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Islamic versus Western conceptions of

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ARTICLE in INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF EDUCATION JANUARY 1999
DOI: 10.1023/A:1003808525407

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Islamic versus Western Conceptions of Education: Reflections on Egypt

Author(s): Bradley J. Cook
Source: International Review of Education / Internationale Zeitschrift fr
Erziehungswissenschaft / Revue Internationale de l'Education, Vol. 45, No. 3/4, Learning,
Knowledge and Cultural Context (1999), pp. 339-357
Published by: Springer
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ISLAMIC VERSUS WESTERN CONCEPTIONS OF EDUCATION:

REFLECTIONS ON EGYPT
BRADLEYJ. COOK

Abstract - Creating an education system based on Islamic principles while also

meetingthe demandsof a modem, technologicalworld is a daunting,perhapsimpossible task. This paperexaminesthe contradictionsbetween Islamic educationtheory
and the Western-basededucationsystems found in most Islamicallyorientedcountries.Egyptis used as a case studyto illustratethe complexanddelicatebalancepolicy
makers must achieve in meeting the needs of economic development while also
affirmingtheir countries'Islamic culturalheritage.
Zusammenfassung - Der Aufbau eines auf islamischen Prinzipien basierenden
Bildungssystems, das gleichzeitig den Anforderungeneiner modernen, technologisiertenWelt entspricht,ist eine entmutigende,vielleicht sogarunmoglicheAufgabe.
Dieses Dokumentuntersuchtdie WiderspriichezwischenislamischerBildungstheorie
und den in den meisten islamischen Landern vorhandenenwestlich orientierten
Bildungssystemen. Agypten wird als Fallstudie verwendet, um das komplexe,
FeingefiihlerforderndeGleichgewichtzu verdeutlichen,das die Politikerbenotigen,
um den Erfordernissender wirtschaftlichenEntwicklung Geniige zu leisten und
gleichzeitig das islamische Kulturerbedes Landeszu starken.
Resume - L'elaborationd'un systeme educatifreposantsur les principesislamiques
et repondanten meme temps aux exigences d'un monde modere et technologique
est une tache ardue,sinon impossible. Cet article analyse les contradictionsentre la
theoriede l'educationislamiqueet les systemes educatifsa caractereoccidental,qui
sont en place dans la plupartdes pays orientessur l'islam. L'Egypteest l'objet d'une
etude de cas qui illustre l'equilibrefragile et complexe auquelles decideursde politiques doivent faire face pour repondreaux besoins du developpementeconomique,
tout en respectantle patrimoineculturelislamiquede leur pays.
Resumen - Crear un sistema educacional basado sobre principios islamicos que
tambiencumplacon las exigenciasde un mundomodernoy tecnologicoes un cometido
desalentador,cuando no imposible. Este trabajoexamina las contradiccionesque
existen entrela teoriaislamicade la educaci6ny los sistemaseducacionalesde raices
islamica.Egipto
occidentalescomprobadosen los paisesde orientaci6nprinciplatmente
se ha tomado como caso de estudio para ilustrarel complicadoy delicado balance
que los politicos tienen que realizar para satisfacer las demandas del desarrollo
econ6mico, afianzandoal mismo tiempo el legado culturalislamico de sus paises.
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International Review of Education - Internationale Zeitschrift fiir Erziehungswissenschaft

- Revue Internationale de l'Education 45(3/4): 339-357, 1999.
A 1999 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

340
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Islam's educational response to modernity

Despite its gloriouslegacy of earlierperiods,the Islamicworldseemedunable
to respond both culturally and educationally to the onslaught of Western
advancementby the eighteenth century. Contributingto the imbalance of
powerwas the introductionof foreignmodes of administration,law,andsocial
institutionsby the expansionistWest. One of the most damagingaspects of
Europeancolonialism was the deliberatedeteriorationof indigenouscultural
norms by secularism.Secularism,with its venerationof humanreason over
divine revelation and precepts of the separation of mosque and state, is
anathemato the Islamicdoctrineof tawhid(oneness),whereall aspectsof life
whether spiritual or temporal are consolidated into a harmonious whole.
Further,Europeancolonialismcreateda "newclass of natives"to functionas
linguistic intermediariesbetween their Western colonialists and the local
masses. The colonial powers exerted such immense leverage over the commercialandpolitical enterprisesof theircolonies thatlocal nationalshad little
chance of any social mobility unless they were educatedin a Westernculture
and language. Westerninstitutions of education were infused into Islamic
countriesin orderto producefunctionariesnecessaryto feed the bureaucratic
and administrativeneeds of the state. Those collaboratingwith their colonial
overlordswere drawnto moder Westerninstitutionsbecause of what they
could offer in terms of greateropportunityand materialamenities. Islamic
education, of course, existed alongside Westerneducation, but only served
those on the political and social periphery.Thus, by the turnof the twentieth
century, most Muslim countries had newly created elites who had a vital
interestin preservingand maintainingWesternculturaltraditions.
As Islamic countries graduallyemerged from their colonial experiences,
politicalleaderssoughtto modernizetheircountriesalong the lines of Western
developmentparadigms.Governmentbureaucratsand officials were usually
moder educatedelites who had growncomfortableand affluentwith Western
material culture. Most educational policy was based on perpetuatingthe
secularizedsystemsof which they themselveswere a productso as to maintain
their economic and socio-political advantage. What the early educational
modernizersdid not fully realize was the extent to which secularizededucation fundamentallyconflicted with Islamic thought and traditionallifestyle

