Community College Models

Community College Models
Rosalind Latiner Raby
Edward J. Valeau
Editors
Community College Models

Globalization and Higher Education Reform
Editors
California State University
Northridge, CA
USA
ISBN 978-1-4020-9476-7
Edward J. Valeau
Senior Partner, Education Leadership Search
President Emeritus, Hartnell Community College
President Emeritus, California Colleges
for International Education
Hayward, California
USA
e-ISBN 978-1-4020-9477-4
Library of Congress Control Number: 2009920579

2009 Springer Science + Business Media B.V.
No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any
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Printed on acid-free paper
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This book is dedicated to our families for

their continued strength and conviction to
believe in a project of this magnitude.
In particular, we want to thank our spouses,
Ronald S. Raby and Vera C. Valeau for their
patience and support during this long
process. They have given so much and
we love them dearly.
We also want to dedicate this book to a
pioneer in the field of community colleges,
David Wilson. His inspiration and vision
is seen throughout this book.
Foreword
George R. Boggs and Judith Irwin
Although community colleges in the United States are increasingly seen as a

model that other countries can emulate to train a more skilled work force,
Americans are aware of the need to seek knowledge and expertise from other
higher education institution models community college, technical and further
education around the world. All systems are struggling with the complexities
involved to successfully educate students to be globally competent citizens in
todays world economies. Globalization, a challenging theme for many community colleges in America, is now seen as essential to a nations competitiveness and
its societal standard of living.
Readers of this book are exposed to a variety of themes that are relevant both in
the United States and abroad. Chapters focus on economic models to help local and
national economies develop strong workforce training and preparation, humanitarian
models to bring about social mobility, peace transformative models to help institutions expand and keep up with societal needs, and newly created models that
respond to the educational and training needs of a constantly changing world.
Forward-thinking leaders committed to higher education reform, recognize how
commonplace it is to have problems that never seem to be fully resolved. Through
studying different models and focusing on the functions and tactics applied by other
systems, individual practices can be improved and enhanced. This sharing of information will help broaden partnerships and networks between the United States and
higher education institutions in other countries as well as with the private sector and
foundations; highlight and expand emerging and innovative approaches to teaching,
training, technology transfer, and human development; and develop strategies to
establish innovative and lasting higher education relationships for international
development in areas that support innovation and economic growth.
For many decades, the United States has been the most competitive force in the
world and the leader in higher education developments based on its investments in
technology and innovation, our capital structure, and democratic institutions.
Throughout the past decade, other countries have been following the United States,
while at the same time becoming more innovative to solve their own crises. This
has led to broader understanding, recognition, and respect of each others
accomplishments.
vii
viii
Foreword
This publication does not feature every country with a 2-year system. However,
providing an overview of several diverse models, theories, and solutions enables
policymakers and educators in several countries to determine what works for them
based on their own political and government structure. There is no one universal
solution, thus each country is aware of what works for their society and creatively
adapts its model based on individual needs and realistic possibilities. As the world
becomes flatter, the similarities and connections will parallel each other and likenesses will outweigh differences.
The book editors and chapter writers hope their contributions will inspire
educational leaders, practitioners, and innovators around the world to engage and
learn from each other leading to improved and enhanced training and education
programs to ensure that all graduates can work and compete in the twenty-first
century identified by a flat world. This book appears at a time of great significance to the community colleges. Domestically, changing philosophies are supporting dynamic programs and policies that internationalize the college and the local
communities in which they are located. Internationally, the process of globalization
continues to propel this institution to its present status as a leading postsecondary
institutional type. Cross-nationally, organizations, such as the World Federation of
Colleges and Polytechnics and the International Association of Community and
Further Education Colleges, are recognizing the need for continued dialogue and
advocacy. This book sends a clear message to the American and indeed to the international educated community that illuminates the reality of community college
models and their role in contemporary society.
George R, Boggs is the President and CEO of the American Association
of Community Colleges (AACC), an organization which is the
Voice of Americas Community Colleges.
Judith Irwin is the Director of International Programs and Services of the
American Association of Community Colleges (AACC).
Preface
Rosalind Latiner Raby and Edward J. Valeau, Coeditors
Increasingly, students worldwide are seeking postsecondary education to acquire

new skill sets and credentials. The strain on traditional 4-year universities is being
addressed by an explosion of community college models that provide educational
opportunities and alternative pathways for students who do not fit the traditional
higher educational profile and are often excluded from getting such education.
In 1993, Kintzer noted that there were over 180 nonuniversities, many of which
were modeled on US community colleges (Kintzer, 1993, p. 4). Today, nearly every
country has or is envisioning a community college model. Flexibility of curriculum
and a mission to serve local populations define community college models and yet,
it is the direct connection to individuality that complicates cross-national comparisons. Even the names given to these institutions vary. To advance communication,
the term community college model represents all the key elements, and therefore is
used throughout this text.
Publications on community college models are few (Raby and Tarrow, 1996;
Romano, 2002; Levin, 2001; Elsner, 2008), and as such, a comprehensive examination is timely and relevant. This book presents empirical case studies that are crossdisciplinary and that provide defined strategies for effective and pragmatic policy
planning and reform at local, regional, and national levels. Five themes circumvent
the book which defines community college models as a purveyor of academic,
philosophical, economic, institutional, and community reforms.
Academic reforms influence what is taught, how it is taught, and who provides
accreditation. Curriculum match local needs as evidenced through adult instruction
(Bagley and Rust), short-term programs (Punthumasen and Maki), experiential
learning (Chen and Wang), vocational studies (Silva; Postiglione), reverse-transfer
(Wilson), entrepreneurial education (DoBell and Ingle), SpLD (Edwards), and
social action programs (DeBard and Rice). Changing pedagogy includes studentcentered emphasis as seen in Senegal CUR (Gueye and Sene), Russian NPPT
(Zamani-Gallaher and Gorlova), Tajikistan Aga Khan Project (Hamon), and China
Migrant Centers (Li and Levin). Finally, administrative and governance reforms are
detailed in staff and faculty leadership development (Frost; Hoare and Dellow),
international student needs (Kusch et al.), national certification (Oliver et al.;
Alphonse and Valeau), credentials (Tormala-Nita and Cijntje; Kamyab; Woodham
ix
Preface
and Morris), and shared curriculum and accreditation through international partnerships (Hatton and Schroeder).
Philosophical reforms link community college models to sociocultural and
political reform. The concept of the College for the People is defined by Cohen
and placed into a comparative focus by Raby, with specific examples in Vietnam
(Lam and Vi), Scandinavia (Bagley and Rust), Thailand (Punthumasen and Maki),
and Taiwan (Chen and Wang). Some chapters illustrate that even curriculum has a
set goal to reduce conflict (Zamani-Gallaher and Gorlova), secure peace (DeBard
and Rice), or advance Gross Domestic Happiness (Gandhi). Most importantly,
chapters illustrate how philosophical goals are actually being met by equalizing
access for specific student groups, such as giving access to those previously denied
(Kamyab; Mpondi), lower income (Hoare and Dellow), special education (Edwards),
second opportunities (Wilson), migrants (Li and Levin), and minorities (Kusch
et al.; Davidovitch and Iram). While the humanistic potential of community college
models is seen as a positive value (Alphonse and Valeau), other chapters more critically view the ethics of neocolonialism in which, educational opportunities, while
present, are nonetheless limited, especially in regards to a transition to higher levels
of education that make possible viable employment options (Wolff; Silva; Gueye
and Sene; Wolhuter).
Economic reforms remain at the core of the adoption of community college
models. While philosophically reform is put in humanitarian terms, more often it
echoes desires to facilitate economic and industrial growth. Raby illustrates positive and negative consequences of the economic emphasis while case studies critically examine the context in which education can actually enhance human resource
development that then allows a country to compete in the global market in Mexico
(Silva), Ireland (DoBell and Ingle), British Caribbean (Wolff), India (Alphonse and
Valeau), Curacao (Tormala-Nita and Cijntje), Vietnam (Oliver et al.), Iran
(Kamyab), Uzbekistan (Tursunova and Azizova), and Senegal (Gueye and Sene).
Some chapters suggest that adoption of a community college model is solely economic-based (Postiglione), and others suggest how profit from exportation of services can help enhance other college programs (Frost; Hatton and Schroeder). Mixed
in at all levels is the challenge to examine the need to define standards that are
acceptable to both donor and host countries which may not always result in equitable solutions (Wolhuter; Tormala-Nita and Cijntje; Woodham and Morris).
Institutional reforms are a key element in many of the chapters as change often
results from a purposeful design to expand adult education (Cohen; Lam and Vi;
Zamani-Gallaher and Gorlova; Li and Levin), to offer new curricular focus (DoBell
and Ingle; Edwards), or to refine the existing system of vocational-technical
colleges (Postiglione; Silva; Mpondi; Kamyab; Tormala-Nita and Cijntje; Tursunova
and Azizova). Reform can occur at the grassroots level (Chen and Wang), by nongovernment organization (NGO)-sponsored reform (Oliver et al.; Wolff), by international development initiatives (Wolff), and by centralized government policy
(Lam and Vi; Gandhi). Institutional success is tied to a flexible and interdisciplinary curriculum (Hamon, Kusch et al.; Silva). Many chapters depict how institutional reform is sometimes met with opposition, as in China (Postiglione; Hatton
Preface
xi
and Schroeder), British Caribbean (Wolff), Curacao (Tormala-Nita and Cijntje),

Senegal (Gueye and Sene), India (Alphonse and Valeau), Zimbabwe (Mpondi), and
Belize (Hoare and Dellow). Finally, the continued low status is forcing the ultimate
transformation, as some community college models are folding into traditional
university constructs as in British West Indies (Woodham and Morris), Senegal
(Gueye and Sene), South Africa (Wolhuter), Israel (Davidovitch and Iram), Vietnam
(Oliver et al.) and Canada (Wilson).
Community reforms include the impact made by community college models on
their local communities. Cohen links community colleges to serving local communities and these links are exemplified by an emphasis on local communities for
lifelong learning (Gandhi; DeBard and Rice; Bagley and Rust; Wilson); directed
local engagement (Mpondi; Gueye and Sene; Hamon; Chen and Wang; Punthumasen
and Maki; Lam and Vi; Li and Levin); and community change (Wolhuter;
Tursunova and Azizova; Davidovitch and Iram; Alphonse and Valeau; Frost).
Exemplary of this approach is an examination of an international development
partnership that shows how a single college can successfully engage in nonprofit
international development work with some degree of success (Hatton and
Schroeder). How community college modes empower local participation for local
needs permeates most every chapter in this book.
Conclusion
The various chapters in this book seek to capture the imagination of those who are
committed to learning about what works in higher education and in particular, the
impact community college models are having on the changing nature of world
social, political, and economic landscapes. The authors illustrate leadership in the
face of change in higher education abroad and it is of particular note that many
xii
Preface
depict how indigenous change can be made to successfully meet local and even
global needs. The international and comparative focus provides concrete examples
of how educational reform exists on a transfer continuum that range from the full
transfer of the North model, as in the case of India and Belize, to the semi-complete
transfer, as in the case of Taiwan and British West Indies, to the emulation with
retention of indigenous character, as in the case of Vietnam and Mexico, and finally,
to the rejection of transplantation, as in the case of the Japanese Branch colleges
and South Africa. Throughout this book, chapters provide case studies of the implementation and maintenance of the community college model as determined by local
initiative and by worldwide support.
References
Elsner, P. A., Boggs, G. & Irwin, J. (Eds.). (2008). A global development of technical college,
community college and further education. Washington, DC: American Association of
Community Colleges.
Kintzer, F. (1993). Higher Education Beyond the United States: A glimpse of short-cycle higher education in other countries. Community/Junior Community College Quarterly. 16(1), 18.
Levin, J. S. (2001). Globalizing the Community College : Strategies for Change in the TwentyFirst Century. New York: Palgrave, 2001 (ED 450 856)
Raby, R. L. and Tarrow, N. (Eds.) (1996). Dimensions of the Community College: International,
Intercultural, and Multicultural Perspectives. New York: Garland.
Romano, R. M. (ed.) (2002). Internationalizing the Community College. Washington D.C.:
Community College Press.
Contents
Foreword .........................................................................................................
vii
Preface .............................................................................................................
ix
Part I
Introduction: Community College Formation and Foundation
Defining the Community College Model ..............................................

Globalization and Community College Model Development.............

21
Community Colleges in the United States ...........................................

Arthur M. Cohen
39
Part II
Introduction: Community College Models and Their Roles

as Humanitarian Institutions
From Education to Grassroots Learning:

Towards a Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan ...
Amy Shi-min Chen and Wei-ni Wang
51
Community Colleges and the Globalization

of Higher Education in Postcolonial Zimbabwe..................................
Douglas Mpondi
71
Indian Community College System:

Democratic Response to Globalization ................................................
Xavier Alphonse S.J. and Edward Valeau
79
The Development of the Community College Model

in Vietnam at the Time of the Countrys Reorganization
and International Integration ...............................................................
Dang Ba Lam and Nguyen Huy Vi
91
xiii
xiv
Contents
Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College ................

Robert DeBard and Tamara Rice
A Study of Community College Synchronization

with the Educational Needs of Local People in Thailand ...................
Pattanida Punthumasen and Takayoshi Maki
Part III
Community Colleges in Chinas Two Systems ....................................

Gerard Postiglione
11
Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education

and Training in Barbados, Bahamas, Guyana, Jamaica,
and Trinidad & Tobago .........................................................................
Laurence Wolff
13
14
15
135
Introduction: Economic Conditions Globally Shaping

the Community College Models
10
12
117
Globalization of Higher Education and Community

Colleges in Vietnam ...............................................................................
Diane E. Oliver, Pham Xuan Thanh, Paul A. Elsner,
Nguyen Thi Thanh Phuong, and Do Quoc Trung
Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational
Model for Mexico? .................................................................................
Marisol Silva Laya
A Critical Approach to the Community College Model
in the Global Order: The College Universitaire Rgional de
Bambey (Senegal) as a Case Study........................................................
Barrel Gueye and Ibra Sene
The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaao ........................................
Rosita Tormala-Nita and Gilbert Cijntje
157
173
197
219
235
253
Part IV Introduction: Responding to Globalization:

Reform in Higher Education
16
17
Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway,

Sweden, and Denmark ...........................................................................
Sylvia S. Bagley and Val D. Rust
279
Community Colleges Embracing Change:

The Anglophone Caribbean Perspective..............................................
Jeanette Grant-Woodham and Camille Morris
299
Contents
xv
18
The Junior College System of Belize ....................................................

Olda Hoare and Donald A. Dellow
19
Higher Education in Uganda: The Role of Community

Colleges in Educational Delivery and Reform.....................................
W. James Jacob, Yusuf K. Nsubuga, and Christopher B. Mugimu
335
Community College Model: Desideratum

in the South African Higher Education Landscape ............................
Charste Coetzee Wolhuter
359
CollegeUniversity Dialogue: From Confrontation

to Cooperation ........................................................................................
Nitza Davidovitch and Yaacov Iram
373
Reverse Transfer Constraints upon Planning

Post secondary Programs in Ontario, Canada ....................................
David N. Wilson
401
20
21
22
321
23
The Community College at the Crossroads .........................................

Jim Kusch, Eriola Pema, Gulen Onurkan, and Liliya Akhmadeeva
24
UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation

for Minority Groups ..............................................................................
Robert Edwards
437
A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization:

Case of a Russian Community College ................................................
Eboni M. Zamani-Gallaher and Inna Gorlova
453
25
26
27
Pathways to Participation: A Comparative Study

of Community College Entrepreneurial Educational
Programs in the United States and Ireland .........................................
Daniel C. DoBell and Sarah A. Ingle
Dissecting an International Partnership ..............................................
Michael Hatton and Kent Schroeder
Part VI
28
417
481
501
Introduction: Envisioning New Community College

Models Internationally
Community Colleges as Learning Centers

for Migrant Workers in Manufacturing Areas in China....................
Minghua Li and Henry Levin
517
xvi
29
Contents
Building a Knowledge-Based Society:

The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan ......................................................
Zulfiya Tursunova and Nodira Azizova
545
30
Junior Colleges in the Islamic Republic of Iran ..................................

Shahrzad Kamyab
561
31
A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan...............

M. Max Hamon
569
32
Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future ..............

Miloni Gandhi
589
33
Globalization Theory and Policy Implications

for Community College Leaders...........................................................
Robert A. Frost
603
The Challenge of Change: International Adoption

of Community College Models......................................................................
Edward Valeau
615
Author Index...................................................................................................
619
Subject Index ..................................................................................................
627
Contributors
Liliya Akhmadeeva currently is a Ph.D. Research Assistant and a Doctoral

Candidate in the Department of Educational Sciences at Eastern Mediterranean
University, in North Cyprus. She is also teaching the course Social Psychology
to undergraduate students. Her research interests include sex education and HIV/
AIDS preventive educational programs, gender issues, and problems of identity.
Xavier Alphonse, S.J., Ph.D., is a Jesuit priest who worked in Higher Education in
India for the last 28 years. He is the pioneer of the Community College Movement
in India from 1995 and was instrumental in establishing 213 Community Colleges
in 19 states of India. He is a member of the University Grants Commission (UGC)
and a member of the Distance Education Council (DEC), New Delhi.
Nodira Azizova is an independent researcher on education sector development,
agrarian changes, ecology, water, and health issues in Uzbekistan. She works with
the Ministry of Public Education of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Institute of
Problem of Higher and Secondary Specialized Education on projects related to
development of curriculum and Information and Communication Technologies in
education funded by USAID, UNDP, and JICA. Nodira Azizova holds Masters
degree in Journalism from Tashkent State University, Uzbekistan.
Sylvia S. Bagley, Ph.D. is the Fritz Burns Endowed Professor in Education at
Mount Saint Marys College in Los Angeles, where she is Director of the Masters
Program in Instructional Leadership. She is a first-generation Norwegian-American,
and was pleased to discover while conducting research for this chapter that her
great-grandparents met at a folk high school in Norway in the late 1800s.
George R. Boggs, Ph.D. in educational administration from The University of
Texas at Austin, is the President and Chief Executive Officer of the American
Association of Community Colleges (AACC) based in Washington, DC. AACC
represents over 1,100 associate degree-granting institutions and more than 11 million
students. Dr. Boggs previously served as the superintendent/president of Palomar
Community College in California. He also served as a member of the National
Research Council Committee on Undergraduate Science Education.
xvii
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Contributors
Amy Shi-min Chen, Ph.D., is Director of Division of Professional Services for

Local Schools at National Taiwan Normal University. She is the Editor of
The Journal of Secondary Education. She is currently the coinvestigator of Taiwan
in the research of International Civic and Citizenship Education Study, conducted
by the International Association for Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA),
a project that includes 40 countries. Her research domains involve Sociology of
Education, Adult Education, and Citizenship.
Gilbert Cijntje, Ph.D., is Associate Professor at the University of the Netherlands
Antilles. His teaching area is Research Methods, Methodology for undergraduate
and graduate students. He is also program director for the program Master in
Business Administration in Educational Management, offered in cooperation with
the University of Groningen and Rotterdam, the Netherlands, and the University of
Wisconsin.
Arthur M. Cohen, Ph.D., is emeritus professor of higher education at the University
of California, Los Angeles. The information in this chapter has been expatiated in
his book, The American Community College, coauthored with Florence B. Brawer
(2008).
Nitza Davidovitch, Ph.D., is from Bar Ilan University, and Head the Department
of Academic Development at Israels largest public college, the Academic College
of Judea and Samaria. Dr. Davidovitch is active in community services in issues
relating to the Holocaust and Jewish identity, cultivating the cultural history of
Jewish sects, and moral education.
Robert DeBard, Ed.D., Associate Professor, Higher Education and Student Affairs,
Bowling Green State University. He is the former Campus Executive Officer of
Firelands College, the 2-year regional campus of Bowling Green State University.
Donald A. Dellow, Ed.D., is an Associate Professor of Higher Education,
University of South Florida, Tampa, Florida. He served in administrative positions
in several community colleges, including serving as the president of Broome
Community College for 15 years. He has been a long-time advocate for greater
internationalization of community colleges.
Daniel C. DoBell, Ph.D. candidate, is the Associate Director of the Research Park
at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and EnterpriseWorks technology
incubator. His research interests include start-up business formation, entrepreneurship and university-sponsored technology business incubation.
Robert Edwards, is a Senior Lecturer at the University of Glamorgan, UK. He has
worked in various sides of the IT industry, and lectured in IT, manufacturing production control, and public administration. His publications include articles on
student self-assessment. He is now personal and academic tutor to Combined
Studies students. He holds a Patoss Practising Certificate, and the AMBDA qualification, for SpLD assessment. He assesses adult students for dyslexia, dyspraxia,
and dyscalculia.
Contributors
xix
Paul A. Elsner, Ed.D., is the Chancellor Emeritus of Maricopa Community Colleges.

He also served on the Board of Directors of the American Association of Community
Colleges (AACC), and has been elected to the Board of Directors of the American
Council on International Intercultural Education.
Robert A. Frost, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of Higher Education Leadership
at Oregon State University. He also heads the Community College Emerging
Leaders Institute at OSU and serves as the Director of Education for Community
Colleges for International Development (CCID).
Miloni Gandhi is a doctoral candidate at the University of California at
Los Angeles in Social Sciences and Comparative Education. Her research interests
include higher education in the Asia Pacific region and International Exchanges.
Inna Gorlova is a doctoral fellow at Eastern Michigan University in the Department
of Leadership and Counseling. She was a Ford Foundation Fellow with the Institute
for International Education from 2004 to 2006. She has 2 decades of experience in
Russian higher education having taught at the Voronezh State University and
working for NGO on educational regional and international (former USSR) projects
with grants from Eurasia Foundation, Soros Foundation, United State Agency for
International Development (USAID), International Research and Exchange Board
(IREX).
Jeanette Grant-Woodham is the Senior Programme Officer, for the Tertiary-Level
Institutions Unit, University of the West Indies, and has led many of the initiatives
for collaboration/partnerships between the UWI and other Tertiary-Level Institutions
in the Caribbean region and serves as Chairperson of the Council of Community
Colleges of Jamaica (CCCJ).
Barrel Gueye, Ed.D. in Educational Theory and Practice from SUNY Binghamton,
New York, is currently an Assistant Professor of Education at East Stroudsburg
University in Pennsylvania. Her research emphasizes women and education, comparison and international education, cultural and women studies, the history of
higher education in sub-Saharan Africa and the Senegalese international
migrations.
M. Max Hamon is an instructor at the University of Prince Edward Island, Canada.
He has an M.Phil from Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland, and a M.A. from the
Central European University, Budapest. After receiving his degree, he spent 2 years
teaching with the Aga Khan Humanities Project in Dushanbe, Tajikistan. He is currently involved with developing a Global Issues course at UPEI as part of a writing
requirement for all incoming undergraduate students.
Michael Hatton, M.B.A. from York University and a Ph.D. from the University
of Toronto, is Vice President Academic at Humber College in Toronto. He is an
associate member of the graduate faculty of the University of Toronto and holds
similar appointments with Central Michigan University and the University of
Guelph.
xx
Contributors
Olda Hoare, Ph.D. in Community College Leadership at University of South Florida,

serves as the Sacred Heart Junior College, San Ignacio, Belize. She is interested in
the influence of governmental policies on higher education in developing countries,
and in further strengthening the junior colleges in her own country of Belize.
Nguyen Huy Vi is the Vice Rector, Phu Yen University (PYU). He also teaches
Mathematics and Educational Management and has written several articles on
Community Colleges in Vietnam Scientific Reviews since 1993.
Sarah A. Ingle teaches entrepreneurship and new enterprise development in Dublin
City University Business School, Ireland. She is a chartered engineer with many
years experience in industry, and her current research interests include entrepreneurship education and business incubation performance measurement. Sarah
received a Fulbright Award in 2006, and spent the spring semester of 2007 in
Arizona State University, Phoenix.
Yaacov Iram, Ph.D., is Professor of Comparative and International Education at
the School of Education and former Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences of Bar
Ilan University, Israel. He is the Chairholder of the Burg Chair in Education for
Human Values, Tolerance and Peace, and of the UNESCO Chair on Human Rights,
Democracy, Peace, Tolerance, and International Understanding. His research intrest
are in comparative and social policy of education affecting higher education and
multiculturalism.
Judith Irwin is the Director of International Programs and Services of the
American Association of Community Colleges. She works with federal agencies
and the diplomatic community and manages special projects with the Academy for
Educational Development, Institute for International Education, Council for the
International Exchange of Scholars, The College Board, and Peace Corps; and
serves as liaison to the AACC Commission on Global Education and the Community
College for International Development (CCID), an AACC-affiliated council.
W. James Jacob, Ph.D. in Education from UCLA, is the Director of the Institute
for International Studies in Education at the University of Pittsburghs School of
Education. His research focuses on HIV/AIDS multisectoral prevention and capacity building; orphaned and vulnerable children programs; and higher education
organizational analysis in developing countries with geographic emphases in
Africa, East Asia, and the Pacific Islands. Jacob is also Coeditor of Palgrave
Macmillans International and Development Education Book Series and Sense
Publishers Pittsburgh Studies in Comparative Education.
Shahrzad Kamyab, Ph.D., has been a professor of comparative education and a
teacher educator at Chapman University. She has been invited to Iran to teach at the
University of Tehran and to conduct workshops for the Iranian educators. Currently,
she is an international education consultant.
Jim Kusch, Ph.D., is a professor of educational research Eastern Mediterranean
University. His research interests include action research and student assessment
Contributors
xxi
and program evaluation. He has carried out research and given papers at numerous
scholarly conferences in Asia, Europe, and the Americas.
Dang Ba Lam is a Senior Researcher, National Institute for Education Strategy and
Curriculum Development. He was the President of the Vietnam National Institute
for Education Development (19922003), published 24 books and more than 60
articles on higher education and education policy and implemented more than 20
R&D projects on Education.
Henry Levin, Ph.D., is the William Heard Kilpatrick Professor of Economics and
Education at Teachers College, Columbia University and the David Jacks Professor
of Higher Education and Economics, Emeritus, at Stanford University (19681999).
He is also a Guest Professor at the Institute of Economics of Education at Peking
University and was the Wei Lun Visiting Professor at the Chinese University of
Hong Kong. He is currently (20082009) President of the Comparative and
International Education Society (CIES).
Minghua Li, Ph.D. in Economics of Education from Stanford, is an associate
Professor, School of Public Administration, East China Normal University. He has
done some work in market research and economics of education. In the recent 3
years he has focused on migrant workers education issues in China. He is the principal investigator of the Ford Foundation-sponsored action research project to
provide solutions to the migrant workers continuing education problems.
Takayoshi Maki, Ph.D. in Comparative Education from Hiroshima University, is a
postdoctoral fellow at the Graduate School of Social and Cultural Sciences,
Kumamoto University, Japan. His research is on teacher education reform in Thailand,
where he was an exchange student at Chulalongkorn University for a year and a visiting researcher at the Ministry of Education for 8 months. During these times, he
conducted extensive fieldwork at multiple sites, such as Ministry of Education, local
educational administration offices, and local schools in northeast Thailand.
Camille N. Morris is an Administrative Officer, Tertiary-Level Institutions Unit,
University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica, since 2005. A graduate of the University
of the West Indies, she holds a Masters in Government (International Relations and
International Law). Through the TLIU, Ms. Morris has contributed to research papers
and preparation of the manuscript for publication relating to higher/tertiary education.
Douglas Mpondi, Ph.D. in Cultural Studies from Ohio University, teaches Africana
Studies courses at the University of Michigan-Flint. He has contributed chapters on
the politics of educational change in Zimbabwe and Culture and Development in
edited texts. His research interests include globalization and education; the intersection of culture and politics in Southern Africa; African political economy and
democratic transitions in Africa; education and international development; cultural
diversity and popular culture.
Christopher B. Mugimu, Ph.D. in Education from Brigham Young University, is
a Lecturer and Acting Head of the Department of Curriculum, Teaching, and Media
xxii
Contributors
at Makerere Universitys School of Education. Mugimu has directed projects

involved in creating exemplary e-curriculum content for teacher trainees to use
during their practicum.
Yusuf K. Nsubuga is Commissioner for Secondary Education and HIV/AIDS
Education Sector Coordinator for the Uganda Ministry of Education and Sports. He
holds a Masters degree in Education (Planning and Management) from Makerere
University and had postgraduate training at the University of East Anglia, Norwich
(England), in planning for social and economic impact of HIV/AIDS in developing
countries. Prior to joining the Uganda AIDS Commission and the National AIDS
Control Program in 1994, Nsubuga served as a school administrator for 11 years.
Along with some colleagues, Nsubuga established the Uganda Network on Law
Ethics and HIV/AIDS and later became coordinator of the African Network on Law
Ethics and HIV/AIDS. He sits on several national committees, including the
Partnership Forum and the National Coordination Committee of the Global Fund to
Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria.
Diane E. Oliver, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor, Community College Leadership
Program, National-Louis University. Her scholarship over the past several years has
focused on higher education and community colleges in Vietnam.
Gulen Onurkan is a Senior Instructor at the English Preparatory School of Eastern
Mediterranean University in North Cyprus and is a Doctoral Candidate at Educational
Sciences in Eastern Mediterranean University. She is interested in classroom research
and has a B.A. from Istanbul University and a M.A. from at Bilkent University.
Eriola Pema is a Doctoral student in the Department of Educational Sciences at
Eastern Mediterranean University, North Cyprus. Her research interests include
International Relations, Conflict Resolution, and Peace Education. She is currently
working as a Ph.D. Research Assistant in the Department of Educational Sciences
at Eastern Mediterranean University.
Nguyen Thi Thanh Phuong, Ph.D., is the Country Director, Vietnam Education
Foundation Office, Hanoi. She was formerly a Lecturer and Senior Officer in the
Office of International Relations and Research Affairs, University of Social
Sciences and Humanities-Ho Chi Minh City.
Gerard Postiglione, Ph.D., is Professor and Head, Division of Policy, Administration,
and Social Science, Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong. He is
coeditor of the journal Chinese Education and Society, and editor of four book
series about China. His books include Asian Higher Education, East Asia at School,
Education and Social Change in China, China National Minority Education,
Education and Society in Hong Kong, and Hong Kongs Reunion with China.
Pattanida Punthumasen is Chief, International Strategic and Educational
Development Group, Office of the Education Council, Thailand, and received her
Master of Arts from Chulalongkorn University. She has worked in Thailands
Ministry of Education such as Office of the Basic Education Commission, Bureau
of Nonformal Education and Office of the Education Council (OEC), where she
Contributors
xxiii
was responsible for formulating national education policies and plans, and was
involved in international cooperation projects on education. In addition, she has
written many articles on education reform in Thailand, published in daily newspapers and some magazines.
Rosalind Latiner Raby, Ph.D. in Comparative Education from UCLA, is a Senior
Lecturer at California State University, Northridge, in the Educational Leadership
and Policy Studies Department of the College of Education. Since 1985, she has
served as the Director of California Colleges for International Education, a consortium
whose membership includes 84 California community colleges and is the
Community College Representative for both NAFSA Region XII and NAFSA
Education Abroad Knowledge Community.
Tamara J. Rice is a former doctoral research assistant at Bowling Green State
University and now is the Assistant Dean of Students and Director of Student Life
at Occidental College.
Val D. Rust, Ph.D., is Professor of Education at UCLA. He is the Director of the
UCLA International Education Office, the Head of the Social Sciences and
Comparative Education Division in the Department of Education, and the Associate
Director of the Center for International and Development Education. Dr. Rust is a
former President of the Comparative and International Education Society.
Kent Schroeder is International Project Director in the Business School at Humber
College in Toronto. He has managed education and capacity building partnerships
in Asia, Africa, Eastern Europe, and the Canadian Arctic. He holds an M.A. from
the University of Calgary.
Ibra Sene, Ph.D. from Michigan State University and a Maitrise and DEA in
History, where he was a 2005 SSRC IDRF recipient, has a DSSIC (Masters of
Library and Information Science) from Universit Cheikh Anta Diop, Dakar,
Senegal. He is now Assistant Professor of History at the College of Wooster,
Wooster, Ohio. Senes current research interests include the history of education,
migrations, and youth movements in Senegal and West Africa.
Marisol Silva Laya is a Researcher at Instituto de Investigaciones para el
Desarrollo de la Educacin (INIDE), Universidad Iberoamericana Ciudad de
Mxico, Prolongacin Paseo de la Reforma 880, Lomas de Santa Fe.
Pham Xuan Thanh, Ph.D., is Deputy General Director, The General Department
of Education for Testing and Accreditation, Ministry of Education and Training
(MOET), Vietnam. He also has served as an Expert in Ph.D. and Masters training,
Department of Postgraduate Training, MOET.
Rosita Tormala-Nita, Ph.D., is an Educational Foundations faculty and currently
teaches at the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater and in prior years she taught
Comparative Education at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, in addition to
Language Planning and International Systems of Education at the University of the
Netherlands, Antilles. Online course management systems are an integral aspect of
her teachings connecting students and institutions.
xxiv
Contributors
Do Quoc Trung is the Rector, Kien Giang Community College, since its founding
in 2002. He also is Director of the Kien Giang Continuing Education Center, and
was formerly an Administrator at Can Tho University.
Zulfiya Tursunova has a major in Education from the University of World Languages
in Uzbekistan, and a Master of Arts in Education Administration at Kent State
University, USA, and Master of Arts in Peace and Conflict Studies, European
University Center for Peace Studies, Austria. She is currently a lecturer on peace education,
conflict resolution courses, gender, migration, and development issues who has been
working with different local, regional, and international organizations.
Edward Valeau, Ed.D., is the President emeritus of Hartnell Community College in
Salinas, California, and President emeritus of California Colleges for International
Education. He is currently the Senior Partner in the Education Leadership Services
Group, LLC. Dr. Valeau has been a Fulbright Community College Specialist to India
and Nepal. He was the former Chair of the AACC International Commission and
member of the American Council on International Intercultural Education.
Wei-ni Wang, Ph.D. in Higher, Adult and Lifelong Education at Michigan State
University, is currently an Assistant Professor at the Department of Adult and
Continuing Education, National Chung Cheng University in Taiwan. Her research
is on leadership and administrative issues in community colleges. Recently, Wang
has been appointed to serve on the regional accreditation and evaluation committee
of the Taiwanese community colleges.
David N. Wilson, Ph.D., was a world-renowned scholar and practitioner in comparative education and international development with an emphasis on planning and
evaluation of occupational and vocational training and education, human resource,
and education system planning and development in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
He was a Professor of the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of
Toronto, from 1968 until his retirement in 2004. Until his death, he consulted for
many governments, maintained leadership in several professional scholarly societies
and influenced the thinking and lives of his many grateful students.
Laurence Wolff, Ph.D. in Education from Harvard Graduate School of Education,
has been an education consultant since 1998 with the Inter-American Development
Bank, UNESCO, USAID, the World Bank, and other international agencies and
institutions. From 1974 to 1998, he was an education projects officer at the World
Bank where he worked on education policy issues in Latin America and the
Caribbean, Africa, and the Middle East. He has published on education financing,
role of private education, cost-effectiveness of education policies, the use of technology in education, educational assessments, and science and technology.
Charste Coetzee Wolhuter, is a Comparative Education Professor at North-West
University, Potchefstroom Campus, South Africa. He has lectured in History of
Education and Comparative Education at the University of Pretoria and the
University of Zululand, and is the author of several books and articles on History
of Education and Comparative Education.
Contributors
xxv
Eboni M. Zamani-Gallaher, Ph.D. in Higher Education Administration with a

specialization in Community College Leadership and Educational Evaluation from
the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, is an Associate Professor and
Coordinator of the Community College Leadership Program in the Department of
Leadership and Counseling at Eastern Michigan University.
Acronyms
NOTE: Many chapters in this book utilize the same acronyms. These acronyms
refer to single or multi-country associations, nongovernment organizations
(NGOs), and multinational development agencies. Only acronyms that are utilized
in multiple chapters are included on this page. The first reference of each
acronym is spelled out in the respective chapter. Subsequent uses are referred to
only by the acronym.
AACC
AACJC
ACCC
ACTC
AD
ADB
ATC
American Association of Community Colleges

