Die Jnger gleichen zur Zeit noch alten Kleidungsstcken, denen in ihrer jetzigen Verfassung ein neuer Flicklappen unpassend
aufgenaht wrde. Ein solcher Flicken ist namlich nur ein Ausschnitt aus
der Askese des neuen Lebens. Versucht man es dennoch mit einer derartigen Reparatur, so wird einmal die Lehre einer umfassenden Enthaltsamkeit zerrissen, zum anderen sticht das gewonnene Flickstck, das sich auf
leibliches Fasten beschrankt, von den alt gewordenen Kleidern unschon ab 60.
Ratte sich Augustinus das lukanische Bildverstandnis fr seine berlegung geradezu angeboten, ohne daB er damit im strengen Sinne Lk 5,
36 von Mk 2, 2r und Mt 9, r6 abheben wollte, so ist die scholastische Exegese
dazu bergegangen, diese Erklarung unbedenklich in die Kommentare
zum dritten Evangelium aufzunehmen und ihr gelegentlich sogar Eingang in die synoptischen Seitenkommentare zu verschaffen. Emeut ist
zu Beginn des Mittelalters BEDA als der dafr verantwortliche Theologe
zu nennen. Zunachst bernimmt er die augustinische Vorstellung in seine
Lukaserklarung 61 und tragt sie spater auch zu Mk 2, 2r vor62. In verkrzter Form findet sich diese Erlauterung bei Ps-BEDA 63 , vollstandig ist
sie bei HRABANUS-MAURUS ( t 856) 64 anzutreffen 65 . Wahrend ANSELM
in der Glossa interlinearis mit einem kurzen Hinweis auf Augustinus anzuspielen scheint 66 , gibt er den augustinischen Gedankengang in der Glossa
ordinaria zum Lukas- und Matthusevangelium im vollen Umfang ungefahr gleichlautend wieder 67 . ZACHARIAS CHRYSOPOLITANUS wahlt fr die
Wiederholung eine freiere Form und nennt ausdrcklich den Evangelisten
Lukas, auf dessen Text die Allegorie Bezug nimmt 68 . HuGo v. ST-CHER
greift die augustinische Formulierung erneut in seinem Lukaskommentar
60. 2, 18 (PL 35, l340A. B) : ... dicit eos (se. discipulos) tamquam vetera vestimenta, quibus inconvenienter novus pannns assuitur, id est aliqua particula doctrinae, quae ad novae vitae temperantiam pertinet ; quia si hoc fiat, et ip&a doctrina quodammodo scinditur, cuius particula quae ad ieiuninm ciborum valet,
inopportune traditur, ... quia et illinc quasi conscissio videtur fieri, et ipsi vetustati
non convenit. Vgl. auch Contra Faustum (verfaDt 400) 8, 2 (ed. I. ZYCHA : CSEL
25 /1 [1891] 307, 7f.).
6r. In Lucae evangelium expositio 2 (ed. D. HURST: CC sl 120/2, 3 [1960] 125,
1012-1017)
62. In Marci evangelium expositio l (ed. D. HURST: CC sl 120/2, 3 [1960] 461,
944-946).
63. In Matthaei evangelium expositio 2 (PL 92, 48A. B).
64. Zu Hrabanus s. F. G. CREMER, Das Fastenstreitgesprach (Mk 2, 18-22 parr)
bei Beda Venerabilis und Hrabanus Maurus, a.a.0., 167f., 173
65. Commentaria in Matthaeum (verfaDt 821 /22) 3 (PL 107, 878B. C).
66. Evangelium secundum Lucam (ed. Antverpiae 1634), 5, 765f.
67. Evangelium secundum Lucam, a.a.O., 5, 766Df ; Evangelium secundum
Matthaeum, a.a.O., 5, 176Ef.
68. In unum ex quatuor sive De concordia evangelistarum 2, 56 (PL 186, 188B) :
Ergo pannum huius doctrinae, id est, partem quae ad cibos pertinet, dicit non oportere impartiri hominibus adhuc veteri consuetudini deditis : quia et illic vide turquasi
scissio fieri, et ipsi vetustati, ut Lucas ait, non convenit.
312
F.G. CREMER
Lk 5, 39 bietet ausschlieBlich Sondergut. In einer Reihe von Handschriften fehlt der dritte Gleichnisspruch. Er drfte gestrichen worden
sein74, und zwar von der Rand Marcions (t um r6o) 75 Weil Marcion als
ausgesprochener Feind des J udentums den Gott der J uden lasterte und
das Alte Testament beiseite schob 76 , ist es mehr als verstandlich, daB
er an einer Formulierung wie Kai od mrov namov (se. ovov) s0smc;
08st vfov und 6 namoc; XPYJO"r6tsp6 fonv erheblich AnstoB nehmen
muBte. Gleichzeitig damit hat man sich auch vor Augen zu halten, daB
der V etus Latina Vers 39 unbekannt ist. Hier liegt ein Beispiel dafr
vor, wie eine den Stempel der marcionitischen Irrlehre tragende Textauslegung in die kirchlichen altlateinischen Bibelhandschriften eindringen
konnte 77 . Die Vulgata hat den miBachteten Vers wieder ins Neue Testament aufgenommen. Nach ihr sind sodann der Codex i11onacensis (q) 78 ,
der Codex Brixianus (f) 79 und die Codices Sangermanensis I und II
(g12)SO korrigiert worden.
69. Evangelium secundum Lucam (ed. Venetiis r732), 6, r6zrr.
70. Evangelium secundum JJf atthaeum, a.a.a., 6, 94re.
7r. In Lucae evangelium (ed. L. VIVS [Parisiis 1876] r7, 97).
72. Commentarius in evangelium sancti Lucae 83 (ed. Ad Claras Aquas 1895),
7, 133 : Rudes igitur discipulos expediens erat confoverc, non ieiuniis aggravare,
propter ' vetustatem conversationis ', propter quam dicit : ' quia nemo commissuram ', id est particulam, quae coniungit, ' a vestimento nova ', scilicet ablatam,
'immittit in vestimentum vetus ', quia duplex &equitur inconveniens ; et ideo
addit : ' alioquin et novum rumpit ', quod est ' damnosum ', ' et veteri non convenit commissura ', quod est ' indecorum '.
73. Die Verschiedenheit der ersten Bildhalfte bei Lukas einerseits und Markus
- Matthaus andererseits, ber die AUGUSTINUS nicht nachgedacht hat und ber
die in der Scholastik weggesehen worden ist, wurde erst in nach-mittelalterlicher
Zeit aufgedeckt, wie das z.B. bei ADAM CoN'.rZEN (t r635), Evangelium secundum
Matthaeum (ed. Coloniae r6z6), r, r8z, zutage trtt.
74. Vgl. dazu H. J. VOGELS, Handbuck der Textkritik des Neuen Testaments
(Bonn 2 1955), 192, Anm. 2.
75. H. J. VoGELS, Novum Testamentum graece et latine, pars prior (Friburgi
Brisgoviae - Barcinone 1955), vermerkt zu Lk 5, 39 : om. vers. Men.
76. Vgl. H. J. VoGELS, Der Einfluf3 Marcions und Tatians auf Text und Kanon
des Neuen Testaments : Synoptische Studien (Mnchen 1953), 288.
77. Vgl. dazu K. Th. ScHXFER, Die altlateinische Bibel : Banner Akademische
Reden 17 (Bonn r957), 30.
78. H. J. VoGI,;Ls, Handbuch der Textkritih, a.a.a., 93.
79. H. J. VoGELS, a.a.a., 87.
80. H. J. VOGELS, a.a.a., 89. 90.
21
F.G. CREMER
314
Lukas ist die Gesprachsgruppe in Lk 5, 17 bis Lk 6, I I als Ganzes bernommen. Bei Matthaus ist sie in zwei Teile zerlegt, Mt 9, l-17 und Mt 12,
l-14, wodurch die ihr zugrunde liegende kompositorische Absicht aufgegeben worden ist. Fr diese fnf Kontroversen, die sich von Szene zu
Szene steigern89 , ist bezeichnend, daB Jesus nicht nur keine Konzessionen an die Gegner machen will, sondern im Gegenteil den Widerspruch
formlich herausfordert.
Nun fllt aber bei naherem Zusehen auf, daB die Antwort Jesu Mk 2,
19-22 parr. nicht als einheitlicher Ausspruch genommen werden darf90.
Die lukanische Fassung hat das schon formal in der zweimaligen Einleitung Lk 5, 34a : '0 of:: 'Ir1crou drcev rcpo m'l1:o6, und Lk 5, 36a :
"E\.i::ysv M Kai napa~oijv rcpo aw6 91, angedeutet. Ferner kann die
dem eigentlichen Fastenstreitgesprach folgende zweifache Parabel Mk, 2
2I. 22 parr. ursprnglich kaum als Doppelgleichnis angelegt worden sein, da
die genauere Zielsetzung durchaus verschieden ist. Wahrend bei der ersten
Parabel - in der von Markus und Matthaus erhaltenen alteren Form
die
Sorge dem alten Kleid gilt, geht es in der zweiten um den neuen Wein,
und das Schicksal der alten Schlauche wird nur der Vollstandigkeit des
Bildes wegen erwahnt. In den jetzigen Zusammenhang fgt sich eigentlich
nur das an zweiter Stelle stehende Gleichnis glatt ein. Damit wird von der
Textgestalt her verstandlich, daB in Lk 5, 36 die erste Parabel vollstandig umgestaltet worden ist92 . Hat aber Mk 2, 21 parr. einmal in einen
anderen Zusammenhang gehrt, so ist zu vermuten, daB auch Mk 2,
22 parr. durch den Redaktor des 1\farkusevangeliums oder vielleicht
bereits durch die ihm vorliegende Quelle hier eingereiht worden ist, zumal
das zweite Gleichnis erst nach dem weniger passenden steht.
Dennoch hat der Leser der Perikope allen Grund fr die sekundare
Anfgung der Gleichnisse 1\Ik 2, 21. 22 parr. an das Fastenstreitgesprach
jetzt bereits an die Jnger - von ihrer Reaktion wird noch nicht gesprochen.
3.) Mk 2, l8ff. = Jesus bestimmt die seelische Haltung des Menschen: seine Niihe
ist Freude ,sein Fernsein trauerndes Entbehren (V. lgf.) (s. dazu F. G. CREMER,
Die Fastenansage ]esu, a.a.O., 6, vgl. ferner hierzu R. SCHNACKENBURG, Das Evangelium nach Markus l [Dsseldorf 1966] 69 und Anm. 20) ; V. 18 = die Gegner
sprechen nunmehr J esus selbst an- eine Reaktion fehlt auch hkr. 4.) Mk 2, 23ff. =
J esus verweist den Sabbat in die richtige Wertordnung (V. 27a) ; V. 24 = die
Pharisaer sprechen erneut J esus an - eine Reaktion fehlt auch dieses Mal noch. 5 .)
Mk 3, lff. = Jesus gibt dem Sabbat seinen eigentlichen Inhalt zurck (V. 4); V. 4 =
nun ergreift J esus seinerseits das Wort und stellt die Pharisaer
V. 6 bringt
endlich die bislang zurckgehaltene Reaktion : den TodesbeschluLl der Pharisiier
und Herodianer.
89. Vgl. Anm.
90. Vgl. dazu
1958), 67f. ; E.
Kommentar ber
88.
J. SCHMID, Das Evangelium nach M aikus : RNT 2 (Regensburg
LOHllYER, Das Evangelium des Markus : Kritisch-exegetischer
das Neue Testament l /2 (Gttingen 14 1957), 61f.
dankbar zu sein. Der Redaktor hat niimlich richtig empfunden, daB die
beiden Sch1uBgleichnisse in einem Punkt bereinstimmen : Sie warnen
dringend vor einer Verbindung des Alten mit dem Neuen. In dem jetzigen
Zusammenhang mu/3 das auf den hier verhandelten Streitpunkt, das
Fasten, gehen. Hingegen wiire kein echter Gegensatz vorhanden, wenn es
sich in den Logien Mk 2, 19. 20 parr. nur um eine Frage des Fastendatums
handeln wrde. Ein Gegensatz ist jedoch vorhanden, weil Jesus in der
Tat viel Wichtigeres verkndet. Nach Mk 2, 19 parr. ist Jesu Gegenwart
eine Freudenzeit ; nach Mk 2, 20 parr. lst J esu Fernsein trauerndes Entbehren aus, das ein leibliches Fasten bei weitem bersteigt. Damit haben
die beiden angehiingten Gleichnisse )) die Fastenfrage scharj als Fastenstreitgespriich )) akzentuiert. Es fgt sich nahtlos in die Gesamtkonzeption
der galiliiischen Streitgespriiche ein 9 3.
Erst die jngste Gegenwart hat die Moglichkeit eroffnet, den biblischen
Text form- und redaktionsgeschichtlich zu untersuchen. Dennoch
darf gefragt werden, ob AUGUSTINUS aus seiner Sicht und Einsicht heraus
in Mk 2, l9f. parr. eine erste Antwort erblickt, auf die sodann Mk 2, 2r. 22
parr. eine zweite Antwort folgt. Oder hat er den Herrenworten Mk 2, 1922 parr. nur eine einzige Erwiderung entnommen ? Ferner ist wiederum
zu ermitteln, welcher Einjlu/3 der augustinischen Entscheidung beschieden
gewesen ist. Augustins U rteil wird den beiden Werken De consensu evangelistarum und Quaestiones evangeliorum entnommen. Es folgt hier
zuniichst der Text soweit er fr die anstehende Untersuchung infrage
kommt.
Mt 9, 15
Verum illo verbo significavit de tali ieiunio dominum locutum, quod
pertinet ad hurnilitatem tribulationis, ut illud alterum,
Mt 9, l6f.
quod pertinet ad gaudium mentis in spiritalia suspensae adque ob hoc
alienatae quodammodo a corporalibus cibis, posterioribus sirnilitudinibus dorninus significasse intellegitur de panno novo et vino novo
ostendens, quod animalibus atque carnalibus circa corpus occupatis
et ob hoc veterem adhuc sensum trahentibus hoc genus ieiunii non
congruat. quas sirnilitudines et alii duo (se. Mc et Le) similiter explicarunt.
Mt 9, 15
Cum ergo dominus interrogatus esset cur discipuli eius non ieiunarent,
de utroque ieiunio respondit. namque ad illud quod in tribulatione ieiunari
solet, pertinet quod ait, sponsi filios tune ieiunaturos, cum ab eis ablatus fuerit sponsus : tune enim desolabuntur, et in moerore ac luctu
erunt, donec eis per Spiritum sanctum gaudia consolatoria retribuantur.
Mt 9, l6f.
quo dono percepto, etiam ieiunii alterum genus, quod fiet per laetitiam,
iam renovati in vitam spiritualem convenientissime celebrabunt. quod
93. Vgl.
94. 27, 63
316
F.G. CREMER
antequam accipiant, dicit eos tamquam vetera vestimenta ... dicit etiam
similes eos esse veteribus utribus, quos vino novo, id est spiritualibus
praeceptis, facilius disrumpi, quam id continere dicit. erant autem iam
utres novi, cum post ascensum domini, desiderio consolationis eius
orando et sperando innovabantur. tune enim acceperunt Spiritum sanctum ... novum enim vinum iam novis utribus venerat".
(se. Iesus) similes eos esse veteribus utribus, quos vina nova, id est spiritualibus praeceptis, jacilius disrumpi, quam id continere dicit. - erant autem
iam utres novi, cum post ascensum domini, desiderio consolationis eius
orando et sperando innovabantur ( =Quaestiones).
Nimmt man die Aussagen zusammen, so ergibt sich: Augustinus wertet
die Logien Mt 9, 15 parr. und Mt 9, 16. 17 parr. als Einheit, die besagt :
Die Jnger werden spater in unterschiedlicher Weise fasten. Fr ein ieiunium
in tribulatione ist die ablatio sponsi, fr ein ieiunium, quod jiet per laetitiam ist die renovatio per Spiritum sanctum Voraussetzung.
Auch BEDA rechnet das angefgte Doppelgleichnis, dem biblischen
Text entsprechend, zum Fastenstreitgesprii.ch, entdeckt aber in ihm beachtlicherweise einen zweiten Redegang wie die Eingangsworte verraten :
Als der Herr gefragt wurde, warum seine Jnger nicht fasteten, antwortete er ... 99 . Der Satz stammt aus den Quaestiones evangeliorum Augustins. Wii.hrend Augustinus damit jedoch die gesamte Antwort J esu Mt 9,
15-17 einleitet100 , benutzt Beda in Anlehung an Lk 5, 36a1 01 die Redewendung erst, da er auf das Doppelgleichnis zu sprechen kommt102 .
Indessen hat der frheste Theologe des Mittelalters103 den augustinischen
Einleitungssatz nicht nur besser plaziert, er hat ihn garedezu korrigiert.
AUGUSTINUS, Quaestiones
Cnm
interrogatus esset
dominus cur discipuli eius non ieiunarent
respondit 105
interrogatus esset dominus cur discipuli eius non ieiunarent respondit ...
roo. Vgl. dazu den Text S. 315f.
lOI. Vgl. dazu S. 309 und Anm. 50.
lOZ. Den Anm. 99 genannten Text s. innerhalb des Kontextes bei F. G. CREMER,
Das Fastenstreitgesprach (Mk z, 18-22 parr) bei Beda Venerabilis und Hrabanus
Maurus, a.a.0., l6of.
103. Vgl. dazu S. 305 und Anm. 15.
104. 2, 18 (PL 35, l339D).
rn5. Vgl. Anm. 99.
106. Ph. SCHMITZ, Geschichte des Benediktinerordens. z : Die Kulturarbeit des
Ordens von seiner Grndung bis zum 12. J ahrhundert, herausgegeben, bersetzt und
bearbeitet von I,. RABER (Einsiedeln - Zrich 1948), 99,
318
F.G. CREMER
154.
320
F.G. CREMER
321
Untersuchung und Einfhrung : Beitrage zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters 22 (Mnster 3 1949), 263.
135 Le Catalogue officiel des uvres de S. Thomas d'Aquin : Archives d'histoire
doctrinale et littraire du Moyen Age 3 (1928), 35-40.
136. Esquisse d'une histoire de l'exgse latine au Moyen Age, a.a.0., 302.
137 H. MEYER, Thomas von Aquin, Sein System und seine geistesgeschichtliche
Stellung (Bonn 1938), 24.
322
F.G. CREMER
145 Vgl. In Lucae evangelium (ed. L. VIVS [Parisiis 1876] r7, 96. 97) mit AUGUSTINUS, Quaestiones evangeliorum 2, 18 (PL 35, 1339D-1340B).
I46. NOTKER D. STAMMLER ( t 912), De interpretibus 4 (PL 131, 997f.), hie!t Bedas
In Lucae evangelium expositio fr eine so breit angelegte synoptische Erkliirung,
daJ3 darin das ganze Evangelium zur Sprache komme.
147 Vgl. dazu C. VERNEIJ, Geschiedenis der exegetische werken van den H. Bonaventura : Collectanea Franziscana Neerlandica 2 (Hertogenbusch r931), 261290 ; A. KLEINHANS, De Studio Sacrae Scripturae in ordine Fratrum Minorum
saeculo XIII: Antonianum 7 (1932) ,413-440.
148. C. SPICQ, Esquisse d'une histoire de l'exgse latine au Moyen Age, a.a.0., 293
149. In den Prolegomena zum Commentarius in evangelium sancti Lucae (ed. Ad
Claras Aquas 1895), 7, IX, 1, 3, heiBt es : Hinc accumulantur multa millia locorum
utriusque testamenti ita, ut ad quamlibet sententiam plures suggerantur loci.
150. Ebenda, a.a. O., heiBt es: Hinc etiam exhibetur continua catena auctoritatum
ex glossis et libris patrum collecta. unde vere dici potest, librum hune, tot millibus
auctoritatum lods artificiose contextum, similem esse operi musivo innumeris
variisque lapidibus composito.
151. HIERONYMUS, Commentarii in Matthaeum 1 (ed. D. HURST & M. ADRIAEN:
CC sl 77 /1, 7 [1969] 57, 132of.).
152. CYRILL V. ALEXANDRIEN, 'Ei]yT]<H et O KU AouKUV Bayy.toV (PC 72,
574A). Da die patres graeci in der lateinischen bersetzung gelesen worden sind,
bezieht sich die Stellenangabe auf den !ateinischen Text.
153. AUGUSTINUS, Quaestiones evangeliorum 2, 18 (PL 35, l340A) ; vgl. auch
De consensu evangelistarum 27, 63 (ed. F. WEIHRICH : CSEL 43 /3, 4 [1904] 167,
l4f.).