341
(Mohamed 1993: 17). Religious education was to remain a separate and
personal responsibility, having no place in public education. If Muslim
students wanted religious training, they could supplement their existing education with moral instruction in traditional religious schools - the kuttab and
madrasa. As a consequence, the two differing educational systems evolved
independently with little or no official interface.
The imposition and lingering influence of Western secularist approaches
to education has been vehemently criticized by contemporary Islamic scholarship as doing immeasurable damage to the moral, spiritual and ethical values
of Islamic culture and heritage (Ali 1984: 51). Having two parallel streams
of secular and religious education has drawn virtually unanimous condemnation in the Islamic world as a hindrance to national development and "the
epitome of Muslim decline" (Faruqi 1982). Two prominent professors of
Islamic education describe the current situation in these terms:
There are at present two systems of education.The first, traditional,which has
confined itself to classical knowledge, has not shown any keen interest in new
branchesof knowledge that have emerged in the West nor in new methods of
acquiringknowledgeimportantin the Westernsystemof education.... The second
system of educationimportedinto Muslim countries,fully subscribedto and supportedby all governmentalauthorities,is one borrowedfromthe West. At the head
of this system is the modem University,which is totally secular and hence nonreligious in its approachto knowledge. Unfortunately,these people educatedby
this new system of education,known as moder education,are generallyunaware
of their own traditionand classical heritage.It is also not possible for this group
to providesuch leadershipas we have envisaged.(HusainandAshraf 1979: 16-17)
Many Islamic educators point inwards to the universal Muslim Community
(umma) for the source of continued cultural dualism found in their countries.
Criticism is levelled at Muslim intellectual or political leaders who have
neglected, intentionally or otherwise, the cultural problems associated with
educational dualism found in most educational systems in the Islamic world.
The current leadership, notes Ibrahim Sulaiman (1985: 32) has "continued to
hold the reins of government in all these [Islamic] countries in cynical and
damaging succession" creating a "neo-colonial status" which the umma cannot
escape. According to some, the Islamic leadership not only lacks the vision
necessary for meaningful change, but perpetuates an education system that
produces students who are "deluded hybrids" (idem). On one level students
of these systems remain Islamic in performing the outward duties of Muslims
(i.e., prayer, mosque attendance, etc.) but retain the trappings of Western
thought, dress and language.
Criticisms of this ilk, along with the general rise in Islamic consciousness,
have forced many Islamic leaders to take a different strategy towards educational policy. The "Islamic solution" has gained greater popular and emotional

342
fore, is being given to Islam in contemporaryeducationpolicy out of sheer
political expediency.As is the case with Egypt and some otherIslamic countries, policy makerspay homage to religious educationin the public sector,
if only rhetorical,in orderto alleviateextremistdemands.The resultanteffect
has been variouspermutationsand often superficialcombinationsof Islamic
and Westerneducationsystems.
The First World Conference on Muslim Education in Mecca in 1977
Creating an education system based on Islamic principles while also
accountingfor the modernizingneeds of contemporarysociety has not been
a simple process. It was for this purposethat Muslim scholars,educatorsand
policy makersfrom aroundthe world gatheredfrom 31 Marchto 8 April in
1977 for the First WorldConferenceon Muslim Education.The conference
was a landmarkin Islamic educationfor it was the "firstattemptof its kind
to removethe dichotomyof religious and seculareducation"fromthe current
education systems of Islamic countries (Al-Attas 1979: v). Fourteencommittees were formed to discuss, analyze and make recommendationson
fourteendifferentissues. Followingthe conferencethe MeccaDeclarationwas
drawnup and signed by all of the heads of Muslim states signifying the commitmentto Islamiceducationat all levels of government.The conferencegenerated several follow-up conferences and inspired a numberof initiatives,
organizationsand specialized professionaljournals dealing exclusively with
the problem of Islamic education. Those calling for Islamizationof education considerit one of the keys to the revitalizationof Islam. The conference
resultedin the most comprehensivecollection of theoryand practicalrecommendationsfor Islamic educationfound anywhereto date. However, monumental as the Meccan conference was, and importantas the philosophical
foundationswere that it laid, problemsare legion when it comes to formulating and implementingconcrete solutions. Indeed, since 1977, only a few
isolated examples of successful Islamicized educationsystems can be cited.
Even "thatancient bulwarkof conservatism,"Al Azhar, can only point to
limited success in eliminatingthe secular/religiousdichotomy(Tibawi 1972:
120). "Despite a widespread and sometimes deep consciousness of the
dichotomyof education",says FazlurRahman,"all efforts at a genuine integration have been largely unfruitful"(1982: 130). Thus, by and large, no
system has really provideda model which is completely satisfactoryfrom a
Muslim perspective. The abundantliterature and academic discourse on
Islamic educationaltheory is persuasiveand compelling, but that appearsto
be where it ends. How to solve the issues relatedto modernityand development while at the same time maintainingthe culturaland religious integrity
of the ummaremainsan elusive and monumentaltask. On a pragmaticlevel,
modernIslamic nationsstill struggleto meet the scientific and technological
changes demandedby the modern period. Modernity and development, in

343
the minds of many Muslim policy makers, are still closely linked to Western
modes of doing things. In addition, with the resurgence of Islamic feeling in
many countries, many leaders have had to make efforts to temper the radical
elements inside this movement.