American Junior and Community College Association
Association of Canada Community Colleges
Advanced Craft Technical Certificate
Advanced Diploma
Asian Development Bank
Advanced Technical Certificate
BCTC
B.Ed.
B.Sc.Ed.
BTC
BTVET
BTVI
Basic Crafts Technical Certificate

Bachelor of Education
Bachelor of Science in Education
Basic Technical Certificate
Business, Technical and Vocational Education and Training
Bahamas Technical Vocational Institute
CAPE
CARICOM
CCBA
CCCJ
CCID
CEV
CIDA
CKLN
CSEC
CSME
CXC
Caribbean Advance Proficiency Exam

Caribbean Community Regulations
Community College Baccalaureate Association
Council of Community Colleges of Jamaica
Community Colleges for International Development
Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Vietnam)
Canadian International Development Agency
Caribbean Knowledge and Leaning Network
Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate
Caribbean Single Market Economy
Caribbean Examinations Council
xxvii
xxviii
Acronyms
ELATE
EWCCC
E-Learning and Teacher Education

East-West Community College Consortium
FE
FTC
Colleges of Further Education (UK)

Full Technical Certificate
GOSPLAN
GTZ
State Planning Committee (Soviet Union)

German Technical Cooperation
HE
HEI
HERA
Higher Education
Higher Education Institutions
Higher Education Reform Agenda (Vietnam)
IAC
ICT
IIEP
ISCED
IT
IT
IUT
International Association of College

Information, Communication and Technology
International Institute for Educational Planning (under UNESCO)
International Standard Classification of Education
Information Technology
Institutes of Technology
Frances Instituts Universitaires de Technologie
JICA
JTC
Japan International Cooperation Agency

Junior Technical Certificate
K.I.Asia
The Kenan Institute of Asia
MDG
Millennium Development Goals
MOET
Ministry of Education and Training (Vietnam)
NAFTA
North American Free Trade Agreement
OD
Ordinary Diploma
PGDE
PIN
PLE
Postgraduate Diploma in Education

Postsecondary International Network
Primary Leaving Examination
TAFE
TVET
Technical and Further Education

Technical and Vocational Education and Training
UCJ
UCWI
UNESCO
USAID
USAID/ALO
UWI
University Council of Jamaica

University College of the West Indies
United Nations Education and Scientific Organization
United States Agency for International Aid
US Agency for International Development/The Association
Liaison Office for University Cooperation in Development
University of West Indies
VACC
VTI
Vietnam Association of Community Colleges

Vocational Technical Institute
WTO
World Trade Organization
Part I
Introduction: Community College

Formation and Foundation
This introductory part provides a theoretical construct upon which the remaining
chapters are built. A cohesive definition of community college models fails to
exist because these institutions are unique to their local environment. Nonetheless,
similarities unite these postsecondary institutions. The chapter by Rosalind Latiner
Raby explores the basic characteristics that intersect these institutions worldwide
and illustrates how the distinct lines between them are increasingly becoming
blurred. These institutions offer the skills-based training that is needed to grow
social and economic capital through non-degree and terminal certificate short-cycle
programs, career programs, and associated-level diplomas for vocational training,
technical occupation, community education, lifelong learning, and academic/lower
division courses that allow students to transfer to a university. In the second chapter,
Raby explores the role that globalization plays in the development of community
college models that intersect both humanitarian (providing access to higher education for the masses) and economic (building the skills for workforce training)
philosophical rationales.
The part concludes with Art Cohens description of the US model which stands
between compulsory education and the postsecondary sector, and provides the first
2 years of college along with occupational training and developmental studies.
Most authors in this volume maintain that the US model is a launching point from
which many other models are based. While, as this book illustrates, there are indeed
many countries that have influenced community college models and continue to do
so, the US model is most cited as being the impetus for development and reform.
Addressing local and globalization challenges has made each model unique which
is exemplified in the remaining chapters.
Chapter 1
Defining the Community College Model

Introduction
Despite recent advances for countries to offer compulsory secondary education,
traditional universities have not altered their structure to respond to the social
demands for higher education. University admittance remains limited and therefore highly competitive. Fifteen years ago, Cerych (1993, p. 5) noted that the
existence of a recognized alternative to traditional universities [is] indispensable.
Today, this alternative pathway has become the domain of the community college
model which not only offers options for university overflow, but also offers a
second chance for nontraditional students to achieve a higher education. These
institutions maintain a flexibility characteristic that enables them to idealize and
demonstrate in a practical way the means by which new generations can receive
skills to ensure a stable employment that in turn increases economic development, social prosperity, and improves social conditions.1 Even in countries where
the term democracy is not utilized, the concept remains that these institutions
provide opportunity and an equalization where none previously existed. The skillsbased training that is needed to grow economic and social capital is that skill-set
that community college models provide.
Although these institutions play a cohesive role in national education forums,
a basic understanding of their construct remains illusive due to the fact that these
institutions are defined by local needs. Despite the variance, basic similarities exist
that define community college models as a unique form of postsecondary education
that offers short-term semi- and professional terminal courses as well as an academic curriculum that results in an associate in arts or sciences, and in some cases,
the means to transfer to 4-year universities. The curriculum is more advanced than
secondary school, but remains below the baccalaureate level, except for those few
models that offer baccalaureate degrees. According to Cohen and Brawer (2003)
community colleges include public and private comprehensive two-year colleges
and technical institutions, but exclude vocational schools and adult education centers
and proprietary business and trade colleges (p. 5). Raby (1996) details the various terms2 that have defined these institutions, and Table 1.1 depicts the array of
institutions that exist worldwide. While various countries call these institutions by
R.L. Raby, E.J. Valeau (eds.), Community College Models,

Springer Science + Business Media B.V. 2009
R.L. Raby
Table 1.1 Community college models (Chart compiled from Cohen, 1995, pp. 1318; Kintzer,
1994, pp. 616; Raby and Tarrow, 1996, pp. 197203)
Name
Countries that have these institutions
Colegio Nacional de Education
Professional Tecnia (CONALEP)
College of Applied Arts and
Technology
College dEnseignement Gnral
et Professionel
Colleges of Further Education
Colleges of Technology
Community College
Ecole de France (ESTC)

Folkhighschool
Fachochschuelen
Higher Technicians Section

Institute of Technology
Institute of Vocational Training
Junior College
Polytechnic
Regional (or District) Colleges
Regional Technical Institutes

(Terciarios) Regional Technical
Institutes of Latin America
Secondary Special, Vocational
Education
Special Training School
Technical and Further Education
College (TAFEs)
Mexico (found in 24 states)

Canada
Canada
Australia; Great Britain; Scotland
Japan
Australia; Bahamas; Barbados; Belarus; Belgium;
Belize; Bulgaria; Burma; Canada; China; Czech
Republic; Dominican Republic; Egypt; Ghana;
Guyana; Hungary; India; Ireland; Israel; Japan;
Jordan; Korea; Malaysia; Pakistan; Qatar; Russia;
Scotland; Singapore; Slovak Republic; Slovenia;
South Africa; Surinam Republic; Taiwan; Tanzania;
Thailand; United States; Vietnam; Yemen;
Zimbabwe
France
Austria; Denmark; Finland; Germany; Iceland;
Netherlands; Norway; Sweden
Austria; Denmark; Germany; Liechtenstein;
Netherlands; Norway; Slovak Republic; Sweden;
Switzerland
France
Ireland; New Zealand
Greece
Belize; Canada; China; Iceland; India; Iran; Israel;
Japan; Jordan; Malaysia; Scotland; Sri Lanka;
Taiwan; Tatarstan; Tajikistan; United States
Australia; Bahamas; Barbados; Belarus; Belgium;
Belize; Britain; Burma; Canada; China; Denmark;
France; Germany; Ghana; Iceland; Iraq; Kazakhstan;
Korea; Mexico; New Zealand; Russia; Slovak
Republic; Zimbabwe
Austria; Chile; China; Ethiopia; Iran; Ireland; India;
Israel; Mauritius; Norway; Pakistan; Spain;
Tanzania; Ukraine
Argentina; Barbados; Belize; Chile; Columbia; Ecuador;
El Salvador; Mexico
Academic Lyceums and Vocational Colleges,
Uzbekistan
Chile; Iraq; Japan; Kazakhstan; Mexico
Australia
(continued)
Table 1.1 (continued)

Name
Technical College/ Institute
Tribal (Indigenous) Colleges

Two-Year Vocational University
Universidad de las Americas

University Institute of Technology
Instituts Universersitaires
Technologiques (IUTs)
Upper Secondary School
Vishe Skhole
Volkshochschule
Workers College
Countries that have these institutions

Australia; Belgium; Burma; Canada; Chile; China;
Columbia; Burma; Canada; Chile; China; Columbia;
Denmark; Ecuador; El Salvador; Eritrea; Ethiopia;
France; Germany; Greece; Ghana; Guyana;
Hungary; Iceland; India; Indonesia; Inner Mongolia;
Mozambique; Iran; Iraq; Ireland; Japan; Jordan;
Kazakhstan; Kenya; Korea; Malaysia; Mexico;
Mauritius; New Zealand; Pakistan; Russia; Scotland;
Singapore; Spain; South Africa; Sweden; Taiwan;
Tanzania; Thailand; Ukraine; United Kingdom;
United States; Zimbabwe
Australia; Canada; New Zealand; Taiwan; United States
Dazhuan; Gaodeng Zhiye Jishe Xueyuan; Gaozhi
Peoples Republic of China
Tanki-Daigaku Japan
Jeonmun Taehack or Chonmun Taehack Korea
Dominican Republic
Eritrea; France; Czech Republic
Sweden
Bulgaria; Hungary; Kazakhstan; Russia; Slovak
Republic; Slovenia; Ukraine
Germany
Peoples Republic of China
different names (most notably, 2-year college, junior college, technical college, polytechnics, college of further education, and community college), the distinct lines
between these terms are increasingly becoming blurred. In fact, this book will use
all of these various terms interchangeably and will refer to them as community college models. This chapter identifies those historic and contemporary characteristics
of community college models that make them distinct from other postsecondary
institutions. A foundation emerges to explain the continued attractiveness of this
model upon which the various chapters in this book elaborate.
Historical Development of the Community College Model

The foundation for contemporary community college models is found in four
distinct institutions. In the nineteenth century, the Scandinavian Folk High School
offered nonformal adult education for local community interests while the German
Volkhochschulen defined formalized postsecondary, preuniversity institutions
throughout Europe, Canada, and the United States. The European Polytechnic
R.L. Raby
and Institute of Technology offered alternatives to university academics, while

the United States Junior College targeted nontraditional students on an academic
course of study. Some junior colleges became multifunction institutions with a
range of missions, including the ability to transfer credits and finish education at a
4-year institution. Combined, these diverse institutions laid the foundation for what
has become the community college model.
Community college models multiplied from 1950 to 1975. In 1971, Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) convened the first conference
to define these institutions. While delegates attended from Britain, France, Norway,
the United States, and Yugoslavia, the final description closely resembled the US
model. Even though, the US model arose out of a particular set of sociohistorical
conditions unique to the United States (Postiglione, 2001), selected aspects remain
adaptable. In the 1970s, designs that focused on US characteristics were developed
in Taiwan, Thailand, and Suriname. In the 1980s, variations arose in 12 countries
on four continents.3 By the mid-1990s, models were introduced in over 90 nations.4
It must be noted that several community college models are based on the French
Technical model, such as are found in Iran and Mexico. Since 2002, the World Bank
and other nongovernmental organization (NGO) policies further intensified the adoption of community college model characteristics worldwide (World Bank, 2003).
A lack of a concise identity illustrates the complexity of these institutions, as illustrated by the failure of the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED,
1997) to secure a category in which the community college model would be placed.
Community college characteristics straddle both Level 4: Postsecondary Non-tertiary
Education as they (a) exist between upper-secondary and postsecondary education,
(b) provide pre-degree foundation courses for Level 5, (c) provide short-vocational
programs that have direct labor-market entry, (d) allow typically older and nontraditional students, (e) support a curriculum that is 6 months to 2 years, and (f) include
adult education; and Level 5: First State of Tertiary Education as they (a) provide
preparation for high-skills jobs and those with practical/technical and occupational
skills, (b) support a curriculum that is a minimum of 2 years, and (c) have faculty who
have obtained advanced research credentials. This multidirectional focus merely adds
to the mystique, lack of voice, and minimal prestige of these institutions.
The immense popularity of community college models is that they satisfy a
basic education that serves a societal void, and in so doing, accommodates educational needs of the communities they serve (Levin, 2001). Student enrollment
underscores the crucial role that these institutions play worldwide. Canadian community colleges serve 900,000 full-time and 1.5 million part-time students in over
900 campuses, about 40% of total higher education enrollment (ACCC, 2008).5
A total of 11.6 million students attend 1,200 US colleges representing 42% of all
higher educational institutions.6 Percentages of student enrollment in community
college models are significant in Israel (58%), Korea and France (20% each), and
Japan (26%). Even in countries where these institutions are new, student enrollment
is substantial. India has an enrollment of 54,519, Thailand enrolls 13,000 students
in degree programs and an additional 30,000 in short-term community service
programs, and Jordan enrolls 20,000 students nationwide (Wilkie, 2007). Table 1.2
depicts the number of institutions worldwide.
Table 1.2 Quantity of community college models: 2008

Country
#
Country
#
Country
#
Country
Community college or junior college

Korea
Qatar
Yemen
Malaysia
Dominican
Republic
China
Belize
10
Thailand
39,737
Vietnam
10
Uzbekistan
13
Bulgaria
40
Jordan
45
Southern
India
61
India
(entire)
209
Taiwan
Tribal
10,714
Japan
561 (public)
3,000 (private)
Israel
62
Canada
560
United
States
1,255
Canadian colleges: British Columbia (18); Yukon Region (1); Alberta (16); Northwest
Territories (1); Manitoba (6); Nunayut Region (1); Saskatchewan (10); Ontario (28);
Quebec (49); New Brunswick (2); Newfoundland and Labrador (3); Nova Scotia (6)
College of further education
Australia
Britain
682
Scotland
38
Germany
20 F 900
V
Training institutes or special training schools (postsecondary) or Vishe Skhole

Kazakhstan
21
Japan
152
Iraq
42
Chile
44
Mexico
67
Institutes of technology, regional technical colleges, polytechnics, regional colleges,

or university colleges
Singapore
Ghana
10
Ireland
New
Zealand
20
Norway
Korea
152
South
Africa
15
Kenya
15
Ukraine
15
Mozambique
27
25
Japan
62
Australia
120
152
Mexico
254
Argentina
1,500
Fachochschuelen, Volkhochschulen, Folkhighschool

Germany
20 F; 900 V
Country and international networks mark the sustainability of community college models. Canada, Thailand, and Vietnam have their own national associations.
A decade after the 1971 OECD conference, the 1983 Postsecondary International
Network met to detail OECD standards with representatives from community
college models in Canada, Great Britain, and the United States. In 1998, the
International Association of Colleges initiated collaborative partnerships with six
countries on academic and administrative projects, including joint curricula and
academic support programs. In 1999, 36 European countries established The First
European Community College network to develop European community colleges
based on the Grundtvigian Folk School model for European citizenship education
R.L. Raby
and EU workforce preparation.7 Recent European Bologna Reforms streamlined

transfer criteria between similar institutional types (Raffe, 2004). Finally, the World
Federation of Colleges and Polytechnics in 1999 facilitated directed collaborations
through the World Congress, which has subsequently met in Quebec City (1999),
Melbourne (2003), Dubai (2005), and the United States (2008).8
Community college models are most successful in countries where (a) market
forces create a need for postsecondary institutions whose skilled technicians are in
demand to support technological, vocational, and industrial development; (b) adult
and continuing education is legitimized as postsecondary education; and (c) postsecondary education is equated with social and economic mobility.
Community College Model Characteristics

Modifications of community college models at the local level preserve a uniqueness
of form that is expressed through diversity of institutional type, mission, and curriculum. Yet, seven characteristics cross national boundaries and examples for each
of these characteristics are found in Table 1.3.
Postsecondary and Post-compulsory

All community college models are post-compulsory, that is, they provide a course
for study after the required level of education. Most models are also postsecondary,
although some originated as an upward extension of secondary school. In countries
where compulsory education ends early, community college models provide
courses of 45 years in duration, and serve upper secondary grades 1314 and
paraprofessional functions for apprentice training or intermediate technical education
(Cohen, 1995). Examples include stand-alone institutions in Singapore and colleges
that are part of a secondary system, such as Indonesian polytechnics, German
upper-level specialized colleges, or early nineteenth century US 13th grade option,
junior colleges. These programs typically have a semi-professional focus with no
degrees or with defined terminal degrees or certificates.
In countries where secondary completion in a 10+ year system is the norm, community college models accentuate pre-baccalaureate short-cycle certificates that
offer foundational or mid-level labor skills in academic, vocational, professional,
or technological studies. Cohen and Bawer (2003, p. 26) claim that no other countries but the United States (and to some extent Canada) have formed comprehensive
community colleges based on the premise that compulsory schooling continues
for a greater number of years for Americas young people than it does in any other
nation, a phenomenon seeding the desire for more schooling. However, as secondary education becomes increasingly common, this no longer remains a unique
characteristic.
Table 1.3 Specific characteristics of community college models

Binary construct
Argentina; Barbados; Britain; Colombia; Denmark; Dominican
Republic; Egypt; El Salvador; France; Hungary; Indonesia;
Israel; Mexico; New Zealand; Norway; Russia; Singapore;
Slovak Republic; Slovenia; Surinam Republic; Sweden; Taiwan;
Tatarstan; Thailand; Ukraine; United States; Vietnam; Yemen;
Zimbabwe
Binary construct with
Some countries that include university transfer are Barbados;
university transfer
Belize; Canada; Dominican Republic; Malaysia; Pakistan;
components
Qatar; Sweden and Thailand
Unitary construct
Hogeschool (Belgium), Regional Technical Colleges (RTCs,
Ireland), Ammattikorkeakoulu (Finland), Hogere Technische
School (HTS) (Netherlands), Yrkeshogskola (Sweden),
University Colleges (Israel and Norway) and Fachhochschule
(Austria, Germany, Liechtenstein and Switzerland)
IT/Polytechnics (Europe)
Offer baccalaureate
25 public and 50 independent US examples exist in Florida, Idaho,
degrees
Nevada and Utah, and Canadian examples exist in Alberta,
British Columbia, and Ontario
Community college
Waikato Institute of Technology, New Zealand, Kwantlen
baccalaureate
University College, British Columbia and Excelsior Community
association
College, Jamaica
founding members
Singular curricula: short
Argentina; Australia; Austria; Barbados; Belarus; Britain; Canada;
cycle vocational/
China; Czech Republic; Egypt; Ghana; Hungary; Iceland;
technical/occupational
Ireland; Israel; Jordan; Japan; Kazakhstan; Korea; Mexico;
programs
New Zealand; Russia; Singapore; Slovak Republic; South
Africa; Taiwan; Tatarstan; Thailand; Ukraine; United States
Singular curricula:
Argentina; Bahamas; Barbados; Belize; Burma; Canada; Chile;
specialized technical/
China; Colombia; Czech Republic; Denmark; Dominican
vocational programs
Republic; Ecuador; Egypt; El Salvador; France; Germany;
Ghana; Greece; Guyana; Hungary; Iceland; India; Indonesia;
Inner Mongolia; Iran; Iraq; Ireland; Israel; Jordan; Japan;
Kazakhstan; Kenya; Korea; Libya; Malaysia; Mexico; Mauritius;
Mozambique, Norway; Pakistan; Qatar; Russia; Scotland;
Singapore; Slovak Republic; Slovenia; South Africa; Spain;
Sri Lanka; Surinam Republic; Sweden; Taiwan; Tatarstan;
Thailand; Ukraine; United States; Vietnam; Zimbabwe
Binary Higher Educational System

Community college models are prolific in countries that support a binary system,
where there is a noted distinction between the traditional university and the community college model, with both typically publicly supported. Two patterns exist
in the binary construct. The first is where there is no ability for students to transfer
between institutions. Examples include Russian institutes of technology, upperlevel specialized colleges in France, and university colleges in Senegal. The second
pattern includes a bi- or tripartite structure with a feature that allows students, upon
culmination, an opportunity to transfer to a university to complete their baccalaureate.
10
R.L. Raby
Examples include the US community colleges, Indian technical colleges, Uzbekistan

academic lyceums, and the Singapore preuniversity center, all of whose missions
include a transfer curriculum.
In countries with a unitary system, some community college models are converging with universities to become a university college which offers a combination of
associate, baccalaureate, and masters degrees. Such transformations have occurred
since 1971 and many current universities began life as locally based vocational, or
further education college (McNair, 1997). Consolidations are intensifying in recent
years as seen in Australia, Canada, Israel, South Africa, and Vietnam,9 and are a
response to economic demands for upgrading technicaloccupational skills, a credentialization process which supports baccalaureate education, and most notably,
the instability of the community college model and its place within a higher
educational construct. It is interesting to note that where a binary construct ceases
to exist, new institutional types are imagined that are valued by business and industry. The expansion of the further education in the UK and the Technical and Further
Education (TAFE) in Australia is replacing functions previously performed by the
former polytechnics (Wilson, 2002).
Target Nontraditional Students

Community college models offer an alternative path and sometimes a second
chance for students who are not university-bound. Student demographics include
women, working and lower class, seniors, and those who have been excluded due
to race or ethnicity. Scottish further education colleges serve not typical higher
education students (Lowe and Vernon, 2007) who are older, have nontraditional
entry qualifications, study part-time, work full-time, have family commitments,
and come from less-advantaged backgrounds. This is a basic community college
models student profile where students must balance study, work, and personal/
family lives (Levin, 2001; Postiglione, 2001). Nontraditionality can retain societal
divisions, such as in Japan, where 88% of students are women, and whose curriculum reinforces gender stereotypes by focusing on a skill-set that is culturally
defined (Japan MEXT, 2005). Nonetheless, more often, nontraditionality provides
an option that results in feasible participation opportunities.
Distinguishable Length of Curriculum

Community college models offer a length of study that includes short-term programs of a few weeks or months and multiyear degree programs. Examples include
Singapore Polytechnics 2-year certificates in beauty therapy, nursing, electronics;
Jordans multiyear practical fields program in computer studies, education, hotel
management, interior design, nursing, pharmacology, and social work; and Indias
terminal 3-year technical and engineering programs.
11
Over the past decade, the countries offering baccalaureate degrees under a
4-year academic program have supported the Community College Baccalaureate
Association whose membership includes over a dozen countries. It is also not
unusual for community college models to confirm baccalaureates on site through
concurrent use of campus, but within the authority of a local or international university.
Levin (2001) claims that since these changes remain consistent with local community
needs, they do not alter the identity of the institution. Moreover, since these models
maintain so many other community college characteristics, a community college
continues to be a community college even if a four-year program is offered and a
BA degree is bestowed upon the institutions students (p. 5).
Lowered Status and Budgets Conferred by Government,

University Scholars, and the Populace
Community college models are seen as less than institutions as they provide
options for those who cannot attend traditional colleges because they lack
the requisite grades or funds (Wells, 2003). The lowered status is reinforced by
unique course offerings in vocational, remedial, and adult education. Most models
are consistently overlooked by policymakers despite their significant share of higher
education enrollment (Lowe and Vernon, 2007; OBanion, 1997). Lauglo (2003)
writes that in Kenya and Botswana, when vocational course options run parallel to
academic ones, social inequality can be reinforced by children of the elite going for
the academic options while those from disadvantaged background gravitate towards
vocational subjects (p. 7). Consistently, these institutions are chosen only by those
who rallied to get into the country[s] elite universities. Their poor reputation is
perpetuated by snobbery within higher education, which relegates these institutions
to the bottom of the budget barrel (McMurtrie, 2001, p. 46).
The purposeful dependency on the dictates of local university and/or business
reinforces the lack of self-determination of these institutions. The University
of Hong Kong prescribes syllabi and assessment methods used by Hku Space
Community College, Al-Balqa Applied University (Jordan) supervises all area
colleges, and the University of the West Indies has explicit connections with community college models throughout the Caribbean. Levin (2001, pp. 45) claims that
as long as community colleges are seen as a pipeline to the university, instead of a
separate field, the lowered status will continue.
Chronic underfunding perpetuates a lowered status. Funding typically comes
from local governments in rural or low-income sectors with an impoverished
budget. When funding is national, budgets remain low as these institutions are
perceived to be less expensive to maintain than a traditional university. Resulting
tuition is lower than the university, yet may still be out of reach for the poorest
students, such as with the Egyptian Mahads. The low status generates university
conversions. In Canada, several community colleges separated themselves from
non-BA-granting community colleges to forge a new identity with a higher status
12
R.L. Raby
and corresponding budget (Wilson, 2002; McMurtrie, 2001). Finally, the immense
popularity of community college models results in increased enrollments, but often
at a faster rate than support services. This, in turn, multiplies overall costs setting a
pattern in which wherever short-cycle colleges are found, financing is the primary
dilemma (Ishumi, 1998, p. 163).
Curricular Emphasis
The community college model curriculum is designed to change quickly in order to
serve the economic and social needs of the communities they serve. There are four
specific curricular applications:
1. Nondegree short-cycle career (technology, vocational, occupational) or personal
advancement training to emphasize quick school-to-work training/retraining in
new career options.
2. Terminal certificates and associate-level diplomas for vocational, technical,
occupational education offered in the various community college models.
3. Academic and lower-division courses designed for university transfer that
includes preparatory studies for national examinations. Most of the lower-division
curriculum has local university accreditation and is designed as an alternative to
direct university admission.
4. Adult, developmental (remedial), lifelong, and community education that includes
noncredit citizenship education, seniors or youth activities, parent education,
literacy-empowerment programs, extracurricular activities, and lifelong learning.
The flexibility characteristic of the curriculum is a hallmark feature as no other
segment of higher education is more responsive to its community. The explicit
connection to the local is echoed in mission statements from all the community
college models represented in this book. Some colleges specifically realign
curriculum to reflect local needs, such as courses that support Maori cultural
revitalization, Philippine rural technology, and Thai traditional massage for
tourism. Other colleges connect to the local by linking indigenous language
instruction with skills-training to connect employment and cultural sustainability.
This is seen in Chiapas technical colleges, Thai colleges that teach Khmer for
commerce, and Indian Madras and Stella Maris colleges that teach a Tamil business curriculum.
Singular curricula emphasis is most common in programs that are designed
to secure social mobility and contribute to economic well-being through technical,
vocational, or occupational training (Ratcliff and Gibson-Berninger, 1998; AACC, 2008).
In former British colonies, community college models took the form of vocational
schools that taught subjects to serve the colonial system, such as carpentry or home
economics. Current models mostly support a curriculum that serves the market
demand for local business/industry skills acquisition in models throughout the
world. French IUTs and technical institutes in Spain and Venezuela offer technical
13
studies below the BA level. Junior colleges and university colleges often have a
singular curricular focus that is college-preparatory and solely exists as a secondchance opportunity for students who cannot get places for traditional university
admissions.
Combined Curriculum Emphasis

Some US community college models offer a multifunctional, multipurpose mixture
for adult learners, training, and lower division academic instruction (Bailey and
Averianova, 1998).10 Japan School Education Law (1975) charged technical colleges to produce graduates with vocational competence and life skills (Jikei, 2004).
Hku Space Community College (Hong Kong) mission provides students with allround capability as well as the specialized knowledge and skills that they need for
future study and career development. Riversdale Community College (Ireland)
mission gives equal importance to technology training and instilling responsibility,
confidence, social skills, and a set of values which will enrich students personally and also enrich those with whom they associate. The Bologna reforms forced
colleges with a singular emphasis to now include combined interests such as the
Spanish Formacion Profesional, which now offers both craft-skills and preparatory
academic programs. The blurring of domains is also seen in the Caribbean Advance
Proficiency Exam (CAPE) Associate Degree that spans countries and institutions
and current Indian IT influences in Vietnam and Dubai. The combined curricular
emphasis has increased relevance in our current global economy, which needs
students to be educated for life, rather than for a single job. Indeed, as societies
adapt to economic globalization, the skilled trades training that was once provided
by secondary and technical colleges is no longer adequate, which intersects
students career paths with academic courses, and which further supports the
multifunctional aspect of the college.
Open Access Philosophy to Support Societal Change