154 HIERONYMUS, Commentarii in Matthaeum l (ed. D. HURST & M. ADRIAEN;
CC sl 77 /1, 7 [1969] 57, l32rf.).
F.G. CREMER
326
F.G. CREMER
auf die Arbeiten der Patristik und des frhen Mittelalters ; er zieht
weitgehend die Werke der Hochscholastik heran, vorab Hugo v.St-Cher,
Thomas, Bonaventura und Albertus lVIagnus178 . Obwohl Nikolaus in seiner
Exegese von Mt 9, 15. r6f. durchweg von ieiunium spricht, hat er die
J esusworte als zwei Antworten angesehen. Im ersten Redegang geht es um
ein ieiunium corporale. Er bemerkt dazu : non competebat discipulis pro
illo tempore 179 . Die Begrndung quia duplex est ieiunium greift wieder
auf die von Augustinus vorgenommene Differenzierung zurck180 . Allerdings gibt er dieser Aussage einen neuen Inhalt. In Anlehnung an Thomas
charakterisiert er die beiden Seiten des Fastens so : ieiunium ordinatur
ad carnis refraenationem und ieiunium ad contemplationem disponit 181 .
Das Betonen des asketischen und kontemplativen Moments 1ii13t dabei
unmittelbar an Albertus Magnus denken182 . Ein leibliches Fasten ist
deshalb nicht geboten, weil die physische Niihe J esu sittliche Kraft und
beseligende Verbundenheit schenkt. Findet aber die irdische Gemeinschaft mit J esus ein Ende, wird Fasten notwendig. Fr Nikolaus sagt
tune ieiunabunt folglich kein Trauerjasten um des Todes oder des Abschieds
J esu aus dieser Zeitlichkeit an. Vielmehr fllt das Fasten jenen Platz aus,
den J esus zuvor eingenommen und jetzt verlassen hat183 . Ferner hat
Nikolaus begriffen, daB Jesus mit dem Doppelgleichnis Mt 9, r6f. ber
das erste Logion hinausgegangen ist. Ratte er ieiunium corporale als
ad contemplationem disponit artikuliert, so entnimmt er der zweiten
Antwort J esu aliud ieiunium und sagt dazu : Ex plenitudine et perjectione
contemplationis procedit184 . Dabei versteht Nikolaus aliud ieiunium als
sichtbaren Ausdruck eines novus modus vivendi 185 Die perfectio magna
bedarf eines explizierenden Fastens ex perfectione contemplationis. Hierzu
geh6rt nicht nur der richtige Zeitpunkt sondern auch die innovatio per
caritatem Spiritus sancti. Indem Lyranus auf das vom Heiligen Geist
l 78. Vgl. dazu C. SPICQ, a.a.a., 337f.
179 Postillae perpetuae in Vetus et Novum Testamentum, In evangeliu111 secundum
Matthaeum (ed. Antverpiae 1634), 5, 175, 4.
180. Vgl. Pastilla, In evanf(elium secundum Matthacum, a.a.a., 5, 175, 4 mit
AUGUS'l'INUS, Quaestianes evangeliarum z, r8 (PL 35, l339D).
l8I. Vgl. Pastilla, In evangelium secundum Matthaeuin, a.a.a., 5, 175, 4 mit
THOllIAS, Cammentarium super Matthaeum (cd. L. VIVS [Parisiis 1876] r9, 368) ;
s. dazu S. 322 und Anm. 139
182. Vgl. Pastilla, In evangelium sccundum Matthaeuin, a.a.a., 5, 175, 4 mit
ALBER'l'US MAGNUS, Enarratianes in Marcum (ed. A. BORGNE'l' [Parisiis 1893 /94]
21, 393) ; Enarratianes in evangelium Matthaei l-20, a.a.a., 20, 425, und Enarrationes
in primam partem evangelii Lucae 1-9, a.a.a., 22, 390 ; s. dazu S. 325 und Anm. 169.
183. Pastilla, In cvangelium secundum Matthaeum, a.a.a., 5, r75, 4-176, 7 : Et
istud (ieiunium) non competebat discipulis Christi, quando erat cum eis corporaliter :
et hoc est quod dicit : ' numquid possunt filii sponsi '... ' venient autem dies, etc. '
quantum ad praesentiam corporalem, scilicet in passione et ascensione in coelum.
' et tune ieiunabunt' q.d. tune competet eis tale ieiunium.
184. Pastilla, In evangelium secundum Matthaeum, a.a.a., 5, 176, 7.
185. A.a.a., 5, 176, 7.
F.G. CREMER
gewirkte neue Leben abhebt, drfte er neben der empfundenen Verschiedenheit der Logien Mt 9, 15. 16f. zugleich ihre Einheit zum Ausdruck
gebracht haben. So wirkt sich auch hier noch untergrndig die von
Augustinus angestoBene Bewegung ausise.
Im Rckblick auf eine fast tausendjahrige Geschichte der Exegese
von Augustinus bis zu Nikolaus v. Lyra kann festgestellt werden, daB
die von Augustinus vertretene Einheit der Logien Mk 2, 19f. parr. und
Mk 2, 21f. parr nur durch Thomas v. Aquin und Bonaventura wiederholt
worden ist. Dem gegenber haben zahlreiche Exegeten seit Beda Venerabilis den Akzent auf die V erschiedenheit gesetzt. J edoch hatte auch schon
Augustinus zwischen den Herrenworten Mk 2, lgf. parr. und Mk 2, 2If.
parr. zu unterscheiden gewuBt, indem er das Fasten differenziert : Gum
ergo dominus interrogatus esset cur discipuli eius non ieiunarent, de utroque
ieiunio respondit ( = Quaestiones). Priinum verbum pertinet ad humilitatem
tribulationis ; alterum verbum pertinet ad gaudium mentis in spiritualia
suspensae (vgl. De consensu). wenn AUGUSTINUS damit auch keineswegs
das Doppelgleichnis Mk 2, 21f. parr. sachgerecht exegesiert hat, so hat er
<loch dessen Aussage in einem Punkt genau getroffen, daB namlich eine
Verbindung von Altem und Neuem nicht moglich ist. Die Distinktion
ieiunium in tribulatione und ieiuniwm in gaudio ist mit gewissen Variationen in der gan::en Scholasti:k durchgehalten worden. Augustinus hatte
herausgestellt : Die Jnger werden spater fasten. Freilich geschieht dies
auf zwei durchaus verschiedene Weisen. Umgekehrt rckt Bonaventura
das N ichtfasten in den V ordergrund : J etzt sind die Jnger weder auf die
eine noch auf die andere .Art zu fasten in der Lage. Die mittelalterliche
Theologie insgesamt verdankt damit Augustinus, die Anklage o{ s croi
a01yrai o vricrn:6ouow (Mk 2, 18b parr.) und die Ansage Kai 'tO't6 vricr'ts6croucrtv (Mk 2, 2ob parr.) nicht zu einem Streit um die Frage des
Datums bagatellisiert zu haben. ber die Schwache der augustinischen
Losung wird noch an anderer Stelle des naheren zu sprechen sein.
4. DIE BILDWORTE
cc
ll
UND BRAUTIGAM
ll
AUGUSTINUS,
22
330
F.G. CREMER
Quaestiones evangeliorum bekunden203 . Selbst den korrigierten Markustext versteht Augustinus in De consensu evangelistarum im gleichen allegorischen Sinn : filios quippe nuptiarum non tantum sponsi, sed etiam sponsae intellegimus 20 4 PASCHASIUS RADBERTUS ( t 856) hat die Exegese
Augustins mit der Interpretation des Hieronymus verbunden2 5 Fr
sich genommen fgt sie THOMAS v. AQUIN seiner Markuskatene ein 206
Das MiBverstandnis des Begriffs Sohne des Brautgemachs )) ist
durch die in Patristik und Scholastik so beliebte Kombination mit
anderen Schriftstellen noch gefordert worden 207 . So drften mit Mk
2, l9a parr Jo l, 12 208 oder auch l Jo 5, 1209 in Zusammenhang gebracht
worden sein. Hiernach ist filius dei und ex deo natus, wer glaubt, da.13
J esus der Christus ist. Auch dafr bietet AUGUSTINUS ein Beispiel in
seiner Schrift De sancta virginitate (verfaBt 401), in der es heiBt : Alle,
die J esus im Glauben als den Erloser bekennen, werden zu Recht filii
sponsi genannt210 . p ASCHASIUS RADBERTUS la.Bt zu Mt 9, l5a u.a. gleichfalls dieses Motiv anklingen : Propterea filii sponsi et sponsae quamdiu
cum illis est sponsus, ieiunare nequeunt. filii autem ideo dicuntur, quia
ex fide Christi et ecclesiae renati, maternis adhuc alebantur doctrinis 211
Allerdings gibt es auch innerhalb der lateinischen Schriftauslegung
einzelne Versuche, dem Literalsinn des biblischen Textes mehr gerecht zu
werden. Mit RUPERT v. DEUTZ ( t rr29) tritt ' un exgte indpendant ' 21 2 auf den Plan. Zu dem Verhaltnis sponsus - filii sponsi auBert
er sich allgemeiner und damit richtiger : Vos, qui filii sponsi non estis
nec esse vultis, sed nec filii illorum dici meremini, qui ieiunaverunt prae
desiderio adventus sponsi, ... ieiunate quantum vultis, nam isti ieiunare
non possunt prae gaudio sponsi praesentis 213 Eine direkte Begriffsbestim203. 2, 18 (PL 35, l339D).
204. 27, 63 (ed. F. WEIHRICH : CSEL 43 /3, 4 (1904] i67, 2f.).
205. Expositio in evangelium Matthaei 5 (verfa13t nach 851) 9 (PL 120, 377C).
206. In Marci evangelium (ed. L. VIVS (Parisiis 1876] r6, 522).
207. Vgl. dazu die Methodik Bonaventuras S. 323 und Anm. 149. AuDerdem
s. die verifizierten Schriftstellen in der Kommentierung des Fastenstreitgesprachs
durch Christian v. Stablo bei F. G. CREMER, Christian von Stablo, a.a.O., 329f.
208. Vgl. dazu R. SCHNACKENBURG, Das] ohannesevangelium r ( Freiburg- Basel
- Wien 1965), 237f.
209. Vgl. dazu R. SCHNACKENBURG, Die ]ohannesbriefe (Freiburg Basel
- Wien 2 1963), 25r.
210. 6, 6 (ed. I. ZYCHA: CSEL 41 (1900] 240, 2f.).
21r. Expositio in evangelium Matthaei 5, 9 (PL 120, 377B). Zu dem Einflu13
weiterer Schriftstellen auf die Exegese von Mk 2, l9a parr, die aber bei Augustinus
keine Spur hinterlassen haben, s. F. G. CREMER, Die Sohne des Brautgemachs >l
(Mk 2, 19 parr), a.a.O., 25of.
212. C. SPICQ, Esquisse d'~tne histoire de l'exgse latine au Moyen ge, a.a.O.,
114. Zn dem Licht, das durch die Studien von F. G. Cremer auf die Exegese des
RUPERT V. DEU'l'Z gefallen ist, vgl. M. BERNARDS, (rec.), Ruperti Tuitiensis Liber
de divinis officiis, edidit Hrabanus Haacke OSE : CC Continuatio mediaevalis 7
(1967) : Zeitschrift /r Kirchengeschichte 80 (1969), 271f.
213. De gloria et honore filii hominis super Jl,fatthaeitm 8 (PL r68, l479C. D).
332
F.G. CREMER
secundum Matthaeum (ed. Antverpiae 1606), 131; JAKOB TrRINUS ( t 1636), Commentarius in Matthaeum (ecl. Taurini 1883), 4, 45 ; KoRNELIUS A LAPIDE, Evangelium
secundum Matthaeum (ed. Parisiis 1862), r5, 245 ; STEPHANUS MENOCHIUS ( t 1655),
Explicationes in Matthaeum (ed. Antverpiae 1679), 274; BERNHARDIN v. PICQUIGNY,
Evangelium secundum Lucam, a.a.a., 2, 72 ; ALEXANDER NATALIS ( t 1722), Expositio evangelii secundum Matthaeum (ed. Parisiis - Neapoli 1741), l, 238, 13.
220. Vgl. F. HAUCK, Art. itapa~ol.,fj : Theologisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament 5 (Stuttgart 1954), 750.
22r. Vgl. R. BULTMANN, Die Erforschung der synoptischen Evangelien : A us der
Welt der Religion, Forschungen und Berichte, Neutestamentliche Rcihe r (Gie13en 2
1930), 2I.
222. J. ScHMID, Das Evangelium nach M arl:us : Regensburger N eues Testament 2
(Regensburg 1958), 66.
223. Vgl. dazu A. VAN DEN BORN, Art. Hochzeit: HAAG, Bibellexikon (Einsiedeln
- Zrich - Koln 2 1968), 745 : Die Hochzeit war ein Fest von mehreren, gewohnlich
sieben (Gn 29, 27 ; Ri 14, 12 ; Tob II, 19) Tagen, die sich unter Essen, Trinken,
Singen, Tanzen, Ratselraten (Ri 14, 12) und Geselligkeit laut und gerauschvoll
im Kreise einer gro13en Zahl geladener Gaste (vgl. J o 2, 2) abspielte.
224- Vgl. J. JEREMIAS, Art. vu<pT}, vuqiio : Theologisches w orterbuch zum Neuen
Testamrnt 4, a.a.a., 1096.
225. G. BORNKAMM, ]esus von Nazareth (Stuttgart - Berlin - Koln
Mainz'
1965), 45. Vgl. auch J. SCHMID, Das Evangelium nach Markus, a.a.a., 2, 67 : Der
Gedanke J esu unterscheidet sich clarin scharf von clem jdischen, da13 nach ihm
jet::t schon die messianische Freudenzei t gekommen ist >>.
226. Vgl. dazu M. MEINERTZ, Die Tragwrite des Gleichnisses von den zchn ]ungfrauen : Synoptische Studien (Mnchen 1953), roo : Gewi13 liegt hier ein Gleichnis
vor, bei dem es wesentlich auf das tertium comparationis ankommt, namlich :
Hochzeitsfeier und Fasten vertragen sich nicht .
227. F. G. CREMER. Die Fastenansage J esu, a.a.a., r-4, hat nachgewiesen, da.13
fr das Fasteu.strdtgesprach Markus die ursprnglich11te der drei Fassungen ist.
334
F.G. CREMER
Ehe zwischen Jahwe und Israel (vgl. Os I-3; Ez r6, 7ff.) auf den Messias
J esus bertragen237 . Aber damit nicht genug ! Stellt der Redaktor J esus
als vucpioc; auf die Seite J ahwes, so sagt er von diesem vucpioc; das
:1mipecr6at aus, was in einem unberbietbaren Kontrast dazu steht.
Aber gerade das drfte in der Linie der Markuskonieption liegen. Der
Evangelist gibt seinem Evangelium die berschrift : 'Ap:x,1) wu ea:yye.iou 'I1icrou Xptcrto uiou 6eou (J\Ik I, r). Das Evangelium bietet
in der Folge eine Sohn- Gottes-Christologie238 . Zweimal nennt Gott selbst
Jesus so (1\Ik I, II; g, 7). lm Gegensatz dazu steht der zweifache Ruf der
Diimonen (J\1k 3, II; 5, 7), die die gttliche Art Jesu wittern. Einmal
bekennt sich auch ]esu,s gegenber dem Hohenpriester als Sohn Gottes
(Mk r4, 6I. 62) und verwirkt dadurch sein Leben. Wer aber Jesus nicht
erkennt, sind die M enschen 239 bis auf den heidnischen Centurio,
der zu der Glaubensaussage findet
'A. TJ6&c; otoc; av6pronoc;
l)tO ewu ]V (Mk I5, 39b) 240 . Das aber geschieht angesichts des Kreuzes
und auf den Tod Jesu hin (vgl. Mk 15, 37). Damit hat der Redaktor den
Tod als absoluten H ohepunkt seines Evangeliums gestaltet 241 . Erverkndet
ihn als << Heilstod ii, der zum << Wunder des Glaubens iJ ermachtigt242.
Die gleiche Dialektik, die dem Todesgeschehen zugesprochen ist, liegt
auch bereits seiner An-sage in Mk 2, 20 zugrunde: 'E.eucrovta.t f: ftspat
tav map6iJ <'m' at&v vucpfo 243 . Beides drfte der markinischen
237. Vgl. A. VAN DEN BORN, Art. Brautigam : HAAG, Bibellexikon 2 , a.a.O., 258.
Wiihrend A. van den Born sich fragt, ob das der ursprngliche Sinn des Textes
gewesen ist, m6chte M. MEINER'l'Z, Die Trageite des Gleichnisses von den uhn
]ungfrauen, a.a.O., roo, das Logion in dieser Bedeutung dem historischen Jesus zusprechen. Ebenso s. auch DERS., Theologie des Neucn Testamentes l (Bonn 1950),
177 160.
238. Vgl. dazu J. SCHREIBER, Die Christologie des Markusevangeliuins, Beobach-
F.G. CREMER
Theologie zuzurechnen sein 244. Sie wird die Metapher vucpfo auch aus
dem Vers 20 in den Vers rg hineingebracht haben, so daB die Hochzeitsfeier durch den " Brii.utigam J> ersetzt worden ist 245 . Von der Allegorie
in Vers 20 ist die Parabel in Vers rg allegorisiert worden. Das hat sich
zugetragen auf dem Vv'eg von der Tradition in die Redaktion des altesten
Evangeliums. Genau diesen W eg setzt die nach-biblische Tradition fort.
Fr AMBROSIUS ( t 397) bestimmt sponsus in Lk 5, 35 auch das Sinnverstii.ndnis in Lk 5, 34 246 . AUGUSTINUS entnimmt im Sermo zro dem
Bildspruch Mk 2 rg parr von vorneherein e ne Messianische Selbstaussage.
Durch die Bezeichnung J esu als pul her sponsus will er gewiB nicht
nur im Sinne des Psalmisten mit der eindrucksvollen Schonheit seiner
Gestalt den Segen Gottes, der fr immer auf dem Herrscher ruhen soll,
veranschaulichen 247 , sondern darber hinaus mit pulcher die Messianische Hohe:t Jesu gebhrend herausstellen. Das erhellt aus den antithetischen Anspielungen auf Ps 44 (45), 3 : Speciosus forma prae filiis
hominum, diffusa est gratia in labiis tuis 248 , und Is 53, 2 : Non est species
ei, neque decor 249 Die Linie Ps 44 (45) - Mk 2, rg parr 250 ist von Augustinus
244. Zu der Anlage des Markusevangeliums auf den Tod J esu hin s. R. PESCH,
Nahcrwartungen (Dsseldorf 1968), 54-68. 70.
245. E. HoSKYNS-N. DAVEY, Das Rtsel des Neu~n Testaments : Theologische
Bchaei 7 (Mnchen 1957), 131f., eriirtern die Frage, ob die Gleichnisse durch den
besonderen christologischen Anspruch und die Besonderheit des Christus-Geschehens
nach Form und Inhalt bedingt und gestaltet werden.
246. Vgl. Expositio evangelii secundum Lucam (verfant 389) 22 (ed. C. SCHENKI,:
CSEL 32 /4 [1902] 188, 12-15) mit E:>:positio evangelii secundum Lucam 20, a.a.0.,
186, 23-187, 3.
247. Vgl. A. WEISER, Die Psalmen 1: Altes Testament Deutsch 14 (Giittingen 3 1950),
2 34
248. Vgl. dazu M. MEINER'I'Z, Die Tragweite des Gleichnisses von den ,,~ehn Jungfrauen, a.a.O., 100 : Der Psalm 45 von der kniglichen Hochzeit ist wohl darum
in den Kanon aufgenommen worden, weil er ais messianischer Psalm verFtanden
wurde. Von den Kirchenvatern ist er jedenfalls stets ais messianisch angesehen
worden, und auch der jdische Targum deutet Ps 45, 3 dahin : ' Deine Schonheit,
o Konig, Messias, i$t vorzglicher ais der (brigen) Menschenkinder' . VgL dazu
H. L. S'I'RACK-P. B1I,I,ERBECK, Kommentar zum Ncuen Testament, Aus Talmud und
Midrasch 3 (Mnchen 1926 ; Neudruck 1956), 679. Ahnlich urteilt A. DEISSI,ER,
Die Psalmen 2 (Dsseldorf r964), 18 : Ps 45 ist der Gattung nach ein Hochzeitslied fr den Konig des Gottesvolkes. Da er nach Vokabular, Stil und biblischen Anspielungen nachexi!isch (wohl 4. Jh.) anzusetzen ist, ist sein Konig nicht einer der
historischen Herrscher Israels, sondern der 'Konig des Glaubens ' ... Das Lied ist
nicht fr einen konkreten Kultakt bestimmt, sondern fr die Verlebendigung
des messianischen Glaubens und Hoffens der Gemeinde . Zu einer anderen Meinung war A. WEISER, Die Psalmen r, a.a.0., r4, 233, gekommen : Der Psalm ist
<las einzige Beispie! profaner Lyrik im Psalter. Er ist ein Preisgesang auf einen
jungen Konig und seine Gemahlin .