The case of Egypt

Egypt is a country comprising approximately 90% Muslims and where secular
experiments have yielded little relief from unemployment and slow economic
production, increasing numbers of Muslims are turning to Islam as a principal
means of facing an uncertain future. Since it was declared as the official
religion of State by the 1964 Constitution, Egyptian policy makers do not
underestimate the potency of a politicized Islam and the emergence of various
Islamic movements as more secular forces appear to erode Islamic values
and ideals. On the other hand, Egypt acutely realizes that it cannot exist in
isolation and a considerable amount of Western aid and technology is required
to achieve domestic and regional objectives. Educational initiatives that intentionally target Western economic integration, such as the 1995 Mubarak-Kohl
Agreement for the Development of Technical Education in Egypt, reinforce
pragmatic links with a technologically superior West (Arab Republic of Egypt
1996: 68-72). Egyptian policy officials point out:
We are all confrontedwith the challenges of the twenty-firstcentury,something
which we must realize. Furthermore,we have to absorbthe requiredmechanisms
for change, and the presentage is characterizedby competitionand diversity.We
cannot escape this reality or violate its laws. It is a reality which requireseach
and every one of us to absorbthe facts of this present age and to prepareourselves from now onwards(ArabRepublicof Egypt 1995: 190).
Egypt's national education system is struggling for survival against an
onslaught of overwhelming political, social and economic problems. Rapid
urbanization, rampant population growth, inefficient allocation of resources
and economic dependency all combine against the successful implementation of even the most carefully designed reform initiatives. Insufficient funds
for materials and equipment, the lack of adequate physical facilities and the
sheer magnitude of class enrollments severely hamper educative efficacy. The
"educational crisis" (al-azma al-ta'lim), as President Hosni Mubarak and other
leading officials call it, is manifesting itself in the growing rates of illiteracy,
unemployment and economic underdevelopment.2 In 1991, Egypt launched its
National Project (Mashru' al-Qawmi) to address the infrustructural and the
socio-economic challenges facing the country's education system. An area of
particular emphasis has been on technical and scientific education, since
moder education takes place under conditions imposed by the technically
adept West. Egyptian policy makers are intensely aware of this fact and are
making gestures to accommodate it.

344
The National Project, while primarily designed to confront Egypt's socioeconomic woes, does exhibit caution in not offending the socio-religious sensibilities of its Muslim constituency. In a speech to the People's Assembly in
1991, President Mubarak said: "We have to agree that the coming years are
the years for developing and promoting culture in Egypt. A great task lies
ahead of us which can never by underestimated."3Not only is the task of the
National Project to produce a better workforce imbued with the "principles,
values and labour skills needed for a technological society," but also for "reinforcing the values of religion;" (tarsiq a-qiyam a-diniya)4 a daunting, perhaps
an impossible task, as we will shortly see. In a document outlining prescriptive measures for confronting the "crisis," a statement reads:
Religious and moral values should be deeply ingrained among our children.
Religious instructionshould motivate our childrento adhereto desirablevalues
and morals.... The curriculafor religious educationshouldbe revised and developed to matchthe changinglevels of understandingof childrenat various stages.
(ArabRepublicof Egypt 1996: 55)
Herein lies the awesome challenge of the Egyptian education system:
creating a system which gives adequate attention to religious instruction to
maintain cultural values, while at the same time providing education and skills
to students so they may succeed and contribute to the needs of a developing
and modernizing country. A system espousing too many Western secular
values might introduce elements which are alien to the spirit of Islam and
spark further religious opposition from Islamists. On the other hand, Islamic
education of the old variety fails to adequately prepare students for the
modem, technological world. Furthermore, too much attention paid to the
demands of conservative orthodox thinking could disenfranchize Egypt's
leaders from the moderate majority. The quest is obviously modernization
without Westernization, and Islamization without extremism - a complex and
delicate balance. In the meantime, the current fragmentation and superficial
mixture of secularized and religious courses in Egypt's public education
system is completely alien to the fundamental principle of tawhid.
Islamists in Egypt and throughout the Islamic world are calling for educational reform of a revolutionary sort to rejuvenate their societies. The
governing bodies of these countries interpret educational reform along a
variant Western-secular conception. Understanding Islamic educational theory
will help us understand the Islamist side of the debate and appreciate the extent
to which they see the Islamization of education as a crucial factor in eradicating the dichotomized, Western-secular influences eroding their culture.