It is this single characteristic that most widely defines contemporary higher educational reform. The US model popularized the open access characteristic in the
1930s when the American dream was linked to higher education access and in
1947 when the Truman Commission Report defined institutional access through a
network of public colleges which would charge little or no tuition, serve as cultural
centers, be comprehensive in their program offerings, and serve the area in which
they were located as centers of educational opportunity. The mantra that community college represents the only hope millions of Americans have to achieving
that Dream (Vaughan, 1989, p. 7) has become the foundation for current popular
culture worldwide.
14
R.L. Raby
As various chapters in this book illustrate, investment in community college

models is directly based on a conviction that they provide chances for the disenfranchised and for those affected by mass internal and trans-global migration patterns. Such access is believed to support socioeconomic opportunities. Ayr College
(Scotland) admits students regardless of age, ability, or interest. Madras Community
Colleges (India) advocate a flexible fee structure and willingness to take all kinds
of students, with no age limits or educational prerequisites. Likewise, educational
access to education in Zimbabwe and Bosnia is seen to promote social mobility,
intellectual enlightenment, and social engineering. Finally, Luwan Community
College (Shanghai, China) emphasizes access as it defines the college as a place
where older adults can take computer courses, the unemployed can be retrained,
and entry-level social workers including the current crop of graduates can
continue on at the university and earn a diploma.
While the reality of using the community college to achieve the Dream can be
questioned, the fact is that these models do have lower socioeconomic, women, and
minority ethnic students attending in large numbers. It is alleged that since this pattern
does exist, replication is viable and can contribute toward an overall improvement in
social conditions.11 Actualization of socioeconomic reform, however, depends upon
the type of education offered (technical/vocational, personal development, professional, or academic), the type of student targeted, the relationship of the type of
education to the colleges mission, and what students actually do with this education
(i.e., transfer to a university, work, or drop out). In Cypress, Mexico, and Zimbabwe
access is seen as a consolation prize, which then perpetuates social and economic
inequality. Access is also questioned as far fewer students successfully transfer to
universities, a key emphasis of the community college model. In the United States,
less than 25% finish their bachelors degree (Cohen, 1995), while in Japan, the annual
transfer rate is only 911% (Japan MEXT, 2005). Finally, those community colleges
that include entrance exams for admission, such as seen in Iran and some areas of
China, are further delimiting access. Therefore, while community college models do
provide a viable access to higher education, the prospects that equitable access leads
to opportunities and that these opportunities provide a foundation for economic/
political reform are dubious at best. To preserve a balanced engagement within the
community college model those involved must be willing to take the steps necessary
to preserve the active and positive engagement within the institutional community.
Conclusion
Ramifications of the community college model influence both workforce preparation and the ideal of social mobility. In so doing, it has become the impetus
for transforming higher education. Globalization has created a process in which
the global economy now demands postsecondary basic skills for all workers.
In turn, credentialization has forced community college models to offer a more
credential-oriented curriculum because a secondary diploma is not enough to
15
secure future employment. Hence, the absence of a community college model

ensures underpreparation, which translates into high levels of unemployment and
underemployment (De Siqueira, 2004; Lauglo, 2003). However, even when these
institutions are present, the less able they are to be flexible, the more the they risk
becoming irrelevant (Dellow, 2007), which contributes to the vocational school
fallacy (Selvarathuam, 1998; Lauglo, 2003, p. 185) in which the connection
between education and employment is not always one that is viable. This disconnect is escalated when colleges are cost-ineffective, have weak national planning,
and have too narrowly focused or irrelevant curricula, and when there is a lack
of appropriate jobs available to graduates. An example comes from Taiyuan
University, whose associate degree graduates were unemployable due to the lack
of connections with local industry. Implementation of a community college model
does not always evoke social reform. Similarly, a conceptual fallacy that relates to
international development exists in that exported community college ideals may not
lead to career/academic opportunities and such training often does not necessarily
provide the foundation for economic/political reform (Raby, 2000).
The various chapters in this book illustrate the current diversity of community
college models in 30 countries. Community college models lead widespread higher
educational reform as they tend to educate nontraditional postsecondary students,
and demonstrate in a practical way the means by which new generations can receive
skills and training that will ensure employment, prosperity, and facilitation of social
mobility. As such, these institutions tend to serve as a symbol of equity because
they provide access to higher education for the masses in places where access has
previously been denied. As such, in an era of expanded educational reform for
higher education, the role of the community college model is pivotal for a society
whose varied workforce is ever-demanding and changing.
Notes
1. For a discussion on this link see: CCID (2008); Elsner (2008); Romano (2002); Strydom and
Lategan (1998); Kintzer (1998, 1979); Koltai (1993).
2. See Raby for a discussion of the various terms that include: college of further education,
community college, folkhighschool, junior college, open universities, regional
college, short-cycle program, technical institute, tecknicum, vishe skhole, or village
polytechnics. In addition, there is a description of terms that depict these institutions such as
short-term short-cycle, nonuniversities, and community college (Raby, 1996; Kintzer,
1994, pp. 235246).
3. Examples include: Australia, British Virgin Islands; Canada, Chile, Egypt, Great Britain,
Indonesia, Ireland, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, and Taiwan.
4. Examples include Argentina, Armenia, Barbados, Burma, China, Colombia, Eritrea, Ethiopia,
Guyana, Hungary, India, Israel, Moldovia, Malaysia, Russia, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania,
Taiwan, Tatarastan, and Thailand.
5. Canada supports community colleges nationwide: British Columbia (18); Yukon Region (1);
Alberta (16); Northwest Territories (1); Manitoba (6); Nunayut Region (1); Saskatchewan
(10); Ontario (28); Quebec (49); New Brunswick (2); Newfoundland and Labrador (3); Nova
Scotia (6).
16
R.L. Raby
6. 2007 data (www.aacc.nche.edu/) reveals that nationwide over 11 million students were
enrolled in community colleges, which represented 44% of all higher education students,
and 51% of all continuing education students. In addition, annually, 51% of all domestic
students and 25% of all international students transferred from community colleges to
4-year universities. The states with the largest number of community colleges are California
(108), Texas (67) and North Carolina (59). Among the national community colleges, 180 are
independent and 31 are tribal. Thirty-nine percent of students are first generation to attend
college and over 100,000 international students attend representing 39% of all postsecondary
undergraduates.
7. The first college under this network was established in Denmark in 2002. See Chapter 16 by
Bagley and Rust for further discussion.
8. 2008 Membership includes: Africa: Commonwealth Association of Polytechnics in Africa;
Australia: TAFE Directors; Canada: Association of Canadian Community Colleges;
European Union: European Forum for Technical Vocational Education and Training
EFVET; New Zealand: Aoraki Polytechnic (New Zealand); Bay of Plenty Polytechnic
(New Zealand); Christchurch Polytechnic Institute of Technology (NZ); Eastern Institute
of Technology (NZ); Institutes of Technology and Polytechnics of New Zealand; Manukau
Institute of Technology (NZ); Nelson Marlborough Institute of Technology (NZ); Northland
Polytechnic (NZ); Otago Polytechnic (NZ); Pacific Association of TVET Providers; Southern
Institute of Technology (NZ); Tai Poutini Polytechnic (NZ); Tairawhiti Polytechnic (NZ);
Telford Rural Polytechnic (NZ); The Open Polytechnic of New Zealand; Universal
College of Learning (NZ); Waiariki Institute of Technology (NZ); Wellington Institute of
Technology (NZ); Western Institute of Technology at Taranaki (NZ); Whitireia Community
Polytechnic (NZ); United Arab Emirates: Higher Colleges of Technology; United Kingdom:
Association of Colleges (UK); and United States: American Association of Community
Colleges; Kentucky Community and Technical College System; Maui Community College,
University of Hawaii System.
9. In 1972, nationalization of Nigerian universities converted the Nigerian Colleges of Arts,
Science and Technology to State Universities. In 1975, the Helwan Higher Institute of
Technology (Egypt) became Helwan University. In 1989, the Australian Unified National
System of Higher Education Act converted Technical Institutes and Colleges of Advanced
Education (CAE) and Teachers Colleges into new universities. In 1991, the United Kingdom
White Paper and the 1992 Further and Higher Education Act abolished the distinction between
polytechnics and universities resulting in 90 polytechnics becoming universities. Similar
changes transpired in Ireland and New Zealand (Rosenfeld, 1999). In 2000, Portuguese
Escolas Politecnicas became de facto technical universities. Finally, in Canada, BA-granting
community colleges now define themselves as distinct from traditional Canadian community
colleges.
10. Canadian community colleges have a tri-emphasis of academic applied fields for public service sectors, technological and vocational training, and remedial/adult continuing education
(ACCC, 2008).
The Association of Canadian Community Colleges Key Priorities for 2006/07 included:
(a) advocacy of workforce development, research and innovation and international programs;
immigrant integration; and student mobility at college/institute level.
United States community colleges multi-mission provides a multi-level emphasis that
includes (a) transfer curriculum, where 22% of students more than 25 years of age who are
returning for training already have earned at least a baccalaureate degree; (b) critical training
and retraining for direct applications in the local and global work place that combines liberal
arts, science, vocational training, and technology to serve economic growth and global competitiveness; (c) industry workforce development training and customized training programs
to keep businesses current with up-to-date technology and connected to the global economy.
A total of 1,500 occupational programs exist and nearly 200,000 1- and 2-year certificate programs are awarded annually. The United States Department of Education has reported recently
that 93% of students who have graduated from a community college in 5 years or less with an
17
associates degree obtain a job in less than 1 month. (d) Developmental education (remedial,
compensatory, and basic skills preparatory). In 2005, 975,000 students were enrolled in remedial education programs at community colleges; (e) English as a second language; (f) adult
noncredit instruction (continuing education), which includes citizenship education and seniors/youth extracurricular activities. Approximately 5 million of them are enrolled in these
continuing education courses, which indicates their importance to the community as well;
(g) lifelong learning (Cohen and Bawer, 2003).
11. These sentiments are reiterated in several sources, including: CCID (2008); McMurtrie
(2004); Cohen and Brawer (2003); Romano (2002); Strydom and Lategan (1998); Mellander
and Mellander (1994); Kintzer (1994, 1979); Stydom, Koltai (1993).
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Chapter 2
Globalization and Community College

Model Development
Globalization serves as the impetus for sociopolitical and economic change. As a

dynamic force, globalization perpetuates a borderless world where practices and
ideas are shared across space and time aided by technology, mobility, communication, socioeconomic relationships, and environmental interdependence. As an
identified concept, globalization impacts institutional mission and curricula that
internationalize the campus, and in so doing, supports intercampus and intercountry
relationships as a requisite seed for internal change that reflects how the institution
responses to [globalization] pressures (Levin, 2001, p. x). This chapter profiles
how community college models are affected by, and perpetuate conditions that
advance, globalization in terms of (a) a globallocal dichotomy; (b) economic and
humanitarian philosophical influences upon which models are based; and (c) positive and negative consequences that result from the globalization process.
The GlobalLocal Dichotomy of Globalization

Globalization embodies a globallocal dichotomy that enacts a sameness through a
compression of the world (Robertson, 1992, p. 8), while simultaneously preserving a local identity (McLaren, 1999). Throughout this book, examples illustrate a
condition whereby globalization affects two trajectories: one in which community
college models share common qualities that illustrate a universality of experience,
and the other in which applications are inexplicitly tied to local communities which
endows their uniqueness.
Homogenization Influences
Homogenization promotes a sense of universal sameness in which boundaries are
permeable and are heightened by economic linkages, population shifts, information flows, and interconnections of technology and popular culture. Resulting
interdependency enhances a global system of societies, a process that is sustained
21
22
R.L. Raby
by emulation (Robertson, 1992, p. 8; Clayton, 2004). Permeability defines the

community college models movement since most are either self-generated or
purposefully marketed abroad by those who view the economic and humanitarian
construct as desirable and adaptable.
Homogenizing influences are different for those who transmit the flow and for
those who receive it. External flows support a borderless, transcultural, and
post-national world where external pressures force the local to respond. This is
seen in the increase of cross-national accreditations (Alleyne, 1978) in which
colleges confer status to others. Internal flows connect students and staff via communication and even adoption of popular culture and mass-produced products.
Combined, homogenization provokes social change through the creation of hybrid
identities. A northsouth modality mostly governs the direction of these flows,
as north community colleges seek out others through student mobility, international curricula, and transfer of career skills pedagogy by international development projects. As a result, north ideas of community colleges are purposely
transferred across borders.1
Not all the flows stem from the United States, although some claim that the US
model is the most adaptable (Elsner, 2008). Canadian community colleges have
25 years of institutional partnerships in over 60 countries (ACCC, 2008). Models
in Iran, Mexico, and Senegal were patterned on French technical institutes; King
Mongkuts Institute of Technologys (Thailand) initial partnership was with German
technical colleges; and the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (Australia)
now offers associate degrees in institutions throughout Southeast Asia. In 1991,
World Banks vocational training policy in Asia was largely based on Japanese
community college models (Lauglo, 2004), and Japan International Cooperation
Agency currently works with Mpumalanga Provincial Department of Education
(South Africa) (World Congress, 2008).
A southsouth modality is redefining globalization as influence flows from one
developing country to another. Examples include Kein Giang College (Vietnam),
which receives course work and certification from NIIT Technologies, an Indian
IT training institute; Malaysian colleges which collaborate with Chinese colleges;
and Caribbean Community Regulations (CARICOM), which is redefining local
certification from one Caribbean nation to another via the Caribbean CAPE Degree.
Distance education via the Internet, curricular development, and staff training all
sustain southsouth flows (De Siqueira, 2004).
Homogenization is at the core of cross-national community college collaboration. In 1975, 14 countries signed resolutions that regulate the field today (Eskow
and Caffrey, 1974). In 1998, the International Association of Community and
Further Education Colleges created a base to exchange ideas and resources, and in
1999, the World Federation of Colleges and Polytechnics refined this process with
30 members representing nine colleges. In 2008, both cosponsored the 4th World
Congress to provide opportunities for developing partnerships with colleges
around the world. As a result, community colleges circumvent the world, which
has allowed them to become learning centers for the whole community [that]
Globalization and Community College Model Development
23
weave together people and projects that reach beyond traditional educational
boundaries (Gordon, 1999, p. 1).
Localizing Influences
Despite proclamations of a flat world (Friedman, 2005) globalization is building
boundaries by reinforcing local identities. Eskow (1989) refers to the local emphasis
as a global paradox, for when the polity and economy grow larger, the needs of
the local become more manifest. This manifestation is intensified by a need for
perpetuation of local stories and collective memories that define the individual
(de Courtivron, 2008).
This paradox is seen in the constant struggle of mission and curricula to prepare
students for local employment, but whose context is defined by a global economy.
The question of what is the meaning of community in a global space remains important. As a geographic term, the local accentuates the singularity of experience as
college programs link to specified spaces within its borders. Globally, community
accentuates a universality of experience that stems from economic globalization.
As similar policies, programs, and structures transverse across countries, community college models share common qualities as the global and local become mutually constitutioned parts of contradictory social wholes (McLaren, 1999, p. 10).
The localized application sustains the uniqueness of each community college as
convergence of global connections is rooted locally. Despite decades of globalization, sameness has not replaced national identity or purpose (de Courtivron, 2008;
Steiner-Khamsi, 2003). Indeed, community college models have a long history of
asserting globalization from below which challenges hegemonic globalization
from above (Kneller, 2005, p. 61). In 1975, Hawkes Bay Community College
(New Zealand) refocused its mission from lifelong education to serve local Maori
community needs (Kintzer, 1979). In the 1980s, Japanese junior college reforms
distanced themselves from the US model upon which they were based. In 1996,
Madras and Stella Maris Colleges (India) developed small business curricula
in Tamil for semiliterate and illiterate rural women. In 1998, the International
Consortium for Economic and Educational Development initiated programs in
Mexico to support local needs. Finally, many missions continue to emphasize
the local, such as College of North Atlantic Qatar helping to serve the needs of
the general community, Nong Bualumpu Community College (Thailand) using
local resources to provide opportunities for social mobility, and Scottish Further
Education providing education and training for local communities to make
colleges accessible to local students.
Globalization supports unique conditions that support educational reform through
decentralization, competency-based curriculum, occupational certification, and
student-centered pedagogy (Raby and Tarrow, 1996). The impact of globalization
accentuates localized connections that accentuate singularity of experience.
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Developmental Philosophical Influences

Two philosophies influence the creation of community college models. The first
is based on economic principles of neoliberalism which sees the global market as
redefining technical and career sectors so that colleges are a supplier of human
capital. The second philosophy employs humanitarian principles that view education as a key link in overcoming inequalities that stem from differential access to
higher education.
Economic Rationale
The economic rationale claims that training, credentialization, and international
development secure new workplace skills that correspond to overall social prosperity.
Training is at the core of market-oriented policies, and links relevant skills with
lifelong learning to serve the economy and reduce unemployment2 (Schugurensky
and Higgins, 1996; Lin-Liu, 2001; Levin, 2005; Carnoy and Luschei, 2008).
Globalization is causing lower-level skills to be needed less, while competition
for higher-level postsecondary education is increasing. Since few universities offer
study in occupational and technical fields, community college models are filling
this gap3 (Wolf, 2008). Mexican technological universities offer education as a
strategic means to develop human capital and contribute to increase competitiveness of a knowledge-based economy (CGUT, 2008), and Mozambiques (ISPs)
Polytechnic Institution Mission fulfills their role as a Strategy for Economic
Development (Massinga et al., 2008). Missions tend to support an economic
rationale that link education with employment that is increasingly affiliated with
transcultural and transnational mobility. Credentialization demands minimum
competencies for the local workforce (Lim, 2008). A basic characteristic of the
community college is that it easily and quickly can modify work-based and trade
credentials to respond to the changing demands of the global economic marketplace (Elsner, 2008). In Hungary, community college models provide improved
access to low-cost, relevant, work-related training for large numbers of people
(CCIDa, 2008). In India, community college models aim at empowerment of
the disadvantaged through appropriate skills development leading to gainful
employment (ICRDCE, 2008). Using education to provide credentials for workforce development is at the core of Association Liaison Office for University
Cooperation in DevelopmentCommunity Colleges for International Development
(CCID) projects in 12 countries.4 It must be noted that since many of these projects
are relatively new, their impact has yet to be fully realized.
International development and training projects transfer the community college
characteristics worldwide (Smith, 2007). Although the United States is not the
only exporter, most projects stem from there (CCID, 2008a; Elsner, 2008). Early
examples include the 1982 Paramaribo conference for Caribbean cooperative job
25
skills acquisition and the 1990s; and the United States Agency for International
Developments (USAID) and the American Association for Community Colleges
(AACC) Building International Workforce Development Partnerships Grants
to support projects in Brazil, Ethiopia, India, Mexico, South Africa, Sri Lanka
and Tanzania.5 In 2006, 11 US community colleges formed the Global Corporate
College to share best practices to service international clients and influence what
and how community college models teach. On a systems level, the AACCs
memorandum with the Bundesinstitut fr Berufsbildung (Federal Institute for
Vocational Training) have workers trained by common standards [so that] jobs can
be transferred to different countries and companies can relocate factories. It is an
occupational area that knows no borders (McKenney, 2004, p. 1). In 2005, AACC
developed an explicit campaign to help transfer the US model abroad. Hence,
whether the vision is local or global, the remains a common belief in the support of
the link between community college models and economic improvement.
Humanitarian Influences
Humanitarian philosophy depicts community colleges as imparting democratic
ideals as it models sociopolitical reform through equity of opportunity. Social
mobility is enhanced as institutions offer opportunities for participation to the
widest margins of society, and in so doing, challenge traditional higher education
elitism (Kintzer, 1998). Despite evidence that the process of globalization is
often accompanied by efforts at de-democratization (McLaren, 1999, p. 11), this
philosophy continues to dominate the development and sustaining of community
college models.
Community college models do, in many countries, allow a postsecondary option
to those who previously have been denied access due to minority status or lowered
income. While not consistent in all countries, low tuition, lack of entrance exams, and
local location do provide access for nontraditional students, many of whom have suffered social and political disorder and who need to be reintegrated back into society
(Smith, 2007). Indeed, many students do come from less-advantaged backgrounds
(Lowe and Gayle, 2007). Increasingly, community college models do offer, what the
humanitarian philosophy proposes, life-transforming educational opportunities.
The humanitarian philosophy alleges that education delivers opportunities that
lead to employment, which supports economic development and improves social
conditions (Strydom and Lategan, 1998; Kintzer, 1998; Koltai, 1993, Jones, 2002).
As an example, mission statements reinforce this philosophy: Norway Regional
Colleges fills undemocratic gaps between districts, generations and sexes
(Kintzer, 1979, p. 73); United Arab Emeritus Higher Colleges of Technology
builds leadership potential to make the fullest possible contribution to the development of the community for the good of all its people; Riverdale Community
College (Ireland) gives each pupil opportunity to develop his/her aptitudes and
talents fully; Nova Scotia Community College (Canada) builds economy and
26
R.L. Raby
quality of life through education and innovation; and Thai community colleges
provides locals with a chance for post-secondary education that they otherwise
would be denied. In turn, education enhances social change.
Humanitarian assistance has been the cornerstone of many Canadian and US
international development projects. Empowerment and literacy programs, health
and technological assistance services circumvent the globe such as Middlesex
Community College (Massachusetts) development project in Cambodia and
Georgia for conflict-resolution training (Cowan and Falcetta, 1996), and CCID
(2008b) Sustainable Systems Programs in Romania and First Global Community
College Nong Khai Udon Thani in Thailand. In this context, international development is not for a profit, but rather as a contribution to humanitarian efforts
(Smith, 2007). World educators choose to emulate because of social mobility
that has characterized America, and they accept the idea that society can be better,
just as individuals can better their lot within it (Cohen and Brawer, 2003, p. 36).
On the donor side, aid supports national interests to apply our ideals, our sense
of decency and our humanitarian impulse to the repair of the world, [as] investment in development is indeed investment in prevention (Koltai, 1993, p. 2), such
as is seen in current US State Department grants whose primary design is to use
education to create social stability. This philosophy maintains that human capacity
is built through education, which in turn strengthens democracy and the socioeconomic future of world citizens that sustains the global community college movement. The link between the two philosophies, economic and humanitarian, cannot
be underestimated. Increased economics stimulates and reinforces sociopolitical
reform. Several chapters in this book, such as the ones on Uzbekistan, Mexico, and
Belize, illustrate college beliefs that providing knowledge required by market and
development of the skills for future employment will lead to the socioeconomic
well-being of the population. The Ghanaian mission provides support to industry
and commerce in areas of human resource to communities in which they are
located (Nsiah-Gyabaah and Obour, 2008), while the Thai network of colleges
creates open-access to higher education in order to support an equalitarian and
democratic social structure and promotes economic development in the outlying
provinces through the development of a skilled and entrepreneurial workforce
(East-West, 2008). Finally, Caribbean community college models enhance local,
regional, and international flows through collaborations on research, curriculum
development, and technological expansion. Whether community college models
are succeeding at their humanitarian efforts is not as significant as the fact that these
institutions are repositioning themselves in this global space.
Consequences of the Globalizing Process

Globalization has negative repercussions that include (a) neocolonial influences,
(b) vocational fallacy, (c) socioeconomic inequity, and (d) lowered status, as well as a
positive impact that increases (a) accessibility, (b) adaptability, and (c) social equity.
27
Negative Consequences
Globalization has various imprints, one being that some education does not have
the same market value or social prestige as others. The unidirectional flows from
the north tend to perpetuate inequity which heightens disadvantages to whom the
community college model should serve (Strydom and Lategan, 1998, p. 98).
Neocolonial Influences
Neocolonial influences prevail when the local does not have the same market
value, social prestige or general reception in the society as other degrees or diplomas (Kintzer, 1979, p. 75; Humphrys, 1994; Cohen, 1995; Levin, 2005). Unlike
traditional neocolonialism, community college models are not imposed upon other
countries, but rather emerge as a result of exchange visits. A 1969 visit to US community colleges by Sri Lankas Minister of Education led to shared projects that
now span decades. A 1980 visit from Taiwans Minister of Education resulted in
a network of new colleges (Harper, 1978). A visit by President of Jilin Institute
of Architecture and Civil Engineering (Changchun, China) to Humber College
(Toronto) created a joint interior design program to help students improve English
skills and learn western design techniques and software packages. Thai colleges
seek U.S. assistance so they can develop a strong community college system that
will help them meet these needs (East-West, 2001). Thousands of educators visit
US and Canadian colleges and most result in bilateral agreements for supply services to develop mid-level management, paraprofessional, career curriculum, and
English language programs.
A quintessential manifestation of globalization is the international contract
program that utilizes defined curriculum and even course numbers to develop
branch colleges abroad. The Observatory on Borderless Higher Education claims
that in 2006, 51% of the defined 82 branch campuses were affiliated with US
universities, 12% in Australia, and 5% each in Britain and Ireland, and that one
third of branch campuses offer degrees in single subjects that intersect with community college models business and technology programs (Jassshik, 2007). Many
of these programs have international certification for full adoption of entire programs and courses (syllabus and textbooks), such as Houston Community College
District contract with Saigon Institute of Technology, Ford Foundation USChina
Education Foundation Community College Development Project, First Global
Community College (Nong Khai-Udon Thani) in Thailand, Yong-In Technical
College in Korea, and Japan MEXT college project. In the southsouth modality,
an increasing number of branch campuses from India and Pakistan are now operating in Dubai and North Africa (OBHE, 2008). However, due to political change,
cultural confusion, and lack of funding, few sustained programs exist (Yamano and
Hawkins, 1996).
While literature emphasizes global connections that build interdependency,
critics see globalization as reinforcing dependent relationships that support
28
R.L. Raby
western imperialism, whether economic political, technological or broadly cultural

(Mosa, 1996, p. 1). Altbach (2003) questions who defines quality control and accreditation. For example, cultural hegemony, as shown in many chapters in this book, has
the conflict of building global identities while trying to preserve and maintain the status quo. Governments adhering to poverty argument that devise low-cost alternatives
will not work unless they accommodate children at work (night schools, flexibility in
timings, seasonal variations, and parallel structures). Cultural definitions of community, academic standards, and faculty preparation make neocolonial patterns puzzling
at best. Cultural intolerance arises from strained relationships between indigenous
staff, counterparts abroad, and indigenous financial backers, all of whom have their
own, oftentimes conflicting agendas. It is still too early to discern whether or not
community college models will promote social reconstruction or social fragmentation. The questions of who controls what is defined as knowledge, what gets taught
and acted upon in a global culture, and if a global culture becomes one of repression
or liberation, therefore, is of extreme importance.
Vocational Fallacy
Vocational fallacy insinuates that institutions with a weak general education foundation may not be an optimal means for solving manpower needs (Foster, 1965,
2002; Selvarathuam, 1998; Ishumi, 1998). These colleges are often cost-ineffective
and offer irrelevant and inflexible curricula which reinforce student perception
and actual attainment of jobs in occupations other than those for which they were
trained (Lauglo, 2008). When combined with poor national planning, corruption,
and an unstable economy, there is often a lack of jobs upon graduation. Community
college models are easily victim to this fallacy (St. George, 2006), but as Cohen
and Brawer (2003, p. 21) note, this should not be a surprise since the original intent
of the US community college was to divert unsuitable candidates into appropriate
vocational training while making it possible for traditional universities to maintain
selective admissions requirements. Today, privatization and corporatization can
create a situation in which only a select cohort of students is served. Societal and
economic reform is limited as degrees do not always lead to employment. When
this occurs, the future of community colleges as a potential for human resources
development is placed at risk and these institutions thus, do not always evoke
economic or social reform (Raby, 1996). Actualization of socioeconomic reform
depends on the type of education exported (technicalvocational, personal development, professional, or academic), the type of student targeted, the relationship of
the type of education to the colleges mission, and what students actually do with
this education (i.e., transfer to a university, work, or drop out).
Socioeconomic Inequity
Socioeconomic inequity occurs when community college models do not provide
access or their education does not translate to greater social mobility. Brint and
29
Karabel (1989) claim that emphasis on a vocational mission relegates students

to low- and middle-class occupations, which then limits opportunities for social
advancement. Indeed, restricting students to short or career programs results
in segmentation, which is intensified in models that have no avenues for transfer to
4-year institutions. The consequences are what Clark (1960) refers to as coolingout in which an illusion of openness veils a lack of opportunities. While more
students attend US colleges, fewer transfer or graduate, which results in limited
economic and social class mobility6 (Archer et al., 2003). In Egypt, Iran, Curacao,
and Zimbabwe limiting community college access heightens competition. Hence,
even colleges with low tuition, such as those in Chile, Malaysia, or the Russian
Natural-Technical Colleges, access is still out of reach for the poorest students.
While community college models do provide an array of educational opportunities, they do not necessarily increase access for disenfranchised and may merely
perpetuate an already unequal higher educational system (Kintzer, 1979; El Mallah
et al., 1996; Madden, 1998; McMurtrie, 2001). Hence, instead of fulfilling a
democratizing function through education, these models result in greater stratification. Whether or not the community college contributes to opportunity or is an
illusion which promises access but instead serves to maintain social class will be
explored in various chapters in this book.
Lowered Status and Corresponding Change in Institutional Orientation

A prevailing community college characteristic is a low status that is compounded
by chronic underfunding and faculty with low status. Since these institutions often
service rural and urban poor, they share economic dependency characteristics
which influence the development of vocational training and cause many to have
a low rate of return to investment (Lauglo, 2004). For example, employers in
Ghana discriminate against holders of Polytechnic qualifications because of their
low second-rate status, and as a result 30% of graduates are unemployed (NsiahGyabaah and Obour, 2008). Despite the verbiage that appreciates the local, when
local and global conflict, due to this low status, the global predominates. Finally,
lack of sufficient resources continues to plague colleges in Vietnam, Zimbabwe,
and in many Caribbean countries. Although community college models are consistently overlooked by policymakers, worldwide, their share of the higher education
student population merits greater attention (Lowe and Gayle, 2007).
To gain status and a place in national budgets, commonly, some community
college models are transforming into University Colleges. While this process is not
new, the magnitude in which these changes are occurring today is noteworthy. In
the 1970s, nationalization of Nigerian universities converted Nigerian colleges of
arts, science, and technology to State Universities. From 1968 to 1975 the Helwan
Higher Institute of Technology in Egypt (based on the German Fachochschule
model) became Helwan University. In the 1989, the Unified National System of
Higher Education converted Australian Technical Institutes into universities. In
late 1990s, community pressures in countries throughout Africa resulted in mass
30
R.L. Raby
closure due to declining low status. Several chapters in the book illustrate more
current transformations. Some fear that these changes will now produce a professional class in need of BA degrees [as community colleges] no longer are simply
a sub-baccalaureate institution, no longer a postsecondary institution that serves
marginalized and undeserved groups as its primary client or customer (Levin,
2002, p. 19). Nonetheless, even the changing mission is itself inherently a community college characteristic in which reform itself is an institutional responsiveness
to local demands.
In conclusion, negative influences from globalization create obstacles which
prohibit community college models from effecting social or economic reform.
Compounding these obstacles is the continued low ranking, dearth of academic
studies, and disenfranchisement of the models themselves. Future issues of concern
are those of overall access, women enrollment, participation of local authorities
in funding, and status. Key in this process is defining the relevance of education
itself and whether or not it equipped the poor to play any useful role in the local
community.
Positive Consequences
Expansion beyond borders as a result of globalization, while limiting the original
mission of the community college, exemplifies how institutions respond to the
changing world around them (Valeau and Raby, 2007). Community college models
continue to gain popularity, and students attend these institutions in increasing
numbers. Support persists because these institutions are (a) less expensive and
more accessible than universities; (b) adaptable to provide needed curriculum and
pedagogy that meets the demands of emerging local population; and (c) able to
contribute towards social equity.
Accessibility
The widespread growth of community college models connects institutions to
local communities and meets national and global interest by laying a foundation
for higher educational opportunities to nontraditional student groups that provides
a context for social mobility. In some countries, when traditional universities are
unwilling or unable to change to meet new global standards, the community college models fill that gap. In Senegal, the inability of the French model to sustain
societal needs caused Regional University Centers to emulate the US and Canadian
models, which was seen as a commitment to human resource investment. In other
countries, it is the transferability element that is the most attractive feature as compared with terminal credentials that limit opportunities as seen in models in India
and Singapore. By serving their communities, the most crucial function of the
community colleges then has been to provide students with training and retraining
programmes which help them to achieve social mobility and contribute to the
31
economic well-being of a country (Ural, 1998, p. 119; Smith, 2007). Worldwide,