249. Sermo 210, In quadragPSima, 3 (PL 38, 1049C. D) : Proinde quia iam sponsus
ablatus est, utique nobis filiis illius pulchri sponsi, lugendum est. speciosus enim
forma prae filiis hominum, cuius diffusa gratia in labiis eius, inter manus persequentium non habuit speciem neque decorem.
250. A. DEISSI,ER, Die Psalmen 2, a.a.0., 20.
bruchlos ausgezogen worden. Auch anderen Orts fragt Augustinus: Quis autem sponsus, nisi dominus Christus 251 ? Ebenso haben sponsus als Metapher
verstanden : JOHANNES KASSIAN 252 , ARNOBIUS D. }NGERE (t 450) 253 ,
PASCHASIUS RADBERTus 254 , ANSELM v. LAON in der Classa interlinearis255, NIKOLAUS v. GORRAN (t 1295) 256 , NIKOLAUS v. LYRA 257 und
DIONYSIUS D. KAR'l'AUSER 258 . Eine Ausnahme unter den Schrifterkliirern
in Patristik und Scholastik drfte BRUNO v. SEGNI (t n23) darstellen,
insofern er das Bildwort Briiutigam der Hochzeitsfeier insgesamt einordnet. Mit dem Logion hat ein Festtag seinen Anfang genommen, dessen
Vollendung im Eschaton liegen wird : Quia igitur discipuli mei modo
non ieiunant, mysterium est magnumque sacramentum : isti sunt dies
nuptiarum, sponsus adest, canvivia praeparantur, ubique laetitia ubique
organa resonant, et psalterium iucundum cum cithara. illa enim convivantium exsultatio, aeterni illius convivii exsultationem significabat, qua
tandem de ipsius summi boni praesentia omnes sancti reficientur 259
Bei dem allegorischen Verstiindnis von vucpio und ufoi wu vucp&vo
liegt die Frage nach der Braut nicht mehr fern. Es ist fast verwunderlich,
daB das Herrenwort Mk 2, rga parr vor einer solchen Texterweiterung260
bewahrt geblieben ist 261 . In der A uslegung des biblischen Textes jedoch
hat die Braut Beachtung gefunden. Dabei hat nicht nur die selbstverstiindliche Zusammengeh6rigkeit von Brant und Briiutigam eine Rolle
gespielt sondern auch das Wissen um den Platz der Brant bei der
Messianischen Hochzeit. In der jdischen Tradition wird die Bundes25r. In Iohannis evangelium tractatus 75, I (ed. R. WILLEMS : CC sl 36 [r954]
5r5, 14). Vgl. aullerdem Quaestiones de Iudicibus (verfallt 4r9) (ed. I. ZYCHA :
CSEL 28 /3, 2 [r895] 499, 26f.).
252. De institutis coenobiorum et De acta principalium vitiorum remediis (verfallt
419-426) 5, 24 (ed. M. PE'.tSCHENIG : CSEL 17 /1 [r888] ro2, ro-r5).
253. Annotationes ad quaedam evangeliorum loca 12 (PL 53, 574B).
254. Expositio in evangelium M atthaei 5, 9 (PL 120, 378B).
255. Evangelium secundum Matthaeum (ed. Antverpiae r634), 5, 175 r76
Evangelium secundum Marcum, a.a.a., 5, 505. 506.
256. In evangelium M atthaei enarratio (ed. Coloniae 1537), 44E.
257. In evangelium secundum Matthaeum (ed. Antverpiae r634), 5, r76, 5.
258. Enarratio in evangelium secundum Matthaeum r8 (ed. Monstrolii r900),
II, II3C.
F.G. CREMER
F.G. CREMER
V.
977-978) ; In Marci eva11gelium expositio r, a.a.a., 460, 914-9I5. Die Texte irn
Zusamrnenhang s. bei F. G. CREMER, Das Fastenstreitgesprach, a.a.a., I6of.
275. In Matthaei evangelium expositio 2 (PL 92, 47D).
276. Commentaria in Matthaeum 3 (PL Io7, 877D). Den Text irn Zusammenhang
S. bei F. G. CREMER, a.a.a., I68f.
277. Glossa interlincaris, Evangelium secundum Matthaeum (ed. Antverpiae
1634), 5, I75 176, Evangelium sccundum Marcum, a.a.a., 505. 506; Glossa ordina1ia,
Evangelium secundum Marcum, a.a.a., 506Dh, Evangelium secundum Lucam,
a.a.a., 765Cc.
278. De concordia evangelistarum 2, 56 (PL 186, l87C).
279. In Matthaei evangelium (ed. L. VIVS [Parisiis I876] I6, I8of.).
280. Commentarium super Matthacum, a.a.a., I9, 368.
28r. Enarratio in evangelium secundum M atthaeum I8 (ed. Monstrolii 1900),
II, lI3C; Enarratio in evangrlium secundum Lucam I3, a.a.a., 499A.
282. Zu dern nicht beachteten Unterschied zwischen Parabel und Allegorie
innerhalb einer AuLlerung Christians s. F. G. CREMER, Christian von Stablo, a.a.a.,
33r.
283. Expositio in Matthaeum evangelistam (PL Io6, I337A. B). Den Text im
Zusamrnenhang s. bei F. G. CREMER, a.a.a., 329 ; vgl. auch a.a.a., 333f.
28+ Vgl. dazu z. B. folgende Autoren: DIEGO DE ESTELLA (t 1578), In evangelium
secundum Lucam (ed. Antverpiae 1600), l, 153; JOHANNES MALDONATUS, Evangelium secundum Matthaeum (ed. Moguntiae I624), I, 205C. D ; SEBASTIAN BARRADAS,
Commentarii quatuor evangelistarum (ed. Conirnbricae I604), 2, 393 ; FRANZ LUCAS
GEN. BRUGENSIS, Evangelium secundum J\fatthaeum (ed. Antverpiae I6o6), I3I ;
ADAM CoNTZEN, Evangelium sccundum Matthaeum (ed. Coloniae 1626), I, I8I, I, I ;
JAKOB TIR!NUS, Commentarius in M atthacum (ed. Taurini I 883), 4, 45f. ; KRNELIUS
A 1f,APIDE, Evangelium secundum Mattharum (ed. Parisiis I862), r5, 245; STEPHANUS
M .mocmus, Explicationes in Matthaeum (ed. Antverpiae I679), 274; JOHANNES DA
SYLVEIRA, Commentaria in textum evangelicum 4/28 (ed. Lugduni I697), 2, 608, 14;
BERNHARDIN v. PICQUIGNY, Evangelium secundum Matthaeum (ed. Parisiis I877),
I, 87. 93; ALEXANDER NATALIS, Expositio evangelii s~cundi~m Mattha'Um (ed,
Parisiis-Neapoli 1741), r, 238.
lit
'
342
F.G. CREMER
ist davon berzeugt, daB nicht nur die ersten 25 Hom.ilien, die erhalten blieben,
sondern alle 90 von Anianus bersetzt worden sind. Anders urteilt H. RAHNER,
Art. Anianus : LThK' I (1957), 56I. Neuerdings s. dazu H. MUSURILLO, John
Chryrnstoin' s H oinilics on JJ1 atthew and the VersiQn of A nnianus : Kyriakon, F cstschrift
Johannes Quasten I (1970), 452-560.
292. Traurrfasten begegnet zuniichst bei Todesfillen. David fastete einen Tag
fr Saul und Jonathan (2 Sam I, 12), ebenso fr Abner (2 Sam 3, 35). Nach Bestattung
der sterblichen Reste Sauls und sener Sohne fasteten die Bewohner von J abesch
sieben Tage lang (r Sam 31, 13). Solange dauerte normalerweise die Zeit der strengen
Trauer, in der gefastet und tiiglich Klagelieder angestimmt wurden (Gn 50, IO;
J dt 16, 24 ; Sir 22, 12). Bei groLlen Toten mag diese Periode noch langer ausgedehnt
worden sein (Gn 50, 3; Nm 20, 29; Dt 34, 8). Als Ausnahme aber gilt es, daB Judith
das Fasten, abgesehen von den Festtagen, auf ihre ganze Witwenzeit ausdehnte
(J dt 8, 5f.). Sicher reicht es nicht aus zn sagen, die Trauerriten seien lediglich Ausdruck des Schmerzes ber den Verlust eines lie ben Angehrigen. Manche der Branche,
wie u.a. das Fasten, sind zugleich Bu(Jriten und erhalten ber die Pietiit hinaus
einen eminent religiosen Sinn. Man bediente sich niimlich der gleichen Gesten
auBer zur Totenklage auch in Zeiten tiefer Tiauer oder nationalen Unglcks. Als
Trauerfasten muB das Fasten des Versohnungstags am zehnten Tischri, dem groBen
LandesbuLltag Israels (Lv 16, 29ff. ; 23, 27ff. ; Nm 29, 7), beurteilt werden. Deutlichen Traucrcharakter weisen auch die vier Fasttage auf, die man nach der Zerstorung
J erusalems zum Gediichtnis an die nationale und kultische Unglckszeit als weitere
BuLl- und Bettage schuf (Zach 7, 3. 5; 8, 19).
293. Ed. I. ZYCHA : CSEL 25 /1 (1891), 170, 2-5.
29+ J edenfalls stimmt die Zitation nicht mit der Vulgata berein.
295. Mt 9, 15a verdeutlicht das v11cri;eue1v aus Mk 2, 19a als itevOav. Mt 9, 15b
hingegen behiilt das v11cri;euetv seiner markinischen Vorlage bei. In Serina 210,
In quadragesiina 6 (PL 38, rn49C), umschreibt Augustinus den Schrifttext ebenso :
Proinde quia iam sponsus ablatus est, utiqne no bis filiis illius pulchri sponsi lugendum
est.
296. De consensu cvangel-istaruin 27, 63 (ed. F. WEIHRICH : CSEL 43 /3, 4 [1904]
167, I 1-13) : Quod autem dixit Matthaeus' lugere ', hoc Marcus et Lucas' ieiunare ',
quia et ille postea' tune ieiunabunt ' ait, non, tune lugebunt. Zu luctus im Ordnungsbild des AUGUSTINUS s. G. S6HNGE:\f, Die Einheit in der Theologie (Mnchen 1952),
rn5.
iciunium, quod jiet per laetitiam 304 , ieiunium, quod pertinet ad gaudium
mentis in spiritalia suspensae 305 , ieiunium, quod habet epulas mentis30 6
spricht und immer wieder die als ungewohnlich empfundene Freude
anklingen lii13t ; dann kann fr eine derartige Verschiebung zur Freude
doch auf die biblische Theologie des Alten Testaments verwiesen
werden 307
297. Ygl. Th. BOMAN, Das hebraische Denken im Vergleich mit dem griechischen
(Gttingen 3 1959), 4.
298. Vgl. B. CAPELLE, Art. A ugustimts : Reallexikon fr A ntike und Christcntum
r (Stuttgart 1950), 986.
299. Vgl. St. GILSON, Der heilige Augustinus; Eine Einfhrung in seine Lehre,
bersetzt von Ph. Bhner und T. Sigge (Hellerau 1930), 390; G. SHNGEN, Die
Einheit in der Theologie, a.a.a., VIII; s. ferner H.U. v. BAI,THASAR, Sponsa Verbi;
Skizzen zur Theologie 2 (Einsiedeln 1961), 132.
300. Vgl. St. Gn,soN, Der heilige Aitgustinus, a.a.a., 397.
3or. Vgl. G. St\HNGEN, Die Einheit in der Theologie, a.a.a., 64. 97. 102.
302. St. VEROSTA, Johannes Chrysostomus Staatsphilosoph und Geschichtstheologe
(Graz - Wien - Kln 1960), l58f. und 164-176, macht auBerdem auf gewisse bereinstimmungen in der Geschichtsphilosophie zwischen Augustinus und Chrysostomus aufmerksam.
303. Quaestiones cvangeliorum 2, r8 (PL 35, l339D).
304. A.a.a. (PL 35, l340A).
305. De consensu evangelistarum 27, 63 (ed. F. WEIHRICH : CSEL 43 (3, 4 [1904]
167, 15f.).
306. Sermo 210, In quadragesima 6 (PL 38, lo49C).
307. Dazu berechtigen zwei Feststellungen. B. CAPELLE, Art. Augustinus: Reallexikon fr A ntike und Christentum, a.a.a., l, 986, betont, daB die Autoritat der christlichen Offenbarung die Philosophie in den Hintergrund drangte. B. ALTANER,
Augustinus und die gricchische Sprache : Pisciculi, a.a.a., 33, und DERS., Die Bentzung von original griechischen Vatertexten durch Augustinus, a.a.a., 71f., halt daran
fest, daB Augustinus gengend Kenntnisse und Hilfsmittel besessen hat, um den
Text der LXX zu lesen und zu verstehen.
344
F.G. CREMER
Der Ps I05 (ro4) gedenkt dankbar der groBen Geschichts- und Heilstaten Jahwes. Dabei spricht er in Vers 43 von Israels Auszug in Freude 308
Anders jedoch beschreibt das Buch Exodus den Aufbruch des Volkes aus
Agypten
wie er sich tatsachlich vollzogen haben drfte
als in
Eile, in Angst und am Ende in Gottes-jurcht geschehen 309 . Der Kulthymnus hat demgegenber nicht eigentlich erzahlen wollen. Er hat bei der
Schilderung des Exodus zugleich das eschatologische Gegenbild des
neuen Exodus )) im Sinn. So macht der Blick auf die endzeitliche Erfllung bereits den ersten Auszug zu einem Auszug in Freude )). Man
wird an einen Zusammenhang mit Deuterojesaja denken drfen :
Heimkehren die vom Herrn Befreiten. Mit ] auchzen kommen sie nach
Sion, und um ihr Haupt schwebt ewige Freude )) (Is 35, ro) 310 Wohl
denkt der Prophet noch an das Frhere 311 , aber das Kommende wird
so groB- und neuartig sein, daB alles Frhere dagegen verblaBt 312 .
Dieselbe heilsgeschichtliche Schau konnte einen Theologen wie
AUGUSTINUS durchaus ,-eranlaBt haben, dem von Haus aus durch Ernst
bestimmten Fasten im Lichte der eschatologischen Geistsendung (vgl.
Joel 3, r) den Charakter eines ieiuniimi in gaudio zu geben31 3.
Apg 2, I7
Ob der gelehrte Bischof sich in unserem Fall von der griechischen Philosophie oder der biblischen Theologie hat inspirieren lassen, muB offen
bleiben. Sicher aber ist er von Johannes Chrysostomus nicht abhangig
gewesen.
Wenn die abendliindische Exegese, nachdem ihr die Losung des
Chrysostomus bekannt geworden war, nur sehr zaghaft von ihr Gebrauch
gemacht hat 314 , liegt das allein daran, daB ihr die hochst i;illkommene
Deutung Augustins von Anfang an zur Verfgung stand. Die sich auf
308. LXX : Kai ,i]yayzv 'tOV .aov au1:0 8v ya..LUCTeL Keti w l.eK'tO etfrto
= Vulgata: Et eduxit populum suum in exsultatione, et electos suos
in Zaetitia.
8v zucppocruvu.
309. Vgl. dazu Ex 12, 37. 39. 51 ; 13, r8; 14, rrf. 29. 3r.
310. Die Kapitel Is 34- 35 mssen zufolge E. SELLIN-L. Ros'.t, EinZeitung in das
Alte Testament (Heidelberg 1959), 105, 15, der nach-exilischen Zeit zugerechnet
werden. Die Ankli:inge von Is 35, ro an Is 51, rr und Is 55, 12 verweisen auf Deuterojesaja.
31r. Vom geschichtlichen Auszug und von der anschlie13enden Wstenwanderung nimmt er die Farben, um damit das Bild der bevorstehenden Rettung zu
malen.
312. Zur Auszugstradition s. weitere Literatur bei F. G. CREMER, Die Fastenansage
J esu, a.a.O., 140, Anm. 73.
313. Quaestiones evangeliorum 2, 18 (PL 35, r339D-r340A) : ... dominus ait, sponsi
filios tune ieiunaturos .. ., dorec eis per Spiritum sanctum gaudia consolatoria retribuantur. quo dono percepto, etiam ieiunii alterum genus, quod fiet per laetitiam,
iam renovati in vitam spiritualem convenientissime celebrabunt.
31+ Den Nachweis s. bei F. G. CREMER, Die Fastenansage ]esu, a.a.0., 134 und
Anmm. 41-43.
Tafel
23
F.G. CREMER
gilt es, den alten l\Ienschen abzulegen. Hernach kann dann auch der
neue Mensch angezogen werden 320 . Unmittelbar anschliei3end werden
die Logien Mt 9, 16. 17 fr diese eindeutige Trennung zitiert 321 . Augustinus bedient sich hier der Kolosser-Stelle im Sinne des Ai1rnRosrus 322.
Aus diesem Beispiel ersieht man, dai3 Schriftworte als Belege fr bestimmte
Aussagen herangezogen und dabei auch in entgegen gesetzter Richtung
verwendet werden. Wahrend nun die Erklarung Augustins in De fide et
operibus fr die weitere Auslegung des Doppelgleichnisses keine Rolle
gespielt hat, sind seine frheren Ausfhrungen in den Schriften Quaestiones
evangeliorum und De consensu evangelistarum von der Scholastik haujig
wiederholt worden.
Zuvor aber mui3 noch auf die wiederum frappierende Verwandtschaft
zwischen JOHANNES CHRYSOSTOMUS und AUGUSTINUS hingewiesen werden.
Chrysostomus fai3t das Pradikat alt der beiden Parabeln als nur vorbergehend geltend auf und bezieht deshalb die Bildgri:ii3en altes Kleid
und alte Schlauche auf die Jesusjnger, die zunachst der Erneuerung bedrfen, ehe sie imstande sind, die schwere Fastenforderung zu erfllen 323
Aus dem an die Adresse der Pharisaer gerichteten Radikalwort des Herm
ist durch die Interpretation des Chrysostomus ein Sanftmutswort ]esu
geworden, mit dem die Jnger bei den Vertretern der alten Ordnung
324. So verwendet Chrysostomus, a.a.a., 30 (PG 57, 366B. D), zur Charakterisierung der Redeweise J esu dreimal die Wendung ei; rctetKelU arctcrT1, a.a.a.,
30 (PG 57, 367C), einmal den gleichbedeutenden Ausdruck ei; rcofj i;fi
]t:p6H)'tO, a.a.a., 30 (PG 57, 366D), auJ.lerdem die Begriffe ytrcTl, rcpa6T1 und
<ptaoe<pia und a.a.a., 30 (PG 57, 367D) den Satz: 'Eoiae i;)v i;arct:tv&v p1iti;rov.
325. Vgl. dazu den Hinweis a.a.a., 30 (PG 57, 367C) : Tai;a o eeyt:, v6ou
n0ei Kai Kav6va rn taurnD a011m, \v' frmv rocrt a0T1i; uj3tvt:tv rn
K i;fj OLKOUVTI UTCUVU, t: rcofi arn rcpocr<ppONUt i;fi jt:pOTIW.
A.hnlich s. a.a.a., 30 (PG 57, 3t>SA) : Mii rnivuv T10 ]e rctvi;a rcup rctvi;rov rcmi;&ev V rcpootiOt, ,,' ocra OUVU'tOV. KUi UXC KUi re' lVU fjrot:V. d o rct:iyu
Kui crrcet:t, 01' ui; rnrn ] m:iyou, rcetii crrcet:t.
326. In Lucac evangelium expositio 2
In Marci evangelium expositio I (ed.
(ed. D. HURST : cc sl 12012, 3 [1960]
D. HURST : 'CC sl 12012, 3 [1960]
125, 1004-126, 1035) :
460, 924-461, 953) .
Lh 5, 36//. quia nerno commissurarn
Mh 2, 21/. nemo assumentum panni
a vestimento nov o...
rudis ...