Aims and objectives of Islamic education

Three terms are used in Arabic for education, each differing in connotation
but embodying the various dimensions of the educational process as perceived

345
by Islam. The most widely used word for education in a formal sense is the
word ta'lim, stemming from the root 'alima (to know, to be aware, to perceive,
to learn) relating to knowledge being sought or imparted through instruction
and teaching. Tarbiya, coming from the root raba (to increase, grow, to rear)
implies a state of spiritual and ethical nurturing in accordance with the
will of the Lord, al-Rabb. Taadib comes from the root aduba (to be cultured,
refined, well-mannered) and suggests the social dimensions of a person's
development of sound social behavior. What is meant by sound requires a
deeper understanding of the Islamic conception of the human being. Recommendations made by the scholars at the First World Conference on Muslim
Education provide this definition:
Man accordingto Islam is composedof soul and body ... he is at once spiritand
matter. . . man possesses spiritualand rationalorgans of cognition such as the
heart(qalb) and the intellect ('aql) and faculties relatingto physical, intellectual
and spiritualvision, experienceand consciousness.... His most importantgift is
knowledgewhich pertainsto spiritualas well as intelligible and tangiblerealities.
(Al-Attas 1979: 157)
Education, as envisaged in the context of Islam, claims to be a process
which involves the complete person, including the rational, spiritual and social
dimensions of the person. As discussed previously, Islam provides a complete
code of life and strives for a balanced, harmonious weltanschauung represented by the concept of tawhid. The comprehensive and integrated approach
to education in Islam strives to produce a good, well-rounded person aiming
at the "balanced growth of the total personality . . . through training Man's
spirit, intellect, rational self, feelings and bodily senses ... such that faith is
infused into the whole of his personality" (Al-Attas 1979: 158). In Islamic
educational theory the general objective of gaining knowledge is the actualization and perfection of all dimensions of the human being. Man is intended
to act as the vicegerent of God (khalifat Allah) who, in order to fulfill this
holy obligation, must submit himself completely to Allah (Abdullah 1982:
116). Indeed, it is obedience which is the summum bonum of man's existence, as is illustrated in the Quranic verse: "I have not created jinn and
mankind except to serve Me" (Quran 51: 56). Perfection then, which is the
ultimate aim of Islamic education, can only be achieved through obedience
to God. While education does prepare man for happiness in this life, "its
ultimate goal is the abode of permanence and all education points to the permanent world of eternity (al-akhirah)" (Nasr 1984: 7). Education is, or at least
should be in Islam, inseparable from the spiritual life.
The perfect model for mankind to emulate from an Islamic perspective is
the education of the Prophet Muhammed through God's final message, the
Quran. The Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet are the immutable sources
for all aspects of both temporal and spiritual life. The Quran is, as the founder
of the International Federation of Muslim and Arabic Schools wrote, "the
perennial foundation for Islamic systems of legislation and of social and

346
economic organization.It is last but not least the basis of both moral and
generaleducation... and the core, pivot and gateway of learning"(Al-Saud
1979: 126-127). As long as the Quranremainscentralto the educationalcurriculum,there is "a guaranteethat the Muslim ummawill keep its integrity
andauthenticcharacter"(idem: 127). The ProphetMuhammedwas the highest
andmost perfectexampleof al-insamal-kamil,andthe functionof education,
as Al-Attas remarks(1985: 200), "is to producemen and women resembling
him as near as possible."The teachings of the Quranand the example of the
Prophet constitute the spiritual pattern of early Islamic education, which
resultedin the blossomingprosperityof Islamiccivilization.Withthis assumption, it follows then that the currentcrisis in Islam and the erosion of the
spiritualand moralfoundationsin the Islamic world is the result of the umma
strayingfrom God's intendedcourse and "fromthe programof [true]Islamic
education"(Qutbas found in Toronto1992: 96).
If the goal of education is the balanced growth of the human character,
the heart (qalb) (the seat of the spirit and affection, conscience, feelings,
intuition)shouldreceive equalattentionto the intellect ('aql), reason(mantiq)
and man's rational dimensions. To ascertaintruthby complete reliance on
reason alone is restrictive since both spiritualand temporalreality are two
sides of the same sphere. Indeed, the highest form of knowledge is the perceptionof God (idrak),whichcannotbe realizedin any otherway thanthrough
faith (iman). Revelatoryknowledge is the most elevated form of knowledge,
not only because it relates to God and the understandingof His attributes,
but because it provides an essential foundationfor all otherforms of knowledge. To favorreasonat the expense of spiritualityhampersbalancedgrowth.
Exclusive trainingof the intellect, for example, is inadequatein developing
and refiningelements of love, kindness,compassionand selflessness, which
have an altogetherspiritualambianceandcan only be appealedto by processes
of spiritualtraining.Separatingthe spiritualdevelopmentof the humanbeing
from the rational,temporalaspects of the same person, says one prominent
Islamic educationalist,"is the main cause for the disintegrationof the human
personality"(Ashraf 1993: 2).
Educationis thus a twofold process - acquiring intellectual knowledge
(throughthe applicationof reasonand logic), and spiritualknowledge (which
is derivedfrom divine revelationand spiritualexperience).Accordingto the
educationalweltanschauungof Islam, provision must be made equally for
both. Acquiringknowledgein Islam is not meantto be an end unto itself, but
only a means to stimulatea more elevated moral and spiritualconsciousness
leading to faith and righteousaction.
Inadequacies of Western/secular education from an Islamic perspective
Accordingto many Muslim thinkers,the philosophicalshortcomingof most
modernsystems of educationin the Islamic world is that they do not reflect