countries are utilizing the community college models to provide a window of
opportunity which has then changed the structure of postsecondary education.
Adaptability
The ability of community college models to respond to the local economy by
adopting product-oriented curricula and flexible short-term programming for differentially skilled laborers and career education helps to maintain their viability.
For some colleges, success lies in the adaptation of student-centered pedagogy,
such as the Aga Khan Humanities Project in Tajikistan and Nong Bualumpu
Community College in Thailand, both of which use local resources to create
organic relationships between teachers and learners. Adaptability is increasingly
important for as technology changes so do literacies that cross mathematic
scientific and writing competencies that support even the most rudimentary positions. Since the community college model is connected to the local, it not only
can easily recognize this change, but respond accordingly (Dellow and Romano,
2006). Facilitating change efforts are projects funded by the Asia Development
Bank, Canadian International Development Agency, Ford Foundation, United
States Agency for International Development, World Bank, bilateral and unilateral banks, and private industry, all of which seek to bring together local
workforce training providers to develop services that bridge the gap between
elementary/secondary school systems and the tertiary institutions and targets
acute workforce and education needs (ALO/USAID, 2004). Increasing globalization has led to a realization in developing countries that education is key and
is, in force, adopting U.S. models of tertiary education (Guess, 2007).
Social Equity
Community college models continue to pride themselves as a significant form of
community education in the context of redressing inequalities (Ural, 1998, p. 199).
Access to postsecondary education for nontraditional students lays a foundation for
social mobility change. Evidence shows that many community college models do
serve the least affluent and least politically influential segments of the population.
Even faculty who teach at these institutions are frequently not academics, but rather
are professionals who work in fields to which their students aspire. At the core is
a belief in change and prosperity, which Vaughan (1989, p. 7) relates to the right
to pursue the American Dream; we must never forget that the community college
represents the only hope millions of Americans have to achieving that Dream. In
this way, community college models throughout the world serve both the people
and their communities by training and retraining, by appealing to unique student
sectors, and allowing them to contribute to the economic well-being of the country
and to achieve social mobility (Cohen, 1995; Ratcliff and Gibson-Berninger, 1998;
Tonks, 1999; Vasquez, 2003; Evelyn, 2005).
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R.L. Raby
There is also evidence that community college models can be effective in reducing cultural conflict in multicultural societies (Van der Linde, 1996; Mellander and
Mellander, 1994; Lowe and Gayle, 2007). The ubiquitous ideal that community
college models can utilize postsecondary education to counter socioeconomic inequities, while not proven in academia, is sufficient to encourage educators abroad
to enter into agreements that facilitate transplanting community college models to
their own countries (Strydom and Lategan, 1998; Gallacher, 2006). In so doing,
community college models mirror Knellers (2005, p. 61) call for multiple literacies, which he defines as an oppositional democratic, pedagogical, and cosmopolitan globalization, which supports individuals and groups using information and
multimedia technologies to create a more multicultural, egalitarian, democratic and
ecological globalization.
Conclusion
Proliferation of the community college model impacts educational systems globally, as it attracts those who demand to break out of traditional university patterns
and promote nontraditional educational models. As the various chapters in this
book illustrate, investment in community college models supports the conviction
that they provide opportunities for the disenfranchised and assist with social and
economic restructuring by empowering students with economic and social opportunities. The mass migration of rural to urban centers and the global transmigration
patterns underscores this need to provide increasing access to higher education.
Hence, the process of introducing a community college model into a society instigates socioeconomic change that is cultivated at both global and local levels. This
change offers access, helps promote careerpersonal advancement opportunities,
impacts local business and industry by reinforcing new curricular emphasis, and
can provoke reduction of culture-conflict in multicultural societies resulting from
the education of the underprivileged.
Implications for countries interested in creating or revising characteristics of
this model are not clearly defined. It is critical to highlight both community college
ideals and to understand their realities as they apply to a varying set of circumstances. Care must be taken as reverberations from globalization can force countries to abandon key elements of community college models, such as open access,
or to be unable to sustain the educational ideals envisioned and expected by diverse
sections of the society. While one countrys model experience yields insights that
might benefit other countries, the appropriate response may not be wholesale
duplication but rather selective adaptation. As such, variations of the community
college model may be a reaction to globalization as each country conforms to this
ideal. Increasingly, therefore, the challenge facing the community college will be
to create a climate that nurtures institutions that target civic engagement. What
better way than to have institutions that in curriculum and the interactions among
students, faculty, and staff model the best of community life? This model, in term
33
will prevail because its programs are often strongly workplace-oriented and supportive of upward socioeconomic mobility.
Notes
1. North community colleges are typically seen as colleges from Australia, Canada, Great
Britain, and the United States (Kintzer, 1998; Raby, 2000; Romano, 2002; De Siqueira, 2004;
Raby and Thomas, 2006).
2. From 1962 to 1980, the World Bank linked education with manpower forecasting, with the
bulk of funding going to vocational and technical schools (which are a small part of education
sector) (Heyneman, 2003).
3. Jobs requiring an associate degree are the fastest-growing job group with 49% of future US
jobs (U.S. Department of Labor Monthly Labor Review), 80% of future Canadian jobs (AACC,
2008), and 50% of new British jobs (United Kingdom White Paper) (quoted in Wolf, 2008).
4. ALO/CCID projects were conducted in China, Egypt, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Guyana, India,
Namibia, Nepal, Romania, South Africa, Suriname, and Tomsk.
5. Early CCID (2008b) bilateral educational agreements include memoranda of understanding (MOUs) with Republic of China, Taiwan (1976), Republic of Suriname (1979),
Dominican Republic, Saudi Arabia, Thailand, Korea, Greece, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica,
Netherlands Antilles, Saint Vicent (1981); Technical University of Budapest and
Czech Technical University in Prague (1986); National Kaoshiung Institute of Technology
(Taiwan) (1987); began connections with Educational Foundation in India (USEFI) (1988);
Kazan Technical Institute in USSR (1989); Vocational Research Institute of the Pedagogical
Science Academy of the USSR (1989); Teachers Training Institute, Bhopal, India (1992);
Guyana Ministry of Education (1997); Universidad Don Bosco, El Salvador (1998); Stella
Maris College, Madras, India (1998); Addis Ababa Commercial College, Ethiopia (1998);
Polytechnic of Namibia Center for Entrepreneurial Development (1999); New UniversityPartnership College, South Africa (1999); Egypt Agricultural Technician Training Institute
(2000); Nepal Pedagogical Institute (2002); Kien Giang Community College, Vietnam
(2006); Puntland State University, Somalia (2007); Tomsk Polytechnic Institute Workforce
Development Center (2007); Sustainable Systems Program, Romania (2007); Suriname
Telecommunications Company (2007).
Non-CCID community colleges also conduct international development programs. In 2007,
37% of California community colleges offered curricular development and/or staff training to
institutions in other countries, such as Riverside Community Colleges collaboration with the
University of Asmara (Eritrea) that shares curriculum and pedagogy on information technologies and distance education and the San Diego Community College Districts Borderlands
Project which helps to improve the employability of workforce in Mexico by developing
curriculum and instructional materials for US certification training.
6. Due to significant tuition increases from California community colleges, it is estimated that
90,000 students were shut out of the system in Spring 2003 (Evelyn, 2003, p. A43.)
References
Abbey Community College, Wicklow. Accessed May 1, 2008. http://www.abbeycc.net/mission.htm
Alleyne, M.H. (February 1978). Educational Objectives in Latin American and the Caribbean
and the Role of Community Colleges. Conference Paper: Postsecondary Education in the
International Community, Florida.
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Chapter 3
Community Colleges in the United States

Arthur M. Cohen
Introduction
The community colleges in the United States serve an essential function. Standing
between compulsory education and the postsecondary sector, they provide the first
2 years of college along with occupational training and developmental studies. They
first opened 100 years ago as expansions of secondary schools in a few states and
spread rapidly, supported mainly by public school districts along with universities
preferring to concentrate on research and graduate studies. No longer adjunctive, they
are now found in every state. Nearly 1,200 publicly supported community colleges
provide liberal arts and occupational programs along with basic skills development
and a variety of services to the community. They are defined as institutions regionally
accredited to confer the associates degree as their highest award.
Community colleges had their greatest growth as postsecondary education
expanded after World War II. High school graduation rates had risen to 55% and,
since one of the major outcomes of schooling is the desire for more schooling,
young people seeking entry to college put pressure on the universities. The latter
were happy to have alternative institutions to which they could divert the petitioners
they could not accommodate, especially those whose prior academic preparation
had not qualified them for higher education. And because by the 1970s the community colleges had been organized within commuting distance of 95% of the nations
population, they thrived on the students who were not admissible to universities in
addition to those who could not afford to live away from home and pay the higher
tuition charges. They also organized programs to prepare people for middle-level
occupations, especially paraprofessional assistance and the technologies not taught
in universities. Stemming from the colleges roots in the lower-school systems, they
allowed open access to all but a few high-level technological programs that required
prerequisite courses.
In any country, the growth of institutions that provide community college-type
functions depends on national wealth, public outlook, and the availability of
alternative systems of education. Countries that can afford to educate only a
small percentage of their young people for more than a few years cannot support
a widespread post-compulsory sector. Those without a general public belief in

39
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A.M. Cohen
allowing all zlearning opportunities. And those with well-developed private-sector

apprenticeship systems have little need for school-based occupational education.
The American community colleges have thrived in a nation with sufficient wealth
and inclination to maintain easily accessible institutions for people regardless of
age, and relatively few alternative paths to skilled occupations, regardless of age,
ethnicity, or economic status.
Students, Faculty, and Instruction

The community colleges have become a mature system with few new institutions
being built in the past 30 years. As with all educational structures, the colleges
are responsive to demographics, expanding when the number of people of school
age expands and contracting when it reduces. But because they accept students
who have been out of school for many years, their enrollments can be maintained
even when the number of 18-year-olds declines. From the early 1960s through
the 1980s, between 50% and 55% of high school graduates were entering some
postsecondary institution within a year of leaving high school. In 1999 that figure
had increased to 63% and by 2005 it reached 67% (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2006).
In the community colleges, around 61% of the students attend part-time, taking one or two courses per term. The college programs are organized sequentially,
but the students drop in and out as their personal circumstances dictate. Most are
employed for 2540 h per week; their median age is 23 years. Matriculation rates
are highest in 13 states, where 6% or more of the population aged 1844 attend.
And the colleges enroll a high proportion of students from the bottom quintile in
terms of family income; 26% versus 20% in the senior institutions.
Among the faculty 63% are part-timers. Nineteen percent hold a doctorate, 63%
a masters, and most others a bachelors degree, except for some instructors who
have extensive experience in vocational fields. Union representation is high relative to other postsecondary sectors, with 361 contracts covering 140,000 instructors or 43% of the full-time faculty. More than half of those are located in just five
states (Moriarty and Savarese, 2005). Women are at par with men among full-time
faculty members; median age for all faculty is just under 50 years. The full-timers
teach between 13 and 15 h per week and are paid on average US$50,000 per year,
or US$5,000 per course. Their teaching overload classes adds around 10% to their
salaries. The pay rate for part-time instructors is somewhat less: around US$3,000
per course. They have no security of employment and may be used to teach courses
for which they have particular expertise but, more often, merely because they cost
less. Most have other jobs, including operating their own businesses. Few instructors in any category have access to paraprofessional aides or teaching assistants.
Although most instructional practices follow the model of classroom teaching
manifest in most other schools, the community colleges have sought instructional
innovation to provide services to greater numbers of students more efficiently.
41
During the 1970s and 1980s, they built closed-circuit and open-circuit television programs quite vigorously. Today, they lead in classroom computer use, and
Internet-based instruction has outpaced televised courses by more than two to one.
One and three quarter million students, including a few located in other countries,
take online courses. The colleges instructional technology budgets amount to more
than 8% of overall campus expenses. One third of community college courses
have Web sites. Their libraries, more properly called learning resource centers, are
designed for instructional use, not faculty research. Their holdings average 50,000
volumes. One third of them provide online course reserves.
Community college faculty are not charged with conducting scholarly research
but they are expected to devise various instructional strategies. Writing Across
the Curriculum, in which students develop writing assignments in classes other
than English composition, is popular. Supplemental Instruction uses peer readers
and tutors to assist students in courses where large numbers of them are at risk of
failure. Some colleges have contracted to teach remedial courses at neighboring
universities. As one example, in 2006, 81 sections of math, English, chemistry, and
courses in less-commonly taught foreign languages at the University of California
at Davis were being conducted by instructors from Sacramento City College.
Governance and Finance

Because of their roots in the public school system, the colleges in most states
are organized within single districts. A board of trustees, either elected locally or
appointed by a governor or state agency, establishes policy and appoints a president.
The larger institutions may have over 50 administrators, plus as many managers of
campus police, facilities, custodial services, international studies, etc. But statewide
coordination is prominent and rules governing tuition rates, expenditures, program
planning, and employment of personnel are often set by state agencies. The ongoing tension between advocates of local control and those who feel that statewide
systems are more stable often relates to program duplication, between those who
say a state system might more readily organize curriculum in areas of greatest
need for the states population and those arguing that the marketplace determines
the curriculum, with student enrollments driving the decisions. For many years,
the federal government has been influential because of its funding study in certain
occupational fields and more recently as it has stepped up demands for institutional
accountability.
The community colleges draw funds from a variety of sources. The states
provide 45% of operating costs and student tuition, and local funds account for
20% each. In their continual search for additional income, the colleges lease use
of portions of their campuses to outside agencies and engage in campaigns for donations. They have minuscule endowments, however, when compared with universities. Their foundations solicit donations to support discretionary activities such as
student scholarships, but they boast a median annual revenue of US$250,000.
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A.M. Cohen
Federal Pell Grant awards are distributed to students on the basis of income relative to the cost of attendance. Twenty years ago the students in community college
received 19% of the awards. Now, as tuition has increased to its current average of
US$1,847, they receive 33% of these awards, while 34% goes to those in public
4-year colleges, and 17% to the for-profit sector (Horn and Nevill, 2006).
College expenditures, averaging US$8,623 per full-time equivalent student, are
allocated as follows:
Instruction, 46%
Administration, 24%
Student services, 11%
Physical plant, 10%
Scholarships, 4%
Libraries, 2.5%
Public service, 2.5%
Vocational Education
Although vocational education was late in coming to community colleges, its
enrollments began growing more rapidly than liberal arts enrollments in the 1960s
and continued to do so until they reached near parity 20 years later. The major
impetus was provided by the Vocational Education Act of 1963, which awarded
federal funds to postsecondary institutions that organized occupational programs.
Subsequent legislation authorized funds for job-training programs, school-to-work
opportunities, and various employment-related studies. These acts aimed at workforce preparation differed from those awarding support to individual students, such
as Pell Grants, in that they specified the types of curricula to be erected. The states,
too, began emphasizing programs designed to relieve unemployment by teaching
what they called marketable skills and attracting industry. The colleges became
partners in state economic development plans.
Vocational education accounts for 4045% of the enrollment but 54% of the
degrees and certificates awarded. This is because entry to many occupational fields
demands degrees while students may transfer to universities without a diploma.
For example, a student wishing to enter a career as a health service worker or a
laboratory technician often must present earned credentials, whereas for the student
wishing to transfer credits to a university, an associate in arts degree is usually
superfluous; the student need only show a transcript of courses completed. Most of
the degrees and certificates awarded by occupational programs are in the following
fields:
Health professions, 16%
Business, management, and marketing, 14%
Computer and information science, 6%
Engineering and engineering technologies, 6%
43
Security and protective services, 3%

Mechanics and repairers, 2%
Few of the occupational programs can be labeled terminal education because
many of the listed occupations accorded higher status and pay to students who
present bachelors degrees, a result of professionalization within several occupational areas.
Many colleges now offer 100 or more different occupational programs, and
those that lead to the greatest variety of career options are the most popular.
Programs in business draw many students because of the breadth of opportunity
they present. The health professions and the engineering technologies draw large
numbers of students because of the expanding base of the professions in those areas
and the ever-growing need for support staff. Computer science became popular in
the 1980s because of the rapidly expanding applications of computers in all career
fields. Other programs ebb and flow depending on job markets.
Numerous studies have found that most students in vocational programs are
satisfied with the training they receive and most employers are pleased with their
preparation (Tennessee Higher Education Commission, 2003; North Carolina
Community College System, 2007). Seventy percent to 90% of those completing the programs gain employment in jobs related to their training. Furthermore,
many matriculants already held jobs and enrolled to gain additional preparation.
And among the non-completers, sometimes called job-outs, many have obtained
employment. The programs success rates depend in large measure on job availability and in the specificity of the field. Sizable differences in program-related
employment are evident between areas of high demand, such as health care and
law enforcement, and those where the market is less distinct, such as sales and
retail trade. And many students use the programs to prepare for entry to university
courses in teaching, health fields, and advanced technologies. The figures show 5%
of the vocational graduates transferring in Illinois, 12% in Florida, 16% in South
Carolina, and 27% in Maryland.
Developmental Education
Developmental education in the community colleges is designed to mitigate the
deficiencies of students who leave high school with or without diplomas, but having
failed to learn the skills necessary for further education or for maintaining employment in any but the most rudimentary jobs. Because the staff usually determine the
levels of reading, writing, and mathematical proficiency considered necessary for
participating in college-level classes, and because the colleges rarely deny admittance to any applicants, the students who are referred to remedial studies are a
diverse lot. They include those who have done poorly in all subjects and those deficient in just one; older students who did well in high school but whose skills, usually
in computation, have fallen into disuse; those with poor study habits or other learning difficulties; and nonnative English speakers, to name only some of the subsets.
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The need for developmental education is evidenced by the reading and mathematics
ability displayed by college-bound high school seniors and by 17-year-olds in the
US population. For the former group, Scholastic Ability Test math scores rose
from 502 in the 1960s to 520 in 2004 but verbal ability dropped from 543 to 509
in 1975, where it remained for 30 years. The National Assessment of Educational
Progress studies of 17-year-olds found their reading ability no better in the early
2000s than it had been in the 1970s. The community college faculty rarely rely
solely on nationally normed tests, preferring rather to administer their own.
Some states (Massachusetts, Texas) have specified test and cutoff scores, but others
allow the institutions to choose their own measures; 128 different instruments are
in use in Californias 108 colleges (Academic Senate for California Community
Colleges, 2004).
All the community colleges provide remedial studies. Nationally, 29% of the
scheduled class sections in English and 32% in mathematics were so designated
(Schuyler, 1999). These data have been corroborated in state studies: 14% of the
credit-course enrollment in Illinois; 17% in North Carolina; and 23% each in
Florida and Washington community colleges were in remedial courses.
Faced with the anomaly of students exiting high school without the basic
skills deemed essential for success in further schooling, all colleges face the same
dilemma: they can define entry and exit points for each course in terms that have
consistent referent; they can allow all students to enroll in any course but limit
the number of courses that poorly prepared students may take in any one term; or
they can build free-standing developmental programs and divert students to them.
All three options are in play. At least two options are unacceptable: allowing sizable numbers of students to enroll and then fail, or reducing academic standards
to the point at which students are not prepared for further education or for the
workplace.
The programs seem effective, but because of the varied definitions, standards,
and program types, reliable data are not easily found. The measures usually
employed include student retention, grade-point average, remedial course completion, successful transition to the college-level programs, and graduation rates.
Studies generally have found remedial programs at least modestly effective in
helping students overcome deficiencies in their pre-collegiate academic preparation
and associated disadvantages (Pascarella and Terenzini, 2005, p. 398).
Community Education
Community education encompasses a variety of special services, few of which
carry college credit. These include adult basic education, continuing occupational
workforce education, lifelong learning, entrepreneurship training, and several types
of cooperative arrangements with other community agencies, along with contract
training provided for prison systems and for particular industries, and courses
offered via electronic media to students in other countries.
45
The magnitude of community education is difficult to determine. There is much

variation in definition and categories and enrollment figures are unreliable. The
American Association of Community Colleges (AACC) estimated enrollments of
over 4.5 million in 1985 but has since stopped reporting these data because of their
imprecision. Recent figures show 140,000 people in Florida enrolled in adult education, lifelong learning, and recreation and leisure activities. In Mississippi more
than 200,000 students were taking noncredit courses including literacy programs
and workforce education. California reported three quarters of a million adults
participating in noncredit courses. Over 17% of all students served by the North
Carolina community colleges were in noncredit adult basic education.
Most community colleges organize separate divisions for providing community
education. These institutes often organize services for seniors, childcare facilities,
substance abuse programs, and community economic development activities. They
arrange contracts to train employees of other public agencies and military-service
members. They also collaborate with community-based organizations to offer
services such as counseling, along with social support, and training to adults in
communities where educational institutions are not available to them. A partnership between a Texas community college and a nongovernmental agency provided
several hundred low-income adults with postsecondary training in health care,
accounting, and English as a Second Language (ESL). Community-based programming has been well established in South Carolina, focusing on issues of concern to
local communities such as economic development and water quality.
Nearly every community college in the nation offers various services through
contracts with specific companies that pay the costs of training their workers in
job-specific and computer-related skills, management preparation, and workplace
literacy. The colleges have also taken advantage of various federal programs
designed to retrain technologically displaced workers and other unemployed people,
with funds provided by various federal acts. Collaborations with unions have also
brought forward programs for skilled workers in auto repair and construction.
Most prison systems offer college and high school makeup courses to their inmates.
The largest number of participants comprises 17% of the inmates of federal prisons
and 11% in Texas. Recently 30% of the inmates in 78 state prisons in North Carolina
were enrolled and some of them were earning associate degrees. The recidivism rate
for inmates who participate in educational programs is significantly lower than for
the prison population as a whole (Erisman and Contardo, 2005).
Entrepreneurship training and small-business development is another popular
area of community education. Many colleges house Small Business Development
Centers funded jointly by the federal government along with state, local, and private entities. The content of entrepreneurship training, designed to assist people
in starting their own businesses, includes developing a business plan, obtaining
licenses and loans, and employing other people.
Because community services do not enjoy consistent funding, the managers
of these programs must continually be on the alert for sources of income. Much
of community education transfers the costs of certain programs to other public
agencies, for example, the training programs conducted by community colleges
46
A.M. Cohen
on behalf of police and fire departments that are too small to operate their own
academies. The programs supported by public funds tend toward those that are useful to communities at large rather than individuals. They are verifiably educative,
as opposed to those that are predominantly recreational, and they provide services
not readily available elsewhere for the local population. To the college managers,
community educations main appeal is that most of it is self-supporting; hence, they
can offer it even in the face of reduced state funding.
Collegiate Education
Collegiate education refers to college-level programs for students intending to
transfer to universities and for those who plan on entering the workforce. Centering
on the liberal arts, this area accounts for more than half the credit curriculum. It is
headed by the humanities, English, science, and social science, which total to 38%
of the curriculum overall. Other leading areas of the curriculum show how occupational programs are represented in the collegiate function, with math and computer
science, along with business trade and industry and technical education, making
up 35% of the curriculum. This curriculum distribution is stable, with little change
from year to year. The most rapid expansion in the past 20 years has been ESL.
More than half the colleges of the nation provide it and, together with Spanish, it
accounts for 75% of the foreign language offerings. Each year 250,000 students
take ESL for credit and nearly as many are in noncredit classes.
The colleges, and the universities that receive most of their transferring students,
work continually to articulate courses so that students are not penalized by losing
credits when they move to the baccalaureate-granting institutions. This practice
works best in coupled programs, where the community college offers the first
2 years of a teacher education program. Most liberal arts courses are accepted for
lower division credit toward the baccalaureate. The community colleges dare not
deviate greatly from university requirements, lest their students be penalized when
they transfer.
Early college initiatives and the community college baccalaureate are two areas
into which the community colleges are expanding their collegiate functions. The
first refers to programs arranged jointly with secondary schools, so that students
may take college courses while they are in grades 1012 and make a ready transition to postsecondary education. The second is an actual institutional transformation whereby the community colleges gain permission from the state to begin
offering bachelors degrees, usually in teacher education and nursing. However,
when they do, they become 4-year institutions and move out of the community college category for purposes of accreditation. So far only a few states have granted
this permission and around 20 former community colleges have become 4-year
institutions. But the number will undoubtedly rise because they provide bachelors
degrees at lower cost than the universities.
47
Institutional Role and Trends

The community colleges primary contribution to the American public is to provide
access access to postsecondary education that leads to the baccalaureate, access
to occupational studies that lead to better employment possibilities and higher
income, and access to specialized learning activities for people seeking skills or
knowledge in areas of their own interest.
The colleges other main contributions are in economic development and cost
savings. Raising the skills and employability of substantial numbers of people, providing a trained workforce for a variety of businesses and industries, and engaging
in cooperative ventures with other public agencies seeking to augment state income
all enhance economic development. By providing the first 2 years of college at
between one third and one half the cost of public 4-year colleges and universities,
they save state funds, a contribution verified recently in several states that have
mandated their universities to hold space for community college transfers.
In the next 4 years, the number of students enrolled in community colleges will
increase to 7 million; by 2015 they will account for 43% of all higher education.
Of the ten occupations projected to have the largest job increase in the nation, six
are in areas for which community colleges offer training programs, mostly in the
health fields. The number of part-time students will decrease slightly and the percentage of younger students will increase as the availability of university freshman
classes fails to keep pace with rising populations. The number of associate degrees
awarded will increase at a rate greater than the increase in the number of students
served because of strong moves toward encouraging students to make steady
progress toward completing their programs.
Among the faculty, the ratio of full-timers to part-timers has stabilized at just
under 4060 and will likely remain there as the administrators desire to save
money by employing part-timers is offset by the faculty organizations ability to
protect full-time positions. Pro rata pay for part-time employment has long been
discussed but shows no sign of being adopted. As one study concluded: The unequal compensation of part-time faculty reflects an appropriate balance of market
conditions at the local level that should not be tampered with (California State
Auditor, 2000, p. 2). As long as full-time faculty are willing to teach extra classes
at lower pay rates, and as long as administrators need the hourly rate instructors to
help balance the budget, part-timers will remain as low-paid adjuncts. The administrative staff will increase as outside agencies continually expect more data from
the colleges, and more staff are needed to manage specially funded programs and
campus security.
The colleges can anticipate little change in per capita funding because they are
in continual competition for funds with other public agencies. There will be more
college-level entrepreneurialism and more campaigns for private donations, but the
curriculum centering on vocational, collegiate, and developmental programs with
community education as ancillary will not change. Continual retraining for adults
changing careers will be necessary, along with basic skills development for young
48
A.M. Cohen
people leaving high school without what they need to maintain employment or
further education. There is a high backlog of functionally illiterate and nonnative
English-speaking people who will look to the community colleges to provide essential instruction for them. These forms of education will account for one third of the
instructional budget. Funding for vocational education is assured because state legislators will continue considering it as an essential function. Even though universities are developing programs on technologies, and the proprietary schools that teach
specific skills are becoming more prominent, there will be enough demand to keep
them all occupied. The community college will thrive as an essential component of
post-compulsory education in America.
References
Academic Senate for California Community Colleges. The State of Basic Skills Instruction
in California Community Colleges. Sacramento, CA: Academic Senate for California
Community Colleges, 2004.
California State Auditor. California Community Colleges: Part-Time Faculty Are Compensated Less
than Full-Time Faculty for Teaching Activities. Sacramento, CA: California State Auditor, 2000.
Erisman, W. and Contardo, J.B. Learning to Reduce Recidivism: A 50-State Analysis of Postsecondary
Correctional Education Policy. Institute for Higher Education Policy. November 2005.
Horn, L. and Nevill, S. Profiles of Undergraduates in U.S. Postsecondary Education Institutions,
200304: with a Special Analysis of Community College Students. Statistical Analysis
Report. NCES 2006184. US Department of Education. Washington, DC: National Center for
Education Statistics, 2006.
Moriarty, J. and Savarese, M. Directory of Faculty Contracts and Bargaining Agents in Institutions
of Higher Education. New York: National Center for the Study of Collective Bargaining in
Higher Education and the Professions, 2005.
National Center for Education Statistics. Digest of Educational Statistics 2005. Washington, DC:
US Department of Education, 2006.
North Carolina Community College System. A Matter of Facts: The North Carolina Community
College System. Raleigh, NC: North Carolina Community College System, 2007.
Pascarella, E.T. and Terenzini, P.T. How College Affects Students: A Third Decade of Research
(2nd edition). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2005.
Schuyler, G. A Historical and Contemporary View of the Community College Curriculum. In
G. Schulyer (ed.), Trends in Community College Curriculum. New Directions for Community
Colleges, no. 108. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 1999.
Tennessee Higher Education Commission. Employer Satisfaction Project 20022003. Nashville,
TN: Tennessee Higher Education Commission, 2003.
Part II
Introduction: Community College

Models and Their Roles
as Humanitarian Institutions
Countries worldwide utilize postsecondary education to counter socioeconomic

inequities. The community college model symbolizes a process by which social
reform can be successfully implemented. The chapters in this part define the
importance of community college models through the humanist perspective which
views these institutions as a means to equalize opportunity, promote access, and,
in so doing, define a path for social mobility and social transformation. For some
countries, community college models allow opportunities for those who previously
have been denied access to postsecondary education. For other countries, access is
less important, but community revitalization is of utmost concern. In either context,
community college models continue to redefine sociocultural constructs.
Amy Shu-min Chen and Wei-ni Wang explore this construct through grassroots
learning in Taiwan as a way to build a civil society which is based on knowledge
emancipation and social engagement. Humanitarianism is examined in the chapters by Douglas Mpondi in postcolonial Zimbabwe, and by Xavier Alphonse and
Edward Valeau in India, as a way of giving access to tertiary education to those who
have been denied opportunity during the colonial era. Dang Ba Lam and Nguyen
Huy Vi examine the means by which community college models themselves were
adopted in Vietnam, especially in regard to how these institutions directly assist
social renovation and international integration. Robert DeBard and Tamara Rice
envision how a social justice program offered by community college models in
the United States and in China can aid in securing peace and can positively impact
the social standard of living. Finally, Pattanida Puntumasen and Takayoshi Maki
provide a context in which community college models have been ingrained in
Thailand to ensure quality local education designed with local participation to meet
local needs. All the chapters in this part reflect on defined learning as a lever to
empower community participation and to mediate the means to foster a sustainable
democracy and a civil society.
Chapter 4
From Education to Grassroots Learning:

Towards a Civil Society Through Community
Colleges in Taiwan
Amy Shi-min Chen and Wei-ni Wang
Introduction
Since the 1980s, building a civil society has been a prevailing endeavor in many
countries, including Taiwan, which want to be transformed into more democratic
states, where greater participation from citizens is expected in public affairs and
decision-making (Huang, 1997). Essentially, civil society refers to the arena that
allows collective action to take place without bureaucratic and institutional coercions over public interests, values and issues. In order to create such an arena,
efforts have been made, based on various perspectives and disciplines such as sociology, political science, and education. However, it still begs the questions of how
a civil society, in which people function for common interests and public good, can
be sustained, and how and why people are able and willing to act as capable citizens
commited to public affairs and values.
Adult education might be one of the most effective answers to these questions.
Quigley (2000) argues that adult education, given its long history in promoting
peoples ability to have their say, plays a critical role in taking radical actions to
engage in the social movement of constructing a more democratic and inclusive
society, in which marginalized voices are heard and are taken into account seriously. Such a grassroots approach appeared inspirational in the early nineties to
some social reformers who were conscientiously concerned with promoting local
and community awareness when Taiwan was undergoing some major societal transformations. These people combined the vision of building a civil society through
social development with efforts at educational reform, and they proposed the idea
of establishing community colleges as a means to provide learning opportunities for
people to become effective and capable citizens to promote and practice democracy
(Gu, 2001; Huang, 1997). As a result, the first Taiwanese community college was
established in 1998, and the model is continuously evolving into a visible social
force to foster the building of a civil society. To date, over one hundred community
colleges have been established in Taiwan.