ICum interrogatus essPt dominus cur ICum interrogatus esset dominus cur
discipuli eius non ieiunarent respondit
discipuli eius non ieiunarent respondit
(I AuG., Quaest. evang. Il II carnales (I AUG., Quaest. evang. 1) II carnales
adhuc quosque ( = ?) II et necdum
adhuc quosque ( = ?) II et necdum
passionis resurrectionisque suae fide
passionis resurrectionisque suae fide
solidatos (/HIERON., In Matth. 1)
solidatos (/HIERON., In Matth. /)
non posse severiora ieiunia et continennon posse severiora ieiunia et continentiae sustinere praecepta ne per austiae sustinere praecepta ne per austeritatem nimiam etiam credulitatem
teritatem nimiam etiam credulitatem
quam habere videbantur amittant.
quam habere videbantur amittant.
(= HIERON. In Matth.) 11 ipsos ergo
(= HIERON. In Matth.) 11 ipsos ergo
adhuc discipulos tamquam vetera vestiadhuc discipulos tamquam vetera vestimenta dicit ( I AuG., Quaest. evang. Il I
menta dicit ( I AuG., Quaest. evang. 1) I
et nemo mittit vinum novum ...
et nenio mittit vinum novum ...
I Eosdem quoque veteribus comparat I Eosdem quoque veteribus comp.trat
utribus quos vino novo, id est spiritaliutribus quos vino novo, id est spiritalibus praeceptis, facilius disrumpi quam
bus praeceptis, facilius disrumpi quam
id posse continere dicit. erunt auid posse continere didt. erant autem iam utres novi cum post ascentem iam utres novi cum post ascensum domini desiderio consolationis eius
sum domini desiderio consolationis eius
orando et sperando innovantur
orando et sperando innovantur [innova. tune enim acceperunt Spiritum
bantur]. tune enim acceperunt Spiritum
sanctum. .. novum enim vinum iam
sanctum. .. novum enim vinum iam
novis utribus venerat, ( = AuG., Quaest.
novis utribus venerat, ( = AuG., Quaest.
F.G. CREMER
einsichtigen Art 327 mit der Zitation Augustins Texte aus HIERONYMUS und
GREGOR DEM GROSSEN (i" 604) zu einem einheitlichen Ganzen.
In <lem Satz des Beda : Cum interrogatus esset dominus cur discipuli eius
non ieiunarent respondit carnales adhuc quosque et necdum passionis resurrectionisque suae /ide solidatos non passe severiora ieiunia et continentiae
sustinere praecepta, der z.T. Augustinus und z.T. Hieronymus entlehnt
ist, bietet der Einschub : carnales adhuc quique (se. discipuli), bezglich
seiner Herkunft verschiedene Moglichkeiten. Zunachst konnte die Bemerkung von Beda selbst formuliert sein, da er Bischof Acca schreibt, er habe
den Exzerpten nonnulla propria ad imitationem sensus patrum hinzugefgt328. Vielleicht hat Beda dabei r Kor 3, r-3 im Sinn gehabt : Et ego,
fratres, non potui vobis loqui quasi spiritualibus, sed quasi carnalibus ...
adhuc enim carnales estis. Es ist aber auch an AUGUSTINUS, Contra Faustum (verfaBt 400), zu denken, wo es heiBt : J ener naht einen neuen Flicken
einem alten Kleidungsstck auf, der zwar geistliche Enthaltsamkeit
ben will, aber die fleischliche Hoffnung noch nicht abgelegt hat. Ein
wenig spater urteilt der gleiche Text : Bislang liebten die Jnger ihren
Herm auf fleischliche Art und Weise 329 . Das Scholion lii.Bt aber ebenso
gut eine ursprngliche Beheimatung in der griechischen Patristik zu.
Beda stand namlich diesbezglich nicht nur Literatur zur Yerfgung.
Ihn erreichte noch durch die Monche Theodor (i" 690) und Hadrian
(i" 709 /ro), die zusammen im J ahre 668 nach England kamen, ein personevang.) / / hoc est Spiritus sancti fervor
evang.) / / hoc est Spiritus sancti fervor
spiritalium corda repleverat. ( / GREGOR,
spiritalium corda repleverat. ( / GREGOR,
In lob /).
ln lob /).
BEDA hat hier in beiden Kommentaren zitiert : AUGUSTINUS, Quaestiones evangeliorum 2, 18 (PL 35, 1339D); HIERONYMUS, Commentarii in IVlatthaewm I (ed. D. HURST
& J\1. ADRIAEN: CC si 77 /1, 7 [1969] 58) ; AUGUSTINUS, a.a.0., 2, r8 (PL 35, 1340A.
B); GREGOR D. GROSSE (t 604), Moralium libri sive Expositio in librum lob (vollendet um 595), 23, II, 20 (PL 76, 263C. D). Durch / ... / sind die einzelnen Texte voneinander abgehoben ; ( = ... ) bedeutet sozusagen wrtliches Zitat; (/ ... /) macht
eine gewisse Abweichung vom Original kenntlich. Da die Auslegung des Markustextes
spater verfa.8t und in Anlehnung an das zu Lukas Gesagte niedergeschrieben worden
ist, bringt die Textbersicht links den Lukas- und rechts den Markuskommentar. Vgl. dazu F. G. CREMER, Das Fastenstreitgesprach, a.a.0., 159 und Anm. 7.
Zu der bermittlungsposition des BEDA siehe S. 371, Tafcl 3: Das Doppelgleichnis .
327. J. M. CLARK, The abbey of St. Gall as a centre of literature and art (Cambridge
1926), 63 : Von Notker dem Stammler kommt die Charakterisierung Bedas als des
fhigsten Bibelerkl1irers seit Gregor dem Groilen. Ph. ScHMITZ, Geschichte des
Benediktinerordens 2 : Die Kulturarbeit des Ordens von seiner Grndung bis zum
12. J ahrhundert, bersetzt und bearbeitet von L. Rif.ber, a.a.0., 99, bemerkt ausdrcklich, da13 Beda nicht wahllos zitiert, sondern mit gutem Verstandnis. Vgl. dazu
eine eigt:ne Beobachtung S. 317 und Anm. 105.
328. Epistula 8 : Ad Accam episcopum, In expositionem evangelii secundum M arcum
(PL 94, 688D-689A).
329. Contra Faustum (verfa.8t 400) 8, 2 (ed. I. ZYCHA : CSEL 25 /1 [1891] 306,
20-25) : Ille autem adsuit pannum novum vestimento veteri, qui continentiam vult
habere spiritalem et nondum deposuit spem carnalem... adhuc enim discipuli
dominum carnaliter diligebant.
liches Bekanntmachen mit der Schrifterklarung der griechisch-morgenlandischen Kirche 330 . Nicht infrage kommt als Quelle Johannes Chrysostomus, wohl aber dessen Vorlaufer APOLLINARIS v. LAODICEA (t um 390).
Zu dem Doppelgleichnis Mt 9, 16. 17 steht bei ihm : Der fleischliche Mensch
empfindet keine Freude am Pneuma. Indem er gewohnt ist, den Belangen
des Fleisches nachzugehen, kann er sich niemals ber den Verlust derartiger Dinge freuen. Vielmehr muB ihm eine solche Sache hart und unertraglich erscheinen 331 . Kurz darauf fahrt Apollinaris fort : Indem der
Herr sich so au Bert, kndigt er die Erneuerung der Jnger an, die mit
seiner Auferstehung geschehen wird. Alsdann ist der Zeitpunkt einer
Lebensweise aus dem Pneuma gekommen 332 . Ware Beda der griechische
Kommentar tatsachlich bekannt gewesen, hatte er, der von sich sagt,
gelegentlich breviandi causa geandert zu haben 333, Apollinaris in krzester Form glossiert. Es lage damit ein weiterer Beleg fr die ihm nachgerhmte wohlbedachte Methodik vor; denn das Scholion aus Apollinaris wrde im Sinne des Apollinaris mit einem Gedankengang aus
Hieronymus weitergefhrt 334 . SchliejJlich bleibt auch noch die Mi::iglichkeit offen, daB Beda die Glossierung statt Theodor und Hadrian 33 5
der irischen Schulliteratur verdankt, die durch die Ausschreibung anderer
Werke massenhaft neue Formulierungen hervorbrachte 336 . Ob Beda im
vorliegenden Fall von Augustinus inspiriert worden ist, ob er in der griechischen Exegese eine Vorlage besessen hat, ob er eine andere Schrift330. B. BlSCHOFF, Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Exegese, a.a.a.,
6, 190. M. GRABMANN, Mittelalterliches Geistesleben l (Mnchen 1926), 450, teilt
mit, daB sich in der abendlandischen lateinischen Literatur z.B. schon Zitate
aus den Areopagitica finden, ehe frmliche bersetzungen derselben angefertigt
waren, u.a. auch bei BEDA, In Marci evangelium expositio. DaB Beda ebenfalls
in die Kommentierung des Fastenstreitgesprachs Scholien aus der griechischen
Exegese bernommen hat, ist nachgewiesen bei F. G. CREMER, Die Fastcnansage
] esu, a.a.a., 87-90.
33r. Matthauskommrntar 41 (ed. J. REUSS: TU 61 [1957] 12, 3-5): IIveum:oyp
emi0em i':v cranK\> v0prom:p oK crnv rrceiv yp ei0ro r crapK6
OJtore ':V ri] 1'.0U1'.0lV crrepftcret xapftcrerat, J., O"K.T)pOV a\n\> Kat acp6pT)rOV
r6 npiya cpavftcrei;m. Freilich ist zu bedenken, daLl dem carnalis bei Beda genau
genommen ein crapKtKO entsprechen mLlte. Immerhin kennt die Didache (verfaBt
vor 150) l, 4 die Wendung : (crapKtKai Kai) cranKai bn0oim (vgl. W. BAUER,
Griechisch-Deutsches Worterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testaments [Berlin 5 1958]
1584).
332. Matthauskommentar 41 (ed. J. REUSS : TU 61 [1957] 12, 10-12) :
Taura ov 6 KUpto .yv 't]V avaKatVOlO'tV npoeft.o\l 'tOOV a0T)'tOOV ri]v croVT)V
v -i;i] vacrrmet awu, e0 ' ftv firi Katp6 -i;rov nveom:tK&v m-i;rieucrev.
333. Epistula 9 : Ad Accam, De evangelio Lucae (PL 94, 689D).
334. Beda hatte auf diese vVeise Lehrer und 8chler zusammengebracht. Vgl.
dazu die Nachricht des HIERONYMUS, Epistula 84 : Ad Pammachium et aceanum
(ed. I. HlLBERG: CSEL 55 [1912] 122) : Apollinarem Laodicenum audivi Antiochiae
frequcnter et colui et cum me in sanctis scripturis erudiret, numquam illius contentiosum super sensu dogma suscepi.
335. B. BISCHOFF, Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der lateinischen Exegese, a.a.O.,
6, 195.
336. B. BISCHOFF, a.a.a., 213.
350
F.G. CREMER
stelle ins Spiel bringen wollte oder oh er carnales adhuc quique (se. discipuli)
selbst formuliert hat, das kann nicht entschieden werden. Es muB hier
gengen, auf die verschiedenen Moglichkeiten aufmerksam gemacht
zu haben.
HRABANUS MAURUS hat die in den beiden synoptischen Kommentaren
Bedas gegebene Auslegung des Doppelgleichnisses, in welcher der von
Augustinus in seinen Quaestiones entwickelte Gedankengang dominiert,
in der blichen ViTeise, d. h. sozusagen wortlich bernommen 337 . Eigene
Akzente setzt wiederum CHRISTIAN v. STABLO. Obwohl ach er in den
Bahnen Augustins geht 338 , bringt er Variationen und Zusatze an. Auf den
Gleichnischarakter 339 des ersten Bildes hebt seine Bemerkung ab : Der
Herr sagt, seinen Jngern werde es ebenso ergehen, weil sie bislang alt
seien 34 0. Ferner versucht er aufgrund seines geschichtlichen Verstandnisses341 das Pradikat alt zu erlautern : Die Jnger sind namlich alt durch
die Lehre der Pharisaer, in der sie unterwiesen worden sind 342 . AuBerdem
belegt er die unmogliche Verbindung von alt und neu mit einem historischen
Beispiel : Weil die 70] nger das ihnen verkndete W ort nicht verstanden,
wandten sie sich von Jesus und gingen ihren eigenen Weg 343 . Die knappen
352
F.G. CREMER
Die Jnger insgesamt denken an <las Aufrichten eines irdischen Konigreiches (Apg r, 6), Johannes und Jakobus lassen sich durch ihre Mutter
die Ehrenpliitze darin erbitten (vgl. Mt 20, 2of. ; Mk ro, 35-37) und
Petrus erkundigt sich vorsorglich nach <lem Lohn fr geleistete Gefolgschaftstreue (vgl. Mt rg, 27) 350 . Fr RUPERT v. DEUTZ bringt die Erneuerung der Jnger - entsprechend der augustinischen Tradition - der
Heilige Geist 351 . Auffiillt, daB nunmehr fr dieses Ereignis - in bereinstimmung mit den verschiedenen theologischen Aussagen des Neuen
Testaments - zwei Daten angegeben werden : der Ostertag (Jo 20, 22f.)
und der Pfingsttag (Apg 2, r-4) 352 . Innerhalb der griechischen Exegese
war <las sehr viel frher PHOTIUS V. KONSTANTINOPEL (i' 8gr) 353 schon
in den Blick gekommen 354. Bei anderen 1'heologen konnte die Erwiihnung
beider Daten nicht beobachtet werden. Den neuen Wein, den man jetzt
den Aposteln anvertrauen durfte, deutet Rupert als die in all ihren
Geheimnissen erschlossene Heilige Schrift 355 . ZACHARIAS CHRYSOPOLI
TANUS halt in der Auslegung des Doppelgleichnisses eindeutig die seit
Augustinus vorgezeichnete Linie ein. Obwohl er zu den beiden Parabeln
350. Enarratfones in evangelium M atthaei (PL 162, 1332C. D).
35r. De gloria et honore filii hominis super Matthaeum 8 (PL 168, r481B): Quando
sunt omnino innovati ? quando acceperunt Spiritum sanctum post resurrectionem
eius cuius gratia novos homines efficit.
352. De gloria et honore filii hominis super Matthaeum 8 (PL 168, 1481B).
353. Zu der von Photius verwendeten exegetischen Methode s. das Urteil von
K. STAAB, Pauluskommcntarc o.us der griechischen Kirche, aus Katenenhandschriften
gesammelt und herausgegebrn: Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 15 (Mnster 1933),
xr,rv : Mitten im Zeitalter der reinen Kompilationsexegese stehend hat Photius
hier noch ein durchaus selbstandiges Werk geschaffen. Er kennt die Exegese der
Vater und stellt an mehrdeutigen Stellen deren Auffassungen ohne Nennung ihres
Namens zur Diskussion, um dann klug abwagend eine eigene Meinung zu gewinnen
und zu begrnden. Auch hier zitiert er nicht wirtlich nach Katenenweise, sondern
gibt die Ansichten der Frheren in seinen eigenen Worten wieder. J a, er zeigt
direkt das Bestreben, schon anderweitig Gesagtes nicht lang und breit zu wiederholen . J. REUSS, Matthaus-Kommentare aus der griechischen Kirche aus Katenenhandschriften gesammelt und herausgegeben : TU 61 (Berlin 1957), XI,III, weist dgens
darauf hin, daLl diese sehr guten und zutreffenden Bemerkungen auch fr die
Erkliirung des Matthausevangeliums gelten.
354. Matthauskommentar 38 (ed. J. REUSS : TU 6r [1957] 288, 31-289, 33) :
Et yp icai :tee i!:"Cuyxavov en OUTl:Q) "COU n:avayiou n:veuaw awt v rcupivm
yMicrcrm iaven0tvw oi!: t ""Cij ecrn:onicij rcveucrero awt vauyacr0tvw ...
Das erste hier genannte Datum entspricht der Feststellung des JOHANNES CHRYSOSTOMUS, 'Yn:6vna d "COV aywv Mm0aov "COV eayyetCi"C]V 30 (PG 57, 367B. C) :
Oun:ro yey6vacriv icrxupoi of a0T]t"a{ ... ourcro "COU n:veuaw veicmvicr0ncrav. Hingegen
geht die Erwahnung der Geistesbergabe durch den Auferstandenen Christus auf die
selbstandige berlegung des Photius zurck. Wie also Rupert ber Augustinus
hinaus gegangen ist, ebenso geht Photius ber Chrysostomus hinaus. Zu der Zusammenschau sowohl des PHOTIUS als auch RUPERTS bekennt sich die lateinische Liturgie
der nach-konziliaren Kirche, die in ihrer neuen Perikopenordnung am Pfingstsonntag
die Texte Apg 2, 1-11 und Jo 20, 19-23 als zwei verschiedene theologische Aussagen
des Neuen Testaments aufeinander folgen lii.Llt.
355. De gloria et honore filii hominis super Matthaeum 8 (PL 168, 1481B) : Tune
vinum novum missum est in utres novos, et ambo conservata sunt, id est revelata
sunt illis omnia mysteria Scripturarum.
354
F.G. CREMER
THOMAS hat ebenfalls in seine Katene zu allen drei synoptischen Evangelien solche Zitate aus den Viitern und mittelalterlichen Theologen
eingefgt, die den Gegensatz mildern und aussagen, daB die Jnger
z.Zt. alt bzw. noch nicht erneuert seien. In der Matthauskatene bringt er
neben anderen Losungen auch den Sermo 210 Augustins 362 . In der Lukaskatene triigt Thomas erneut den Gedankengang aus den Quaestiones evangeliorum Augustins vor 363 . SchlieBlich vermerkt NIKOLAUS v. LYRA
noch einmal die augustinische Ansicht364.
Die Erkliirung des Doppelgleichnisses, wie sie AUGUSTINUS vor allem
in den beiden Schriften Quaestiones evangeliorum und De consensu evangelistarum vorgetragen hatte, haben sich als zugkrajtig erwiesen. DaB
diese von den Theologen des Hochmittelalters mit der Auslegung des
JOHANNES CHRYSOSTOMUS, nachdem man einmal damit bekannt geworden war, verbunden worden ist, lag bei de - geistigen Niihe der Auffassungen beider Gelehrter nahe 365 . Alle scholastischen Exegeten, ob sie
nun mehr in den Spuren Augustins oder des Chrysostomus gehen oder
auch beide Initiatoren auf einen gemeinsamen Weg zu bringen versuchen, sind sich darin einig, daB die dem Fastenstreitgespriich angefgten
Gleichnisse den in der voraufgegangenen Kontroverse zutage getretenen
Gegensatz mildern, indem sie das Priidikat alt aus den Parabeln auf die
Jnger beziehen und es damit nur vorbergehend gelten lassen konnen.
Auf diese Weise ist den Fragestellern aus Mk 2, 18 parr. das Wesentliche
zugestanden : J etzt sind die Jnger zwar noch nicht in der Lage zum Fasten ; sie werden es aber sein, sobald sie erneuert sind. Es bleibt dies nur
eine Frage der Zeit366.
vetustate tune essent, sed in vetustate consuetudinis, quod satis determinatur
in fine Gloss. vetustatem hanc intellige consuetudinem, quorumdam legalium,
& observationem sabbati, & quod consueverunt frequenter manducare, non ieiunare.
362. Catena aurea, In Matthaei evangelium (ed. L. VIVS [Parisiis I876] 16,
l81f.) = Sermo 210, In quadragesima 6 (PL 38, ro49B-D).
363. Catena aurea, In Lucae evingelium (ed. L. VIVS [Parisiis 1876] 17, 97) =
Quaestiones evangeliontm 2, 18 (PL 35, l340A).
364. Vgl. Postillae perpetuae in Vetus et Novitm Testamentum, In evangelium
secundum Matthaeum (ed. Antverpiae 1634), 5, 176, 7 mit Quaestiones evangeliorum
2, 18 (PL 35, 1340A. B). Zu der ganzen auf AUGUSTINUS grndenden Traditionsreihe
siehe S. 370-373, Tafel 3 : Das Doppelgleichnis .
365. Vgl. dazu S. 346f. und Anmm. 323-325.
366. Auch in nach-mittelalterlicher Zeit hat die sowohl auf AUGUSTINUS als
auch auf CHRYSOSTOMUS basierende Auslegung von Mk 2, 2r. 22 parr im Vordergrund gestanden wie folgende Beispiele zeigen : KORNELIUS JANSENIUS D. ALTERE,
Commentarium in suam concordiam (ed. Lovanii 1572), l, 221 ; DIEGO DP~ ESTELLA,
In evongelium secundum Lucam (ed. Antverpiae 1600), l, 153; ADAM CoN'l'ZEN,
Evangelium secundum Lucam (ed. Coloniae 1626), 2, 75 ; STEPHANUS MENOCHIUS,
Explicationes in Matthacum (ed. Antverpiae 1679), 274; ALEXANDER NATALIS,
Expositio evangelii secundum Matthaeum (ed. Parisiis-Neapoli 1741), l, 239 ;
SEBASTIAN BARRADAS, Commentarii quatuor evangelistarum 5, 23 (ed. Conimbricae
1604), z, 394.