347
the fundamental aims and objectives of Islamic education. Contemporary
policy makers are simply products of the Western social and cultural milieu,
adopting Western modes of curriculum development administrative structures
and pedagogical tools. Shahed Ali (1984: 52) comments:
Our intellect is steeped in the normsand forms evolved by the West. Systems of
educationin our schools, colleges and universitiesare mostly imported;these are
not our own systems; they are fashionedafter the outlook and model of Western
educationalsystems.
As such, they do no represent the religious values implicit in Islam and
fall short in educating the whole person. Modern/Western education and
research, are insufficient in Islamic society because they "have been totally
cut off from the spiritual roots" (ibid.). The source of any system of education, according to Ali,
shouldbe tracedto its philosophyof life, and a system of educationis organically
connectedwith the ethical and moralvalues that springfrom thatphilosophy....
When such a short-sightedpolicy prevails, social cohesion and collective initiative for the well-being of the communitybecomes a far cry. (Ibid.)
Egypt and other countries like it, according to Islamic educational theory,
cannot modernize their education systems along Western lines without seriously compromising their essential Islamic character. Western philosophies of
education are fundamentally at variance with Islam because of the absence
of properly integrated religion in the Western curriculum. Scathing attacks
on the dissonant influences of Western educational theory on the Muslim world
have featured prominently in the literatureon Islamic educational theory. What
most Muslim theorists take particular issue with are the Western notions of
liberalism and secularism, which aim at delivering man "first from the religious and then the metaphysical control over his reason and his language"
(Al-Attas 1985: 15).
A characteristic of Western/modem education is its primary reliance on the
rational faculties for the discovery of truth. Reality is restricted to sensual
experience, scientific procedure or processes of logic. Secular education strives
principally for the "development of the rational life of every individual" (Hirst
as cited in Halstead 1995: 35). Islam is not unique in claiming that this sort
of posture represents only one level of reality. The debate between secular
scientists and Christians, for example, has been raging for centuries over
whether spiritual experience is a legitimate means of determining truth. In
Islam revelatory experience, intuition and faith are not only valid, but are
absolutely necessary in ascertaining the highest of truths, the nature of God.
Al-Attas, in particular, has expounded on the weaknesses of the secular scientific method, claiming that its preoccupation with natural phenomena
prevents unnecessarily the discovery of whole truth. Fixating only on observable objects and events, says Al-Attas, limits truth because they "point to

348
themselves as the sole reality and not any other Reality" (1985: xix). Secular
science tries to interpret reality only with the empirically verifiable. In Islam
this definition of science has its defects because direct observation is no more
than "outward appearances, perceived through human senses" (El-Nejjar 1986:
59-63), which by the standards of experimental science are innately limited.
Therefore, human senses can perceive evidences of truth, but not the truth
itself.
Islam does not reject science and technology per se, but rather the pervading Western philosophy of secular science. After all, at the height of its
glory, the Islamic empire was considered the vanguard of science and technology. However, science and technology as they are presented today bear the
distinct mark of a Western social and intellectual milieu, causing some
Muslims to mistrust it. Badawi explains:
This suspicionis well founded.Westernscience, it must be remembered,has, for
historicalreasons,developedin an atmosphereof hostilitytowardsreligion andhas
acquireda negative attitudetowards religion and has in the process acquireda
negative attitudetowards all non-empiricalaspects of belief. The basic assumptions of Western science are in reality a greatermenace to Islamic culture than
any hostile workby orientalists... moderneducationis by definitionthattype of
educationinspiredby the West ... the onslaughtof science upon our basic belief
and values is indirectand thereforetoo obscure for the ordinaryperson or even
the educatedto measureand rebut.(Badawi 1979: 114-115)
Sayyid Qutb, an influential thinker in contemporary Islamic thought, argues
that science itself should not be rejected, but its acceptance should be qualified. "Islam", he says, "is in harmony with the laws of the universe and the
nature of existence (fitrat al wujud)" (Qutb as found in Moussalli 1990: 322).
Science, pure and applied, can be accepted on the condition that it does not
exceed its limits by trying to interpret philosophically what exists. Qutb argues
that "man neither has knowledge, nor the ability to know the entire order of
this universe," and hence, neither empiricism nor rationalism is satisfactory
instruments for the expression of complete truth (idem: 324). Islam emphasizes the concept of tawhid, and as Qutb states, "the universe is a unity
composed of visible and the invisible unknown. Life is a unity of material and
spiritual energies whose separation results in imbalance or disturbance" (idem:
323). Consequently, any system or philosophy that does not embrace the unity
of the universe is incomplete and fragmentary.
The Western liberal perspective of education also conflicts with Islamic
educational theory in its heavy emphasis on relativism. There is a tendency
in liberal theory to accept a pluralism of personal private beliefs and that all
beliefs are equally justifiable (Hirst 1974: 4). Making claims to the absolute
truth is avoided in liberal education at almost every level. In a recent document
on how to handle controversial subject material in British schools, the inspectors stated that: "It can be very helpful for pupils to know their teachers' views,
provided these are offered as one among many possible perspectives on an