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A.S. Chen and W. Wang
Overview of the Taiwanese Community College

Community colleges in Taiwan are called community universities in the local
language. The term university was chosen because it expresses a sense of comprehensiveness and diversity in terms of program and service offerings (Huang, 1997).
Despite the model being named community universities, we personally perceive
that the term college would better showcase the spirit of the Taiwanese model
as university is a symbolic term for credentialism and the academic elite while
college could be easily associated with the image of liberal education and
community-based learning. Additionally, in the educational context in Taiwan,
community colleges refer to another developing model focusing primarily on the
long-standing track of vocational schools and junior polytechnic colleges that confer vocational degrees. Therefore, to facilitate discussion and minimize rhetorical
confusion, and in parallel to their international counterparts, community college
is used in this article to refer to the Taiwanese community universities.
Origins and Missions

Taiwan was a single-party country under martial law until 1987. After martial law
was revoked, the country moved to a multi-party democracy with many political
and social structural changes, such as direct legislative and presidential elections
(Wright, 1999). It was then that people were first given the right to speech and gathering, and an independent press. Several social movements, such as farmer movements, labor union protests, and judicial reforms, prevailed over the authoritarian
government; in less than two decades, the Taiwan government has implemented
many political and social reforms and the country has been peacefully transformed
into a more mature democracy. This transformation has been known internationally
as the Silent Revolution in Taiwan.
Many of the political and social reforms in Taiwan, including reforms of higher
education, have been initiated by groups outside the sphere of the state (Wong,
2005; Wright, 1999). Access to higher education was relatively restrained for
decades, as it was affected by the national college entrance examination; in 1995,
the number of tertiary students was 377,431, which only represented 1.77% of
the total national population in Taiwan (Ministry of Education, n.d.; Ministry of
Interior Affairs, n.d.). In comparison, in the same year, many advanced countries
had higher percentages: 6.86 in Canada, 5.36 in the United States, 5.34 in Australia,
4.93 in Korea, 4.19 in Finland, 3.62 in France, and 3.12 in Japan (Organization for
Economic Co-operation and Development, n.d.; The World Bank, 2000; United
Nations, 1997). In addition, knowledge that is not required for the entrance exam
is likely to be neglected by students, parents, schools, and even the society, so that
subjects included in the entrance exam became of utmost importance to many.
When students are cramming up only what is required for the entrance exam, other
subjects such as citizenship and arts are frequently viewed as inferior. As a result,
Civil Society Through Community Colleges in Taiwan
53
the education system has been overly emphasizing credentials, textbook knowledge, and meritocracy, and has been criticized by individuals longing for a wellrounded learning and schooling environment (Huang, 1997, 1999). Recognizing
the countrys urgent need to increase peoples access to knowledge and educational
opportunities, and respond to the global trend of growing emphasis on higher education, Dr. Wu-shiung Huang initiated the establishment of community colleges in
1994 (Huang, 1999).
Huang was inspired by the American community colleges, which focus on
open-door admission and grassroots services to the surrounding communities, and
those of the North European Folk High Schools, which have a citizenship orientation (Taipei City Government, 1999). According to Huangs detailed blueprint
(1997), community colleges in Taiwan would aim at emancipating knowledge
from ivory towers and advance the formation of a civil society by offering various
education programs to enable and empower people as active and effective citizens.
Huangs ideas were well received, and supporters from various non-governmental
organizations began a grassroots social movement to establish community colleges
as a means to meeting diverse learning needs in a democratic society. Since the
founding of the first community colleges in September 1998, the numbers have
been increasing impressively. To date, there is a total of 105 community colleges,
including 13 for tribalcommunities (National Association for the Promotion of
Community University, 2008). The rapid growth of Taiwanese community college
education is very promising and indicates that such educational ideals have been
well-accepted by the general public (Gu, 2001; Huang, 2003).
In fact, the evolution of community colleges in Taiwan is closely related to the
social context. Responding to the challenge posed by global trends of promoting
lifelong learning, the establishment of community colleges is an educational intervention expected to provide access to postsecondary education to those who would
never have had the opportunity, and engage people in multidimensional learning.
To be more specific, the mission of community colleges in Taiwan is to reduce credentialism, and improve community development and quality of life, by providing
adults with learning opportunities which emphasize learner-centered instruction
and encourage social and community engagement (Huang, 1997; Tsai, n.d.).
Community colleges in Taiwan are thus poised to provide educational opportunities
to the public, for the sake of learning.
Governance
Pioneering community colleges in Taiwan were established without comprehensive legal directions or foundations, as efforts in grassroots educational reform
progressed faster than government regulations (F. Huang, 2002). As a result, community college advocates and administrators had a rough start in identifying and
ensuring government support for finances and infrastructure, and promoting the
recognition of community college certificates and degrees. They sought assistance
54
from local governments and formed partnerships that highlighted the fundamental
visions and values which were similar to those of charter schools in the United
States. The collaborative relationship between local governments and community
colleges linked public resources and the new educational initiative firmly, and led
to the good use of resources and expertise from both ends. As a result, the community colleges in Taiwan have become privately-managed public educational
institutions, founded by community groups or private organizations that operate
under a written contract with the governments regarding institutional mission and
visions, administration, and performance evaluation. Such semi-autonomy ensures
that the community colleges are exempted from most local laws and regulations
related to education, but to gain renewal of the contract, they must prove that their
performance and services have achieved the goals specified in the initial contract
(Huang, 1997; Taipei City Government, 1999), such as admission and enrollment
management, faculty recruitment, and financial management. Community colleges
are accountable for their performance and effectiveness and are responsible for
meeting budget limits. Local governments, on the other hand, play the supervising
role and are required to provide community colleges with financial and infrastructure support in accordance with the contract. In other words, with limited support
in terms of budget and infrastructure from local governments, community college
leaders and administrations show great freedom and flexibility in figuring out what
is to be offered to their communities through their services.
However, such a breakthrough was certainly not enough for the sustainability of
the community college system. The advocates of the system and the professionals
involved in it worked with several non-governmental organizations to lobby the
enactment of national level laws that would provide permanent legal guidance for
the position and governance of the system. The passing of the Lifelong Learning
Law in 2002 at last answered the call and stated that the community colleges are
lifelong learning institutions supervised by city/county governments (equivalent
to state government in the US provincial context). The community college system
in Taiwan, therefore, has institutions that are independent from the Taiwanese
educational hierarchy, and has the primary goal of providing lifelong learning
opportunities to all.
Curriculum
Three categories of programs are offered: academic programs, life skills programs,
and community involvement programs (Huang, n.d.). Academic programs are
basically general education in the areas of liberal arts, social sciences, and natural
sciences. Life skills programs provide a large array of courses to enrich personal
interests and life skills. The last but not the least, community involvement programs, lead students to become actively involved in community affairs and provide
them opportunities to develop a sense of citizenship. A certificate is granted after
the completion of each course, and learners who attain 128 credits receive an
associate degree. Certificates and degrees are granted by community colleges as
55
rewards for the time and effort students devoted to learning and a visible recognition of what they have accomplished. In terms of grading, a pass/fail system is used
in community college contexts, indicating that grades or GPA are not significant to
student success as they are in formal education. All the same, there has not been
much discussion in Taiwan regarding issues related to student success.
Credits in Taiwan refer to the phenomenon by which people acquire education
and participate in schooling, receiving credits as if they were admission tickets
for refining their social roles, such as finding jobs, getting promotions, and so on.
Therefore, receiving credits is more important than the process of education and
learning, and even the individuals capability (Huang, 1997). In other words, the
face value of credits is more than what has actually been learned and acquired from
education. The advocates of the community colleges argued that such a social value
prevented people from truly embracing the joy of learning, and urged the opening
of access to education, so that the abundant learning opportunities offered by the
community colleges would weaken the negative impact of credits (Tsai, 2006), as
a result of which the process of education and learning and the individuals competence would become more important than credits.
Although the community college system in Taiwan has pedagogy similar to most
of its international counterparts, such as valuing personal enrichment and knowledge acquisition for individual and collective purposes, its uniqueness depends on
its curriculum. Applying the American community college system as the frame of
reference for comparison, the American system is seen to offer transfer, vocational/
occupational, and community education programs, but with phenomenal emphasis
on the first two (Cohen and Brawer, 2003; Wright, 2000). Comparing these two
models, it is apparent that Taiwans community colleges have a greater emphasis
on general and community education programs that do not lead to end of the course
degrees. The vocational/occupational education programs also have relatively less
emphasis and currently no transfer education is offered. The divergence in the
focus of the program of the Taiwanese and American community college models
reflects the fact that the American model has greater interaction with educational
institutions such as high schools and 4-year courses in universities; in other words,
the American community college is part of the educational hierarchy of the country,
resulting in a considerable amount of discussion on student success and seamless
transition from high school to a community college and then to a 4-year university.
In Taiwan, community colleges are currently independent of the educational system, so programs are more flexible and have greater association with the broader
contexts of the community and society.
Civil Society, Learning, Knowledge Emancipation

and Social Engagement
This section contains a theoretical discussion of the core concepts and philosophical
issues relating to the foundation of community colleges in Taiwan. We consider
adult learners to be citizens with great social responsibilities for building a
56
democratic society, whose motivation to learn is based on social reality. First, we

introduce the concept of civil society, and secondly, argue that learning must transcend education for providing a solid ground for a civil society. Thirdly, we point
out that knowledge emancipation from the authorities is the beginning point for
adult learners to define what meaningful and useful knowledge is to them. We adopt
critical perspectives and declare that governmental hegemony and elite-oriented
knowledge neglect the crucial voices from the grassroots. Finally, we propose service
learning as an appropriate approach in improving social engagement, as it represents
an innovative means of learning from and giving back to the community.
Concept of Civil Society

There has been considerable discussion regarding the desire to promote a civil
society. In the political realm, the definition of civil is mainly associated with
the state or its citizenry, focusing on the acquisition of the civic skills necessary for
participating in democracy, understanding how the government functions, obtaining the right and obligation to vote, and acting as an individual political member in
the nation or state. This political definition includes the aim of constructing a democratic society with a good perspective of life. From an interpersonal perspective, on
the other hand, being civil refers to individuals acting with adequate courtesy and
politeness, and thereby engaging themselves with manners in society. The second
definition seems to come to the conclusion that, as long as people have good manners and treat others with courtesy, a civilized society would evolve.
However, a civil society is not limited to respecting people around us or acting as
courteous individuals in the collective world (Khilnani, 2001; Lisman, 1998; Olfield,
1990; Turner, 1993). It should go beyond viewing society as a self-interest-oriented
environment for people to fulfill personal needs and desires. On the contrary, if a
society is made up of civilized citizens, it is likely to establish a specific consciousness towards forming a collective community in which people expect each other
to participate in social engagement and to show social responsibilities. This is the
vision that the pioneering advocates of Taiwans community colleges shared: creating a space to endow citizens with the virtues and capacities necessary for forming
a civil society.
The knowledge and skills essential to form a civil society are generally regarded
as citizenship, a concept that is critical for the successful functioning of modern
political systems, which can be classified into five categories: a sense of identity,
the enjoyment of certain rights, the fulfillment of corresponding obligations, a
degree of interest and involvement in public affairs, and an acceptance of basic
social values (Stein, 2000). Although citizenship can be cultivated through governmental and non-governmental agencies as well as mass media, creating a type
of institution with a specific mission of educating people to become civilized is a
more proactive approach (Heater, 1990). Based on such theoretical contexts, the
newly developed Taiwanese community colleges expect themselves, and have also
57
been expected, to serve as a non-profit and non-governmental learning institution

for opening learning opportunities to all, meaning that they would be taking on the
role of equipping modern citizens with the capabilities of creating and sustaining a
democratic society and state (Chen and Chiang, 2007).
Learning Transcending Education

The distinction and relation between learning and education have long been a classic
topic in pedagogy and sociology. Why learning takes place in the form of education, and why learning stands as the core and direction, in contrast to education, are
two central questions that are of interest in approaching the distinction. Here, we
examine their relation from three dimensions. First, compulsory education determines the leaving age for formal schooling, meaning that there eventually will be a
finish line for peoples access to education. The urge to rethink about receiving education as a basic human right is then discussed. Second, learning is not something
that can be isolated from social life. This assumes that learning is taking place in the
functioning of a modern or postmodern society as people struggle with the novelty
and risks in everyday life. Third, the risks in society not only produce unpredictable situations but society also discovers tremendous differences among constructs
of gender, race, ethnicity, etc. Learning is thus a pathway to enable people to live
together in a community which has great diversity.
Learning as a Basic Human Right

Since the United Nations proclaimed the right to education as a fundamental human
right in Article 26 of the United Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, education
for all has been on the international agenda for doing away with the circumstances
of inequality, poverty, and oppression. Therefore, the right to learn throughout
ones lifetime became a better objective to respond to peoples quest for more
achievements in personal development, corporate gains and public responsibility
(Jansen, Finger and Wildemeersch, 1998), particularly after modernization,
globalization and post-modernity had evoked significant changes in distance and
time (Edwards and Usher, 2000). Learning hence has to replace education for
equipping adult learners: to access sufficient information and resources so they can
orient themselves in the world, to express themselves in confidence so their voices
will be heard and taken into account, to solve problems and to act independently
as citizens for public good, and to keep up with a rapidly changing world (Martin,
1999; Stein, 2000). In other words, the right to learn is not only a mission for
governments or states to fulfill by providing educational opportunities to all, but
also a continuous learning activity for citizens to enjoy throughout their lifetime.
58
The distinctive mission of Taiwans community colleges is to empower people

to understand the nature of learning and thus emphasize the value of experiential
knowledge gained from ordinary life. Although its curriculum is in some ways
institutionalized, the Taiwan model is committed to liberalize the dissemination of
knowledge and mass experience from the authorities, so that learning, rather than
education, serves as the mechanism to equip people with the power and strength to
voice their needs and fight against structural oppression and political hegemony.
Learning as a Dynamic Political Plan

Learning shifts from being an instrumental process to a coping mechanism in
the unpredictable and dramatic contemporary society, in which novel technology
rapidly transforms ways of living and fills ordinary life with risks (Giddens, 1991;
Usher, 1999). Therefore, education, governed by unchanging rules or acquired
through a formal process within a limited period of time, is not enough to teach
learners to cope with the unanticipated risks in the global system. It is learning
that enables people to employ their strengths to face unpredictability and to remain
responsible through dynamic social activities.
To be able to survive successfully in contemporary society, people must learn to
be responsive to and reflect upon the happenings in both public and private spheres.
Once people obtain the confidence to confront unpredictability with ease and efficiency, society will benefit from their flexible and reflective consciousness. Giddens
(1991) termed such a learning process a political plan that supplies people with
the necessary power and skills to struggle against the modern risk in all aspects of
their lives. Community colleges in Taiwan, only loosely bound by governmental rules
and regulations due to the private-management-of-public-establishment model of
operation, are equipped to provide such a dynamic platform, allowing people to
exercise an interactive learning process, exchange different perspectives of new
knowledge and empower them to reflect upon their own experiences.
Learning as an Approach to Embrace Differences

Compared to the risk in society as a circumstance people live with, postmodern
society is a container filling with differences. Difference means diversity, implying that various norms, beliefs, customs and behaviors exist, and are regarded as
significant identities by different groups of people in the society. Therefore, it is of
vital importance to consider a multicultural perspective in education, regardless of
the disciplines involved or subject matter taught at any level. Unlike formal educational institutions that give textbook knowledge priority, community colleges serve
as an environment for people to exchange, share, and consider different opinions.
Absolutely correct answers and accurate solutions are rare in such a context, but
59
the synergy evolved from the conversation among different individuals is more
stimulating and welcome.
The foundation for a rich, complex and coherent vision of citizenship is necessary for preparing people to respond effectively to the challenges and demands of
the multicultural social reality. In this aspect, learning definitely goes beyond the
education system, which is always in favor of centralization and suppression of
the national apparatus. It is such a paradigm shift from education to learning that
enables us to enjoy greater possibilities of cultural interpretation and development,
domestically and internationally. Reflecting upon their origins, missions, governance, and curriculum, community colleges in Taiwan, operating as a type of lifelong learning organization, are undoubtedly geared toward the learning end.
Taiwans community colleges are different from other education providers that
view credits and dissemination of textbook knowledge as their priorities, as they
give more weight to learning processes and experiences. For example, courses
titled, Gender, Family and Life Images of Yi-lan Community University,
Creation of Tribal Arts of Tai-tung Community University, Hakka Ballad of
Kaohsiung Ci-shan Community University, etc., are designed on the basis of local
histories and cultures. In other words, the essence of learning for personal reasons
and the common good authenticates the services provided by these colleges and
furthers the possibility of forming a civil society.
Knowledge Emancipation
Radical and critical approaches are famous for their manifest will to eliminate
injustice and reflect upon the power struggle resulting from class, gender, ethnicity,
race, and culture. Sharing similar core concerns, radical adult education plays its
role in freeing people from political control and economic exploitation by evoking
collective actions through educational approaches to achieve social reforms and
movements for public good (Wangoola, 1996). In other words, adult learning is not
merely a motivation to learn, but an action for people to obtain control over their
own lives. Freires work in Brazil is a famous representation of how educational
approaches awoke the formerly oppressed by identifying their power from within to
collectively fight for what they deserved (Freire and Rarmos, 1970).
Current and past critical theorists based their concept of education on the stance
of promoting justice, freedom, and emancipation for all (Giroux, 1992; Popkewitz,
2000), and through this, the appreciation of diversity emerged. Critical pedagogy,
transformative learning, and liberal education are approaches to prepare people not
only for surviving in the current reality but also using their imagination, skills, and
experience to transform society into a participatory and sustainable democracy.
Consequently, critical social perspectives became a framework to interpret social
reality and a viewpoint for advancing equality and justice through emancipation.
Emancipation is a long-term process to free people from political and cultural
hegemony via learning basic literacy, obtaining political rights, fulfilling social
60
responsibilities, and recognizing cultural achievements (Tsai, 2006). Based on the

radical framework of emancipation, community colleges in Taiwan play an important role in empowering people to learn in order to gain power over the hegemony
and oppression that existed before the revoking of martial law in 1987. Through the
grassroots services, people are expected to obtain the power and capacity of interpreting and defining the meaning of their lives in both private and public spheres.
Experience Enriching Knowledge Acquisition

Under the context of globalization and rapid dissemination of information technology worldwide, it appears that the transmission channels and contents of
knowledge are not solely controlled by academia any more. The phenomenon
of knowledge production in the modern era can therefore be categorized into
two distinctive modes: one is culturally-concentrated knowledge and the other is
socially-distributed knowledge (Gibbson et al., 1994). The first is defined as a form
of knowledge production in which intellectual products are being controlled extensively by the intellectuals and professionals. They are the key persons to define
what is important to mankind and possess the power to determine the composition
of knowledge. However, it is only when these professionals and intellectuals release
the authority of knowledge production and the power of interpretation to mass
media and the public, that a so-called learning society can be formed and become
a site encouraging civic participation (Usher, 1999). The second mode, sociallydistributed knowledge, refers to the emergent work of intellectual products that are
increasingly being produced and consumed outside the traditional university settings.
The latter definition shows a phenomenon taking place in a materialistic modern
context rooted in corporate and entrepreneurial orientations. We do not intend to
imply in this chapter that modern knowledge production is merely for capitalism
and corporates, but we have seen a paradigm shift along with the social movements
via knowledge production (Schriewer, 2000). This transition is in line with the concept of a knowledge society, where constructivism is the methodology to discourse
upon what is being valued and promoted, with the premises of viewing knowledge
as being constructed by and within social contexts (Berger and Luckmann, 1966).
In that sense, control and authority of knowledge production and dissemination
have clearly been liberalized from the traditional palace of elite academia.
The characteristics of socially-distributed knowledge further imply the unconventional opportunities for citizens to participate in the process of voicing what is
significant to themselves and to the society as a whole (Moreland, 1999). Adults
benefit from the opportunity of being able to justify what is essential to their quest
for socially-distributed knowledge. In fact, as long as adults are empowered to
reflect upon what is meaningful to their learning, what they have learned would be
more likely to be blended into their everyday life in a more profound way (Edwards
and Usher, 2000; Moreland, 1999). As far as the Taiwan community colleges are
concerned, emancipation of knowledge from the ivory tower is a core concentration
61
of their institutional missions. It responds to the vision that critical adult education
theorists have long constructed: gaining power from within to fight against hegemony and oppression, and reacting to the trend of promoting socially-distributed
knowledge in contemporary society.
We mentioned earlier that building a civil society is the core vision embedded
in the community college system of Taiwan. In addition, we discussed the analysis
of a paradigm shift from education to learning to highlight how knowledge emancipation has helped adult learners in Taiwan to obtain power within and rely upon
their learning through community college offerings. In this section, we conclude
the theoretic discussion by elaborating on service learning as a proactive means
by which learners can apply and exercise what they have learned from community
colleges in the contexts of community settings.
Social Engagement via Service Learning

Service learning refers to the type of learning that takes place in the community
and which in turn benefits the community via the learners active contribution,
which could be viewed as a different form of learning (Lee, 2005; Lisman, 1998).
According to Courtney (1992), service learning is a method under which students
or participants learn and develop ability and morality through active participation
in a service program that is conducted on the basis of the needs of the community
and is coordinated with an elementary school, secondary school, or an institution of
higher education. Its purposes are to foster civic responsibility and integrate learners into the components of community services (Jansen et al., 1998; Vandenabeele
and Wildemeersch, 1998).
However, service learning is different from experiential learning and volunteerism, two concepts leading to the promotion of a civil society. Service learning is
believed to be capable of nurturing social engagement. In treating service learning
under the umbrella of experiential learning, we may easily be trapped in the scientific bias in education, as experiential learning reinforces an instrumental reason for
neglecting to assist learners and to understand the moral dimensions of academic
disciplines. Besides, volunteerism is a form of providing services without receiving
payment (Chen, 2006; Ho, 2004; Lisman, 1998; Saunders, 1993). Service learning
is also different from volunteering in community events or activities, because the
latter is more individualistic and does not generate responses to human and social
problems. In other words, service learning is distinct from the other two because
it blends learners into the social context for the purpose of establishing long-term
social engagement in fulfilling the commitment to the common wealth. Given its
theoretic foundations, service learning is then a grassroots approach to build a civil
society, as well as the pathway to enable learners to find channels to blend with
the community, and engage in dialogues on social issues. Service learning provides
opportunities for learners to reflect upon their experiences and the relevance of
course content and learning processes to the community issues that are being explored.
62
Thus, learners will deepen their understanding of the issues they are engaged in
and perhaps become socially transformed through working on issues in relation to
community problems or national concerns.
Learning is not restricted to the classroom. The sense of civic participation
offered by community colleges is a representation of social commitment and the
result of it is to progress toward becoming mature citizens in society (C. Huang,
2002). There are several issues provided by the community involvement programs
in the community colleges in Taiwan to link individual learners to the community, society, state, or even the world. Cultural Protection in ABC Community,
Sustainable Environment, Charity Society, Aboriginal Culture Heritage, and
the like, are popular topics. These service learning programs are designed to
focus on public affairs and enrich learners capability and make them aware of the
responsibility of social engagement, which justifies the comment made earlier that
service learning is a grassroots approach reaching out to social issues, while experiential learning and volunteerism are merely based on personal interests. Given the
origin and mission of Taiwans community colleges, service learning is indeed a
grassroots approach to learning that can be nurtured by them.
Taiwans Community Colleges: Prevailing Trends

and Practice
As mentioned earlier, three types of programs are offered by Taiwans community college system, academic, life skills, and community involvement programs,
of which the last is unique and has obtained a growing visibility. Different from
academic and life skills programs that are mainly designed by administrators or
instructors, community involvement programs enable learners to become active
participants by standing up for their interests and needs, and in shaping their
learning experiences. From this perspective, such programs present a hidden spirit
of empowering underserving people to initiate what is good for them, to solve
personal and community problems. Some community involvement programs in
Taiwan are operated in community theaters, by environmental protection task
forces, local agricultural extension services, aboriginal cultural reservations, etc.
These programs show strong links with events where the community colleges are
located and present a collaborative learning experience, shared by the community,
and leading to an emerging distinction of the community college as a site for nurturing the study of the locality. For instance, Chia-yi City Community University has
positioned itself as an agent to rediscover and revive local history and collective
memories through the efforts of mapping the Chia-yi ecological system and establishing a mini exhibition hall of traditional and cultural artifacts on the campus.
Specifically, community involvement programs share the philosophy of community education, which is a program that focuses on college-community interaction, utilizes the community as a learning laboratory and resource, helps to create
an environment in which the community educates itself, and evaluates its success
63
by citizen successes that are recognized as significant by the community itself

(McGuire, 1988, p. 9). Adult education (instruction designed for people beyond
the age of compulsory education attendance), continuing education (educational
programs designed for people who regard learning as a means of developing their
competency or resolving personal problems), lifelong learning (intermittent education, whether or not undertaken in school settings), community services (efforts
undertaken in cooperation with other community groups or agencies in order to
directly serve individual and community educational needs not met by formal
schooling or certificate programs), and community-based education (programs
designed by the citizens for the good of the community) are common formats discussed in the community college literature (Baker III, 1994; Bogart, 1994; Cohen
and Brawer, 2003; Fields, 1962; Gleazer Jr., 1974; McGuire, 1988).
These five formats present some common characteristics, including: access to
all with a multitude of entry points in time and place, continuous service to the
learner throughout life, values and priorities set on the basis of needs of the people,
flexibility to respond quickly to community needs, and performance orientation
and criteria (McGuire, 1988). Among the five, continuing education is the least
seen format since such a program in Taiwan is mainly administrated by industries
and government sectors. However, the other four are equally popular in Taiwan.
Literacy courses for foreigners and immigrants, seminars on safe usage of drugs,
environmental protection and reservation workshops are some of the most prevalent
content areas.
In sum, community involvement programs represent a unique trend and orientation of the Taiwanese community colleges. Through these programs, community
colleges provide a platform for their students to hold diverse community-based
activities and extend the participation opportunity to those community citizens
who even do not enroll. As a result, learning does not just occur in the classroom
and limit to people enrolled, participation as an audience can also receive updated
information and knowledge to replace old assumptions. The community, on the
other hand, would be transformed into a dynamic learning system that is able to
educate itself.
Examples of Current Practice

A few examples are drawn to showcase how community involvement programs
provide the open space for learners to get engaged in community affairs as well as
for community members to show more commitments and community consciousness towards the environments they live in.
Ching-shui Theater run by Taichung Coastal Community University was the
awardee of the Best Community Involvement Program of the Year Award in 2006.
Members of the Theater compose their scripts based on the history and happenings in the
community. They especially enjoy looking for stories of regular community members;
as a result, they visit the community frequently and interview people for inspirations.
64
Through conversations and community participation, the actors and actresses come
up with screenplays that are extremely close the lives of people living in the area, and
present their work as a means of public services to the community. Their efforts have
been seen and the Theater has been recognized as a valuable local cultural entity by
the community as a whole.
Collaborating with local and regional non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
to establish a community learning network is deeply infused in the community college practices in Taiwan. Not only are they advocates and think tanks, community
colleges also play a coordinating role among other NGOs involved in the network
to integrate community resources. Yi-lan Community University invited a dozen
of regional mountaineering associations, wilderness protection groups, and community organizations to form a task force to come up with a loop trail system in the
Yi-lan area. Since the beginning, these organizations had a shared resolution that
the trail system would be community-oriented, meaning local history, ecology, and
assets would be infused. Therefore, how the college coordinated the project was to
involve experts from participating NGOs in decision making, and cooperate their
respective professional knowledge into the plan. As a result, the loop trail system
became not just a collection of hiking trails; it is a system which landscaping, community development, and local business are all tightly connected to community
values. In terms of operation, community residents assist the maintenance and serve
as rangers and guides telling visitors stories about Yi-lan (National Association for
the Promotion of Community University, 2004).
Another example to present to what extent community involvement programs is
capable of reacting to community needs is a series of health education programs
and seminars on severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) in 2003. Taiwan was
one of the at-risk areas where a SARS outbreak was on the edge during the occurrence of the disease, so people were under high stress and in extreme panic. Facing
the unprecedented public health challenge, Taiwan government turned to community colleges seeking their assistance to provide immediate learning programs on
SARS to educate citizens what SARS was in order to lower peoples scare and to
prevent the spreading from getting worse. The community colleges picked up the
responsibility without resistance and put public health programs together in snaps,
so within a short period of time, most community colleges in Taiwan started offering intensive seminars and talks on SARS. The goals of these programs included
three dimensions: (1) understanding and taking actions to SARS epidemic in proper
ways; (2) removing social stigma from those infected by SARS; and (3) analyzing public health policies on infectious diseases (National Association for the
Promotion of Community University, 2004).
From these examples, it is obvious that community involvement programs
offered through community colleges in Taiwan are different from other types of
programs aiming to increase personal knowledge and to obtain certain credentials to get into workforce. Ching-shui Theater represented an entity committing
to pass down its community history to younger generations; Yi-lan Community
Universitys collaboration with regional NGOs showed its stance of playing a
65
coordinating role when working with various organizations on community-oriented

issues; and how community colleges responded to the internationally-scrutinized
SARS breakout was a particular case showing that such an educational system has
received national recognition of its social role and capacity of promptly reacting
to social needs through the global dimension. Community colleges in Taiwan in
all respects have established their distinctive role and function to be organizations for learning and responding to what happens to ordinary life in a democratic
society.
These examples also indicated that the community involvement programs serve
as a service learning opportunity for people taking courses and the best forum for
community members from all backgrounds to reach consensuses of what is the
best for the community. Such practice is parallel to the framework called public
work (Boyte and Kari, 1996) for reinventing an active practice of citizenship, and
in congruence of the concept of public spaces, in which people work with others
from a mix of backgrounds to solve problems that is recognized as important to
a broad public by discussions, deliberations, and debates. Given their grassroots
orientation and the scope of their services, it is fair to conclude that community
involvement programs of the Taiwanese community colleges are truly mediating
structures (Berger and Neuhaus in Zimmerman, 2000, p. 52) providing opportunities for citizens learning new skills, building a sense of control, getting engaged
in social affairs, improving community life, feeling empowered, and fostering the
building of a civil society.
Exultantly, community involvement programs are a great context to reflect
upon the convergence of globalization and localization. Not a single country can
escape from or refuse to encounter the rapid changes and unpredictability of the
contemporary world, as well as influences of other countries. Therefore, only those
equipping with up-to-date knowledge and skills in time are able to survive from
the day-to-day modern struggles. However, the quest for quick and immediate
knowledge oftentimes inevitably assists the reproduction of the mainstream values,
such as cultural hegemony transmitted through novel information technology. It
is critical that while interacting with global issues and demands, citizens must
stay reflective upon indigenous values and civilization. Community colleges in
Taiwan are the medium to raise attention to trends of globalization and to cultivate
globally-conscious perspectives, but at the same time, they are the grassroots
steering force to preserve local history, culture, language and literature, and
environmental ecology. Somewhat paradoxical, but these distinctive organizations
pick up the accountability as lifelong learning educational institutions by means
of fostering sustainable development in the community with the commitment of
preventing local assets from being threatened, or even demolished by the surge
of globalization. Courses regarding to aboriginal culture reservations, wilderness protections, Taiwanese literature, and so forth, are constituted based on the
appreciation of local consciousness with an overarching global trend in being
reflective and friendly to both the human and environmental ecology through lifelong learning opportunities.
66
Conclusion
American community colleges have been regarded as a most effective democratizing agent in higher education (Dougherty, 1994, p. 6) because of their grassroots origin of standing for open admissions, geographic proximity, and financial
affordability to the potential students from the community they served. Given the
introduction of the Taiwanese community colleges, there is no doubt that they share
similar characteristics with their American counterparts. Taiwanese community colleges are grassroots lifelong learning institutions offering various programs to those
who have had no access to further education opportunities. Through community
involvement programs, these colleges themselves are also gradually solidifying
their unique positionality as a praxis to build a deliberative democracy and civil
society since learners and community members not only have the access to learn but
actually experience and practice modern knowledge and skills that are critical for
participating in a democratic society. In other words, community colleges in Taiwan
become the communitys catalyst of collaboration by means of providing programs
to meet diverse educational needs, and of creating public space (Boyte and Kari,
1996) to vitalize community members willingness for community participation.
In conclusion, we believe that community colleges in Taiwan have played a
critical role, liberalizing subjectivity and power of citizens through lifelong learning opportunities to embrace multidimensional worldviews and take actions for
common good. These community colleges are outcomes of the Taiwanese democratization efforts in the 1990s, and have matured into an active participating entity
in the social network of signifying indigenous spirits and culture from a learning
perspective. Learning institutions must respond to social movements, and globalization has been one crucial trend of social changes since the end of the twentieth
century. In association with concepts of civil society, knowledge emancipation, and
service learning, community colleges in Taiwan were initially established in the
light of global trends of adult education and lifelong learning; after nearly 10 years
of practice, community college advocates and practitioners have strengthened their
grassroots commitments to appreciate and respond to local voices, since those
localized assets are valuable components to complement globalization.
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psychology (pp. 4363). New York: Kluwer/Plenum.
Chapter 5
Community Colleges and the Globalization

of Higher Education in Postcolonial Zimbabwe
Douglas Mpondi
Introduction
This study seeks to examine the proliferation of community colleges in postindependent Zimbabwe in a global context as part of higher educational reforms
and as a way of giving access to tertiary education to those who had been denied
the opportunity during the colonial era. Community colleges as defined by Raby
(2000, p. 149) are non-traditional higher education institutions that favor higher
education for the masses and enroll non-traditional students and mostly people
who are working and have limited access to universities, colleges, and other vocational training colleges. Access to education in postcolonial Zimbabwe has been
seen as a way of social mobility, intellectual enlightenment, and social empowerment. The purpose of this chapter is to examine Zimbabwes efforts to indigenize
its higher education system so that the community college model as an institution
can serve the Zimbabwean community. It is the convergence of strong government
commitment and strong social demand for education that explains the expansion
and explosion of higher education enrollment in Zimbabwe in the late 1980s and
early 1990s, and the sustaining of its growth in the twenty-first century. Higher
education has the important mission of generating new knowledge and preparing
graduates for positions of leadership and responsibility in a rapidly changing and
increasingly complex, competitive, and global world. In a developing country like
Zimbabwe, education, let alone higher education, is part of a means of achieving
social transformation and is seen as a route to all things. This chapter will analyze
the role of community colleges in filling the gap of training students for work in
postcolonial Zimbabwe.
By analyzing the community college model in Zimbabwe and higher education
in the global context, this chapter seeks to raise the discussion of globalization to a
more theoretical level and to a greater level of concreteness by referring to specific
instances of the forces of globalization and the responses to them in Zimbabwe.
According to Zeleza (2003), the emerging terrains of convergence, dissonance, and
conflict in the world should help in visualizing with greater clarity the implications
of globalization for higher education and knowledge in the new millennium. We
cannot understand community colleges and higher education in Zimbabwe outside

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D. Mpondi
the politics and educational systems of developing countries. In general, the chapter
will make a contribution to the understanding of the community college model and
its dynamics in post-colonial Zimbabwe.
Globalization, Community Colleges and Higher Education