F.G. CREMER
ihrem Meister sponsi filii genannt wurden 375 . Er hat damit - wiederum
ganz entsprechend der Methodik des Photius
unter Bercksichtigung
der Tatsache, c aB die Apostel erst im Anfang der Jngerschaft stehen
und der Kraft des Heiligen Geistes noch ermangeln, die These positiv
widerlegt, wonach die Jesusjnger alt seien und zunachst einmal der
Erneuerung bedrften376 . Um einige Grade schiirfer als Photius will
Radbert <las Doppelgleichnis auf die Frageste1ler bezogen wissen377,
wenn er abschlieBend bemerkt : Besser kann man solche Vorhaltungen
denen machen, die mit der Frage nach dern Fasten an J esus herangetreten sind 378 . Wenn Radbert sodann das Priidikat alt auf die Pharisaerund neu auf die Botschaft Jesu bezieht 379 , dann unterstreicht er mit eigenen Worten die in seinern Kornrnentar schon rnitgeteilte und von ihrn
anerkannte Auffassung des Hieronymus 3BO.
Wie Photius von den spiiteren griechischen Exegeten bezglich des
von ihm zur Auslegung des Doppelgleichnisses gernachten Vorbehaltes
bergangen worden ist, so hat auch <las kritische Wort des Paschasius
375. A.a.a., 5, 9 (PL rzo, 379D): Quod si ita est, adhuc et ipsi in vetustate erant;
quod absurdum est intclligere, cum iam secreti a iugo legis, et sponsi filii appellentur.
376. Vgl. dazu PHOTIUS, a.a.a., 38 (ed. J. REUSS: TU [1957] 288, 31-289, 35).
377. A.a.a., 5, 9 (PL rzo, 379B. C) : / Sed per utres veteres debemus intelligere
scribas et Pharisaeos, / vel quoscumque extra Christi gratiam, quos necdum abluit
a qua baptismatis. / qui necdum veteri ho mine deposito, (/HIERON., In JI atth. /) / /
possunt sustinere fervorem doctrinae Christi. ( / GREGOR, In I ob /) /. PASCHASIUS
RADBERTUS hat hier zitiert : HIERONYMUS, Coinmuntarii in Matthaeum I (ed.
D. HURST & M. ADRIAEN: CC sl 77 /r, 7 [1969] 58); GREGOR D. GROSSEN, Moralium
libri sive Expositio in librum lob 23, II, 20 (PL 76, 263C. D). Zu PASCHASIUS RADBERTUS macht in nach-mittelalterlicher Zeit wiederum eine kritische Bemerkung
JOHANNES DA SYI,VEIRA, Comme11taria in textum evangclicum 4 /28 (ed. Lugduni
1697) 2, 6rr : Hae expositiones ob tantos patres venerandae sunt; tamen ills maxime
adversatur, quod Christus dominus Pharisaeos, ac scribas non excusabat; sed
discipulos suos.
378. A.a.a., 5, 9 (PL 120, 379D) : I'otius ergo contra eos ista dicuntur, conquirentes quare nos et Pharisaei ieiunamus, discipuli autem tui non ieiunant ?
379. A.a.a., 5, 9 (PL 120, 379D. 380A) : Videntur [se. discipuli Ioannis et Pharisaei] desiderasse, ut eos Christus a ieiuniorum iugo, et gravitate legis solveret.
Idcirco mox audiunt evangeli praecepta, dum in vetustate manserint servare
nequaquam passe, ne peior in eis scissura fieret, quorum doctrina vetustate attrita,
novitatem praeceptorum ferre nequibant.
380. Die Unterstreichung des von HIERONYMUS, Commentarii in Matthaeum
I (ed. D. BURST & M. ADRIAEN: cc sl 77 /1, 7 [1969] 58, 1348-1351), abgegebenen
Urteils durch PASCHASIUS RADBERTUS geht aus folgendem Zusammenhang hervor :
Er referiert, a.a.a., 5, 9 (PL 120, 379C) aus HIERONYMUS, a.a.a., I (ed. D. HURST
& M. ADRIAEN : CC sl 77 /1, 7 [1969] 58, 1355-1358) : Sermo igitur evangelicus,
et doctrina Spiritus sancti, apostolis potius quam scribis et Pharisaeis ... infundendus
erat, un d wendet die von ihm abgelehnte Aussage bei BEDA VENERABII,IS und
HRABANUS MAURUS, a.a.a., 5, 9 (PL 120, 379D), mit einer entsprechenden negativen Formulierung auf die Schriftgelehrten und Pharisaer an : Potius ergo contra eos ista dieuntur, conquirentes quare nos et Pharisaei ieiunamus, discipuli autem
tui non ieiunant ?
F.G. CREMER
Radbertus in der lateinischen Kirche der mittelalterlichen und nachmittelalterlichen Zeit keine Nachahmer gefunden. Dennoch bleibt es ein
wertvolles Zeugnis eigenstandigen Denkens der karolingischen Theologie.
Zur ersten Parabel : Eine besondere Rolle hat bei AUGUSTINUS die
erste Parabel vorn ungewalkten Flicken auf dem alten Kleid gespielt.
In der Schrift Contra Faustum greift der Manichaer Faustus auf den ersten
Bildspruch des Doppelgleichnisses als Beweis dafr zurck, daB Altes
und Neues Testament nicht in Einklang miteinander zu bringen sind3 81.
Schon irn alltaglichen Leben ist es so : Wer neue Kleider tragt, verschenkt
die alten an Bedrftige. Faustus argurnentiert so weiter : Auch wenn ich
als Jude geboren worden ware, wie die Apostel Juden waren, mBte ich,
nachdem mir das Neue Testament zuteil geworden ist, das Alte Testament
von mir weisen, wie es jene tatsachlich getan haben. Nun aber bin ich
nicht unter dem Joch der Knechtschaft geboren, sondern Christus hat
mich sogleich mit seiner Freiheit beschenkt. Wie armselig, tricht und
ber die MaBen undankbar ware ich, wenn ich mich nun der Knechtschaft
berlassen wrde382 . Augustinus halt seinem Gegner entgegen : DaB die
Kirche an der Autoritat des Alten Testaments festhalt, geschieht nicht,
um die jdische Knechtschaft nachzuahmen. Es geht vielrnehr darum,
ein Zeugnis christlicher Freiheit abzuJegen. Unter Berufung auf r Kor ro,
I I verweist Augustinus auf den Vorbild-Charakter des Alten Testaments
fr die Zeit der Erfllung 383 . Alsdann fahrt er fort, indem er die Anspielung
des Faustus auf die erste Parabel aufgreift und mit ihren Worten spricht:
Nicht nahen wir einen neuen Flicken dem alten Kleidungsstiick auf, sondern wir lassen uns in der herbeigekommenen Herrschaft Gottes entsprechend dem Gleichnis jenes Hausvaters belehren, von dem der Herr sagt,
er hole aus seinem Schatz Neues und Altes hervor (vgl. Mt r3, 5rf.) 384 .
An dieser Stelle gibt Augustinus der Kontroverse eine Wendung, die
fr den hier ins Auge gefaBten Zusammenhang der beiden Gleichnisse
bedeutsam ist. Wahrend Tertullian in bereinstirnmung mit seinern Gegner
l\Iarcion 385 und in gleicher Weise Ps-Adamantius 386 mit einern marcionitischen Gesprachspartner das Doppelgleichnis aus der Textverbindung
Mk 2, rS-22 parr gelost hatten 387 , pocht Augustinus seinem Gegner Faus38I. Contra Fausturn 8, l (ed. I. ZYCHA: CSEL 25 /1 [1891] 305, 14-18).
382. A.a.O., 8, l (ed. I. ZYCHA : CSEL 25 /1 [1891] 305, 18-306, l).
383. A .a.0., 8, 2 (ed. I. ZYCHA : CSEL 25 /1 [1891] 306, 6-14).
384. A .a.0., 8, 2 (ed. I. ZYCHA : CSEL 25 /1 [1891] 306, 17-20).
385. Zu der Auseinandersetzung von Tertullian und Marcion unter Verwendung
des Fastenstreitgesprachs s. F. G. CREMER, Die Fastenansage Jesu, a.a.O.,u2f.
und Anmm. 77-80.
386. Der anonyme Verfasser hat dem Dialog Ilepi i-fi et Sev opSfi rcicnero
um 300 in Syrien geschrieben. Die irrige berlieferung geht auf den Wortfhrer im
Streitgesprach zurck, der Adamantius heiBt.
387. Ilepi i-fi si 0e6v p!lfi rcicri-ero 2, r6 (ed. W. H. van
llAKHUYZEN : GCS 4 [19or] go, 4-92, l l).
deSANDE
F.G. CREMER
man ihnen nach, sie seien voll von mustum. Es war namlich bereits
neuer Wein in neue Schlauche gekommen 401 . Die Matthauskommentare des
GoTTFRIED BABION 402 und des THO:MAs 403 drften diese Sinnverbindung
unmittelbar Augustinus entlehnt haben. Indessen hat die mittelalterliche
Exegese zumeist AUGUSTINUS und GREGOR DEN GROSSEN (t 604) diesbezglich zusammen genannt.
GREGOR macht in seinem breit angelegten Job-Kommentar 404 zunachst
folgende Bemerkung : Im mustum wird in der Tat der fervor des Heiligen
Geistes empfangen, von dem der Herr im Evangelium sagt: Neuen Wein
fllt man in neue Schliiuche >>. Als die Apostel mit diesem erfllt wurden
und in allen Sprachen redeten, sagten die J uden, die von dem eigentlichen
Geschehen nichts wuBten, aber dennoch die Wahrheit bezeugten: ((Sie
sind voll von mttstum n 405 . mustum wird hier durch jervor als die ihm
innewohnende Glut charakterisiert. l\foglicherweise kommt hier GREGOR
v. NYSSA (t 394) zu Wort 406 . Bei Gregor v. Nyssa kann man namlich
lesen : Neu gewonnener Wein gart infolge der Glut (jervor), die einer
Feuchtigkeit zu eigen ist. Durch diese geheimnisvolle Tatigkeit schaumt
der junge W ein alle U nreinheit aus. Ein W ein dieser Art ist das Evangelium,
das die alten Schlauche, die aufgrund des Unglaubens brchig geworden
sind, nicht aufnehmen konnen. Im Gegenteil, sie werden durch die Kraft
der neuen Lehre zerrissen und verschulden es alsdann, daB die Gnade des
Heiligen Geistes verstromt 407 . Gregor d. GroBe bringt im gleichen Zusam40I. Qotaestiones evangeliorum z, r8 (PL 35, l340B) : Tune enim acceperunt Spiritum sanctum, quo impleti, cum omnium, qui de diversis gentibus aderant, linguis
loquerentur, dicti sunt musto pleni. novum enim vinum iam novis utribus
venerat.
402. Enarrationes in evangelimn Matthaei (PL 162, l333B).
403. Commentariitm super Matthaeum (ed. L. VIVS [Parisiis r876] 19, 368).
40+ Vgl. dazu Ph. ScHMI'l'Z, Geschichte des B,:ncdiktinerordens 2, 96.
405. Moralium libri sive Expositio in librum Job 23, II, 20 (PL 76, 263C) : In
musto vero sancti Spiritus fervor accipitur, de quo in evangelio dominus dicit :
' vinum novum mittunt in utres no vos (Mt 9, l 7) '. ex quo dum repente replerentur apostoli (Act. 2, 4), dum linguis omnibus loquerentur, a Iudaeis nescientibus, sed tamen vera attestantibus, dictum est: 'hi musto pleni sunt (ibid. 13)'.
406. Gregor d. GroBe weilte von 579 bis 585 im Auftrag von Papst Pelagius
II. in Konstantinopel. Er begann dort mit der Abfassung seines Kommentars zum
Buche Job.
407. ' Gregorius Nyssemts, oratio de Abraham ', in : THOMAS, Catena in Lucae
evangelium (ed. L. VIVS [Parisiis 1876] r7, 97). Thomas drfte dieses Zitat aus
der umfangreichen Lukaskatene des NIKE'l'AS v. HERAKI,EIA (t um lIOo) entlehnt
haben. Vgl. dazu J. SrCKENBERGER, Die Lukaskatcne des Niketas von H uakleia
(Leipzig 1902), 66. Zu Niketas v. Herakleia s. H.G. BECK, Kirche und theologische
Litr:ratur im bywntinischr:n Reich : Byzantinisches Handbuch im Rahmen der Altertumswissenschaft 2 /r (Mnchen 1959), 651ff. Die gleiche Erlauterung zu vinum
novum mit dem Sigel Nyssenus ist in nach-mittelalterlicher Zeit in die CorderiusKatene eingegangen : BAI,'l'HASAR CORDII<~R (t 1650), Catena sexaginta quinque
Graecorum patrum in Lucain, quae quatuor simul evangelistarum introducit explicationem (ed. Antverpiae 1628), 166. Zur Corderius-Katene s. J. SICKENBERGER,
a.a.0., 69-7I. Zur Bedeutung der drei Katenen fr Mk 2, 18 parr s. F. G. CREMER,
Zum Problem der verschiedenm Sprecher im Fcistenstreitgesprch, a.a.O., l, 171 und
Anmm. 83-89.
24
F.G. CREMER
menhang auch eine Verbindung von Mk 2, 22 parr und Job 32, rg, die
erneut die Begriffe Jervor und mustum zum Inhalt hat und noch einmal an
Gregor v. Nyssa erinnern konnte. Elihu, der sich voll von Worten weiB
und den der Geist bedrangt, tritt Job gegen ber so auf : Mein Leib ist wie
fest verschlossenes mustum ohne Luftloch, das somit die neuen Schlauche
zerreiBt. Ich rede, um mir Luft zu machen und tue meine Lippen auf und
spreche )) 408 . Gregor bemerkt dazu : Elihu sagt richtig, daB mustum neue
Schlauche zerreiBe ; denn der fervor des Heiligen Geistes wird nicht nur
von einem alten Leben nicht ertragen, sondern auch ein neues Leben halt
ihn kaum aus. Darum zerreiBt mustum sogar neue Schlii.uche; denn die
Macht seines fervor bersteigt selbst geistlich geformte Herzen 409 . Folglich bewertet auch Gregor den jungen \Vein Mk 2, 22 parr als unvergorenen Most, der alte Schlauche sprengen muB.
Beide Textkombinationen : die bei AUGUSTINUS schon angetroffene
von l\Ik 2, 22 parr und Apg 2, r3 und die durch GREGOR bezeugte von
Mt g, r7 mit Apg 2, 4. r3 und vonMtg, r7 mit Job 32, rg,habeninderAuslegungsgeschichte der zweiten Parabel eine Rolle gespielt. Die Verkettung
von Mt g, r7 mit Apg 2, 4. r3 hat sozusagen wrtlich in das Nachschlagewerk, das P ATERIUS aus den Schriften Gregors zusammengestellt hat,
Eingang gefunden 410 . Auch hier ist es der die Theologie des Mittelalters
einleitende BEDA VENERABILIS 411 gewesen, der den Konnex Mk 2, 22 parr
- Apg 2, 4. r3 und zwar jetzt in einer Verschmelzung von Augustinus
und Gregor dem GroBen die Tr fr eine Tradition in der Scholastik
geoffnet hat. Da Beda darber klagt, daB ihm eine groBe Arbeit erspart
geblieben ware, wenn er das erwahnte Nachschlagewerk des Paterius zur
Rand gehabt hatte 412 , ist es sicher, daB er Gregor ebenso wie Augustinus 413
408. ' En venter meus quasi mustum absque spiraculo, quod lagunculas novas
disrumpit ' (Job 32, 19).
409. M oralium libri sivc Expositio in librum I ob 23, l r. 20 (PL 76, 263D) : Et
bene ait : ' quod lagunculas novas disrumpit ' ; quia sancti Spiritus fervor non
~olum veteri, sed etiam nova vita vix capitur. mustum ergo lagunculas novas
disrumpit, quia fervoris eius potentia etiam spiritalia corda transcendit.
410. De expositione veteris ac novi testa menti liber de diversis sancti Gregorii M agni
libris concinnatus 3, l, 47 (PL 79, ro36C): (In exposit. B. Job, lib. XXIII, num. 20)
In musto vero Spiritus sancti fervor accipitur. de quo in evangelio dominus dicit :
' vinum novum in utres novos mittunt (Matt. IX, r7) '. ex quo dum repente reple
rentur apostoli, dum linguis omnibus loquerentur, a Iudaeis nescientibus, sed
tamen vera attestantibus, dictum est : 'hi musto pleni sunt (Act. II, 4. r3) '. VgL
dazu den Text aus GREGOR in Anm. 405.
4rr. Vgl. dazu S. 305 und Anm. r5.
412. In cantica canticorum allegorica expositio (PL 91, r223B. C) : Audivi autem
quod Patnius, eiusdem beati papae Gregorii discipulus, de tota sancta scriptura,
quaeque illi [quae ille] per partes in suis operibus explanavit, collecta ex ordine
in unum volumen coegerit : quod opus si haberem ad manus, facilius multo ac perfectius studium meae voluntatis implerem ; verum quia necdum illud merui videre,
ipse per me hoc, ut potui, imitari domino adiuvante curavi. Vgl. J. HABLI'rZEL,
Hrabanus Maurus, Ein Beitrag zur Gcschichte der mittelalterlichen Evege.;e: Biblische
Studien II, 3 (Freiburg i. Br. 1906), 7; Ph. SCHMITZ, Geschichte des Benediktinerordens 2, 96.
413. Vgl. dazu S. 3r7f. und Anmm. 104-108.
AUGUSTINUS,
GREGOR,
Quaestiones
M arkuskommentar
Postillae perpetuae in Vetus rt Novum Testamentum, In evangelium secufldum Matthaeum (ed. Antverpiae I634), 5, I77; DIONYSIUS D. KARTAUSER, Enarratio in
evangelium secundum Matthaeum I8 (ed. Monstrolii I900), II, I14A, Enarratio
in evangelium secundum Luc am 13 (ed. Monstrolii 1900), l r, 500 A.B. Einen originellen
Zug hat CHRISTIAN v. STABLO in das Traditionsgut gebracht, indem er lagunculas
novas durch magna et fortia vascula de lignis erseht. Vgl. dazu F. G. CREMER,
Christian von Stablo, a.a.a., 339.
4I8. Vgl. z.B. SEBASTL\N BARRADAS, Commentarii quatuor cvangelistarnm 5, 23
(ed. Conimbricae 1604), 2, 394f.; JAKOB TIRINUS, Commcntarius in Matthaeum
(ed. Taurini 1883), 4, 46; KoRNELIUS A LAPIDE, Evangelium secundum Matthaeum
(ed. Parisiis 1862), I5, 247; KORNELIUS JANSENIUS D. JNGERE, Commentarius
in evangelium St'cundum Ji;Iatthaeum (ed. Bruxellis 1776), 85; STEPHANUS MENOCHIUS,
Explicationes in Matthaeuin (ed. Antverpiae r679), 274; BERNHARDIN V. PICQUIGNY,
F.G. CREMER
* **
Der hier vorgelegte Beitrag Augustins zur Losung der Fragen, die
das Fastenstreitgespriich lVIk 2, r8-22 und Parallelen aufgibt, wo lte
anhand eines kleinen Ausschnittes des Neuen Testaments auf eine besondere Weise mit dem genia!en Ausleger der Heiligen Schrift an der Wende
vom v:erten zum fnften nach-christlichen Jahrhundert bekann machen.
Evangelium secundum Matthaeum (ed. Parisiis r877), r, 94, und Evangelium secundwn
Lucam, a.a.O., 2, 73.
4r9. Vgl. dazu S. 3r4.
420. De haeresibus (ed. C. BEUKERS : CC sl 46 /r3, 2 [r969] 329, r-4), Ziffer 62,
nennt unter 88 verschiedenen Haresien auch di.; Askiten . Augustinus seinerseits
hat aus Fn:,AS'.l'RIUS (t vor 397), Liber de haeresibus (verfa!3t 383-39r) (ed. F. MARX:
CSEL 38 [r898] 38, 22-39, r5), Ziffer 47, geschi:ipft, der die Askiten unter r56
anderen Irrlehren aufzahlt. Wahrscheinlich hat Filastrius wieder EPrPHANIUS v.