349
issue with no more weight or 'truth' than any other" (Inner London Education
Authority 1983: 48).
The basic assumption in this relativist approach is that there are no
absolutes and that all truth as subjective. Islam considers this sort of relativism overtly damaging. If all positions are relative and all opinions are considered as good as the next, on what basis can a society build a reliable and
stable civilization? What will inevitably occur is that "the one who shouts
loudest and longest will prevail" (Watson 1987: 29). Islam claims to embody
absolute truth, with an innate universal truth within each person. Humans are
able to tap into this universal truth by virtue of their perfect essence (al-insan
al-kamil), which is borne within the depth of one's being. While Islam can
show tolerance for differing moral, aesthetic and cultural perspectives, "it
never considers all views to be equally valid" (Ashraf 1987: 11). Values in
the secular conception are ever changing and tentative. For a completely
balanced development of a child's moral, spiritual and intellectual dimensions,
and for a society to be built on a foundation of righteousness and justice,
"basic universal unchanging norms are necessary" (idem: 7).
Liberal education is also characterized by a predominant stress on individualism and the freedom of individual choice. "What [liberal education]
liberates the person from," comments one noted liberal theorist, "is the limitations of the present and the particular" (Bailey 1984: 20). According to
most liberal theorists there are no absolute authorities in matters of morality
or how to best live, and therefore education must avoid authoritarian positions (White 1982, 1984). Bailey goes on to say that a liberally educated
person is released from the restrictions placed on him or her by the limited
and specific circumstances in which he or she is born. Liberal education,
according to Bailey (1984: 21), allows for "intellectual and moral autonomy,
the capacity to become a free chooser of what is to be believed and what is
to be done, a free chooser of beliefs and actions - in a word, a free moral
agent, the kind of entity a fully-fledged human being is supposed to be and
which all too few are!"
Islam, on the other hand, puts must less stress on individual autonomy
than it does on the consensus (ijma) of the community (umma) and respect
for the social contexts and traditions in which an individual originates.
Education and the acquisition of knowledge, then, are good only if they serve
to engender virtue in the individual and elevate the whole community. Islamic
educators criticize the "freedom" implicit in liberal theory because, as Ashraf
comments:
By denying faith and by creatinga conglomerationof multiplechoices . . . with
no norm to be guided by, except reason or social values or . . . fashions, the
secularist educationalistscreate an unsettled situation for children. Doubts and
scepticismare preferredand even encouraged.As a result childrenhave no norm
of good andevil, rightandwrong,justice andinjustice,truthandfalsehood(Ashraf
1987: 11).

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Western liberal education encourages people to align their religious beliefs
with rational principles, helping children to become free agents independent
of the pressures of socialization. Without this ability to make independent
rational choices, people tend toward "blind reliance on authority"(White 1982:
50). In Islam, however, encouraging students to question their moral beliefs
may merely make them confused and "unmeshed with society as it is" (Barrow
as cited in Halstead 1995: 40).
The unhealthy material fixation of the West can be directly related to this
sort of individualism. Shahed Ali states that Western forms of education
"create a capital 'I' in the psychology of man to the exclusion of the rest of
the world. Self before everything is the only truth, disguised as "enlightened
self-interest" (Ali 1984: 53). Ali claims that if education becomes secular or
irreligious, material progress and prosperity become the end all and be all of
life. And if an education system focuses on material pursuits to the exclusion
of spiritual and moral training, it will fail to "nourish the human soul . . .
enrich human life with noble virtues of love, service and sacrifice" (idem).
Strengthening spiritual faith and virtue is imperative in any education system
which seeks to posses an Islamic character.
Secularist critique of Islamic education
The Islamic conceptions of education as outlined above have featured prominently in the educational debate in Egypt, but have had generally negligible
success in actual implementation. The secular/religious dichotomy in Egypt's
education system remains entrenched, and the integration of an Islamic perspective into the curricula has yet to materialize in any substantial form.
Contemporary Islamist thinking has done little in regard to educational reform
beyond the level of sloganization. Fazlur Rahman assesses the current situation in the Islamic world in these scathing terms:
neorevivalismhas reorientedthe modern-educatedlay Muslimemotionallytoward
Islam. But the greatestweakness of neorevivalism,and the greatestdisservice it
has done to Islam, is an almost total lack of positive effective thinkingand scholarship within its ranks, its intellectualbankruptcy,and its substitutionof cliche
mongeringfor serious intellectualendeavor... the neorevivalisthas producedno
Islamic educationalsystem worthyof the name. (Rahman1982: 137)
Substantial educational reform in accordance with a unified Islamic conception has in most cases been reduced to theoretical platitudes from the
Islamic scholars (ulama) themselves. The rhetorical ideals of a universal
Islamic system of education solving the plight of Muslims is widespread in
Islamist literature. An example of such sweeping utopian and even naive
language is:
The entireeducationalsystem of Muslim countriesshouldbe saturatedwith these
values of Islam. ... It is the need of the hour for the Muslims to ... have only