Reforms in Zimbabwe
Before gaining independence in 1980, there were few community colleges in what
was then Rhodesia, offering vocational training to students who had not done well
in academic subjects at high school. The Zimbabwean community college model
was established specifically to give a second chance to those students who had
either failed in high school or passed secondary school but could not be enrolled
in conventional higher educational institutions. Carpentry and home economics
were the most popular subjects and the products from these community colleges
were meant to serve the colonial system (Moyana, 1989). The most notable college was called St Peters or Toronto, chikoro chevakuru (school for the elderly).
Community colleges in Zimbabwe proliferated with the overall expansion of education in Zimbabwe soon after the achievement of independence from British colonial rule in 1980. Colonial rule in Zimbabwe lasted almost 100 years, from 1890
to 1979. The new government of Zimbabwe under Prime Minister Robert Mugabe
started on a very promising note by expanding access to education and building
new schools, thus encouraging enrollment. The existing traditional colleges and
universities could not absorb students from high schools and those people who
were already working but had no access to higher education or tertiary training.
Veterans of Zimbabwes liberation struggle who had left school also wanted to be
absorbed into the education system so that they could finish their studies. But only
a few thousand students from high schools could proceed to universities and teacher
training and technical colleges.
The expansion of community colleges in Zimbabwe was a welcome relief for
non-traditional students who were already working, because community colleges
fitted their schedules in that they could go to work in the morning and go to college
in the evening or vice versa. This also helped the governments effort of promoting
adult literacy. Raby (2000, p. 154) argues that community colleges target nontraditional audiences for workforce preparation. Rabys analysis of the community college model in the United States and internationally resonates well with the
Zimbabwean community college model:
In an attempt to counter a reality of inequity, community college models promote open
access and low tuition to assist students whose academic background is lacking, who cannot
afford university tuition, who are denied access due to minority status, and who do not fit a
traditional profile. Access in this context is not a direct link to a university, but rather toward
literacy attainment and workforce and citizenship preparation. (Raby, 2000, pp. 154155)
Most community colleges in Zimbabwe currently offer vocational training in business studies, journalism, liberal arts, graphic arts, and clerical studies in computers
Community Colleges and the Globalization of Higher Education
73
and other technology-related subjects. Other community colleges offer Ordinary

and Advanced level subjects to students who have failed in secondary school and
need the flexible schedule and atmosphere found in community colleges. Students
who cannot get places for advanced studies in high schools enroll in community
colleges. Those who pass their academic subjects at the A level proceed to
university, but the percentage is minimal. Most community colleges in Zimbabwe
are private-owned and profit-oriented. The most notable among them are Speciss
College, Christian College of Southern Africa (CCOSA), Peoples College,
Zimbabwe Distance Education College (ZDECO), Trust Academy, Foundation
College, and UMMA College. Sufficient data on student satisfaction with the
community colleges in Zimbabwe, which would give a comprehensive picture of
the success of the Community College Model, is lacking. More research needs to
be done to collect information about students achievements and experiences with
community college education in Zimbabwe.
Globalization is having a major impact on higher education in Africa. Most
governments are under pressure to reduce public spending on education and to find
other sources of funding for the expected expansion of their educational systems,
including higher education. Funding for education in Zimbabwe is mostly from the
government through loans and grants, but parents are also encouraged to contribute
directly to the funding of their childrens tertiary education. In educational terms,
the quality of national educational systems is increasingly being compared with
international systems. Carnoy (2000) says that globalization enters the education
sector on an ideological horse, and its effects on education are largely a product of
that financially- driven, free-market ideology, not of a clear concept of improving
education. In the 1980s, many African and Latin American countries, saddled with
high-interest debt and forced to undergo major financial restructuring, accepted
structural adjustment packages from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
World Bank. Zimbabwe implemented the reforms in 1991. The economic reforms
have not been a success in Zimbabwe and this has led to an increasing drop-out
rate and the current political and economic crisis has denied access to education
for the majority. With the implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programs in
1991, the IMF and World Bank removed the subsidies on education and encouraged
private sponsorship for higher education.
Globalization has had its most direct impact on education in Zimbabwe through
finance-driven reforms, and the main vehicle for these reforms has been the World
Bank, with major support from the education and finance ministries of the national
government. In a situation where higher education is linked more to the market and
less to the pursuit of truth, it is likely that the definition and establishment of quality
education in Zimbabwe will become the prerogative of managerial, rather than academic, enterprise. Community colleges in Zimbabwe have become more client
or customer focused. These clients are individual business people, powerful
donors or contractual industrial clients and students from upper-and-middle-class
families, who have moved community college education toward reproducing an
elitist class and reducing its areas of knowledge to those topics of interest to clients
and donors. This contradicts the Africanization objective of higher education in
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D. Mpondi
Zimbabwe in that the poor are excluded both in terms of access to higher education
and influencing the direction of higher education. In Zimbabwe, higher education, including community college education, is preemptive, with the creation of a
highly differentiated higher education system, characterized by a small number of
elite institutions with highly competitive admissions, compensated by an expanding range of other, more accessible types of emerging higher education institutions. Some community colleges are affordable but some are very expensive for
the majority of people seeking tertiary education because of the current hyperinflationary environment in Zimbabwe. Community colleges in Zimbabwe are
privately owned by individuals and companies but are registered with the Ministry
of Higher Education for administrative and regulatory purposes.
Global forces have challenged and influenced the Africanization of higher
education by the post-independent government in Zimbabwe. The government
of Zimbabwe has faced some constraints and pressures in trying to give access
to education to the black majority and Africanize the Zimbabwean higher
education system. Community colleges in Zimbabwe mainly target African
students. Most white students attend private schools and colleges in Zimbabwe
and abroad, especially in South Africa. The government gives high priority to
education by allocating resources, reflecting a strong political will to generalize
access to education, convinced that it would help foster national unity and satisfy
social justice. At the same time, there is an urgent need to develop the countrys
human resources through higher education, in order to contribute to the economic
and social growth of the erstwhile segregated society. During the colonial period
in Zimbabwe, the school system was greatly segregated along racial lines and
white people got the most opportunities, especially in higher education funding
and access to educational facilities. Post-independent Zimbabwe has inherited
one university, which, in spite of its intended objective as a non-racial institution,
could not divorce itself entirely from the socio-political environment in which it
operated. It was set up in the colonial period and had been designed with a narrow
focus on cost-effectiveness in terms of meeting the short-term needs of the then
colonial state. The proliferation of community colleges after independence has
helped in giving access to higher education to those who failed to get accepted at
the University of Zimbabwe because the admission for places was so competitive.
The main emphasis in the immediate post-independence era was racial equity
and integration, along with the aim of bringing financial security to a majority of
Zimbabweans (Mpondi, 2004).
According to Zeleza (2003), the state, international donor agencies, and civil
society have put political pressures that affect the operations of universities
and community colleges, including research. Most African states have tried to
use education as a focal point for development and nation-building and these
became the central paradigms in African and Africanist research. (p. 74). African
research is mainly by scholars from the African continent and Africanist research
is research on Africa by non-African scholars. In addition, African governments
relied on foreign expertise bankrolled by international financial institutions and
donor agencies. The orientation of the higher education institutions took several forms.
75
Broadly speaking, the reform process had two dimensions to it. It focused on both
the content of education and the nature of decision-making within the universities and colleges. First, the higher education system had to expand rapidly if the
national needs for high-level manpower were to be met and second, education had
to be relevant to the needs of development. Community colleges were part of the
dialogue but the greater emphasis was on traditional colleges and universities.
In Zimbabwe, a black government with a left leaning ideology took over in
1980 from a politically conservative white minority government. This happened
in a world that was moving right ideologically, especially the major agencies and
countries that assist development and are the main sources of foreign investment.
This constrained the implementation of a socialist program to a considerable
extent, despite pressure from the governments primary intellectual bases. While a
war was fought for the liberation of Zimbabwe, the coming of independence was
a negotiated settlement at the Lancaster House Conference in 1979, at which big
white and black business interests were protected and a few of the political elite
benefited at the expense of the majority. The new government was voted into power
by previously disenfranchised voters, who had feelings of relative deprivation and
historical injustice. The legacy of white domination in Zimbabwe included extreme
inequalities in the distribution of resources and a history of discrimination, especially in higher education. Very few people acquired higher education in colonial
Zimbabwe. Any analysis of community colleges in Zimbabwe cannot ignore the
effects of Africas relation with the West and how this has shaped the running of
these institutions of higher learning in Africa. The Zimbabwean education system
was modeled on the British educational system, and although reforms were implemented after independence, there are still some residual effects of the Western type
of education. Community college education was indeed seen as a stepping stone to
higher education. Although polytechnics offered other avenues of higher education
to Zimbabweans in the post-independence period, community colleges offered a
less competitive environment in terms of academic standards and were more culturally context-specific in their choice of curricula and subjects offered and different
from the examination-oriented British education system in colonial Zimbabwe and
its inherited system in the post-independence system.
Zimbabwe is facing many problems today, including difficulties in stimulating
domestic investment and attracting foreign investment, which have implications
for access to higher education for the majority of the black people who had been
denied that opportunity during the years of colonialism. The community college
model in Zimbabwe is an attempt to reform education in a global context to meet
the needs of a changing world. At the same time, community colleges are also
expected to inculcate Zimbabwean values in the face of globalization. In any case,
efforts to recapture traditional identities and values come as unintended effects of
globalization because globalizations main idea is to homogenize cultures; but
minority groups tend to resist the process leading to a resurgence of ethnic and
diverse identities. Change in the education systems, then, depends upon the interaction of agents, structure and ideology. Once a given form of education exists, it
exerts an influence on future educational change.
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D. Mpondi
Community Colleges in Zimbabwe: Expectations

and Outcomes
Community colleges, like most higher education institutions, are expected to
fulfill the needs of African societies and play a complementary role to the university in social transformation. With the problems facing Africa as a whole,
Ngara (1995) says that the university and other institutions of higher learning
should help solve some of the problems of the African crisis. He believes that
the African university must be at the centre of the search for solutions to the
problem of development, and avoid becoming white elephants. Thus the
mission of the community college should be related to the needs of society.
The pursuit of knowledge for its own sake becomes a contradiction in terms.
In contemporary Zimbabwe, the acquisition of knowledge is expected to solve
todays problems and global forces have brought in new ideas on how to deal
with current problems.
In Zimbabwe, community colleges have produced a great number of graduates who have helped in the development of the country. Some of these graduates
would not have had access to higher education if community colleges did not exist.
Not all students can go to university, due to different reasons, and the existence
of community colleges in Zimbabwe is helping them to avail of opportunities for
higher education. Community colleges are producing thousands of graduate every
year. However, opportunities and positions for industrial attachment, internship or
employment are very limited because of the current economic crisis. The Zimbabwe
community college model has borrowed from the US and British systems in that
these colleges try to model their courses to suit the Zimbabwean context and attach
students for internship in Zimbabwean institutions. It should be noted that while
some graduates from community colleges in Zimbabwe later enroll at universities
and other institutions of higher learning, as in the United States, it is most significant, that for the vast majority of students, community colleges are their sole venues
for higher education (Raby, 2000, p. 151).
In developing countries like Zimbabwe, creating jobs is critical to breaking
the cycle of poverty and community colleges have designed curricula that help
students start their own projects. The Mupfure Self Help College and Bow Valley
Community College educators from Canada have together developed a new
concept called the Linkage Model. Bow Valley College offers one-year career
certificates and two-year diplomas in business, administration, healthcare, and
human services. (http:/www.bowvalleycollege.ca/presidents_message.htm). This
made-in-Zimbabwe training program links the essential skills of basic literacy and
math as they apply in the workplace with standard business and technical training.
Its unique approach develops critical thinking, problem solving, and decision
making skills students can use not just in business, but in all aspects of life.
The Linkage Model also stresses the need to use business and industry feedback
in the design of training curriculum. This ensures that the skills taught are the ones
employers value.
77
Mupfure Self Help College has trained hundreds of people through the project, ing.
Other results attained by the community college Linkage model in Zimbabwe
include:
Improved literacy rates

Increased employability and productivity
Improved business production rates
Increased self-employment rates and
Better reform in the development, delivery and evaluation of curriculum
Although the project ended in 2001, Mupfure Self Help Colleges training and its benefits continue. The Project ended as a result of both lack of funding and Zimbabwes
isolation from the international community as it became a pariah and failed state. The
project has left a legacy that shows how to link skills training directly to jobs and products in demand and replace the examination-oriented post-secondary Zimbabwean training (http:/www.acdicida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/EMA-218121727-PLY).
Conclusion
It is not always the case that community college education will offer opportunities for the youths and fulfill their dreams. Zimbabwe has an unemployment rate
of over 80% and while community college models do provide a viable access to
higher education, the ideal that equitable access leads to opportunities, and that
these opportunities provide a foundation for economic/political reform, is dubious
at best (Raby, 2000, p. 160). Zimbabwe is a classic example of many graduates
from community colleges failing to find employment and emigrating to neighboring and distant countries. Brain drain is now a critical issue in Zimbabwe, and also
affects the education system in general. With a hyperinflationary environment,
Zimbabwe had the highest inflation rate in the world at over 100,000% in February
2008 (www.newzimbabwe.com). It is very difficult for high school graduates to
pay their way in community colleges and transport costs keep soaring. Graduates
from community colleges are leaving the country and some of them get opportunities to further their education in the host countries. However, the brain drain crisis
is limited to highly skilled professionals who received education from universities
and colleges. The business community in Zimbabwe is encouraged to offer internship and employment opportunities to community college students by holding open
houses and job fairs. To a certain extent, this arrangement has been successful in
linking the community college students to the corporate world and forging relationships between colleges and industry.
While tuition at community colleges in Zimbabwe is lower than at universities,
it is now too expensive for ordinary people to afford. The political and economic
crises in Zimbabwe have reduced everything to the politics of the belly, making
sure ones survival is now no longer germane with acquiring knowledge. Prices of
basic commodities have become prohibitive because of the shortage of foreign currency
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D. Mpondi
and fuel. Zimbabwe has one of the highest literacy rates in Africa, but this is being
reversed because students are dropping out of school before they finish their studies.
Zimbabwe is now a failed state and basically on its knees and it is only because
of remittances by Zimbabweans in the Diaspora that the crisis is at least manageable. South Africa and Botswana are facing refugee problems with the influx of
Zimbabwean immigrants who provide cheap labor in farms and mines. The identity
of the Zimbabwean community college model will depend on how it navigates
global and local issues. The alternative development of critical knowledge production through universities that the Zimbabwean government is undertaking incites
the crossing of borders and the connecting of the inside and the outside. It does so
in a frame that requires recognition and reciprocity and in a context that transcends
containment. Community colleges in Zimbabwe are a permanent feature that needs
support from all sectors of society so that many people have access to institutions of
higher education. The government of Zimbabwe and the corporate sector should be
more involved in the funding of community colleges and providing tuition scholarships to needy students who want to attend community colleges. There should also
be linkages between community colleges in Southern Africa and other parts of
Africa through the regional Southern African Development Community (SADC)
and the African Union (AU). International linkages with other community colleges in the world through study-abroad programs and international exchanges will
improve the quality of the Zimbabwean community college model by blending the
local contexts with global educational dimensions. The Zimbabwean community
college model is still young and in a transitory stage and will benefit by exchanging
ideas with other community colleges and institutions of higher education.
References
Carnoy, M. (2000) Globalization and Educational Reform. In Stromquist, N.P. & Monkman, K.
(eds.) Globalization and Education: Integration and Contestation Across Cultures. New York:
Rowman & Littlefield
http:/www.acdicida.gc.ca/CIDAWEB/acdicida.nsf/En/EMA-218121727-PLY, retrieved June 18, 2007
http:/www.bowvalleycollege.ca/presidents_message.htm, retrieved February 27, 2008
www.newzimbabwe.com, retrieved February 17, 2008
Moyana, T.T. (1989) Education Liberation, and the creative act. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing
House
Mpondi, D. (2004) Educational Change and Cultural Politics: National identity-Formation
in Zimbabwe, Ph.D. Dissertation, Ohio University. http:/www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.
cgi?acc_num=ohiou1088187882
Ngara, E. (1995) The African University and Its Mission. Rome: Institute of Southern African Studies
Raby, R.L. (2000) Globalization of the Community College Model: Paradox of the Local and the
Global. In Stromquist, N.P. and Monkman, K. (eds.), Globalization and Education: Integration
and Contestation Across Cultures. Boulder, CO: Rowan & Littlefield
Zeleza, T.Z. (2003) Rethinking Africas Globalization. Vol. 1: The Intellectual Challenges.
Asmara: Africa World Press
Chapter 6
Indian Community College System:

Democratic Response to Globalization
Xavier Alphonse S.J. and Edward Valeau
Introduction
The Community College movement is a national phenomenon that has spread its
wings throughout India. Currently, there are 213 Community Colleges in 19 states,
which provide education to empower the disadvantaged and the underprivileged,
including the urban, rural and tribal poor and women. Community colleges are recognized as important because, in collaboration with local industries and the community,
they assist students in attaining the appropriate skills that lead to gainful employment. The Indian Centre for Research and Development of Community Education
(ICRDCE) is currently advocating for a system to unify these individual colleges.
The focus of this chapter is to discuss the development of an Indian community
college system that responds to globalization, as well as political and economic
challenges.
Indian Community Colleges: A Peoples Movement

Since 1995, Indian Community Colleges have been developed as comprehensive
institutions of higher education, which offer educational programs at post-secondary
school level. The inspiration and model were taken from the US community colleges
and to date, they have educated more than 50,000 young men and women, largely
from disadvantaged sections of society.
Since 1998, governmental sectors have confirmed the importance of community
colleges for Indian society and include these colleges as set goals in the Common
Minimum Programme of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), Government of
India. In January 1999, Professor Swaminathan, Business Editor of The Hindu,
expressed with a prophetic voice that
The Community College system should become a peoples movement. It should not be
considered as a parallel system. The University model of education especially the affiliated
system emphasizes the elitist and exclusive right from the beginning of admission into colleges to the culmination of obtaining a degree. The formal system has nothing much to
offer. The industrialists are not any more interested in the products of the formal system

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S.J.X. Alphonse and E. Valeau

because they do not have the skills which the industrial and commercial houses need. The
plus two system and the degree level education make the students unemployable for the rest
of their lives. Hence we have to develop pluralism in the structure. The Community College
system has the flexibility. These colleges should become rural-based.
The National Knowledge Commission noted that the system of affiliated colleges
for undergraduate education, that may have been appropriate 50 years age, is no
longer adequate or appropriate and needs to be reformed through four steps: First,
provide autonomy to colleges either as individual colleges or as clusters of colleges,
on the basis of established criteria. Secondly, remodel affiliated colleges as community colleges, which can provide both vocational and formal education. Third,
establish a central Board of Undergraduate Education, along with State Boards of
Undergraduate Education, to set curricula and conduct examination for undergraduate
colleges that choose to be affiliated with them. These Boards would separate the
academic functions from the administrative functions and at the same time, provide
quality benchmarks. Finally, establish new undergraduate colleges as Community
Colleges and affiliate them with the Central Board of Undergraduate Education,
State Boards of Undergraduate Education, or with a new or existing university.
Indian community colleges differ from the two existing vocational systems:
the Industrial Technical Institutes and Community Polytechnics. While collegiate
level vocational education offers only apprenticeship training and vocationalization of first-degree level, the community colleges offer a range of multi-focused
programs in occupational and technical fields and in continuing education. These
colleges are thus designed to meet the workforce needs of the regions in which the
college is located and to offer bridge courses to complete higher certifications,
ensure employability and competency of the individual trained, teach life skills and
communication in English, and provide training in personal, social, language, communication and work, and creative skills. Indian community colleges are unique
in that they seek a balance in which merit is viewed as an opportunity given to
those who otherwise would not have access to knowledge. As such the educational
program involves three components: (a) Information (30%) (b) Attitude (40%)
and (c) Skills (30%). This is the proportion of programming followed in all Indian
community colleges. This philosophy is based on a belief that excellence is realized
through tapping the untapped potential in the individuals and providing them the
space and atmosphere to blossom forth.
On March 2, 2008, The Hindu reported that the Distance Education Council
(DEC) will provide accreditation to Open Universities and a Community College
system to provide higher education to school dropouts. Om Prakash Mishra, Pro
Vice-Chancellor, Indira Gandhi National Open University, briefed journalists about
the 2-day meeting of Vice-Chancellors from 12 Open Universities. The initiative
of the Tamil Nadu government in this regard was appreciated and the successful
models of Tamil Nadu Open University and Maharashtra Open University, which
could be followed as a model by other State Open Universities, were described.
Since 1997, Fr. Louis Xavier, Director, Loyola Institute of Business Administration (LIBA), has argued for a community college system as big and prestigious
educational institutions may become slowly extinct because they are unable to
Indian Community College System
81
give relevant and meaningful education to respond to the challenges of our time.
Community College is a welcome change. We have to opt out of the existing
situation in higher education Community College is a Vision and an Idea that
is whole heartedly welcome. Today, such a system is an innovative educational
alternative to the university, rooted in the local community as it provides holistic
education for the disadvantaged. The national Vision is for these colleges to
be of the Community, for the Community and by the Community and to produce
responsible citizens.
Vision of the Community College Empowerment

of the Disadvantaged
The community college is the need of the hour. It provides education for a livelihood while responding to the challenges of exclusion and elimination from the
formal system. These colleges have the ability to correct the current mismatch
between education, poverty, unemployment, under-employment, and unemployability. In 1996, The Hindu quoted the Archbishop of Madras Mylapore as being
concerned with the large number of students coming out of our Secondary Schools
and University Colleges being unable to find suitable employment and not being
fully equipped to face life and its challenges. [He noted that] our institutions should
Change Track and provide relevant and quality work skills for this large group.
Since Indian Community Colleges aim at the liberation and empowerment of the
exploited, they are indeed changing the field by educating students for middle
level skills and by facilitating self-actualization. Through the combination of
job-oriented, work-related, skills-based, and life-coping education, these colleges
are restoring human rights to those who had been previously denied, by showing
students a way to earn a livelihood. These connections have been lauded by the
Secretary, Department of Education:
I have my appreciation of its well-defined vision and mission. The aim of Community
Colleges to reach the unreached, including the excluded and giving the best to the least is
laudable. I would like to hail a movement that has a bright future a movement with many
innovative features, a movement that provides an alternative educational system, a movement that supplements state efforts, a movement that cares for the uncared. (Kaw, 2001).
Flexibility in curriculum, access, cost effectiveness and collaboration with industrial, commercial and service sectors, make Indian Community Colleges a viable
part of the national discourse. This is intensified as community colleges do help
students to gain local internships and job placements, which changes their lives
fundamentally. The unique achievement, thus, is the empowerment of socially,
economically and educationally backward sections of society. Despite advances,
there is now a need for national recognition to secure vertical student mobility
through Open and conventional Universities with a three-tier system: Diploma,
Associate degree and Degree. There is also a need for directed funds, stipends and
scholarships for the disadvantaged sections of society, especially SC/ST/BC/MBC/
82
Women/Minorities and for Community Colleges to be established in educationally

backward districts with emphasis on soft skills development. This would significantly correct the regional imbalance in the system of Higher Education.
The ICRDCE is a coordinating agency that has been actively propagating the
Community College concept.
Challenges and Parameters for Change

ICRDCE has created formal guidelines for the development of Community
Colleges. The challenges impacting the development of community colleges are
structural and institutional in orientation.
Structural Reform
Structural challenges include the involvement of the University Grants Commission
(UGC) to ensure that the conditions needed to oversee the fulfillment of the social
objectives of the Community College System are in place. This includes operational
design, national organization, needs analysis, and evaluation/assessment plans.
Operational Design. The basic constructs for the Community College are that the
time of operation should be 52 weeks in a year and the curriculum should include
Certificate courses for dropouts (Below 10th standard) and Diploma courses for
those who have passed 10th and 12th standards. The Government of India will
establish a fee structure for the courses offered, and minimum qualifications for
full and part-time faculty and staff (including salaries and service conditions to
ensure that any work-related problems are given proper attention). It is believed
that the work experience of the faculty members of the Community Colleges should
be given more weight than formal educational qualifications.
National Organisation. ICRDCE advocates that a national organisation which is
non-commercial, non-profit making, social-and service-minded, and not individuals alone, should be issued NOC (No Objection Certificate) to start Community
Colleges. This organization can be an educational agency that is a Registered
Society/Trust rooted in Community-Based Activities. Agencies that want to start
a Community College must submit to the Government an application that gives
details of tie-up with industries and other organizations with employment potential, where internship and hands-on experience will be provided. No Community
College without industrial tie-up can be given the NOC.
The role of the State and Central governments in the Community College System
is to ensure that various departments of the government participate in the training
and placement of the students of the Community Colleges. These departments, to
name a few, should include the Department of Social Welfare, the departments of
Adi-Dravidar Welfare and Backward Classes, women development corporation,
83
the quasi-governmental organizations such TIIC, TIDCO, SIPCOT and national

organizations such as FICCI, CII etc. And, even more important, the departments of
rural development, health and co-operation should make use of the trained personnel
from the Community Colleges.
Need Analysis. A need analysis will document employment opportunities in
industrial, commercial, service, rural and agricultural sectors, local social needs,
and self-employment opportunities. The job-oriented programmes from different
fields of specialization must be designed in collaboration and consultation with the
service organizations and industries identified in this needs analysis and associated
with the Community College.
Institutional Reform
Institutional Design. The agency which contemplates starting a Community
College must situate itself in the place where students reside and should strive to
meet the following conditions: (a) sufficient number of classrooms, laboratories
and workshops with reasonable facilities for teaching life skills and work skills,
(b) well-equipped computer centre, and (c) a good learning Resource Centre and
library with adequate furniture and equipment. There should be amenities that
facilitate the teaching learning process.
Curriculum Design. The approved curriculum must be job oriented and relate
specifically to job placement. Challenges include creating a separate employment
exchange roster to monitor graduates who are now presumably in the work force.
Other challenges include on-the- job training for the students, creating a meaningful and enforceable Memorandum of Understanding with employers in the various
regions, and designing an effective advisory board to monitor the development
and creation of policies cultivating active, dynamic, and ongoing industrial, rural,
agricultural, commercial and service organizations that invest in the development
of the community.
Evaluation/Assessment Plan for Students. An evaluation and assessment
plan will list the skills that incumbents of the Community College must obtain
for certificate and diploma programmes. These skills are to be based on the
following criteria: (a) assessment is completely internal; (b) evaluation tests
skills; (c) evaluations are jointly conducted by the life-skills instructor, workskill instructor, and industrial supervisor, supplemented by the self-assessment
of the student; (d) knowledge and skills component should be given equal
weight; (e) the Awards Committee should consist of the Director, Programme
Coordinator, Placement Officer and the Industrial Partner.
Evaluation/Assessment Plan for Faculty and Staff. The staff requirements, qualifications, salaries and service conditions of the staff of the Community Colleges
will be determined by a Cell. The work experience of the faculty members of the
Community Colleges should be given more weightage than their formal educational qualifications. The governing board will include three representatives from
84
the Board of Management; three Community College leaders of the local area;
three industrial partners of the college; one faculty member of the college and one
state government representative not below the rank of Joint Director who can be
drawn from the Departments of Education/Social Welfare/Health/Youth Affairs.
The Open Universities could then give recognition for the Diploma Courses offered
by the Community Colleges through the Education Agency (the community based
organizations that establish the community college), the Board of Management, and
the Governing Board of the Community College.
Current Reform Efforts

A major hurdle facing support of a Community College movement in India is
political and is defined by a constant struggle to receive recognition. While the
existing Community Colleges have a successful 75% job placement, they are still
not getting the necessary recognition from approved educational bodies. ICRDCE
conducted 11 consultations with agencies that run a Community College to further
this cause and define self-regulatory and autonomous guidelines to ensure credibility and accountability. Through these consultations, the Community College
movement has attracted the attention of the government.
Today, the Community College movement has found a place in the working paper
of the MHRD and the UGC submitted to the Planning Commission a request that
the Community College be added as a scheme in the XI Five Year Plan. Included
in this request is a call for national recognition, student scholarships, and the possibility of vertical mobility. In addition, the Chairman of UGC has appointed a
National Committee on Community Colleges headed by Dr. Xavier Alphonse, S.J.
Over the course of the year, the National Committee met 125 representatives
from 91 Community Colleges and received suggestions and recommendations
for future action. At the same time, two meetings with the State Governments
of Tamil Nadu and Haryana activated approval of local community colleges. On
May 8, 2007, the Secretary of Education, Government of Tamil Nadu, the ViceChancellor of the Tamil Nadu Open University and Dr. Alphonse met to implement
the designs. The Community College as an alternative system got the official recognition in the next legislative assembly session of Tamil Nadu in May, 2007. On
April 2, 2007, the Governor of Haryana met in Bhavan, New Delhi with the Chief
Minister, Finance Minister, Education Minister and local industry representatives,
the UGC Chairman, Vice-Chairman of AICTE and Deputy Secretary of MHRD
and Dr. Alphonse, and the Vice-President and faculty members from Montgomery
Community College, Maryland (USA) to implement the new designs.
The ICRDCE succeeded in influencing the State and Central governments to
recognitize and accredit the system and for student-centered funding. The issue of
accreditation was examined closely by NIOS, New Delhi, at the direction of the
MHRD, Government of India, New Delhi, which has accredited 18 Community
Colleges. Tamil Nadu Open University recognized 105 Community Colleges
85
in Tamilnadu and extended recognition to Community Colleges in other States.