SALAMIS /CYPERN (t 403), Ilavaptov (verfa!3t 374-377) als Unterlage gedient.
Spater wird die Sekte der Askiten auch bei THEODORE'.!' v. CYRUS (t um 466),
AipenKf1 KaKouOia rm;oi\ (PG 83, 360B. C), Ziffer rn, erwahnt.
42r. Vgl. dazu K. ALGERMISSEN, Art. Askiten : LThK' r (r957), 940.
422. Glossa ordinaria, Evangelium secimdum Matthaeum (ed. Antverpiae 1634),
5, 177B : Aug. L. de haer. 62. Ascites ab utre appellati sunt, O'K. enim Graece,
Latine uter dicitur, quem perhibentur inflatum et opertum circumire bacchantes,
tamquam ipsi sint evangelici utres novi novo vino repleti.
423. Expositio evangelii secundum Lucain 5, 26 (ed. C. SCHENKL : CSEL 32 / 4
[I902] 191, 5f. 9-11).
424. 'EmcroA.ai, 57 : El O etp11vov" o BA.A.oucrtv oivov vfov ei crKo
rcaA.mou" (PG 78, 220A. B).
425. Sermo 3r : De Pharisaeorum et discip1orum I oannis ieiunio (verfa!3t nad1 432)
(PL 52, 289B).
Dabei hat sich gezeigt, dai3 Augustinus gelegentlich als erster auf Probleme des Evangelientextes aufmerksam gemacht hat und fr seine
Zeit eine Losung anzubieten wui3te. Freilich waren hier die Moglichkeiten
aufgrund der noch nicht gegebenen kritischen Einsicht in die biblische
Literatur und infolge seines damit in Zusammenhang stehenden ohne jede Einschrankung geltenden
Inspirationsverstandnisses beschrankt. Sofern man dieses beachtet, versteht man auch sein Auslegungsprinzip der Harmonisierung und des Symbolismus recht zu vviirdigen.
Aui3erdem war Augustinus jedoch sehr wohl in der Lage, ein Schriftwort
legitim aus seinem Kontext heraus zu erklaren und Verdeutlichungen in
den synoptischen Seitenevangelien wahrzunehmen.
Vor allem aber sollte in der vorgenommenen Untersuchung der einflu13reichste Theologe der Alten Kirche einmal an einem bestimmten
Modell vorgestellt und damit die M achtigkeit der lateinischen Tradition
aufgezeigt werden. Erwies sich die starke Ausstrahlkraft Augustins
auch in dem e"nen oder anderen Fall als Hemmnis, so hat sie doch dem
ge'st ichen Leben und der kirchlichen Praxis einen unschatzbaren Dienst
geleistet und dariiber hinaus fiir die Exegese der abendlandischen Kirche
solange eine Losung bereitgehalten, bis der Schrifttext mit Hilfe der
historisch-kritischen Methode neu interpretiert werden konnte.
Sicher konnen wir heute
soweit es die Exegese betrifft - wissenschaftlich nicht mehr in den Spuren Augustins gehen. Jedoch handeln
wir gerade bei der notwendig gewordenen Neu-einstellung der Schrifterklarung im Sinne des gro/Jen Augustinus, wenn wir uns aus Verantwortung
dem Gebot der gegenwartigen Stunde nicht verschlie13en. Denn Augustinus ware nie zu seiner Gro13e aufgestiegen, hatte er nicht die Fahigkeit
besessen, sich zu enhvickeln, d.h. auf Neues einzugehen und sich selbst
umstellen und umbilden zu lassen.
Indessen bleibt fr unser biblisches Studium sein W ort ohne jeden
A bstrich giiltig : << LaBt uns das Evangelium so hren, wie wenn der
Herr zugegen ware ... Alle Kostbarkeiten, die aus seinem Munde tonten,
sind ja um unseretwillen geschrieben und fr uns aufbewahrt. (Das
Evangelium) wird ja um unseretwillen vorgelesen; es w'rd auch fr
unsere Nachkommen vorgelesen werden und bis ans Ende der Welt. Der
Herr ist droben; aber auch hier ist die Wahrheit der Herr JJ 426 . Augustinus
hat fr mehr als ein J ahrtausend diese W ahrheit auf Erden zum Leuchten
gebracht. Es wird sich erst noch zeigen miissen, welche Leuchtkraft
unserer Wahrheitserhelung beschieden ist. Die gewii3 unabdingbaren
Neuerungen werden namlich erst dann zu wirklicher Er-neuerung biblischer
Einsicht fhren und den Herm fr unser inneres Auge sichtbar machen,
wenn das Voraufgegangene in die Gegenwart und fr die Zukunft mi eingebracht wird. Dazu gehrt ohne Zweifel das Be-denken des Gotteswortes durch einen Gottesmann wie Augustinus.
426. In I ohannis evangelium tractatus, 30,
289, 9-17),
F.G. CREMER
***
Die Untersuchung ber den exegetischen Beitrag Augustins stiitzt
sich vor allem auf das grundlegende Werk des Verfassers :
F. G. CREMER, Die Fastenansage ] esu, Mk 2, 20 und Parallelen in
der Sicht der patristischen und scholastischen Exegese : Banner Biblische
Beitrage 23 (Bonn 1965).
Auf3erdem wurden die folgenden Titel des Verfassers mit herangezogen:
F. G. CREMER, Lukanisches Sondergut zum Fastenstreitgesprach, Lk
5, 33-39 im Urteil der patristischen und scholastischen Exegese : Trierer
Theologische Zeitschrift, friiher Pastor bonus 76 (1967), 129-154;
DERS., cc Die Sohne des Brautgemachs JJ (Mk 2, 19 parr) in der griechischen
und lateinischen Schrifterkliirung : Biblische Zeitschrift, Neue Folge II
(1967), 246-253 ;
DERS., Das Fastenstreitgesprach (Mk 2, 18-22 parr) bei Beda Venerabilis und Hrabanus Maurus, Zur Charakteristik mittelalterlicher Florilegien : Revue bndictine 77 (1967), 157-174;
DERS., Christian von Stablo als Exeget, Beobachtungen zur Auslegung
von Mt 9, 14-17 : Revue bndictine 77 (1967), 328-341;
DERS., Der cc Heilstod )) jesu im paulinischen Verstandnis von Taufe
und Eucharistie, Eine Zusammenschau von Rom 6, 3j. und l Kor II,
26 : Biblische Zeitschrift, Neue Folge 14 (1970), 227-239;
DERS., Zum Problem der verschiedenen Sprecher im Fastenstreitgesprach
(Mk 2, 18 parr), Ein Blick in die Kommentare der Patristik und Scholastik:
Kyriakon, Festschrift Johannes Quasten l (1970), l62-18r.
I. -
non de ipsis dixerit, de qui bus interposuerat : ' et erant discipuli I ohannis
et Pharisaei ieiunantes ', sed cum isti essent ieiunantes, veniunt illi quos
hoc movit et dicunt illi : ' cur discipuli Iohannis et Pharisaeorum ieiunant, tui autem non ieiunant ? ' Quod LucAs evidentius expressit...
Ergo et hic sicut MARCUS alios de aliis hoc dixisse narravit. Unde ergo
MATTHEUS : ' tune accesserunt ad eum discipuli Iohannis dicentes :
quare nos et Pharisaei ieiunamus ? ' nisi quia et ipsi aderant et omnes
certatim, ut quisque poterat, hoc obiecerunt... >> (CSEL 43 /3, 4, 165, 21-
166, 22).
THOMAS, Catena aurea, THOMAS, Catena aurea, THOJ\1AS, Catena aurea,
In M atthaci evangeliuni, In 111{ arci evangeliuni, II, In Lucae evangeliuni, v,
IX,
3:
3:
7:
F.G. CREMER
ait, ' veniunt ', non de ipsis di:cerit de quibus interposuerat : ' et erant discipuli l oannis et Pharisaeorum ieiunantes. Sed
cum isti essent ieiunantes,
veniunt illi quos hoc move t. Unde ergo MAT-
IL AUGUSTINUS,
v. GORRAN, In THOMAS, Catena aurea, In DIONYSIUS D. KARTUevangelium M atthaei enar- Lucae evangelium, V, 7 SER, Enarratio in evangelium secundum Lucam,
ratio, IX:
NIKOLAUS
V, I3:
AUGUSTINUS,
<< Duplex
est ieiunium :
unum in tribulatione, ad
propitiandum Deum pro
peccatis ; aliud in gaudio,
cum tanto minus delectant camalia, quanto spiritualium maior sagina
est. De primo autem ieiunio dixit Christus filios
sponsi non debere ieiunare, sponso eis praesente.
Secundum quoque ieiunium in Apostolis exstitisse, praesertim recepto
Spiritu sancto, certissimum est,,
(ed. Monstrolii [r900], II,
499 C-D).
<< Verum illo verbo significavit (se. Matthaeus) de tali ieiunio dominum
locutum, quod pertinet ad humilitatem tribulationis, ut illud alterum,
quod pertinet ad gaudium mentis in spiritalia suspensae adque ob hoc
alienatae quodammodo a corporalibus cibis, posterioribus similitudinibus dominus significasse intellegitur >> (CSEL 43 /3, 4, 167, 13-18).
Commentaria in M atthaeum,
III, IX:
<< Verum
illo verbo significavit (se. l\Iatthaeus)
de tali ieiunio Dominum
locutum, quod pertinet ad
humilitatem tribulationis;
ut iltud alterum, quod
pertinet ad gaudium animae in spiritalia suspensae, atque ob hoc alienatae quodammodo a corporalibus cibis, posterioribus similitudinibus Dominus significasse intelligatur,,
(PL IOJ, 877 C-D).
HRABANUS MAURUS,
Catena aurea, In
M atthaei evangelium, IX,
THOMAS,
3:
(Matthaeus) significat de
tali ieiunio Dominum locutum quod pertinet ad
humilitatem tribulationis,
ut illud alterum quod pertinet ad gaudium mentis
in spiritualia suspensae, et
ob hoc alienatae a corporalibus cibis, posterioribus shnilitudinibus significasse intelligatur ,,
(ed. L. VIVS, r6, r82).
<<
F.G. CREMER
370
III. -
DAS DOPPELGLEICHNIS
1)
2 :
<< Dicit eos tamquam vetera vestimenta... Dicit etiam similes eos esse
veteribus utribus, quos vino novo, id est spiritualibus praeceptis, facilius
disrumpi, quam id continere dicit. Erant autem iam utres novi, cum
post ascensum Domini, desiderio consolationis eius orando et sperando
innovabantur. Tune enim acceperunt Spiritum sanctum )) (PL 35,1340AB).
XXIII, XI, 20 :
(( In musto vero sancti Spiritus f ervor accipitur, de quo in evangelio
Do minus dicit : ' vinum novum mittunt in utres nov os '. .. quia fervoris
eius potentia etiam spiritalia corda transcendit >> (PL 76, 263 C-D).
r. Hinweis : Der Leser wird beim Studium der folgenden Seiten
durch die jeweils vorangestellten Buchstaben AB CD auf die vier oben
wiedergegebenen Quellen zurckverwiesen.
2. Hinweis : Wenn der Text eines Autors innerhalb der einzelnen
Tafeln nicht in der ursprnglichen Reihenfolge gebracht werden kann,
liiBt sich diese dennoch mit Hilfe der eingefgten arabischen Zahlen
(r) (2) (3) (4) erkennen.
VENERABILIS, In Ps-BEDA, In Matthaei HRABANUS l\[AURUS, ComLucae evangelium expo- evangelium expositio, II, mentaria in Matthaeum,
III, IX:
sitio, Il, V ; In Marci IX:
evangelium expositio, I, II:
A
A
A
c(
(Dominus respondit) "(Docet dominus)
(( (Dominus respondit) carcarnales adhuc quosque (2) necdum passionis suae nales adhuc quosque et
et necdum passionis re- et resurrectionis fide soli- necdum passionis resursurrectionisque suae fide datos ...
rectionisque suae fide sosolidatos
lidatos,
BEDA
Hoc est Spiritus sancti dum Spiritus sancti f ervor Hoc est, Spiritus sanctus
fervor spiritalium corda corda illorum repleverat " f ervor spiritalium corda
(PL 92, 48 A-B).
repleverat >>
repleverat "
(CC sl 120 /2, 3, l25f.
(PL 107, 878 B-D).
46of.).
F.G. CREMER
372
CHRISTIAN v. STABLO, Ex- ANSELM V. LAON, Glossa
positio in Matthaeum evan- intcrlinearis, Evangelium
secundum Matthaeum, IX;
gelistam, XXII :
Evangelium secundum
Marcum, II; Evangelium
secundum Lucam, V :
v. LAON, Glossa
ordinaria, Evangelium secundum Matthaeum, IX;
Evangelium secundum
Marcum, II ; vgl. Evangelium secundum Lucam,
V:
ANSEI,M
A
A
(Mc) Non possunt pati, (Mt) " Quasi dicat : carnaquia carnales adhuc.
les nondum fide passionis
et resurrectionis solidati,
B
B
B
(2) si austeritatem suae (Mt) Si autem hoc solum non possunt severiora con-
eis importune traditur tinentiae praecepta sustiquibus praevalet vetus nere, ne per austeritatem
consuetudo, cito quod etiam fidem perdant.
habent auferetur.
D
(Mc)... quo (se. Spiritu
sancto) quasi novo musto
novi utres repleti sunt "
(ed. Antverpiae [1634],
5, r76f; 507f; 766).
Go'l'TFRIED BABION, Enar- RUPERT V. DEU'l'Z, De glo- ZACHARIAS CHRYSOPOLIrationes in evangelium ria et honore filii hominis 'l'ANUS, In unum ex quasuper Matthaeum, VIII, tuor sive De concordia
Matthaei, IX :
IX:
evangelistarum, II, 56 :
A
Apostoli vero, qui car-
A
" (Dominus dicit) (2) carnales necdum fide passionis et resurrectionis solidatos ;
HUGO V.
NIKOLAUS V. LYRA,
(Le) Veteri vestimento comparantur discipuli... Veteri bus utribus etiamcomparantur Apostoli, qui vino
novo, id est praeceptis
spiritualibus facilius dirumpuntur, quam contineant ... Erunt novi utres,
cum post ascensionem
accepto Spiritu, desiderio
consolationis eius, &
orando, & sperando innovabuntur
(ed. Venetiis [1732], 6,
36rn; I62rr. I62va-b).
25
L' Index des citations bibliques, patristiques, philosophiques et scientifiques de Malebranche constitue un complment important aux vingt
tomes des uvres compltes publies entre I958 et I968 sous la direction
d'Andr Robinet1 .
Cet index gnral rcapitule les donnes des index tablis la fin des
diverses uvres de Malebranche, et au sujet desquels on peut lire dans
l' Avertissement des diteurs imprim en tte de chaque volume, en regard
de la page-titre : Les Index terminaux des matires, des auteurs, des
citations d'ouvrages, des mentions bibliques et patristiques, propres
chaque tome, normaliss pour l'ensemble, que nous voulons trs prcis
et trs fournis, doiYent constituer un vrai fichier Malebranche. Ils permettent de faciliter et de systmatiser les renvois aux passages de l'auteur
traitant d'une mme matire ou d'une mme citation. Grce cet indispensable moyen de travail, on pourra aisment reprer et regrouper
travers les 20 tomes de la collection les passages identiques auxquels
on s'intresse. Par l le lecteur pourra se pencher avec aisance sur les
lments systmatiques et philosophiques de 1' uvre. n Ces avantages
doivent tre renforcs par l'index gnral.
Dans l' Index des citations patristiques (pp. 2rr-33I), Augustin obtient
la part du lion : l'introduction de Michel Lacombe 2 (pp. 2I3-225) lui
est entirement consacre ; les mentions gnrales, les citations et les
A propos de : uvres compltes de Malebranche. Direction : Andr ROBINET.*
Index des citations bibliques par Pierre C~AIR. Index des citations patristiques par
Michel LACOMBE. Index des citations philosophiques et scientifiques par Andr ROBINET.
Coll. Bibliothque des textes philosophiques. Ouvrage publi en codition avec le
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Paris, Librairie philosophique Vrin
I970.
r. Collection : Bibliothque des textes philosophiques, Paris, Librairie philosophique Vrin. Les tomes IV, V, X, XV, XVI, XVII-r, XVIII, XIX ont t publis
avec le concours du C.N.R.S. ; les autres en codition avec le C.N.R.S.
2. l\Iichel Lacombe est l'auteur d'une thse <l'Universit indite sur La volont
et l'entendement selon Malebranche et l'influence augustinienne (Paris, I966).
G. MADEC
376
Dans son introduction, M. Lacombe s'est appliqu cerner l'importance de saint Augustin aux yeux de Malebranche, la faon dont
Malebranche utilisait saint Augustin, son volution dans ses lectures
d'Augustin, ce qu'il a lu dans ses uvres mmes, dans quelle mesure la
P hilosophia christiana d' Ambrosius Victor a pu lui servir dans son cheminement intellectuel >> 3 . Ce sont autant de questions fondamentales en
la matire ; il va de soi que M. Lacombe ne pouvait songer les puiser
en quelques touches. Elles esquissent en ralit le programme d'une
grande tude qui reste faire4. Mais les remarques de l'introduction et
l'index des citations permettent de srier les questions.
La premire observation qui s'impose naturellement, c'est que la
somme des citations ne suffit pas rendre compte de l'augustinisme de
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
377
G. MADEC
ment de la plus grande difficult que j'aye jamais trouve dans les matieres
que j'ai examines s.
L'tude des citations permettra de prciser crtains aspects de l'augustinisme de Malebranche ; elle ne saurait rendre compte de toute l'inspiration augustinienne de sa doctrine. Je n'en veux pour preuve que cette
remarque perdue dans l'index des citations des Mditations chrtiennes
et mtaphysiques : << On ne saurait effectuer une tude valable des Mditations sans un examen trs attentif, fond et forme, du De magistro de
saint Augustin ii 9 ; or cette uvre n'offre que six rfrences augustiniennes,
dont deux simples renvois au De magistro et une seule citation, tire du
De grati.a et libero arbitrio1 o.
De temprament, le <<mditatif ii qu'tait Malebranche, n'tait pas
un auteur citations. Il est vrai que <<ds la Recherche en I674 il utilise
28 textes et plusieurs affirmations bases sur saint Augustin 11 ; et
A. Robinet a d'ailleurs not que les rfrences <<sont fort abondantes
dans les premires uvres, surtout dans les six livres de la Recherche
de la vrit, o, s'levant contre l'autorit, Malebranche ne ddaigne pas
encore de l'invoquer ii12 . Est-ce <<par obligation de se conformer aux
habitudes de son poque , ou parce qu'il avait conscience d'avoir <<
exposer une pense philosophique dans un sicle o ses uvres seraient
lues avec les yeux de saint Augustin ii ?13 Le fait est que, dans le Trait de
la nature et de la grce, Malebranche s'abstint de toute citation de saint
Augustin. H. Gouhier a finement analys son intention et le rsultat de
cette tentative:<< Il crira comme si aucun parti n'existait, comme si aucun
souvenir ne lui rappelait les agitations du sicle, comme si le Matre intrieur occupait toute son me, comme si aucun livre n'tait ouvert devant
lui, sauf la Sainte criture. Malheureusement la vie ne permet pas ces escapades dans l'ternit : elle ramne birn vite le thologien et le philosophr
dans le temps prsent. Ce que Malebranche n'avait pas voulu faire avant le
Trait, il dut le faire aprs : une critique de la doctrine contre laquelle il
levait la sienne et une justification historique de ses nouveauts ...
L'augustinisme de Malebranche a donc comme son uvre deux aspects :
MalebranchE. regarde la nature et la grce en disciple de saint Augustin ;
lorsqu'il rdige son Trait sans citer une seule ligne de saint Augustin,
il prtend tre plus fidle sa pense que ceux qui ont toujours son nom
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
379
Index, pp.
220-22r.
G. MADEC
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
G. MADEC
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
2.
L'CONOMIE: DE I,'INDE:X
G. MADEC
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
G. MADEC
CORRIGENDA ET ADDENDA
Mon examen n'a port que sur les mentions et les citations augustiniennes, et c'est sur cette section que porteront principalement les
remarques qui suivent. Cependant dans les pages qui prcdent, j'ai
relev en passant quelques anomalies :
P. 237 09 Grgoire de Nazianze (et non: Naziance) : n. z, texte non identifi:
"Mens ipsa saepe sibi de se mentitur, dit quelque part S. Grgoire" Malebranche
(Oeuvres compltes, t. VIII-IX, p. 796) ne prcise pas de quel Grgoire il s'agit;
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
p. 36). L'loge du journal des Savants, 9 dcembre 1715, B. Fontenelle et le
Pre Y.M. Andr ont galement fait mention de cette lecture (Voir Oeuvres
compltes, t. XVIII, pp. 38-39). Pourquoi Eusbe n'a-t-il pas eu droit de cit
soit dans l'index patristique, soit dans l'index philosophique et scientifique
o figurent Socrate et Sozomne (pp. 393-394) ?