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one educationalsystem,to be compulsoryfor every man andwoman.... This education will bring a quick revolution in the thinking, feeling and actions of the
Muslims (Ali 1984: 55).
The Islamic movement generally fails to address how an Islamic education system with universal application could overcome the formidable barriers
of the political, cultural and linguistic diversity of the umma. Nor is it clear
how such a system would operate in a pluralistic society with the sentiments
and needs of religious minorities. There has also been a lack of clear thinking
on how an "Islamic Alternative" could manage the infrastructural problems
endemic in most Islamic countries, i.e. overcrowding, lack of resources, crumbling facilities and inadequate equipment. Disparate visions among Islamic
thinkers themselves as how to achieve meaningful Islamization of education
creates further barriers. While some general agreement exists on a philosophical level, there is significant disagreement among the ulama as to the
pragmatic issues of organization, administration, and curriculum development.
A further constraint for the Islamization of education is that governments
in most Islamic countries, while paying lip service to the idealism of Islam,
actively resist the drive toward Islamization. The Mubarak regime in Egypt
has had to navigate a careful, gradualist course that simultaneously reinforces
"the values of religion" (al-qiyam al-diniya) while avoiding "fanaticism and
extremism" (ta'ssub wa tatarruf) (Arab Republic of Egypt 1995: 61). The
Mubarak government acquiesces to the Islamization of education on a
cosmetic level but sternly limits its encroachment upon actual school curricula
and policy. More concessions to Islamism on actual policy would only destabilize the existing social order and increase the political turmoil through
greater inroads by extremism.
The vigorous argument that religion and spirituality should be infused into
education is by no means an issue found only in Islamic countries. Religious
education, or at least moral education, features high on the agenda of most
national education debates - even in the West. The debate differs in Egypt in
an important way because it is not characterized by polar differences between
believer and nonbeliever, as is the case in the West, but ratherbetween believer
and believer.
The salient question when looking at the educational debate in Egypt is
"what Islam" and "whose Islam" we are talking about when discussing the
appropriate role of Islam in the public sector. Differing interpretations on
the degree to which Islam offers an absolute and "complete way to life" is at
the heart of the issue. The conception of education as outlined by Islamic
educational theorists would be rejected by certain segments of Egypt's more
secularized; many of them claiming that it represents only one interpretation
of Islam and not universal Islam as such. Even among many 'ilmaniyyum
(secularists) in Egypt, Islam constitutes a deep and meaningful way of life,
but should, in their opinion, be confined to the appropriate private spheres
of life, i.e. the home and the mosque. They diverge from he more asaliya
(traditional) idea that all spheres of life should be unified and inseparable.

352
How Islam translates into public education has been a particularly vexing issue
between the two camps; a dialectic one Egyptian educator characterized as a
"debate between the deaf."5
Western-oriented secularists constitute a high percentage of those in policy
making positions; a fact which most Islamists would see as one of the greatest
hindrances to the Islamization of official educational policy. By virtue of being
products of a Westernized educational system, most secularists have been
influenced by Western humanist thought, predisposing them a perpetuate the
dichotomy between secular and religious education. Secularists not only differ
from Islamists on education in the interpretation of Islam, but also consider
Islamic education theory to be seriously flawed from an epistemological
perspective.
I will now turn to evaluating some of the counter arguments which secular
policy makers make against Islamic education. Liberal, secular educationalists' primary criticism of Islamic educational theory has been its rigid absolutist posture on truth. Such a dogmatic position, from a secularist perspective,
can only breed intolerance toward other religious or nonreligious ideologies.
By claiming that one has infallible whole truth one implies that all other beliefs
are false, skewed, or only partially true. Clearly, from an absolutist perspective, differing ideological positions cannot all be presented as true "since
accepting the truth of one tradition requires that other traditions be dismissed
as mere truth claims" (Halstead 1995: 37). When those espousing a position
of asala want to make Islamic education the norm, do they account for
minority positions, religious or otherwise? Egyptian policy makers perceive
the inherent risks of absolutist thinking in these terms:
The perceptionof absolutetruth(al-haqiqaal-mutliqa)becomes deeply rooted in
the mindsof the students,who eventuallycome to believe thereis only one possible
solution or answerto any problem,and that in every situationthere is only one
answer or truth,in spite of the fact that there might be several correct answers.
We have suffered a lot from the idea of absolute truth. It has for many years
confinedour thinkingandhas resultedin pavingthe way for extremism(a-tataraf)
bigotryand addiction.(ArabRepublicof Egypt 1996: 52-53)
From a liberal perspective, Islamic education is problematic because it
assumes a primacy of religious belief that is based on what Barrow would call
"unprovable propositions" (Barrow 1981: 147). Nor is it open to critical
scrutiny; both positions are contradictory to the process of educating. If
schools seek to initiate students into a particular Islamic conception of the
world with the intention of committing them to those beliefs, this is not education, according to secularists, but indoctrination.
Indoctrination is objectionable according to White because it prevents the
recipient from questioning beliefs and prevents them from critically analyzing
the status of beliefs (1982: 127). The question of freedom arises when there
is a contrived religious agenda, tending toward constraining people's belief
along narrowly conceived or doctrinaire line. Within the liberal conception