YCMOU, Nashik, has recognized Community Colleges from this academic year
(20072008). Finally, the Tenth Five-year plan included the following statement: There should be focus on convergence of schemes like the Sarva Shiksha
Abhiyan, Adult Education and Vocational Education Programme at Schools, ITIs,
Polytechnics, Community Colleges etc. (Tenth Five Year Plan (20022007), p. 51).
Case Study: Tamil Nadu Open University (TNOU)

Community College
A milestone in the Community College movement was the 2005 recognition given
to 67 Community Colleges as Vocational Programme Centres of TNOU. In 2005
2006, 4,711 students studied in the vocational programs leading to skills development and job placement and received diplomas in Pre-Primary Teacher Training;
Health Assistant; Refrigeration and Air Conditioning Technician; Fashion Design
and Garment Making; Four Wheeler Mechanism; Plumbing Technology; Catering
Assistant; House Electrician; DTP Operator; Beautician; and Medical Lab
Technology. All diplomas included a prescribed curriculum of Life Coping Skills
(8 credits), Communication Skills (8 credits) and Trade Skills (20 credits, including
Internship). One Credit = 30 h. Total Numbers of Hours = 36 30 = 1,080 h.
Achievements of students from socially, economically, and educationally backward and disadvantaged groups that cut across the barriers of religion and caste
are marvelous and praiseworthy. Of the total number of students, 87% passed, of
whom 12% went on for higher education and 75% gained employment. Among
these students there were 933 students working in 30 Community Colleges from
the tsunami affected areas. The students have won seven gold medals (first ranks)
in seven programmes and there have been 38 rank holders from the Community
Colleges among the 47 ranks awarded during the Convocation. The following
student profiles are models for success and many represent the poorest of the poor
in Indias society. All were victims of the December 2004 tsunami, and all were
unable to continue their traditional studies due to poverty. All used the Community
College to provide life and work opportunities. Their stories constitute the need for
a sustained Community College system across India.
Mr. A. Pastin Raj (Diploma in Air Condition and Refrigeration) from
St. Josephs Community College in Nagapattinam, passed 12th standard and won
the gold medal of the Tamil Nadu Open University. He took courses in Public
Speaking, Self Confidence, Problem Solving, Refrigeration and Air Conditioning
Services, Cell Phone Service, and Washing Machine service. He is currently working at the National Refrigeration Office, 140, Kamaraj Salai, Karaikal and earning
Rs. 1,500/- per month.
Mr. A. Nelson Sagayaraj (Diploma in Catering Assistant) from Stanisma
Community College in Sivagangai, passed 12th standard and won the second rank
of the Tamil Nadu Open University. He took courses in Positive Thinking, Goal
86
Setting, Coping with Shyness, Loneliness, Problem Solving, Self-Esteem, Methods

of Cooking, Food Production, Computing Skills and Front Office Management. He
went for internship at Sathya & Resorts, Five Star Hotel, Tuticorin and currently
earns Rs. 3,000/- per month.
Mr. A. Shek Tahmin (Diploma in Catering Assistant) from Kovalam Community
College, Kovalam, passed 11th standard, and won the third rank of the Tamil Nadu
Open University. He took courses in Life Coping and Work Skills, Self-Esteem,
Time Management, Stress Management, Chinese food, Pantry Items, Bakery,
Indian Food and Continental Items. He now works at Hotel Fishermans Cove,
Kovalam.
Ms. I. Asha Jini Mol (Diploma in Desk Top Publishing) at Barenbruck Community
College, in Surandai, passed 11th standard and won the fourth rank of the Tamil
Nadu Open University. She took courses in Leadership Skills, Team Work, Positive
Thinking, Self-Esteem and Problem Solving and Work Skills of Visiting Card
Printing, Photo Scanning, Designing the Invitations and Typing. Currently, she
works at Arun Offset Press, Nagercoil and is earning Rs. 1,200/-.
Ms. R. Jaya Lakshmi (Diploma in Fashion Designing) from Ertram Rural
Community College, in Trichy Dt., passed 10th Standard and won the gold medal
of Tamil Nadu Open University. A young widow of 24, she notes that the community college gave her hope and helped her to overcome her fears. She took
courses in Embroidery work on chudidhar Material and Salwar, Mirror Work and
New Varieties of Designs. Currently, she owns her own shop and earns a minimum
Rs. 3,000/- per month.
The second Convocation of the Tamil Nadu Open University (TNOU) was conducted on the 11th of January, 2007 at Chennai, presided over by the Chancellor
and Governor of Tamil Nadu, His Excellency Surjit Singh Barnala. This was the
first time that students from Community Colleges received their diplomas and the
rank holders, even those below 10th standard qualification, were honored, in a
Convocation of a University.
New Directions and Changes

While Indian Community Colleges can point to student success, there is a need to
impact overall economic development and human rights by giving autonomy to
colleges clusters. A central Board of Undergraduate Education, along with State
Boards of Undergraduate Education, will set curricula and conduct examinations.
These Boards would separate the academic functions from the administrative functions and at the same time, provide quality benchmarks. New undergraduate colleges
could be established as Community Colleges and be affiliated with the Central Board of
Undergraduate Education or State Boards of Undergraduate Education or with some
of the new universities that are being established. Recent recommendations are to
establish 210 accredited Community Colleges and 700 polytechnics to strengthen
open universities, reform statutory bodies, and scale up SAKSHAT as the education
87
portal for 50 core people (Education Plus, 2008). The Tamil Nadu State government
proposed that community colleges come under the Open University System as it
will be good if the scope of universities is widened. (Hindu, Jan. 4, 2008). The UGC
Committee recommends six tasks.
Standards related to the Articulation of Parameters to prevent the mushrooming
of Community Colleges. A parameter to establish community colleges will be
defined by certification established by the UGC and administered by ICRDCE
in Chennai, as it has been establishing and monitoring Community Colleges for
15 years. The basic structure will be a Community College cell attached to the
Career Oriented Bureau at the UGC level to monitor the establishment, functioning and funding of Community Colleges. ICRDCE will serve as a liaison between
the UGC, Universities and the Community Colleges. All applications could be
processed at ICRDCE and recommended to UGC and the Universities for establishment and funding as ICRDCE has already evolved curriculum for Life Skills, Job
Oriented Courses, Evaluation methods, Industrial partnership and Job Placements.
Developing and Supporting a Clear Mission Statement that empowers the poor,
the marginalized, and the school drop outs, a three-tier system will support vertical
mobility. A direct linkage will be established with the Distance Education Council
for vertical mobility and credit transfer and the entire process of credit transfer
should also be recognized by the Association of Indian universities.
Establishing New Institutions in 2009 and giving student grants at the rate of
Rs. 1,000 per student through Tamil Nadu Open University. A sum of Rupees One
Crore has been allocated in the Budget for this purpose. 10,000 students will
benefit from this scheme (Tamil Nadu Budget, 2008). A separate mechanism is to
be evolved if the state government/corporations/local bodies and district administration want to establish community colleges.
Develop a Governance Model, with well-defined, administrative structures
to monitor the entire movement. Government of India, ICRDCE, Board of
Management Society or Trust Governing Body with representatives from various
Boards, will identify teachers, supervisors and supportive staff. They will be helped
by members of the Board of Studies (work skill programmes) conducted by the
college to help in the updating the curriculum and skills.
Train Faculty and Staff prior to teaching. All full-and part-time instructors
and guest lecturers and experts in the field will receive a12-week special training with a Diploma in Community College teaching, conducted by ICRDCE.
Periodical performance appraisal and on-going training will be conducted for
full-time instructors who work for a minimum of 8 h a day. The Committee also
urges the standardization of the salary of the teaching and non-teaching staff of the
Community Colleges.
Student selection is based on qualified post-graduates and under-graduates are
selected on the basis of Aptitude test and are chosen on the basis of their competence and commitment to the Community College mission. Partial training cost
of Rs. 5,000 per student for the diploma programme could be awarded to poor
and deserving students belonging to socially and economically backward classes,
on the recommendation of the Community Colleges by way of special assistance.
88
This will help promote inclusiveness by giving preference to SC, ST, BC, MBC,
women and other minority communities. Conveyance facilities for students will
be arranged through passes recognized by UGC on trains and buses. Hostel
facilities will provide access to rural, tribal, urban and poor students; hence
the Committee recommends to the UGC to devise a funding scheme to equip
Community Colleges with hostel facilities. Finally, Diploma holders should be
allowed to register in the government employment exchanges and should be
recruited for government jobs and the salary for the employed diploma holders
should be standardized.
Lessons Learnt and Future Directions

This chapter presents a 3-year process by which Indian Community Colleges are
achieving national recognition. The Community College is a national phenomenon
with 213 colleges in 19 States of India. When included in the XI Five Year Plan, eventual recognition will be a revolutionary measure in the history of Higher Education in
India. The following are some lessons learned in the transformation process:
1. Opportunity is the key to success. The urban and rural poor, women and those
from marginalized groups and castes, school dropouts, and those affected by
disasters like the tsunami, can come up in life if they are given opportunities.
Through Community Colleges, also called Opportunity Colleges, these people
are given a chance to enter mainstream society, go up the social ladder, and are
no longer the left-outs of society.
2. The course should be holistic. The training process should not be limited to trade
skills but should include life-coping skills in terms of personal skills, coping
mechanisms, preparation for employment, interview skills and communication
skills.
3. There is the urgent need to open the doors of Higher Education to all by building
a system of vertical mobility through Open Universities and Distance Learning
to make a lateral entry into the Second Year degree programme in their respective disciplines.
4. Skills development in both trade and soft skills will fetch employment in the
context of globalization and privatization, thus making the Community College
a democratic response to globalization.
In conclusion, these issues connected with the large number of students coming out
of our Secondary Schools and University Colleges are unable to find suitable employment and are not fully equipped to face life and its challenges. This demonstrates
the urgency to support a viable community college system in India. Admittedly
other initiates are helping Indias community colleges to become a democratic
response to globalization that then may serve as a model throughout the region.
The prospects are very bright for the system to be recognized and to benefit the
poor and the marginalized.
89
References
The Hindu July 1, 1996. Press Interview of His Grace Arul Das James, the Archbishop of Madras
Mylapore at the launching of the Madras Community College. Sunday, March 2, 2008
February 11, 2008. Exacts from Education Plus. p. 14
Kaw, Mr. M. K. Comments. IAS, Secretary, Department of Education, Ministry of Human
Resource Development (MHRD), New Delhi, March 2001.
Tamilnadu Budget 20082009 Higher Education Announcement No.48
Tenth Five Year Plan (20022007), Chapter 2.4 Vocational Education p. 51
Swaminathan, Professor. Recommendations of the UGC Committee. Business Editor of the
Hindu. January 4, 1999.
Xavier, Fr. Louis. Director, Loyola Institute of Business Administration (LIBA), Madras
(July 1997).
Appendix 6.1 Student profile

General
Male (25%); Female (75%); Unmarried (92%)
Age
1618 (39%); 1921 (40%); 2225 (13%); 26 and above (8%)
Qualification
Below 10th (17%); 10th Passed (26%); 12th Passed (50%); Degree (7%)
Caste
SC (Schedule Caste) (27%); ST (Schedule Tribe) (9%);
MBC (Most Backward Caste) (14%); BC (Backward Caste) (39%);
OC (Other Caste) (11%)
Religions
Hindu (55%); Christian (41%); Muslim (3%); Buddhist (1%); Sikhs (1%)
Monthly family Below Rs. 1,000 (34%); Rs. 1,0012,000 (37%); Rs. 2,001Rs. 3,000 (18%);
income:
Rs. 3,001above (11%)
Appendix 6.2 Total number of students (Taken from

184 colleges on March 18, 2008)
Year
Total no. of students
19961997
19971998
19981999
19992000
20002001
20012002
20022003
20032004
20042005
20052006
20062007
20072008
Total
174
204
577
1,815
2,282
2,933
3,840
4,815
6,969
10,244
11,303
9,363
54,519
Appendix 6.3 Levels, standards and diplomas

Level I
Below 10th standard 6 months (school dropouts) certificate programme with
16 credits.
Bridge course to complete equivalent to 10 standard. Eligibility into 1 year
diploma programme Community College.
(continued)
90
Appendix 6.3 (continued)

Level II
10th standard passed 1 year diploma programme 32 credits. Bridge course to
complete equivalent to 12th standard.
Entry into 1st year UG course in the Conventional Universities, Open Universities
and Institutions of correspondence courses.
Level III
12th passed diploma programme 32 credits.
Entry into the second year Undergraduate Programme IInd year into
Conventional Universities, Open Universities and Distance Education.
Level IV
The Community College can also offer associate degree programme of 2 years
(64 Credits) which will lead to entry into third degree programme.
Suggested Equivalent Course/Diploma:
Health Assistant (32 Credits): B.Sc. Nursing II Year
DTP Operator (32 Credits): BCA (or) B.Sc. Computer Science II Year
Catering Assistant (32 Credits): B.Sc. Hotel Management II Year
Sales and Marketing (32 Credits): B.B.A. or B.A. Corporate Secretary ship II Year
Office Management (32 Credits): B.Com (or) B.A. Corporate Secretary ship II Year
Electrical and Electronics (32 Credits): B.Sc. Electronics II Year
Early Childhood Care Education (32 Credits): B.A. Education II Year
Eco Farming Enterprises (32 Credits): B.Sc. Agriculture II Year
Chapter 7
The Development of the Community College

Model in Vietnam at the Time of the Countrys
Reorganization and International Integration
Dang Ba Lam and Nguyen Huy Vi
Introduction
The birth, as well as the rise and fall, of community colleges in Vietnam has
its roots in the radical changes in the country in the last 60 years. At the end of
the Second World War, Vietnam successfully carried out the August Revolution
(1945) by seizing power from the Japanese army, and establishing the Democratic
Republic of Vietnam. However, not long after that, the FranceVietnam War broke
out and lasted from 1946 to 1954. From 1954 Vietnam was temporarily divided
into two zones North and South. The North existed under the control of the
Democratic Republic of Vietnam, followed the way to socialism, and participated
in the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CEV). The education system was
constructed according to the Soviet model. South Vietnam operated under the control
of the Saigon government set up by France. The French influence on politics,
military affairs, economy and education was gradually replaced by the influence
of United States. Thus, the first community college in the South was established
in that context.
In 1975 the Liberation War in South Vietnam came to a successful end and
Vietnam became reunified. From 1975 to 1986, Vietnam followed the Soviet model
of socialism and suffered a crisis in economic development. To overcome this crisis,
in 1986 Vietnam began implementing the innovative policy of charging from a centrally planned, command and subsidized system to a market economy and implementing an open policy in foreign relations. Thanks to this innovation, for the last
20 years, the economy of the country has been growing steadily with 7.5% year on
average. The Human Development Index has also gradually increased, from 0.456,
ranked 121/174 in 1990 to 0.704, ranked 108/177 in 2005. [2]. Today, educational
goals include educating and training people with relevance to the market economy
in the context of globalization, so that they will be able to actively make people
rich, the country strong, and the society equal, democratic, and civilized. In this
effort, the community colleges are once again reestablishing themselves.

91
92
D.B. Lam and N.H. Vi
Community Colleges in South Vietnam Before National

Unification
Before the establishment of community colleges, training for technicians at the
higher education level was provided by central institutions such as Phu Tho
University of Technology, National Agriculture Center and Can Tho University,
while the training of technicians at the secondary level was carried out by secondary technical and agricultural schools. Realizing that the USA is the place where
the model of community colleges was invented, in 1968 the Saigon government
invited US consultants and specialists to help them in transforming the Vietnamese
education system from elitiet to mass education. In primary education, the names
of all schools included community school and the name of the locality. In secondary education, different kinds of schools, such as comprehensive schools, technical
schools, and agriculture-forestry-veterinary schools, were established. In these
schools professional orientation and vocational training were provided for students.
In order to change higher education, the Ministry of Education and the Saigon government sent faculty to the USA to get training and practice in the management of
community colleges. So the model of community colleges in South Vietnam and
their organizational structures, framework and activities were directly influenced
by the USA, with changes to make it suitable for the social and economic conditions of the country as a whole.
During this time, South Vietnam was under the control of the Saigon government, which was under the influence of the USA, and a community college was
first built in 1971. In the temporarily occupied area in the South, the system of
higher education was organized into an autonomous unit called the university
according to the French model and later gradually transferred to the US model.
According to the 1974/75 statistics of the educational management agency, there
were four public universities with 130,000 students: Saigon, Hue, Can Tho, and
Thu Duc Polytechnic; three community colleges (2-year colleges) based on the
US model with 2,600 students: Nha Trang, Da Nang, and My Tho, and 12 Private
Universities with 30,000 students. [6]
To meet the demand of localities for semi-skilled technicians, Decree 503-TT/
SL of August 8th 1971 of the Saigon government declared its aim to form community colleges under articles: 2, 3, 4 and 7 [7] (Annex 1). In accordance with this
Decree, each community college aims to promote general higher education with
transfer opportunities to a university program, develop professional higher education with special programs and satisfy the needs of the communities, accepting
sponsorship for a community college. The following duties were included:
To train middle-ranking specialists to assist the economic development of the
community
To prepare and guide students and enable them to transfer to a National
University after a 2-year basic program to continue studies in university programs
To help veterans, civil servants and, youth a in the community to enhance their
education level
The Development of the Community College Model in Vietnam
93
To test and guide students to choose the field of learning suited to their ability
To promote cultural, educational and social activities to usefully foster the spiritual life of the people in the community
To promote mutual cooperation among primary, secondary and higher education
institutions in the area of the community college
Organizationally, each community college has only two faculties: The Faculty
of 2-year General Higher Education and The Faculty of Career Education. Thus,
according to the regulations, community colleges in South Vietnam had missions,
tasks, organizations and sources of finance similar to the US community colleges.
Starting Operations of Community Colleges

in South Vietnam
Shortly after issuing the Decree, on August 15th 1971 the Saigon Government
issued the Decree 504-TT/SL 15/8/1971 thus establishing Tien Giang Community
College (Annex 2). The provinces and towns that directly sponsored, and contributed in building and developing Tien Giang Community College were, Dinh Tuong
Province, Go Cong Province, Kien Hoa Province, Kien Phong Province, Kien
Tuong Province, Long An Province and My Tho Town. Tien Giang Community
College was linked to Saigon University, which helped to organize and administer
its educational affairs. Basic principles of training regulations were fixed by the
Edict of the Ministry of Education, pursuant to the suggestion of the Education
Affairs Council of Inter-Saigon University and Tien Giang Community College.
Similar relationships emerged with the Community College of Coastal Nha Trang,
founded in 1971, with Saigon University, and Da Nang Community College,
founded in 1973, with Hue University.
An extremely important problem in the establishment of community colleges
was the investment needed for infrastructure, equipment, library and the management structure. In the beginning, the Saigon government covered almost all
expenditure and tuition was free. Over a period of time, investment for property
development and to build, equip, administrate, and develop each community college came from the continual contribution of the community; tuition fees from
students; government funds (national and local budget) equivalent to the contribution of the people; and donations, bequests, aid and funds from individuals, agencies or private organizations, and government agencies in and outside the country.
International support came mainly from USA, and included visiting professors, the
majority of whom taught English in the colleges. Tien Giang, Nha Trang and Da
Nang were developed provinces and thus for about 4 years, (August 1971March
1975) these three communities carried out operations of training, science and technology inside the college and outside linkage with other universities as well as with
the community that the college had a mission to serve. This is similar to the model
of North American community colleges.
94
Community colleges had six specific tasks as stipulated in the Decree of formation. However, until March, 1975, community colleges had only one department,
with two professions: training teachers of lower secondary schools and training
middle-ranking specialists in practical agriculture. In addition, Saigon and Hue
Universities had no regulations to support the transfer of students who had graduated from 2-year community college courses.
Main Features of the College Model in South Vietnam

Community colleges in South Vietnam before 1975 had several similar features.
First, each had the name community college plus the name of the place where it
was located. Secondly, they were public higher educational institutions formed and
aided by the government (both central and local) with a 50% budget for building
and operating; the other 50% was from the continual contribution of the people
in the community, together with other contributions, under different forms, from
individuals, organizations in and outside of the country, such as: tuition, donation,
bequest, funds and aid. Third, the organization of each college consisted only of two
faculties: the first 2-year university faculty (providing the first 2 years of general
education of the 4-year university program) and career education faculty (training
middle-ranking specialists to assist the economic development of the community).
Finally, operations had two aims: to provide the general academic program for the
first 2 years of the 4 year university course for transferring to the Bachelors degree
program of the National University; and career programs at the higher education
level and other special programs to serve the manpower need of the community.
These aims were to be achieved through six tasks:
1) Train junior high school teachers and middle-ranking specialists of the fields,
meeting the need of socio-economic development of the community.
2) Provide the first 2 years of the university program for transferring students to the
4-year university course.
3) Organize training courses of complementary education or upgrade science technology knowledge to enhance the education level for adults in the community.
4) Advise and guide students to choose the correct fields of learning or profession,
appropriate to their ability, in order to help them succeed in learning and setting
themselves up in business.
5) Be a cultural and educational center to help in enhancing the spiritual life of the
community.
6) Be a bridge to promote and direct cooperation in education development among
primary and high schools and universities in localities that the college has missions to serve.
During the 4 years of their existence, the Community Colleges focused on career
training to meet the demand of communities in several labor forces. Graduates from
Tien Giang and Nha Trang Community Colleges got placement as teachers in lower
95
secondary schools or as technicians in farms or in rural offices in these provinces.

After national unification, education in the South was reformed according to the
model of the North so as to serve the highly centralized, planned economy. What
was non-socialistic in the education of the South, i.e., private education, was abolished. Interdisciplinary universities were divided into mono-disciplinary universities to train manpower for sectors of the state-run economy. Community colleges
cease to exist as these models did not exist in the education of socialist countries at
that time. Moreover, Vietnamese political and educational leaders considered this
form of education a tool to propagate American culture and education. For these
reasons, the three community colleges in the South were closed.
Community Colleges in Vietnam After Revnification

Not long after national reunification (1975), Vietnam experienced a severe economic crisis. During this time, Vietnam maintained an old-fashioned socialism
model which abolished private ownership and maintained a centrally planned and
subsidized system. This economic structure also impacted education.
Socio-Economic Background of Educational Reform

The Education and Human Resources Sector Analysis implemented by the
UNESCO team drew the following conclusions on Vietnamese education in this
period: (a) decrease in quantity and deterioration in quality of all levels of education
including pre-school and higher education; (b) poor linkage between vocational/
technical education and production and employment; (c) inadequate provision
and network in higher education and poor linkage with research, production and
employment; (d) inabilities in and constraints upon teaching staff; (e) inappropriate
system of organization, management and legislation in education and training; (f)
irrelevance of education and training to the society in transition; and (g) severe lack
of and low efficiency in the use of resources for education and training. [10]
To lead the nation out of the crisis, the 6th National Congress of the Vietnamese
Communist Party (1986) initiated a socio -economic reform plan that included
shifting from a centrally planned economy to socialism-oriented market economy,
approving the existence of individual ownership, facilitating the enlargement of
goods and services production, and implementing an open policy in international
relationship. Since then, the reform has been continuous and has intensified. Thanks
to this correct orientation, Vietnam has overcome the socio-economic crisis. Table 1
(Annex 4) lists the chronological development of national policies that helped to
support the creation and subsequent expansion of community colleges in Vietnam.
In 2006, the 10th National Congress of the Party evaluated the achievements of
20 years of Reform [15]. The Economy reached a rather high rate of growth, higher
96
each year than the previous year. Gross domestic product (GDP) in 5 years (2001
2005) increased on average 7.51%/year. The local economic structure was adjusted
to give each locality a comparative advantage, which contributed importantly to the
growth of the economy. The economic structure continued to support industrialization and modernization by interweaving many forms of ownership. Private economy
developed quickly, operated effectively in many fields, occupied 45.7% GDP, and
contributed importantly to socio-economic growth. Cooperatives and local cooperative economies contributed 6.8% GDP, and formed an important bridge between
technology and international trade. In the sector structure, the proportion of industry
and construction sectors in GDP significantly increased as did the proportion of
agriculture, forestry and aquaculture sectors. The face of the countryside and rural
life, including mountainous and ethnic areas, made progress. Industry and construction continually had a surplus value and made considerable advances towards
modernization. The Services introduced pay scale, career apportunities, and market
and became effective with the participation of many economic classes. Finally, integrating international economy and foreign trade was a very important new measure
and an effort was made to implement the commitments on the ASEAN Free Trade
Area agreement. The U.S.-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement, joining the World Trade
Organization (WTO) and implementing other multilateral agreements to help to create new advances were very important to foreign and export trade.
Education and training also progressed and at the end of 2005, there were 31
provinces that achieved the standards of universal lower secondary education.
97.5% of students attended primary school and the education scale continued to
expand and peoples cultural level was clearly raised. The number of professional
school students increased 15.1%/year, long-term vocational school students 12%/
year, university and junior college students 8.4%/year. The national investment in
education increased considerably as the goal was to develop the economy along with
social progress. In 2005, government funds for education and training occupied 18%
of the total national budget, and many other sources of funds for the development
of education were mobilized. Thus, there were many policies aimed at stabilizing
and improving peoples lives, building a healthy, spiritual and cultural environment,
developing health-care, restraining social-evils and developing education.
Reform of Education and Training in Vietnam

To make the education system relevant to a changing socio-economic system, an all
round reform of higher education began in 1987. At the Conference of University
Rectors in Nha Trang, in the summer of 1987, the Ministry of Higher, Vocational
and Professional Education identified the key points of reform; (a) Targets. Shift
higher education targets from serving a centrally-planned economy to serving a
multi-component economy in the state-managed market mechanism, with socialist
orientation; (b) Financial sources. Higher education institutions not only rely on
state budget but also on other mobilized sources such as tuition fee, training contracts,
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contributions from socio-economic organizations, research / implementation / serving

contracts, international and national projects, donations from organizations and
individuals, contributions from employers, etc; (c) Planning. Higher education follows not only governmental education and training plans but also explores social
needs, and foreseas and actively satisfies education and training needs outside the
government plan; and (d) Management. The government reduces its administrative
interventions in education through its administrative organs; promotes rights and
duties of universities for student enrollment, selection of leaders, co-ordination
with domestic and foreign universities, locating investing resources, and structure
and program identification. The government encourages the foundation of private
universities, expansion of non-formal education and training. In addition, the government has promulgated the policy that regulates the training scale and structure
to meet the demands of socio-economic development, overcome the imbalance; and
abolished the policy of appointing students to posts after their graduation.
The Fourth Central Congress of the Vietnam Communist Party (VII Term)
(1993) promulgated the Resolution of Continuing EducationTraining Reform
and the Government endorsed Decree 90/CP (1993) of the National Education and
Diploma of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. According to both the Resolution
and Decree, educationtraining is the first-ranked national policy and socioeconomic motivation for development. Investing in education means investing in
development and all social forces have to be mobilized to make financial contributions towards educationtraining. Students have to pay tuition fee and employers of
trained labor forces have to pay towards training expenditure. This ensures a social
balance in educationtraining that helps the poor, especially talented poor students
in socio-economically-backward localities, who find opportunities to access higher
education. According to Decree 90/CP (1993), the system of higher and vocational education, a part of national education, is established on two principles: (a)
that everybody is allowed to learn and learn all through life; and (b) that dividing
learning periods and modularizing knowledge is possible, so that all people in
any circumstance of either economic conditions or learning capacity can find an
appropriate learning stage, provided they have an aspiration to learn. On the basis
of these principles and orientation, four modes of organizing institutions appeared
in the system of higher and vocational education: (1) multi-disciplinary university,
belonging to the nation or region; (2) mono-disciplinary university and college; (3)
open university; and (4) community college.
New Directions in Community College Policy

With the end of the period of cold war and profound opposition between socialism and
capitalism, and stepping into the concept of globalization, cooperation in education
and training between Vietnam and other countries became widespread. The achievements and educational experiences of western countries and how to apply them to
benefit Vietnamese educational development were considered more objectively.
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To meet the demands of increasing manpower, the Vietnamese government created opportunities for higher education for anyone with the necessary capacity, particularly for those living far from big cities. With this aim in mind, on 17th March
1992 the Ministry of Education are Training (MOET) submitted to the Government
the proposal of establishing the community college model in cities and provinces.
Four years later, MOET submitted Report No 8195/DH dated 4th November 1996
to the Prime Minister for directions to set up community colleges in Vietnam as
a means to offer local education to meet the demands of local manpower training
(including teacher training). The Vietnamese community college offered various
programs from 1 month to 2 years of training that taught basic syllabuses of higher
education, and gave opportunities for local students to transfer to higher education
at universities for their baccalaureate. Community colleges were also entrusted
with developing programs for professional training, training careers, supplementary
education, computer applications and foreign languages [11]
It took almost 10 years to implement these directives. In 20002002, the first nine
community colleges came into existence in north, south and central Vietnam: Hai
Phong, Ha Tay, Quang Ngai, Ba Ria- Vung Tau, Tien Giang, Dong Thap, Tra Vinh,
Vinh Long and Kien Giang community colleges. In 2006, Hanoi, An Giang and Soc
Trang community colleges were founded, regardless of some diversified local
colleges such as Can Tho and Ben Tre colleges which had been set up in 20052006.
Although the local colleges are not officially called community colleges, the intensive activities are full of the community spirit. Moreover, a growing tendency of
local colleges is changing the training target step by step to a community college,
upgrading local colleges to diversified local higher education institutions.
International Influences on the New Direction

of the Vietnam Community Colleges
Since the directions for the reform of higher and vocational education, particularly
the Decree 90/CP dated 24th November 1993 were established, several theories
and principles of research on community college models have come into existence and been carried out by national scientists and educational managers, and
received cooperation and support from international agencies. The study tour
of the Vietnamese Higher Education Delegation to North America in the early
1990s had a positive impact on the policy decisions on the development of community colleges in Vietnam. The Delegation consisted of Vu Ngoc Hai, Director
of Organization and Personnel, (MOET), Lam Quang Thiep, Director of Higher
Education, MOET, Dang Ba Lam, Director General of MOETs Research Institute
for Higher and Vocational Education, and Tran Phuoc Duong, Rector of Can Tho
University. The Study Tour was supported and sponsored by The US Committee for
Scientific Cooperation with Vietnam and the American Association of Community
Colleges and included visits to community colleges in Wisconsin and Illinois
(USA) and the province of British Columbia (Canada). Before going to USA,
the delegation spent 1 week in Thailand, visiting Thai higher education institutions,
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including the research university Chulalongkorn and Mahedon, Kasesat, the open
admission University Rakhamheng, Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University.
Since that visit, several international influences have been instrumental in reforming Vietnamese higher education. These institutions played an important role in
developing the economy of the local community.
Australian Influences
Cooperation in education between Australia and Vietnam developed rapidly. The
Australian government provided a lot of scholarship for Vietnamese students to be
trained and Vietnamese specialists to be upgraded in Australia. Many conferences and
workshops were organized, where the Australian education system was represented
and Vietnamese educators and policy makers learnt a lot from Australian experiences.
They were greatly impressed by the Australian TAFE and tried to apply Australian
vocational training experiences to the Community College model in Vietnam.
Thai Influences
The government first established community colleges in 1970, after participating
in a Conference of the American Association of Junior Colleges International in
Honolulu. Presently, there are 17 community colleges, with 13,000 students at the
junior college level and 30,000 students participating in short term programs for community service. In accordance with the regulation, these institutions aim at responding to the learning needs of the community and provide programs of two kinds: (1)
diploma programs in the fields of nursing, community development, local administration, tourism, accounting, computing in business, electronics, animal husbandry, and
agriculture; (2) certificate programs, short term courses in tourist guide, English for
sportsmen, Khmer language for commerce, and Thai traditional massage,
Japanese Influences
In 1949, Japan changed the traditional 3 year professional schools to 2 year colleges, called Tanki-daigaku, similar to the US model of Community College.
Thanks to the reduction of training time, Japanese education was able to provide a
trained labor force in time for rebuilding the country after the Second World War.
Korean Influences
In 1993, Korea changed its post-secondary vocational training system by establishing 2-year colleges called Jeonmun Taehack or Chonmun Taehack. This kind of
college provides a 2-year university program in various fields of study for students
graduating from general education or secondary vocational schools.
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Taiwanese Influences
Taiwan has a system of 23 year college courses called local learning institutions
to train the labor force in specialized fields, following the US model of Community
College, with some changes.
Canadian Influences
Collaboration with the Association of Canada Community Colleges (ACCC) with
CIDAs sponsorship had a profound impact on Vietnamese reform efforts. On 1st
January 1995, in Hanoi, Mr. Tom Norton, the representative of ACCC and Dr. Le
Viet Khuyen, the Vice Director of the Higher Education Department of Vietnam,
MOET, signed a memorandum of cooperation between Vietnam MOET and
ACCC, in which ACCC would support Vietnam to develop community colleges,
with the first piloted college at Hai Phong city in Thanh Hoa province. The goals
of the cooperation [14] included plans for a national policy framework, including
a strategic plan to develop manpower with professional skills offered by piloted
community colleges. Establishing such a college model became an integrated component in planning a new economic zone aiming at stimulating foreign investment
and creating the condition for enhancing the intellectual level of the industrial zone
that would be relevant to an economy in transition. As known, due to both subjective and objective causes, the plan gained rather limited achievements. However,
the plans activities helped managers to get valuable experiences. Overall, it was
learned that set conditions should be prepared prior to applying the community
college model in Vietnam, including (a) an awareness and knowledge among policy
makers and people at central and local levels; (b) willingness of readiness or different
education units at the locality to be combined in a new education institution such as
a community college; and (c) skills of education specialists in designing the transfer
from community colleges to university programs.
The Research Institute of Higher and Vocational Education

In the early 1990s MOETs Research Institute for Higher and Vocational Education,
sponsored by Asian Development Bank, implemented a project on the community
college model and the possibility of its application in five provinces of Vietnam:
Ha Tay, Hai Phong, Thanh Hoa, Phu Yen and Dong Thap. According to Dr. Dang
Ba Lam, the director general of this Institute and the Project leader, the main motivation to establish the community college model in Vietnam is the awareness of
the government, local administration and institutions of the positive impact of the
community college on national socio-economic development. However, until 1995,
no accredited educational law supported this development. The Research Institution
of Higher and Vocational Education studied these issues and suggested that MOET
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positively supervise all the activities of community colleges without any direct
control and gave detailed instructions for the management and the government for
activities of community colleges. A legal foundation was thus set.
The study also noted the difficulties facing the new community colleges,
especially in merging local professional and training institutions and continuing
education centers, which were unfamiliar with the community college model.
Moreover, as each community college depends on the socio-economic situation of
the locality, the models must be viable and relevant to each locality, which makes
it impossible to have a single model [12,13].
Hence, defining community college became an issue. In Vietnamese terminology, COLLEGE has two meanings: a junior college (a professional higher
education institution) or a member institution of a university. According to the Law
of Education, the establishment of community colleges must be approved by the
MOET; they operate by the Temporary Regulations on the organization and operation
of community colleges, framed by the Decision 04/1999/QD-BGD&DT dated
11 February by the MOETs Minister. The temporary regulation of a community
college, by Resolution No 37/2000/QD-BGD&DT dated 29th August 2000 of
the Minister of MOET (Annex-3) Article 1 on the position of community college
states: Community college is a diversified public educational institution of the
national education system; The local authority takes the responsibility for establishing, organizing, and operating training activities as well as scientific research
on the basis of the regulation, aiming at meeting the demand of the local human
force at the level of junior college or lower. This definition led to the development
of the first nine community colleges (from 20012005). The flexible schedule,
combined with academic training units, regulate the training modules for full-time
colleges and universities according to order numbered 25/2006/QD-BGDDT, dated
26/6/2005 of MOET. Community colleges have been defined as public educational
institutions, for which local authorities take the responsibility of establishing,
organizing, and operating training activities as well as science-technology research
aiming at meeting the demand for human force in the community. They have a legal
position like other colleges in the national education system and offer training in
diversification, linking between learning levels inside and outside the college in a
wide variety of forms, connecting training to applying, creating a firm relationship
between the college and factories and enterprises, in particular supporting technology for farms, small and medium-scale processing mills of products of agriculture,
forestry and fishery.
Regulation number 37/2000/QD_BGD&DT reframed the social responsibilities
of the community colleges by articles 30, 31 and 32, which can be briefly stated as
follows: Community colleges have to take advantage of the cooperation of families,
the community, local authorities, unions and cultural, economic, and social organizations in the local areas in order to fulfill successfully tasks in different fields
such as enrollment, selection, publicizing learners rights and obligations; setting
up a healthy educational environment for training in professional skills, combining
theory and practice and apprenticeship for students, aiming at bridging training and
Vocation; and mobilizing sources for community development. The organization of
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each community college is different, depending on the professional training available in the particular province/city.
Tables 1 and 2 (Annex 4) define four characteristics of the current Vietnamese
community colleges. First, most are set up in the Mekong River Delta due to
the fact that while this region is thickly populated, the education network is less
developed in comparison with other regions in Vietnam, so the need for new
established institutions is very urgent. Moreover, this region is located in South
Vietnam where people are familiar with the model of community college and are
willing to accept it.
Secondly, the number of pilot community colleges has increased slowly: five
community colleges were created in Hai Phong, Quang Ngai, Ba Ria-Vung Tau,
Tien Giang and Dong Thap; two more were founded in 2001 in Ha Tay and Tra
Vinh; and another two colleges were founded in 2002 in Kien Giang and Vinh
Long. Finally, in 2006, three colleges were founded in Hanoi, Hau Giang and
Soc Trang.. The slow growth may be due to the time it takes for education policy
makers to understand and accept the new concept of community colleges and for
the society to accept a different kind of higher education institution. The difficult
problem to be resolved is the relationship between the community college and the
provincial teacher training institution: whether two kinds of institutions can exist in
parallel or the first one will include the second.
The third characteristic is the gradually increasing enrollment at these colleges.
The total quota for college-level enrollment at the community colleges until 2007,
has gone up as much as four times since 2002. Ha Tay Community College has
taken charge of doing part of the training for kindergarten, primary and secondary
education teachers for the province. Finally, considering the total enrollment quota
for non-teacher training areas at the local teachers training colleges, in 2007, with
10,975 students, there were 23 non-teacher specialized training areas at the colleges
in comparison with 30 specialized training areas. It is seen that the total number
of students who are studying at the community colleges in 20072008 adds up to
18,415. Local teachers training colleges are regarded as community colleges as
they have a single-focus, which is a characteristic of the community college. Local
teachers training colleges, like community colleges, have a tendency of redirecting
strategic targets towards training activities.
The 12 community colleges mentioned earlier, share some similarities: the community college is founded on the basis of either an in-service training center, or a
professional technical secondary school, or a continuing education center. Such an
organization has strong possibilities for the following reasons. First of all, it suits
the training goals and duties of the community colleges. Next, the local authorities
come together in forming a community college. Finally, the integrated institutions
have the pride of being upgraded in terms of qualifications and governing.
Unlike the traditional university with long-term undergraduate courses, community college models embrace all the elements desired by Vietnamese higher
education reforms. The establishment of community colleges will decrease the
tense pressure of getting financing from the central budget, speed up the initiative and responsibility of local authorities; and in particular, create opportunities
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for international organizations and universities, as well as foreign and domestic

enterprises to participate in manpower training and local economy development.
In reforming the Vietnamese higher education network, MOET plans to transform
local higher and vocational education institutions into community colleges. In this
spirit, the Chairpersons of Peoples Committees in the provinces and cities such as
Vinh Long, Dong, Thap, Ba Ria-Vung Tau, Thanh Hoa, HAi Phong, and Quang
Ngai, submitted reports to the Prime Minister for permission to establish pilot
community colleges to reform the system of local professional and vocational educational institutions. MOET supported the proposals and gave permission to set up
a community college, for integrating, reorganizing and upgrading the network of
local higher and vocational institutions in the provinces and big cities.
Tien Giang Community College: A Case Study