P. 240, Mentions gnrales de saint Augustin, n. 2 : lire t. XVIII au lieu de
XXVIII.
P. 240, n. 8 : ''Toutes les vertus ne sont, selon saint Augustin, que des espces
de cette premire vertu que l'on appelle charit. On peut renvoyer au De
moribus I, xv, 25 (PL 32, 1322), o les vertus cardinales sont prsentes comme
des espces de l'amour ; mais ce n'est qu'une conjecture. Cf. AMBROSIUS
VICTOR, L. V, chap. XLV de l'd. Fabre (p. 650).
P. 241, n. 13 : Lire De Gen. ad litt. V (et non XV).
P. 241, n. 18 : Mme de Svign conseille Mme de Grignon de" mettre le
nez " probablement dans la traduction d' A. Arnauld : " Les deux livres de
sait Augustin De la predestination des saints et Du don de la perseverance ...
Paris, G. Desprez, 1676 "
P. 242, n. 24 : Thomas Burnet crit Malebranche de Londres (Lettre du
21 mai 1681; t. XVIII, p. 198) : "On dit icy, Mon Pere, qu'on travaille
presentemt Paris une nouvelle edition des uvres de St Augustin '"
M. Lacombe induit en erreur en rsumant : " Malebranche est inform d'une
nouvelle dition des uvres de saint Augustin par Thomas Burnet " C'est
Burnet qui sollicite Malebranche de consulter cc ces Messieurs '" parce qu'il
serait " bien aise de savoir ce qui est devenu de ce trait ou Epistre de St
AUGUS'.I'IN ecrit ad Orosium et cit par AMBROSIUS CATHARINUS, Comment.
in Gen. 2. touchant le Paradis Terrestre et cette tradition assez connu par
les anciens quod contingebat ad circulum Lunarem ... " Malebranche ne rpondit
pas Burnet, du moins sur ce point ; mais celui-ci tenait cette question et la
reposa un an plus tard (Lettre du ro juin 1682 ; t. XVIII, p. 239), sans plus
de succs, semble-t-il. A .Robinet note (t. XVIII, p. 198, n. 2) que cette citation
ne se trouve pas dans l'Ad Orosium contra Priscillianistas et Origenistas. Je
ne l'ai pas trouve ailleurs non plus.
P. 242, n. 27 : A. Arnauld crit De Roucy, le 4 janvier 1682 (t. XVIII
p. 225) : "Car il est sans doute bien loign de la disposition de ceux dont saint
AUGUSTIN dit, qu'ils aiment la vrit lorsqu'elle ne leur prsente que des lumieres
agrables, mais qu'ils la hassent quand elle les reprend" C'est une allusion
prcise Confessions X, XXIII, 34 (PL 32, 794) : cc !taque propter eam
rem oderunt veritatem, quam pro veritate amant ; amant eam lucentem,
oderunt eam redarguentem "
P. 242, n. 28 : Les Pres "ont tous admis des images dans l'imagination et
S. AuG. veut qu'on les voye et qu'elles soient spirituelles quoiqu'elles reprsentent des corps" Allusion trs nette la thorie augustinienne de l'imagination
telle qu'elle est dcrite dans la doctrine des trois espces de visions : De Genesi
ad litteram XII, VI, 15 sv. (PL 34, 458 sv.)
P. 243, n. 32 : Malebranche est plus prcis : "Je puis nanmoins assurer
Vtre Altesse, que dans les livres de St AUGUSTIN sur la Grace les plus forts
et les derniers, je n'y ai rien remarqu, aprs les avoir ls plusieurs fois, qui ne
s'accordast, quant au fond, ce que j'etablis dans le Traitt de la nature et
de la grace " (t. XVIII, p. 256).
P. 243, n. 33 : Malebranche parle bien de la traduction franaise du De
gratia et libero arbitrio, due au P. Charles Joseph et dont j'ai dit un mot plus
haut. A. Robinet (t. XVIII, p. 260, n. l) fait une confusion en signalant ce
propos un autre ouvrage du P. Charles Joseph: Commentarius brevis et continuus
in libros D. Augustini contra Pelagianos Adrumetinos, et primo in librum cc De
Gratia et libero arbitrio '" deinde in librum cc De correptione et gratia "... Commen-
G. MADEC
tarius brevis et continuus in libros D. Augustini contra semi-pelagianos, id est
in lib. De Praedestinatione sanctorum " et in lib. De Dona perseverantiae "
authore P.F. Carola Joseph Tricassino, Paris, 1681, 2 parties, en l vol. in-4
(Voir H. GUHIER, La philosophie de Malebranche ... p. 167, n. 4; A. ROBINET,
Catalogue reconstitu, t. XX, p. 259, cote rz9).
P. 243, n. 34 : Sur le livre du P. Jean Le Porcq : Les Sentiments de saint
Augustin sur la grce opposez ceux de Jansnius, voir H. GoUHIER, La philosophie de Malebranche ... p. 166. Le livre parut chez Muguet en 1682, comme
le note H. Gouhier, non en 1683 comme l'crit A. Robinet (t. XVIII, p. 263,
n. l); voir BA'l''l'EREI,, Mmoires domestiques pour servir l'histoire de l'Oratoire ... t. IV, Paris, Picard, 1905, p. 517.
P. 243, n. 36 : C'est dans cette lettre du 16 dcembre 1683 que Malebranche
parle du Commentarius brevis et continuus du P. Charles Joseph (cf. ci-dessus,
ma remarque au sujet de P. 243, n. 33). On lit, tant dans le texte de cette
lettre (t. XVIII, p. 267) que dans l'Index de M. Lacombe : de la corruption
et de la grce " : Est-ce une tourderie de Malebranche traduisant De correptione
et gratia, ou une facheuse coquille de la nouvelle dition ?
P. 243, n. 39, 3e ligne, lire marquent" au lieu de manquent" (cf. t. XVIII,
p. 298).
P. 243, n. 40 : La consultation du livre de N. Poisson, Commentaires ou
remarques sur la mthode de M. Descartes, auquel renvoie A. Robinet (t. XVIII,
p. 301, n. 2) n'aurait-elle pas permis de donner des rfrences prcises ?
P. 244, n. 44: Malebranche est plus prcis: Voyez Jansenius de Grat. Chr.
lib. 4. cap. l & le Fere De Champ lib. 3. Disp. 3. cap. 16 & 19" (t. V, p. 98).
P. 244, n. 46 : texte repris p. 260.
P. 245, n. 50: Augustin n'est pas nomm; ce texte ne fait qu'une mention
gnrale des Pres ,, et devrait venir p. 229, aprs le n. 26.
P. 245, n. 51 : Malebranche crit (t. VI-VII, p. 33) : Je tche ainsi de faire
servir le peu que j'ai de lumiere, pour sotenir ma foi par quelque intelligence
de la verit ... Je suis en cela le conseil que donne S. Augustin en plusieurs
endroits '" L'allusion au thme de l'intelligence de la foi est assez claire. Dans
le Premier claircissement au Trait de la nature et de la grce (t. V, p. 169),
Malebranche fait ce sujet rfrence au De Trinitate XV, chap. I et XXVII,
et la Lettre CXX Consentius. Voir aussi H. GUHIER, La vocation de Malebranche, Paris, 1926, pp. 146-152.
P. 245, n. 55 : Malebranche crit: La Raison universelle ... toujours lumire
(et non de) ceux qui la contemplent... "
P. 245, n. 59 : Ainsi cit, le texte est ambigu ; il faut commencer par prciser :
Si donc (comme le prtend Arnauld) les modalitez de l'ame sont essentiellement reprsentatives ... ,, (t. VI-VII, p. 144).
P. 245, n. 61 : Malebranche prcisait (t. VI-VII, p. 148) : Comme il sotient
en cent endroits cette opinion; principalement dans le Ier Volume de ses
Ouvrages, o sont ses grands principes de Philosophie ... ,, : allusion claire une
dition complte, probablement celle des Mauristes, dont le premier volume
parut en 1679.
P. 246, n. 62 : Ce n'est pas une mention gnrale,,; certissima scientia,
clamante conscientia est une modification de (fidem) tenet certissima scientia,
clamatque conscientia >> (De Trinitate XIII, I, 3), identifie par A. Robinet
(t. VIII-IX, p. 1203) et reprise d'ailleurs par M. Lacombe (p. 3ro, n. 14.)
P. 247, n. 78 : Que nos merites sont des dons de Dieu'" Malebranche a
crit la formule en italiques ; de fait elle est courante chez Augustin. En outre
Malebranche renvoie Rp. aux vrayes & fausses Ides, c. 3. art. 9. & les suiv.
(cf. t. VI-VII, pp. 29 sv.) ; l'article XII, il cite De gratia et libero arbitrio,
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
vr, 15 : Si enim merita nostra sic intelligerent, ut etiam ipsa dona Dei esse
cognoscerent, non esset reprobanda ista sententia ... >> (t. VI-VII, p. 31 ; Voir
Index, p. 283, n. 2).
P. 249, n. 90 : On lit : Il faut soumettre les dogmes la raison, suivant
l'exemple de saint Augustin>>. L'affirmation parat grosse. Malebranche dit
autre chose : " Tous les Theologiens Catholiques reoivent aveuglement les
dogmes dcidez, & moi aussi-bien qu'eux. Mais tous les Theologiens raisonnables
expliquent ces mmes dogmes par les principes de la Philosophie qui leur
paroissent conformes la raison, ou qui sont approuvez de ceux pour qui ils
crivent. Je ne prouve point cette verite, parce que la conduite de saint Augustin
& de tous les Peres, celle de saint Thomas & de tous les Scolastiques, en est une
preuve perpetuelle >> (t. VIII-IX, pp. 631-632).
P. 250, n. lOO : Augustin n'est pas nomm; c'est une mention gnrale des
Pres, des Conciles, des Thologiens et des Thomistes.
P. 250, n. ro8 : Ce n'est pas une mention gnrale, mais une allusion trs
claire l'affaire Pinien; voir Epistula CXXVI ad Albinam (PL 33, 476-483).
P. 251, n. lIO : Sur l'axiome d'Augustin concernant l'inseparabilis operatio
de la Trinit, voir M. SCHMAUS, Die psychologische Trinitatslehre des hl. A ugustinus, Mnster i. W. 1927, pp. 151-158 ou Bibliothque augustinienne, vol. 15,
pp. 573-574.
P. 251, n. II2 : La pluie, image de la grce. A. Robinet (t. XVIII, p. 467)
renvoyait H. GouHIER, La philosophie de Malebranche, Paris, 1926, p. 124,
n. 3 ; voir en outre Index, p. 300, n. 16 et 17 ; p. 313, n. 37.
P. 251, n. II7: M. Lacombe note qu'A. Robinet rfre au Contra Faustum,
Migne XLII, col. 176 >>. Il s'agit en ralit du Contra epistolam Manichaei
quam vacant Fundamenti, V, 6 : Ego uero euangelio non crederem, nisi me
catholicae ecclesiae commoueret auctoritas >> (PL 42, 176). La mme notation
est reprise avec la mme faute, p. 278, n. 2.
P. 251, n. l 19 : Le rapport du consulteur de la commission de l'Index contient une citation d'Augustin, qui sera consigne p. 315, n. 6, parmi les textes
non identifis.
P. 252, n. 122 : Malebranche fait un renvoi prcis la premire page de la
Prface de La recherche de la vrit, et partant au texte du De Gencsi ad litteram
liber imperfectus, XVI, 59-60 (cf. Index, p. 280, n. l).
P. 253, n. 136 : Tout cela )), c'est ce que Malebranche vient de citer de
l'ouvrage de J. ABBADIE, L'art de se connatre soi-mme ou la recherche des sources
de la morale, Rotterdam, 1692.
P. 253, n. 139 : "Nous agissons toujours selon ce qui nous plat le plus i>;
Malebranche citera le texte latin : Quod enim amplius delectat, secundum
id operemur necesse est>> dans la Lettre III Fr. Lamy (t. XIV, pp. n6 et
n7; cf. Index, p. 279, Expositio epistolae ad Galatas, n. l).
P. 253, n. 140 (Dieu) ne considroit pas, dit S. Augustin, quelque chose
hors de lui, pour rgler son action >>. Malebranche traduit ainsi ce passage de la
question de ideis : Non enim extra se quidquam positum intuebatur, ut secundum id constitueret quod constituebat: nam hoc opinari sacrilegum est i>;
il cite en latin ces derniers mots, et renvoie correctement la qu. XLVI du
De diuersis quaestionibus LXXXIII (cf. Index, p. 301, n. 2).
P. 256, n. 163 Trahit Pater >i est une formule de l'In Iohannis evangelium
tr. XXVI, 7 ; voir Index, p. 285, n. 13.
P. 257, Contra Academicos, n. l et 2 : Augustin n'est nomm ni dans l'un ni
dans l'autre de ces textes, et il me parat douteux que Malebranche se souvienne
de lui en l'occurrence.
P. 257, Contra adversarium legis et prophetarum, n. l, ligne r : le texte de la
PL porte exagitavit au lieu de exagitat ; ligne 5 : le point entre sunt et vix se
26
390
G. MADEC
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
391
392
G. MADEC
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
393
394
G. MADEC
Tr. XXVIII; il s'agit plutt dans le Tr. XXIV, r (col. r592-r593) ; voir aussi
Tr. IX, I (col. r458).
P. 285, n. IO : M. Adam, diteur du Trait de morale (t. XI, p. 292, note r4)
cite des extraits de Tr. XXIII, I I (PL 35, r590), dont je ne vois pas bien le
rapport avec l'affirmation de l\Ialebranche : C'est en Dieu seul que se trouve
la puissance d'agir dans les esprits, et de les rendre heureux. Je crois que
Malebranche pense plutt ce que dit Augustin au 5 : "insinnauit nobis animam humanam et mentem rationalem... non vegetari, non beatificari, non
illuminari, nisi ab ipsa substantia Dei... beatitudinem tamen eius qua fit beata
ipsa anima, non fieri nisi participatione illius vitae semper vivae, incommutabilis, aeternaeque substantiae, quae Deus est" (PL 35, r584-r585) ; voir
aussi Index, p. 284, n. 6.
P. 285, n. r3 : La citation provient bien du 7 et non du 4.
P. 285, n. 14 : La phrase "Principatus enim in Verbo erat" se trouve la
fin de Tr. XLVII, I I (PL 35, r739); la suite au dbut et la fin du 13 (col.
r740).
P. 286, n. 22 : Malebranche a crit : "Ibi non est verum esse, ubi est & non
esse)); M. Lacombe a oubli&. La formule se trouve, non au Tr. VIII, mais
au Tr. XXXVIII, rn (PL 35, 1680).
P. 286, Contra secundam Iuliani responsionem imperfectum opus, sex libros
complectens. Cet ouvrage semble particulirement difficile citer correctement :
l\I. Lacombe n'y voit qu'un liber; JVJ:alebranche y renvoie sous l'abrviation
suivante : Oper. pcrf. )> (t. II, p. ro4), ce qui devient dans la restitution de
l'diteur, G. Rodis-Lewis : "Opera perfecta contra secundam ]uliani responsionem )) (t. II, p. 539, note 47).
P. 286, n. 3 : Le texte s'applique aussi bien au Contra Iulianum qu' l'Opus
imper/ectum.
P. 287, Contra Iulianum libri VI, les numros 1, 2 et 3 sont des conjectures
d'diteur, qui me paraissent douteuses; puisqu'elles sont faites, il faut noter
que le chapitre XYI du livre V se trouve aux colonnes 816-8r7 de PL 44, et qu'Augustin rapporte le mot de Cicron appelant Platon" pene philosophorum deum ,
au livre IV, XV, 76 (PL 44, 777).
P. 287, n. 5 et 6 : Je ne vois pas quoi Malebranche fait allusion dans les
chapitres auxquels il renvoie.
P. 287, n. 7 et 8 : On peut prciser la rfrence : Contra Iulianum IV, VIII,
47 (PL 44, 761-762).
P. 287, De libero arbitrio, n. 2 : Les rfrences sont exactes; on lit en I, XVI,
35 : '' Omnia peccata hoc uno genere contineri, cum quisque avertitur a divinis vereque manentibus, et ad mutabilia atque incerta convertitur )) ; en II,
XIX, 53 : ,, sed malum sit aversio eius ab incommutabili bono et conversio ad
mutabilia bona )), ]\fais il convient d'y ajouter De diversis quaestionibus ad
Simplicianum I, II, 18 (PL 40, r22) : '' Est autem peccatum hominis inordinatio atque perversitas, id est, a praestantiore Conditore aversio et ad condita
inferiora conversio )).
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
395
P. 289, n. 12 : Rien de tel dans De lib. arb. III, I, l-3 ; voir plutt II, I, 2
(PL 32, 1241).
P. 289, n. 14, ligne 2 : lire "opinor" et non opinior.
P. 289, n. 15 ; ligne l : supprimer le point-virgule.
P. 290, De magistro, n. 4 : "Isa. 7 : 9. apud 70. Aug. ''Cela veut dire : Isae,
7, 9 selon la Septante: " Nisi credideritis, non intellegetis "En ajoutant Aug. ,
Malebranche indique qu'il pense l'usage qu'Augustin a fait de cette parole
pour enseigner qu' on ne passe l'intelligence des Vritez capables de nourrir
l'esprit que par le mrite & le secours d'une foi humble et soumise '' (t. X,
p. 192). Augustin cite bien ce texte dans le De magistro XI, 37, mais aussi bien
souvent ailleurs ; et rien n'indique que Malebranche ait en vue cette page,
plutt que celles du De libero arbitrio I, II, 4 ou II, II, 6 par exemple, ou encore
celle de la Lettre CXX Consentius (cf. Index, p. 274).
P. 290, n. 5 : lire : " in interiore homine , et col. l2I6, non pas rr38.
P. 291, n. 6, ligne 6 : lire apud semetipsos .
P. 291, Contra epistolam Manichaei quam vacant fundamenti, n. r : Malebranche
a crit correctement Suplexque illi qui lumen ...
P. 292, Manuale : c'est un opuscule pseudo-augustinien, dont la mention
aurait d tre relgue la fin de l'index augustinien (cf. p. 315). M. Lacombe
observe en outre que le Manuale ne comporte pas de chap. ro3 ; mais il y en a un
dans l'Enchiridion, et je pense que c'est ce titre que Malebranche a francis en
crivant S. Aug. dans son manuel chap. ro3 " Cependant c'est au chap. ro8
(PL 40, 282-283) qu'il est question de l'unique mdiateur qui nous dlivre du
pch.
P. 292, De moribus ecclesiae catholicae et de moribus manichaeorum libri II ;
il s'agit ici du livre I, x, 16-17.
P. 292, De musica, n. l : Il s'agit du problme des sentations, De musica
VI, v, 8 sv. (PL 32, rr67 sv., et non pas lr61).
P. 293, n. 5 : Malebranche a crit correctement : ego>> et non ergo.
P. 293, De nuptiis et concupiscentia, n. l : Augustin n'est ni cit ni nomm;
les rfrences me paraissent douteuses.
P. 294, De opere monachorum, n. l, ligne 20, Malebranche a crit correctement :
<< invocato Deo , non invocabo ; de mme, ligne 26 : vacantibus , non vocantibus ; ligne 27 : << transigere, non transfigere ; p. 295, ligne 3-4 : ut possimis , non p1ssumus.
P. 295, Le De ordine comporte II livres et non III. n. 3 : lire: De ord. II, XI,
32-33 (PL 32, roro).
P. 295; In epistolam ]ohannis ad Parthos tractatus X, n. r : Malebranche
a crit correctement" Nolite '' et non noli.
P. 296, n. 2 : La rfrence de l'diteur ne porte que sur l'identification de
la dlectation avec la charit ; on lit seulement dans De peccatorum meritis,
II, xvn, 26 (PL 44, 168) : "Tanto autem magis delectat opus bonum, quanto
magis diligitur Deus ... ,,
P. 296, n. 5 : La variante justi-justitia prouve que Malebranche s'est servi
de l'dition des Mauristes.
P. 296, n. 6, ligne 2 : Augustin crit<< istum illo, illum isto modo , sans non.
P. 297, Contra duas epistolas pelagianorum, n. 2 : C'est le raisonnement des
"ennemis de la grce et de la prdestination gratuite" (t. V, p. 190).