353
of education, children should be allowed to develop into morally autonomous
people without external constraints. Islamic education "moulds" students into
a predetermined conception of how they should lead their lives and inculcates "specific kinds of dispositions", which does little to "liberate pupils from
ignorance and misconceptions" (White 1982: 126).
One of the primary dicta of education in a modern context is to prepare
people for productive employment. The relevance of religious education from
this perspective is unclear since obvious priorities should be given to those
subjects furthering usable skills in the work place. The problem with including
religious education in an already overcrowded school schedule is that there
is simply not enough time to address it in the integrated and comprehensive
way Islamists conceive it. The General Director of Religious Education at
the Egyptian Ministry of Education had this to say about dedicating more religious instruction to core curriculum time:
Thereare thirtyhoursa week of study (for all subjects),and of these, elementary
studentsreceive threehoursof religion, while preparatoryand secondarystudents
receive two hours a week. The numberof hours spent in religion is sufficient. I
don't think we need more religious educationthan have. It is a tiny minorityof
the population,perhapsthreepercent,thatdemandmore. But more hoursthanthis
would simplynot be appropriate(munasib)for Egypt.If we addtwo to these, every
subjectwill also ask for two more, and we would need more than 24 hoursa day
to fill requests.6
Liberal educational theory would also take issue with Islam's narrow transcendental justification of education. Education as conceived by Islam is only
good if it inspires virtue in the individual or uplifts the community. The liberal
theorist would say that education and knowledge acquisition need no justification. Education can be valued in and of itself and does not need to further
any other agenda. Downie asserts that: "The simplest justification for education, and perhaps the one which in the final showing is the most satisfactory
- is that its intrinsic aims, those states of mind which constitute it, are good
in themselves or desirable for their own sakes" (1974: 50).
Since religious belief is a private and subjective matter, it must not be
allowed to "determine public issues such as education" (Hirst 1974: 3). If
one particular religious position emerges as the norm, then it also becomes
the standard by which the other religious and nonreligious positions are to be
judged. Consequently, says Cox, "there is no objective way of choosing
between them. All are based on belief, not on demonstrably proven fact, and
so, ideally, each is as good as the other" (Cox 1983: 117). If religion is going
to be studied at all in public education, liberal proponents such as Barrow,
would argue that it needs to be within an academic framework only. Education
in a public forum must not teach religion, but about religion. According to
Barrow, religion can only be taught in public schools as an academic exercise;
for comparative or historical purposes. Religion should not be taught if the
intention is to propagate its ideas to the students (Barrow 1975: 150). This
particular position has been adopted by the American public school system.

354
Conclusions
The purpose of this paper has been to illustrate the conflicting and incompatible ideologies between the two camps of asala and 'ilmaniyya when it
comes to aims and objectives of education is Islam in general and Egypt in
particular. On the one hand, secular forces in Egypt comprising of welleducated professionals, intellectuals and those holding the lion's share of
political influence, advocate ideals of a modem democratic, pluralistic society.
This group, along with the Mubarak government, make conciliatory gestures
to the demands of Islamic reform by allowing religion courses to be mingled
in with the required curriculum. But this group tenaciously maintains the
educational status quo so as to avoid intolerance and fanaticism. On the other
hand, Islamists adamantly insist that the government does not go far enough
in providing an education system of an Islamic character. They argue that a
short-sighted education system that consists of both Western and Islamic
elements destroys social cohesion.
Egypt, by virtue of being an Islamic nation, requires an education system
that is comprehensive, integrated and in alignment with the doctrine of tawhid.
Social cohesion and public well-being are compromised by Egypt's current
Western hybrid form of education. On the other hand, extremist Islamic interpretation is highly unrepresentative of the vast majority of Egyptians and
also casts its own cancerous effects on social cohesion. Neither secularism
nor extremism embodies the principles on which Islamic education should
be constructed. Islamic education in Egypt, Islamists would argue, is irrelevant only if Islam is not true. Either God's final message to mankind was
revealed in its entirety through Muhammed and enshrined in the Quran, or it
was not. If it was, then it is incumbent upon Muslim leaders everywhere to
mould their education systems to an Islamic conception. If the truth of Islam
is established, then its relevance follows as a matter of course (see Mills 1874:
69). "What is Islam?" asks Rosenthal,
Is it a personalfaith, piety, and devotion, or is it a religious and political unity for
the communityof believers? If the former,then Islam has no role to play in the
public life of a modem Muslim state, and it is unnecessaryto confirm or refute
the views of individualswho think so. ... But if Islam is both a system of beliefs
and practicesand a law for the communityof believers, then its relevance to the
modernMuslim state and society is uncontestable.(Rosenthal1965: xi)
The two educational positions of asala and 'ilmaniyya exhibited in Egypt
are fundamentally incompatible a fact that unfortunately does not bode well
for Egypt's educational future.
Notes
1. Cowan,J. M., editor,TheHans WehrDictionaryof ModernWrittenArabic(Ithaca,
New York: SpokenLanguageServices, Inc., 1976). For a more in-depthstudy of

355

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

these two terms see Azzam, Maha, Islamic Oriented Protest Groups in Egypt
1971-1981: Theory, Politics And Dogma (D. Phil Thesis, Oxford University, St.
Catherine's College), pp. 50-51.
Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in a speech to the People's Assembly and Shura
Council on 14 November, 1991 in Arab Republic of Egypt 1995 (7).
President Mubarak, speech to the People's Assembly and Shura Council on 14
November, 1991, ibid., p. 7.
Ibid., p. 61.
Interview with Sami Nasser, a professor of Adult Education at the Institute of
Educational Studies at Cairo University on 7 September, 1996.
Interview with the General Director of Religious Education in the Egyptian Ministry
in 1991, in Toronto, J. A. (1992) The Dynamics of Educational Reform in
Contemporary Egypt (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University), p. 136.

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The author
Bradley J. Cook is an Assistant Professor of Comparative and International Education
at Brigham Young University in the Department of Educational Leadership and
Foundations. He has had extensive experience in the Middle East both as a student
and a professional in the past twenty years. He has published on educational research
in developing countries and is currently conducting a study of the influence of Islam
on higher education in Egypt.
Contact address: Dr Bradley J. Cook, Brigham Young University, 310F MCKB,
PO Box 25069, Provo, Utah 84602-5069, USA.