P. 297, n. 5 : La rfrence appuie seulement l'affirmation" que les Plagiens
& leurs successeurs les Semiplagiens prtendoient, que la raison pour laquelle
Dieu donnoit sa grce tel, c'toit qu'il la mritoit par le bon usage de son
G. MADEC
libre-arbitre l>. On cherche vainement les deux phrases latines dans C. duas
epistolas pelagianorwn, II, v-vn; sur la premire, voir plus haut ma remarque
sur P. 27r, n. r3. La seconde: "quaere merita, non inuenies "est une reprise du
Sermon 27, VI, 6, que Malebranche a cit la page prcdente (t. VIII-IX,
p. 8rr ; cf. Index, p. 306, n. 6).
P. 298, De gestis Pelagii, n. r : Malebranche prcise bien qu'il s'agit d'une
(( grande maxime )> des Plagiens.
P. 298, De praedestinatione sanctorum, n. 6 : Le texte de Malebranche porte
aussi l'expression latine : "initium fidei " ; voir De praed. sanct. II, 3 - VIII,
r6 (PL 44, 96r-973).
P. 298, n. 9 : rfrence d'diteur douteuse.
P. 299, Les Enarrationes in psalmos, se trouvent dans PL 36 et 37.
P. 299, n. 4 : La formule ((in disciplinis liberalibus" vient des Retractationes
(cf. Index, p. 303, n. 3) ; dans l'En. in ps., LXXV voir 7 (PL 36, 961).
P. 299, n. 5 : Malebranche numre des rfrences manifestement empruntes
Ambrosius Victor (d. Fabre, pp. r35-r4r). La citation correspondante de
'En. in ps. LXI se trouve au 2r (PL 36, 744).
P. 299, n. 6: Le renvoi Ambrosius Victor permet de prciser que Malebranche
pense En. in ps. XXV, en.2, 3 et I I (PL 36, r89 et r93).
P. 299, n. 8 : L'En. in ps. LVIII couvre 20 colonnes; voir plus prcisement
I2-I3 (PL 36, 7or).
P. 300, n. II: En renvoyant l'En. in ps. XXXII, Malebranche pense manifestement au passage qu'il a cit dans le Trait del' amour de Dieu (t. XIV, p. Ir),
c'est--dire En. in ps. XXXII, en.II, s.II, r5 (voir Index, p. 299, n. ro).
P. 300, n. r2 : On lit dans le Trait de l'amour de Dieu (t. XIV, p. ro8) et
dans l'Index (ligne 2) c( quare" au lieu de<< quaere": tourderie de Malebranche
ou de l'diteur ?
P. 3or, De diversis quaestionibus LXXXIII, n. 2 : On lit "sacrilegium l>
dans t. VI-VII, p. rr8 (et non r88) ; mais sacrilegum" chez Augustin et dans
t. VIII-IX, p. 9ro.
P. 3or, n. 3, ligne 3 : Malebranche a crit correctement : intellectae '" et
non intellectuae ; dans la suite il modifie quelques formules.
P. 302, De vera religione, n. 4 : Malebranche donne en note (t. I, p. 449) le
texte suivant : Humanis mentibus nulla interposita natura praesidet. Aug.
l. de vera rel. c. 55 " L'diteur, G. Rodis-Lewis remarque (t. I, p. 530, note 38r)
que le texte du De vera religione LV, I r3 (PL 34, r72) est trs diffrent ; en effet
c'est le De musica VI,I, I (PL 32, rr6r) que Malebranche cite textuellement;
mais en l'empruntant Ambrosius Victor (d. Fabre, p. 215), il s'est tromp
de rfrence.
P. 303, n. 8 : On lit dans De vera relig. XLIX, 96 (PL 34, 165) : nec cum
aliqua locorum vastitate cogitari )).
P. 303, n. 4 : Le texte se trouve dans Retractationes I, III, 2 (PL 32, 589).
P. 304, Expositio quarumdam propositionum ex epistola ad Romanos, n. r :
Malebranche a probablement emprunt le texte Ambrosius Victor qui ngligeait dj un sibi l> entre aliquid et tribuissent.
P. 304, Sermones, n. r : Il s'agit du Sermon 67, v,8 suivant la numrotation
des Mauristes.
P. 304, n. 2, ligne 5 : Noter a me " corrig en meae )) dans t. VIII-IX,
p. 923.
P. 305, n. 5 : ligne 2 : Malebranche a crit correctement : ad eadem lJ, non
ab. En revanche Augnstin a dit : Veritas autem Deus est l> et non veritatis
(ligne 3) : inadvertance de Malebranche ou de l'diteur ?
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
397
G. MADEC
4.
'l'ABLE
AUGUSTINIENNE
62. Le monde du r8 juin r97r, dans une page (20) consacre Malebranche en
ses uvres compltes, a publi sous le titre : Vingt volumes l'ordinateur, l'entrefilet suivant : La commission 36 du C.N.R.S. (philosophie, logique, histoire des
sciences) a donn le feu vert un projet d'indexation lectronique des vingt volumes
des Oeuvres compltes . Cette ralisation exige une recherche interdisciplinaire
qui n'a pas encore t tente. Il s'agit d'indexer un ensemble de plus de deux millions
de termes, dont les occurences permettront de dgager un corpus d'auteur et
aussi les associations de haute frquence qui donnent son allure l'uvre. Les
chercheurs franais, qui sont associs ce projet, entendent ne pas se contenter de
mettre sur pied un index de mots, procd aujourd'hui banalis par les mmoires
haute capacit des ordinateurs. Ils introduiront des index de constellations
verbales , partir desquels les travaux sur les concepts et leur signification pourront s'tablir. Par l, l'histoire de la philosophie entre dans une phase exprimentale au sens que Claude Bernard donnait cette expression.
MALEBRANCHE ET Al:GUSTIN
Contra academicos
en gnral ... Corrig. 257, 1 et 2
I, V, I3 ............. 257, 3 et 4
De actis cum Felice manichaeo
II, IV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 278,
5
2
3
4
4
De beata vita
I, I
. . . . . . . . . . 244, 46
260, I
De civitate Dei
II, XXI, 3-4 . . . . . . . . . . . . 263, I8
V, IX, 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26I, 9
V, XI, l-2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264, 25
VII, VI . . . . . . . . . . Corrig. 309, 5
VIII, IV . . . . . . . . . 262, I3 et I4
VIII, VII . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254, I47 ;
262, I6 ; 263, 24
VIII, IX . . . . . . . . . 240, 3 ; 260, l
VIII, x, 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Corrig.
260, 1 ; 263, 21
VIII, XVI . . . . . . . . . Corrig. 309, 5
IX, IV, 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26I, 4
XI, II . . . . . . . . . . 24I, I3 ; 26I, IO
XI, X, 3 . . . . . 262, I5 ; 263, 20
Confessinnes
en gnral . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265, I2
I, I, I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266, 24
399
I, x, I6 .......... Corrig. 278, 1
I, XIII, 20-XVIII, 29 . . . . . . Corrig.
265, 13
I, XX, 3I ...............
II, I, I . . . . . . . . Corrig.
II, VI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
II, VI, 14 . . . . . . Corrig.
III. VI, II . . . . . . Corrig.
IV, XII, I8 . . . . . . . . . . . . .
IV, XV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
V, v, 9 . . . . . . . . . Corrig.
VI, XVI, 26 . . . . . . . . . . . . .
VII, I, I-2 . . . . . . . . . . . . .
VII, IX, I3 SV. . . . . . . . . .
VIII, VIII, 20 . . . . . . . . . . .
IX, VI, I4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
265, I4
265, 14
265, IO
265, 14
266, 21
266, 25
264, 2
264, 6
266, 24
265, I5
266, I9
267, 27
266, I8
264, 5
264, 4 ;
266, 20
264, 7
266, 23
X, VIII SV. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
X, XII, I9 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
265, II ;
X, XIV, 22 . . . . . . . . . . . . .
X, XXIII, 33 ............
X, XXIII, 34 ....... Corrig. 242, 27
X, XXVI, 37 . . . . . . . . . . . . 264, I
XI, III . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266, 22
XI, III, 5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265, 8
266,
22
267, 26
265, 9
267, 26
264, 3
265, I6;
266, I7
De correptione et gratia
en gnral . . . . Corrig. 243, 36 ;
243, 36; 247, 76 et 79; 267, 4;
268, 14 et I7
III, 5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
VI, IO .................
VII, II .................
X, 26-28 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
XI, 29 SV. . . . . . .
XI, 30 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
XI et XII .
XII, 33 SV.
XII, 35 . . . .
XII, 38 . . . .
XIII, 39 SV.
XIII, 39 . .
XIII, 42 . .
. . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . .
.............
. . . . . . . . . 267
. . . .. . . . . . . .
.............
.............
268, I6
268, II
268, I2
267, 3
268, I5
268, 9
268, IO
267, 6
268, 8
I et 5
267, 2
268, 7
268, I3
G. MADEC
400
I, XXXIII, 37 . . . . . . . . . . .
II, I, l . . . . . . . . . Corrig.
II, XXXVIII, 56 . . . . . . . . .
Enarrationes in psalmos
VII, 16
Corrig. 278, 1
VII, 19 . . . . . . . Corrig. 278, 1
VIII, 8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299, 7
IX, 15
....... 241, 15 ; 299, 3
XXV, en. II, 3 ........... 299, I ;
Corrig. 299, 6 ;
XXV, en. II, I I .. 299, 2 ; Corrig.
299, 6
269,
269,
269,
269,
269,
5
4
3
1
De dono perseverantiae
en gnral ............ 241, r8 ;
Corrig. 243, 33 ; 243, 36 ; 267,
4 ; 270, 9 ; 27I, 14 et I9
IX .... , .............. 271, r6
IX, 2I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269, I
IX, 23 . . . . . . . . Corrig. 271, 15
X ..................... 271, I7
XII, 29 ......... Corrig. 271, 13
XIII, 33 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271, I2
XIV . . . . . . . . . . . . 270, 5 ; 272, 22
XIV, 35 . . . . . . . Corrig. 271, 15;
271, IO
XVI ................... 272, 2I
XVII . . . . . . . 270, 5 ; 272, 22
XVII SV. . . . . . . . . 269, 2
XVII, 42 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270, 8
XIX, XX, XXI . . . . . . . . . . . 270, 5
XIX, 48 ................ 271, II
XX-XXI . . . . . . 270, 3 ; 271, 20
XX, 53 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270, 6
XX, 54 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270, 7
XXI, 55 . . . . . . . . Corrig. 270, 4
XXIII, 65 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271, r8
CXXXII, ro . . . . . 300, 16 et 17
CXLVIII, 3 Corrig. De anima 258, 1
Epistolae
VII, III, 7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 272, 2
XXI ............ Corrig. 272, 4
XCII, 5 ........ Corrig. 275, 14
CXVIII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 272, 3
CXX . . . . . . . . . . Corrig. 245, 51 ;
Corrig. De magistro, 290, 4
CXX, I, 2-II, 8 ......... 273, I2
CXX, II, IO . . . . . . . . . . . 275, I3
CXX, III, 17 . . . . . . . . . . . 277, 34
CXX, IV, 19 . . . . . . . . . . . . 277, 26
CXXVI . . . . . . Corrig. 250, 108
CXXXVI, 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . 276, 18
CXXXVII, II, 5 . . . . . . . 273, 7
CXXXVIII, I, 2 . . . . . . . . 276, 19
CXL . . . . . . . . . Corrig. 273, 10
CXL, VII, 20 . . . . . . . . . . . 276, 16
CXL, XVIII, 45 . . . . . . . . . 277, 25
CXLIII, 2 ...... 276, 17 ; 276, 24
CXLVII, I, 6 ............ 276, 23
CXLVII, XII, 29 . . . . . . . . 272, I
CXLVIII, I, I . . . . . . . . . . 276, 17
CXLVIII, I, 4 . . . . . . . . . 273, 9
CLV, IV, 16 . . . . . . . . . . . . 277, 32
CLVII, II, 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . 276, 20
CLXVI, II, 3 . . . . . . . . . . . 273, 7
CLXXXVI ......... 277, 29 et 33
CLXXXVII, IV, 14 . . . . . 275, 15
CLXXXVII, VI, 18 .... 273, 6 et 7
CXC, IV, 14 . . . . . . . . . . . . 277, 27
CXCIV . . . . . . . . 277, 30 et 3I
CXCIV, III, 6 . . . . . . . . . . 272, 5
CXCIV, VI, 23 . . . . . . . . . . 276, 21
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
CCXVII,
CCXVII,
CCXVII,
CCXVII,
IV,
IV,
IV,
IV,
12 . . . . . . . . .
13 . . . . . . . . .
14-15 ......
I5 . . . . . . . . .
277,
278,
273,
276,
28
35
II
22
Expositio ad Galatas
49 ...... 279, I ; Corrig. 253, 139
304,
1
4
6
5
De Genesi ad litteram
I, V, IO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279, I
I, XIX, 39 . . . . . . Corrig. 279, 2
III, XXIV, 37 . . . . . . . . . . . Corrig.
Contra Faustum, 278, 1
IV, XXVIII, 45 . . . . . . . . . . 280, 9
V, III, 6 . . . . . . 280, I2 et I4
V, XIII-XIV .. Corrig. 241, 13; 279, 4
V, XVI, 34 279, 5
V, XX ................. 279, 6
VII, XXII, 32 . . . . . . . . . . 279, 7
VIII, IV-V . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280, I7
VIII, IV, 8 . . . . Corrig. 280, 10
VIII, XIV, 3I-32 . . . . . . . . 280, IO
VIII, XXIV . . . . . . Corrig. 280, 10
VIII, XXIII-XXV . . . . . . . . 280, 13
IX, XIX ............... 280, 15
XI, x:r,n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280, 8
XII, VI, I5 SV ..... Corrig. 242, 28
De Genesi ad litt. imperfectus liber
v, 25 .... Corrig. C. Faust. 278, 1
XVI, 59-60 . . . . . . . . . .
280,
et
298,
.. .........
..........
...........
...........
. . . . Corrig.
...........
. . . . . . . 281,
...........
282,
282,
28I,
282,
9
8
5
6
281, 1
28I, 4
2 et 3
282, I I
283,
283,
4
I
De immortalitate animae
IV, 6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259, 3 et 6
X, I7 . . . . . . . . . . 259, 2, 4 et 5
XIII, 22 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258, I
XXIII, 6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283, 1
XXIII, I I . . . . . . . Corrig. 285, 10
XXIV, I . . . . . . . . Corrig. 284, 9
XXVI, 5 ............... 285, I7
XXVI, 7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Corrig.
256, 163 ; 285, I3
XXVII, 5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284, 4
XXVIII . . . . . . . . . . Corrig. 284, 9
XXIX, 6 ............... 286, 21
XXXIV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285, I I
XXXV, 4 ....... 283, 2 ; 285, I6
XXXVIII, IO .. Corrig. 286, 22
XL, 5 .................. 284, 5
XLVII, II ...... Corrig. 285, 14
XLVII, I3 ...... Corrig. 285, 14
XLVII, 14 ... 266, 17 ; 285, I5 ;
Corrig. 284, 8.
LIII, 9 . . . . . . . . . 284, 8 ; 286, 23
LXXXIII, 3 ........... 286, 18
XCVII, I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285, I2
Contra Iulianum
en gnral . . . . . . . 287, 7 ; 286, 3
IV, VIII, 47 .......... 287, 8 et 9
G. MADEC
IV, XV, 76 . . . . . . . . Corrig. 287, 3
V, XIV.................
V, XIV, 51 . . . . . . . . . . . . .
V, XVI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
VI,
VI,
VI,
III . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
VII, 17 . . . . . . . . . . . . .
XIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
287,
287,
287,
287,
287,
28'7,
2
4
I
4
6
. . . . . 290, 5 ;
. . . . 290, 2 ; 291,
. . . . . . . . 290, 3 ;
290,
290,
291,
6 et
291,
4
8
9
7
De natura et gratia
............. .
293,
De nuptiis et concupiscentia
I, XIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I, XXV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I, XXV, 28 ............ .
I, XXV-XXVI . . . . . . . . . . .
I, XXV-XXVII . . . . . . . . . . .
II, XXXIV . . . . . . . . . . . . .
II, XXXV ..........
II, XXXV, 59 .......... .
III, XXI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
294,
294,
293,
293,
293,
294,
293,
294,
294,
294,
XXVI,
De musica
VI, I, l . . . . . . . . . . 292, 3 ; 293,
7 ; Corrig. De vera relig. 302, 4
VI, V, 8 SV. . . . . . . . . . . . 292, l
VI, V, 9 . . . . . . . 292, 2 ; 293, 5
VI, V, 15 . . . . . . . . . . 293, 4 et 6
6
3
I
2
5
l
4
7
De opere monachorum
XXVI,
35
De ordine
II, IX, 27 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295, l
II, XIV, 41 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295, 4
II, XIX, 49 . . . . . . . . . . . . 295, 2
II, XI, 32-33 . . . . . . . . . . . . 295, 3
Ad Orosium contra Priscillianistas
et Origenistas
en gnral .. Corrig. 242, 24 ; 273, 8
VIII, II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Corrig.
De anima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258, 1
De peccatorum meritis et remissione
I, XVI, 2I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297, 7
I, XIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 296, l
II, V, 6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 296, 6
II, XVII . . . . . . . . 296, 2 ; 241, 15
II, XVII, 26 . . . . . . . . . . . . 296, 4
II, XIX, 32-33 . . . . . . . . . . 296, 5
II, XXVII-XXVIII . . . . . . . . 297, 8
III, VIII, 16 . . . . . . . . . . . . 296, 3
De praedestinatione sanctorum
en gnral .. 241, 18 ; Corrig. 243,
33 ; 243, 36 ; 267, 4 ; 298, 3 et 8
II, 3 -VIII, 16 . . . . . Corrig. 298, 6
IV,
4 ...................
8 .................
. . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . .
II,
29
X, 19 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
XII-XIII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
XIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
298,
298,
298,
298,
298,
298,
2
9
4
7
Principia dialecticae
V . . . . . Corrig. De doctr. 269, 1
De quantitate animae
en gnral . Corrig. De anima 258, 1
IV et XIV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259, I
MALEBRANCHE ET AUGUSTIN
XV, 25 ........... Corrig. 314, 4
XXV, 47 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260, 4
XXV-XXIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260, 3
XXX, 61 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260, 6
XXXI-XXXII . . . . . . 260, 3 et 5
XXXIV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260, 2
Quaestiones in Heptateuchum
I, en . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302,
Retractationes
I, I, 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I, III, 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I, IV, 4 ............... .
I, XI, I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I, XII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I, XXII, 2 . . . . . . . . . . . .
I, XXIII, 3 ............. .
302,
303, I
303, 4
303, 3
304, 7
303, 6
303, 5
303, 2
Sermones
XII, IV, 4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305, 5
XXVII, VI, 6 . . . . . . . . . . . 305, 7
XXVII, VI, 6 - VII, 7 ..... 305, 6 ;
Corrig. 297, 5
LXVII, v, 8 .. 304, r, 2 et 4 ; 305, 9
LXXXVIII, XVIII, 20
Corrig.
314, 1
LXXXVIII, XVIII, 19 . . . Corrig.
314, 2
CXL, 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305, 8
CXL, 6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305, 8
CXLI, II, 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . 304, 3
CLIX, III, 3 . . . . . . 306, IO et r r
Soliloquia
I, I, 3 . . . . . . . 240, 3 ;
I, XII, 2r ....... Corrig.
I, XIII, 22 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
II, XVIII, 32 . . . . . . . . . . . .
II, XX, 35 .....
307,
307,
307,
307,
307,
5
4
3
De spiritu et littera
IV, 6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
307, 2
308, 3
XXXIV, 60 ... 307, I ; 308, 4 et 5
XXXIII . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
De Trinitate
en gnral ............. 310, r3
I, V-VI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314, 41
De vera religione
en gnral . . . . . . . . . . . . .
302,
303,
........... 302, 3 et
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302,
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302,
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303,
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302,
XXX-XXXI
XXXI, 57 .
XXXIX, 72
XI,IV, 82 .
XI,IX, 96 .
LV, rr3
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6
7
5
2
I
8
4
De utilitate credendi
xv, 33 . . . . . . . .
314,
I,
2 et 3
Goulven MADEC
tudes Augustiniennes
3-6
149-r85
r87-229
23r-260
FOLLIET Georges : Un abrg du De sacramento corporis d sanguinis Domini d'Alger de Lige, mis sous le nom de
s. Augustin ........................................ .
26r-299
301-373
375-403
Le Grant : G. For,r,IE'l'