In order to present a clear view of the formation process, the hierarchical structure
of administration, training activities, and the trend in the development of community colleges in Vietnam, let us take the community college in the Mekong River
Delta as an example. This college has been highly evaluated for its significant
effectiveness in development and training activities, and has now been upgraded as
a local multi-level, multi-subject, multi-field university.
Tien Giang (My Tho before) is an agricultural province in the Mekong River
Delta and has an area of 2,236.63 km2, with a population of 1 750 000 people. It
is considered a prosperous land, with a high output of crops, marine products and
fruits. It has all the typical characteristics of the river and garden civilization of
South Vietnam. It is one of the very few provinces, in the Mekong River Delta that
have a tradition of educational development. As regards university education, Tien
Giang was one of the first to adopt the community college model, in 1971.
Tien Giang Community College was founded on August 30, 2000 through the
integration of two training institutions: The Inter-provincial Center for In-service
Training of Tien Giang-Long An-Ben Tre and Tien Giang Technical Workers School.
After several years of building and development, Tien Giang Community College was
evaluated in the report Evaluation of 5 year operating process (August 30, 2005) as
follows: During the process of formation and development, the College always got
dynamic leadership and instructions from the Provincial Partys Committee, Peoples
Committee, and the effective support of governmental organizations at all levels.
Since then, the model of community colleges has been continually developing, with
considerable achievements, which can be multiplied in the near future.
Tien Giang Community College has successfully built up the training model
for multi-levels, multi-subjects, and multi-fields, meeting the initial demands for
manpower for the industrialization and modernization of the country. The presence
of Tien Giang Community College has not only increased the proportion of the qualified labor force but also contributed to correcting the imbalance in the structure of
occupations and qualifications. From the year 2003, the College has provided the
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society with over 1,000 laborers qualified in several specialized areas, from technical
workers (professional qualification grade 3/7, 4/7) to university graduates. In the
last few years, if the College had been fully equipped for training, practice, and
apprenticeship, it is likely that the number of people needed for industrialization
and modernization of agriculture would have been available. The model of Tien
Giang Community College has proved that there are many advantages in organizing
a reasonable system of schools, which eliminates investment in construction, utilizes
teaching efficiency, infrastructure, equipment and trained manpower sources. Also,
it has contributed to the restriction of impulsive choice of subjects, following currently popular trends, directing students to select relevant subjects and courses.
The availability of multiple subjects and multiple levels of study is promoting the
community college model, encouraging students to pursue their studies. This has
created a learning society and lifelong learning. [18] Tien Giang Community College
has declared its mission as follows: Our presence is to serve the learning needs of
the people in the community, to bring them progress and job opportunities to improve
their living, and also train the manpower for Tien Giang province and neighboring
provinces in order to meet the higher and higher demands of industrialization and
modernization.
Tien Giang Community College encourages learners with the following systems:
(1) multi-levels (training for an occupation with professional qualification grade from
3/7; particularly for the 4 year or lorger university programs, joint-venture training
is provided only for in-service training); (2) multi-subjects (industry; construction;
agriculture and service); (3) multi-forms (in-service and full-time); (4) transferring
(move from one training level to another, accumulating credits, or taking supplementary courses for the credits required); and (5) specific training and research: training for professions, connecting and transferring training; continuing education and
joint venture training; basic education; community response; research, applying and
developing technologies to bridge training, research and work experience.
In the Administration department, there are five offices, including the Office
of Personnel Administration Management; Office of Training; Office of Financial
Affairs; Office of Students Affairs; and Office of Research & International
Cooperation. In the Academic section, there are four departments and two centers,
including the Department of Fundamental Sciences; Department of Engineering
and Technology; Department of Economics and Social Sciences; Department of
Professional and Vocational Training; Center for Information Technology and
Foreign Languages; and Center for Examination Skills Training.
List of Training Courses (Both Full-Time

and In-Service Training)
University degree: joint training (5 years in-service training): Biological Technology;
Information Technology; Finance and Accounting; Construction; MachineryElectronics; Laws; Marine Products Cultivation; Accounting-Auditing;
Electricity and Electronics; Veterinary Science; Land Management.
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College degree: 3 years (Full-time): Information Technology; Accounting; Food

Technology; Rural Development; Engineering; Construction.
High school diploma: 2 years (Full-time): Information Technology; Industrial and
Civil Electricity; Engineering and Dynamics; Construction.
Workers: 2 years (professional qualification grade 3/7): Industrial and Civil
Electricity; Electronics; Auto Repairing; Construction; Latching; Welding;
Industrial Sewing; Engineering and Electrical Services; Refrigeration.
Short-term supplementary programs to meet community demands: Accounting,
Finance and Tax Management; Human Resources Management; Manufacturing and
Operating Management; Marketing Management; Enterprise Expenses Auditing;
Customer Care; Creating and Managing Enterprise Budget.
Training results of the 5-year-period (20002005) of Tien Giang Community
College are given in Table 4 (Annexure 4)
In the future, the higher education network in the Mekong River Delta including
Tien Giang Province, will be expanded according to the potential of this region.
In Tien Giang a local university will be established, with Tien Giang Community
College as a member institution. In 20052010 the focus will be on training at
the junior college level. In 20102015 university programs will be provided for
transferred students. The university will have some community college characteristics in that it will respond to local needs and trains human resources for the local
province.
Tien Giang University which will be multi-disciplinary and multi-level, has the
mission to serve the population in the North Mekong River Delta in education and
training opportunities for improving the quality of life and sustainable development
of the region. The tasks of Tien Giang University include:
1)
2)
3)
4)
Training skilled workers at the level of 3/7 and above

Providing the programs for transferring to university level
Providing basic and supplementary education for adults
Continuing education by different modes of delivery such as in-service training,
distance education, and E-learning
5) Community service through technology dissemination and agriculture
promotion
6) Scientific research and application and international cooperation
7) Advising and counseling for learning and choosing a career.
Tien Giang University will be founded on the basis of Tien Giang Community
College and Tien Giang Teacher Training College, and Tien Giang Community
College will be the main institution.
Current Profile of Community Colleges in Vietnam

Reviewing the first nine pilot community colleges in 20002002, the Ministry of
Education and Training has not yet made a complete evaluation of the effectiveness,
advantages and short comings of this model. However, the system of the community
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colleges itself has revealed these features in the course of the 5 years, and the model
of community colleges in Vietnam can be developed from this experience.
Community colleges are the model for multi-level training (from vocational
training to college), multi-disciplinary training; flexible, direct service to meet local
training demands and aid in community development. The training programs provide
relevant application and practice, have links with manufacturing Companies and
develop local enterprises. Its flexibility (transferring between training grades and
levels), the programs designed for multi-area, multi-level training, the effectiveness
of utilizing teaching staff and equipment, are all highly valued. Mekong River Delta
has had good models, and it has been shown that this model is considerably flexible
and effective (saving resources such as teaching staff and equipment) which is very
suitable for the Vietnamese context, especially the particularly difficult regions.
This model needs to be quickly multiplied in the Mekong River Delta and other
regions. Each province and city should have a community college.
Advantages
Considering the advantages, this model is an effective method to provide quick and
quality training in the most economic way to the Mekong River Delta in particular and other areas throughout the country in general. developing the community
college model are still affirmed by The Government is in favour of developing
community colleges to reorganize education in the country in 20062010; community colleges are regarded as one of the primary solutions for increasing the
scope of higher education and training, with the guarantee of quality. They meet
the communitys demands, for man power for the socio-economic development
of the community. At the same time, the community colleges can easily make a
profit thanks to the abundant and endless number of candidates. While the country
is fostering the formation of an educated society and socialist ideals, if community
colleges are treated as centers for providing academic linkages and support to the
community at specific communes or wards, it is likely that the success will benefit
both education and the community. The demand for higher education in the localities are increasing due to the higher requirements of highly qualified human power
for socioeconomic development and for the successful integration of the country
into the worlds economy.
In the network of professional training institutions, the advantages of the
community colleges when compared to other professional training institutions
are clearly in three areas: training goals, an environment for conducting training
activities, and the legal permission to train. This can be easily seen in the provinces,
where there are not only teacher training college but also community colleges. If
the leaders acknowledge this, it will be easy to establish a community college. At
present in every province there is a teachers training college, a continuing education center, and a vocational training center which is authorized by the provincial
government. At the local teachers training colleges there is adequate infrastructure,
equipment, and library, with qualified teaching staff, but there are very few students
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who attend teachers training programs as the local demands for teachers are already
satisfied. This is a great extravagance! The Ministry of Education and Training has
a policy which is as follows: It is the responsibility of the local province to see
that, depending on the local demands of manpower training and practical conditions, the Peoples Committee of the province or the city decides the relevant training, which may be either specialized or general. This policy can be recognized
as an avenue to improve the current situation in teachers training colleges. There
is no doubt that advantages have been created for the development of community
colleges by converting local teachers training colleges. The international exchange
in higher education, which is being widely practised, is also a good opportunity for
the development of the community college, model in Vietnam.
Difficulties
Because the model of community colleges is still in the pilot stage, the challenges
are many. For example, the legal terms that reframe the management mechanisms
and development of these colleges, as well as providing information about the positions, roles, and goals of the model, have certain limitations. The advantages and
disadvantages in operating each community college depend on the approval of the
local authorities for the model. Furthermore, the sponsoring sources for the pilot
community colleges are too modest. The legal frame work relating to vocational
training at the community colleges is still left open as there is no state contribution.
These difficulties have slowed down the rate of development of the nine pilot community colleges, making them different because the investment rate is different for
each locality, and the organization of the training institutions within the community
may have an impact on their development.
Flexibility and openness, are found at almost all of colleges (except some specialized colleges such as medicine, culture and arts, gymnastics and sports). It is
possible to find such community characteristics in some universities that share
the areas, subjects, levels and grades in training. As a result, it is difficult to differentiate between the community colleges and non-community colleges, even though
there are some non-community colleges, which offer single-subject training or
some specific subjects. Furthermore, flexibility and transferring can be performed
by any college, whereas some community colleges are not allowed to carry out
transferring in training for the areas in which they have offered multi-levels for
many years. All these issues have put the community colleges under the pressure
of severe competition, which takes place for the yearly enrollment. This is because
the central college has great potential and has invested much more than a provincial
community college.
The mechanisms of transfer in training and transition for students still exist in
principle, but particular instances are still not established firmly with regard to the
overall educational system of university and professional colleges. Moreover, the
mechanism of enrollment quotas is very rigid, and organizing a common entrance
exam for all universities and colleges is not suitable for community colleges.
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This has restricted the performance of basic duties in particular and the philosophy
of the community college model in general. It is necessary to allow the community
colleges to carry out transfer in training and establish the training for students from
community colleges to 4-year university courses, as well as to give community colleges autonomy so that they can decide about admissions.
The current batch of teachers and lecturers in community colleges is in general
less in number and low in qualifications. The infrastructure is also inadequate;
some colleges are slow to adapt new training programs. Furthermore, the management of a multi-level, multi-subject educational organization is still new for almost
all the managing members at the universities and professional colleges in Vietnam.
This is why some colleges are confused about the design of their training programs.
This has created the poor training quality of the community colleges. This limitation was assessed by the Ministry of Education and Training at the Conference of
university and college leaders held in 8/2006: The block of community colleges
and local colleges which perform the training model towards the community has
initially promoted the effectiveness and contributed to the enhancement of training quality, bridging training with utilizing the manpower of the society. However,
there have not been many such models, which can make it popular and systematic,
and they are all related to the abilities of the colleges, not the needs of the community. The training programs have not met the requirements of the employers.
There have not been specific contracts from the enterprises or the local authorities
for specific requirements of manpower after graduating. Many enterprises have
employed graduates but they have to send them for supplementary training courses
before they start work. Community colleges do not have certain criteria to be met,
according to the requirements of the community for graduates. As a result, it is
necessary to create a model for student training, in accordance with employers, in
terms of training program, skills to be achieved, and investment from the enterprises/ employers for the training process. There should be an organization that
performs the duties of forecasting the needs of human power to help colleges orient
their training and improve their programs [16,17].
Recommendations and Conclusion

For the existing community colleges and the model of community college in
Vietnam to keep developing, some proposals should be made. First, the community colleges have to improve the quality of teachers and lecturers, and make them
acceptable to the new requirements of Vietnamese higher education. Secondly, the
Ministry of Education and Training has to quickly release a relevant legal frame
work to solve the problems relating to management mechanisms in a multi-level
training institution; transferring and transitioning training; fostering the investment
from the central sources; into the community colleges and giving autonomy to the
community colleges regarding admissions.
109
Third, the Ministry of Labor, War Invalids and Social Affairs, which manages
the vocational system in Vietnam, has to release soon a relevant legal frame work
relating to the transfer of authority from governmental organizations to the local
government so that the cooperation on infrastructure investment as well as vocational programs can be made. This aims at avoiding additional expenditure due to
separate investment, and autonomy in organizing the vocational system in community colleges and other local training institutions.
Fourth, the local authorities in the province or city should quickly build a community college in their area, integrating educational institutions in the network of
professional education in the locality, namely teachers training colleges, continuing
education center, and vocational training center/ school. The integration results in
three advantages. Firstly, it creates a training institution in the locality, which has
the necessary teaching staff, infrastructures, and permission for training. This can
be set as the premise for the indispensable growth of the local higher education
institution in the future. Secondly, it is convenient to have quality management in
in-service training to effectively build an educated society. Thirdly, it is not only
budget saving but also significant effectiveness in investment in constructing and
developing the university and professional education in the locality.
Finally, the government should give permission to community colleges to widen
their exchange opportunities, share the experience of constructing and developing
the model of community college/university with neighboring countries in the region
as well as in the world, and create conducive conditions for the development of the
system of community colleges in the coming years.
In summary, even if it has been 6 years since the first nine community colleges
started operating under the national reforms and integration in Vietnam, the assessment of their operations has not yet been completed by the Government. Because
the whole educational system is significantly dynamic, especially the new model of
pilot community colleges in Vietnam, the fruitful achievements of this pilot model
have been confirmed by the appearance of three new community colleges and two
local colleges (actually they have the same community college model) in 2006.
It can be said that the community college model in Vietnam has been successful,
and highlight the prospects for this model in the socio-economic conditions that
suit Vietnamese culture. The application of this model would bring significant possibilities if the necessary conditions are satisfied.
Based on the primary results and the pilot performance of the nine community
colleges in the post unification era & of the country, we can conclude that:
Community colleges are the best training model to serve the needs of learning,
professional upgrading, occupation transitioning for people and for making a
strong community. Also, the development of the model is the best project that is
totally possible and suitable within the specific contexts of each area in order to
develop higher education, to achieve the developing targets in quantity along with
quality assurance in higher education in the time of international integration.
The community colleges need to set up training plans that follow up with the
local needs through several flexible programs which suit the various needs of
110
learners in order to help them gain good results as well as the best effectiveness
of labor utilization post-training.
Particularly, community colleges have to perform transfer between training
levels, and to the 4-year universities. By doing this they will accomplish the
mission to popularize higher education in accordance with the philosophy of the
community colleges.
References
1. Nguyen Khac Vien, (1993), Vietnam - a Long History, Publishing House the World, Hanoi
(English)
2. UNDP, Development Report (English)
3. Nguyen Van Thuy, Tran Ngoc Loi, (1996), An overview of American Community Universities
(Vietnamese)
Nguyen Van Thuy, (1994), About Community Colleges, Okemos, Michigan.Okemos,
Michigan (Vietnamese)
4. Thu tuong Chinh phu, Prime Minister, Decision No 47/ 2001/ QD-TTG dated 4/ 4/ 2001, approving Master Plan of the Universities and Colleges in the Period 2001-2010 (Vietnamese)
5. Liny Toender, (1996), Community College-Missions and Challenges, Workshop on the
Development of 6 Community Universities in Vietnam(Vietnamese)
6. Bo GD-DT (2004), Ministry of Education and Training, 2004, Higher Education in Vietnam,
Education Publishing House, Hanoi (Vietnamese)
7. Edict No 503-TT/ SL dated 15/ 8/ 1971 and The Edict No 504-TT/ SL dated 17/ 8/ 1971 of The
President of Republic of Vietnam on the Foundation of Universities in the South of Vietnam;
The documents are currently archived at Tien Giang Community College(Vietnamese)
8. Socio-Economic Statistics (annually), Statistical Publishing House (Vietnamese)
9. Vietnams Communist Party, 2001, Strategic Plan for Socio-Economic Development in the
Period 2001-2010 (Vietnamese)
10. UNESCO- MoET (1992), Vietnam Education and Human Resources Sector Analysis
(Synthesis Report) (English)
11. Dang Ba Lam (2003), Vietnamese Education in the First Decades of the 21st Century,
Strategies for Development, Education Publishing House, Hanoi (Vietnamese)
12. Dang Ba Lam, Project Director (9/1995), Report on Study of the Setting up of the Community
College Model in Vietnamese Socio economic Conditions (Project under the Sponsorship of
ERSPAP- IDRC), National Institute for Educational Development, Hanoi. (English)
13. Dang Ba Lam (1995), Setting Up a Community College Model in the Vietnamese Socioeconomic Setting, Case Studies in Education Research and Policy, Asian Development Bank,
(English)
14. Ministry of Education and Training, 1995, Project for Developing Network of Community
Colleges in Vietnam. Accomplished by Association of Canadian CC under the Sponsor of
CIDA, Canada (Vietnamese)
15. Vietnams Communist Party, Documents of National Representative Congresses of the Party,
Terms VI (1986), VII (1991),VIII (1996), IX(2001), X (2006), National Politics Publishing
House (Vietnamese)
16. Nguyen Huy Vi, On the Model of Community Universities and Colleges in Vietnam,
Education Magazine, Ministry of Education and Training, April 2004, Hanoi (Vietnamese)
17. Nguyen Huy Vi, Expanding Training Tasks of the Local Teachers Training Colleges,
Educational Sciences Magazine, Institute for Education Strategy and Curriculum, Ministry of
Education and Training, October 2006 (Vietnamese)
18. Tien Giang Community College, August 2005, Special Issue on the 5th Anniversary of the
College Foundation, 30 August 2000 - 30 August 2005 (Vietnamese)
111
Annexures
Annex 1 The Decree 503-TT/SL of Saigon government August, 8th 1971 about
establishing community colleges:
Article 2: Each community college has these aims:
(1) To promote general higher education with transfer to university programs, and
(2) To develop professional higher education with special programs and really satisfying the needs of the community accepting sponsorship for the community college
Article 3: Each community college has these duties:
(1) To train middle-ranking specialists to assist the economic development of the
community
(2) To prepare and guide students and make them studying basic programs after
2-year to transfer to a National University to continue studying for university
programs
(3) To help veterans, civil servants and youth in the community to enhance their
education level
(4) To test and guide students to choose the field of learning suitable to their
ability
(5) To promote cultural, educational and social activities to usefully foster the
spiritual life of the people in the community
(6) To guide mutual cooperation among primary, secondary and higher education
institutions in the provinces belonging to the area of the community college
Article 4: The establishment of community colleges will be enabled by a decree
specifying the provinces and towns that will support and contribute in the construction and development of the college.
Each community college is a center of higher education, directly linked and
dependent for academic affairs on a National University.
Article 7: Each community college has only 2 faculties:
The Faculty of 2-year General Higher Education
The Faculty of Career Education
Article 8: Property and donations to build, equip, administrate, and develop each
community college are from:
(1) Continual contribution of the people in the community
(2) Fees and tuition of students
(3) Government funds (national and local budget) equivalent to the contribution of
the people
(4) Donation, bequest, aid and funds from individuals, agencies or private organizations, and government agencies in and outside the country
Annex 2 The Decree 504-TT/SL 15/8/1971 of Saigon Government on August,
15th 1971 about establishing Tien Giang Community College:
112
Article 2: Tien Giang Community College is organized according to the model of

a community college as fixed in the Decree 503-TT/SL August 15th 1971 about
establishing community colleges.
Article 3: The Provinces and Towns below will directly sponsor, contribute in
building and developing Tien Giang Community College, according to the content
of the articles 4 and 8 of the Decree 503-TT/SL August 15th 1971: Dinh Tuong
Province, Go Cong Province, Kien Hoa Province, Kien Phong Province, Kien
Tuong Province, Long An Province and My Tho Town.
Article 4: Tien Giang Community College is linked to Saigon University for organizing and administrating educational affairs, especially for the first 2-year university
program.
Annex 3 Decision No 37/2000/QD-BGD&DT of MOET, August 29th 2000 on
temporary regulations of position, function and duty of the community college:
Article 1: On the position of the community college:
Community college is a multidisciplinary, multilevel educational institution in
the national education system, at which the locality takes responsibility for building, organizing and operating activities of training, science research, on the bases
of the regulations aiming at training local manpower at the level of junior college
and lower.
Article 2: on training target:
The objective of community college is to train a labor force with acceptable
political quality, good morals, good health, knowledge, and awareness of serving
the community as well as professional skills at the junior college level or lower;
and to create opportunities for working people to enhance the educational and professional levels required for jobs, meeting the demand of socio-economic development, consolidating national defense and local security.
Article 18: On program and learning fields:
1. The program of the community college consists of
Program of junior college
Program of professional secondary education and other technical and vocational
education
Program of supplementing and updating professional knowledge and skills
2. Learning fields together with the corresponding diplomas of community college
are in accordance with The Nomenclature of Training Fields of the Socialist
Republic of Vietnam and actually meeting demands of local socio-economic
development.
3. Expanding training fields with other programs is carried out in accordance with
the corresponding regulations of the community college.
4. In addition to the above-mentioned regulations of program, MOET is allowed
to assign community colleges to implement the transfer of higher education
programs in order to help good students to transfer to universities.
113
Article 19: On training mode:

The community college implements programs in accordance with formal and
nonformal training modes.
Annex 4:
Table 1 Chronological Decrees that set the foundation for community college expansion
Date
Name
Consequences
1995
Conference of Teacher Training

Colleges, Hanoi. MOET
September
1995
The Report, submitted by

MOET to Government of
Socialist Republic of Vietnam
at Donors Meeting for
Education-Training in Hanoi
Report No. 8195/DH. Submitted
by MOET, signed by Minister
Tran Hong Quan
Teacher training institutions do not have

to merely train teachers. Nucleus to
establish community colleges resulted
Set base for higher education reform adoption by defining community college
characteristics
February 4,
1996
February 5,
1996
December
1996
1997
August 23,
2000
April 4,
2001
April 19,
2001
Vice Minister of MOET, Tran

Xuan Nhi Letter to Provincial
Peoples Committee
Second Plenary (VIII Term) of
Party Central Committee.
Resolution on strategic orientation of education-training
development in the period of
industrialization and modernization up to 2010
Resolution by MOET to coordinate with international organizations and pilot community
colleges in selected cities.
Decision No. 37/2000/
QD-BGD&DT MOET (see
Annex 3)
Resolution No 47/2001/
QD-TTg submitted by Prime
Minister Master Planning
of University and College
Network for 20012010
9th Central Congress of Vietnam
Communist Party Directions
of higher education development: 20012010
Provincial teacher training colleges will

be transformed into diversified colleges in near future in order to be able
to carry out the function of community
college by one step.
Rearrange higher education, including

community colleges
Coordination resulted in Vinh Long, Dong

Thap, Tien Giang, Ba Ria-Vung Tau,
Quang Ngai, Ha Tay, Hai Phong, Ho
Chi Minh City
Regulations that govern description of
community colleges
Community college is recognized as a
higher education institution
Targeted increase in students; increase in

colleges
(continued)
114
Table 1 (continued)
Date
Name
Consequences
December
28,
2001
Vietnamese Education
Development Strategic Plan
for 20012010 approved by
Prime Minister
International Forum of Higher
Education Renovation, Hanoi
Set network and standards for higher education reforms
2004
20052006
Directions of the Education and

Training School-Year Duties
May 18,
2005
Resolution No 112/2005/QD-TTg
Plan Building Learning
Society
for 20052010. Promulgated
by
Prime Minister
Resolution No. 14/2005/NQ-CP
Fundamental and Thorough
Renovation of Vietnamese
Higher Education for
20062020 Promulgated by
Government
November
2, 2005
Minister of MOET, Nguyen Minh Hien

presented MOETs view on community college model development. Saw
community colleges as means to solve
problems of higher education access
and vocational education need
Minister of Moet mentions role of communication colleges and sets a target
increase by 10%
Defined problems of functions and duty of
community colleges
Reaffirms role and mission of communication colleges. Helped pilot 12 community colleges throughout the country
Table 2 Statistics of enrollment at college level in community colleges for 20022007

Enrolled students of formal junior college
No
Community college
Foundation year
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
Hai Phong
Quang Ngai
Tien Giang
Ba Ria-Vung Tau
ong Thap
Ha Tay
Tra Vinh
Kien Giang
Vinh Long
Ha Noi
Hau Giang
Soc Trang
2000
2000
2000
2000
2000
2001
2001
2002
2002
2006
2006
2006
Total
380
290
200
350
200
150
200
450
250
350
350
210
60
250
250
270
550
200
400
350
300
510
300
260
320
650
400
400
500
300
650
450
250
320
1,055
250
540
600
380
780
700
260
560
1,770
2,440 3,190 3,920
1,115
300
825*
600
400
1,000
900*
340
560
500
440
460
7,440
5,125
(Cited from Information on University and College Enrollment in 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2006,
2007, MOET)
115
Table 3 Table for non-teacher training areas at local teachers training colleges and specialized
training areas at the current community colleges (From Extracted statistics from Things to Know
About the Entrance Exams for Colleges and Universities 2002; 2003; 2004; 2005; 2006; 2007,
Ministry of Education and Training)
Non-pedagogical training subjects at
teachers training colleges
Specialized training subjects at the community

colleges
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
English
Chinese
French
Computer sciences
Library information
Vietnamese studies
Accounting
Technology electrical engineering
Office management
English for tourism
French for tourism
Tourism business administration
Social work
Culture-tourism
Culture management
Environmental sciences
Geography tourism
Electrical engineering
Forestry
Cultivation
Husbandry
Marine products cultivation
Network management
English
Computer sciences
Food technology
Hydraulics soil improvement
Rural development
Marine products cultivation
Engineering
Electrical engineering
Tourism Business Administration
Agriculture
Veterinary Medicine husbandry
Office management
Post-harvesting technology
Housewifery
Finance-credit
Agricultural products preservation and processing
Work construction
Accounting auditing
Agricultural economics
Land management
Industrial and Civil construction
Tailoring technology
Forestry
Plants protection
Hydraulics
Entrepreneur management
Electronic telecommunication technology
Materials and building components
Refrigerating electricity techniques and
technology
30. Kindergarten, primary, secondary Education
Notes:
1) In 2006, Tien Giang Community College and Tra Vinh Community College were upgraded by
the Government to University of Tien Giang and University of Tra Vinh. These universities
still have the training quotas at college level as they did when they used to be community
colleges.
2) There are two local colleges that changed their training goals from teachers training (which is
single-subject training for secondary teachers or lower for the local schools) to multi-subject
training in 2006, which share the same training program as community colleges. These are
Ben Tre College and Can Tho College. Consequently, by the year 2007 the presence of these
two colleges has made up the total number of 14 community colleges in Vietnam since unification. The local university, which provides multi-training, multi-level areas has not been
included yet. Upgrading local teacher training colleges, which also share primary characteristics of community colleges, primarily formed community colleges.
3) Not included here is the training quotas for the lower education levels of the community colleges like professional, long-term or short-term vocational secondary schools.
116
Table 4 Table for the synthetic indexes for the first nine community colleges (From extracted
statistics from Vietnamese University Education, pp. 475491, Education Publishing House,
Ministry of Education and Training, Hanoi, 2003)
Community
colleges
Ba Ria-Vung
Tau
ong Thap
Ha Tay
Hai Phong
Kien Giang
Quang Ngai
Tien Giang
Tra Vinh
Vinh Long
Total:
Number
of teachers
with postgraduate
Current
qualificanumber
tions
of teachers, (masters,
lecturers
doctors)
Number
of training
subjects,
professions
23
26
110
91
71
89
67
134
45
656
2
19
6
4
3
10
17
10
79
Number
of college,
university
students
Number
of professional secondary
schools
Number
of students at
vocational
secondary
schools
350
600
8
6
15
18
14
15
20
7
1,235
1,244
1,071
2,480
1,700
3,367
3,133
3,139
17,719
200
2,550
860
1,752
600
169
291
162
7,184
0
0
194
0
600
406
1,373
0
2,573
Table 5 Training results of 5-year-period (20002005) of Tien Giang Community College

(From data extracted from a special issue of Tien Giang Community College on the occasion of
5th Foundation Anniversary, 30/8/2000)
Training forms
Candidate won
Long-term training
Technical workers
Professional secondary schools
Full-time college
In-service college
In-service university
Short-term training
Business administration
English
Auto Cad
Computer sciences
Worker professional upgrading
Industrial sewing
Examination skills training
Accounting professional skills
Total
8.874
1.770
869
3.395
77
2.763
Practical
participation
7.267
1.770
869
2.045
77
2.503
5.947
696
876
52
1.079
195
455
2.400
154
13.211
Graduation
3.100
763
351
778
1.208
Chapter 8
Modeling Social Justice Through

the Community College
Robert DeBard and Tamara Rice
Introduction
The thesis of this chapter is that the mission of the comprehensive community
college that has evolved in the United States represents a model of social justice that can be utilized by the postsecondary systems of emerging Third World
countries to improve their social and economic well-being. In order to test this
thesis, the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) has been chosen as a case in point.
The reason for this choice is not one of convenience or ex post facto reporting
of its success. Admittedly, Mainland China still faces enormous problems as it
attempts to use higher education to advance its economic engine and positively
impact the social standard of living of its citizens as well as advance social justice
among them.
The viability of comparing the elements of social justice found in the mission
and methods of community colleges in the United States and those of China is
threefold. First of all, the basis of the study of comparative education is to seek
out thematic elements that can be transferred so as to inform an emerging system
of the prospects for improvement in implementation by studying the models of
more established educational systems (Kubow and Fossum, 2003). Second, such
cross-cultural consideration can help illustrate how educational systems can bring
global communities together in a common goal of developing human capital even
when the political systems remain fundamentally opposed. Finally, the evolution of
the comprehensive community college in the United States represents a blend of
centralized social engineering and decentralized community involvement that holds
promise for what is taking place in the PRC as it strives to provide the necessary
components to align educational opportunity with economic growth.
This argument does not dismiss the political differences between the United
States and China. There is no question that the democracy in the United States has
facilitated the local initiatives that have traditionally generated educational opportunity, whereas the strong centralized control within the PRC has actually limited
such opportunity. However, this chapter is more about the future than the past. The
market-driven economic reform policies now creating massive change in China
have created the need for educational reform and the creation of opportunity.

117
118
R. DeBard and T. Rice
It is asserted that a movement toward the development of community colleges is

now shaping this change, and will accelerate it in the future.
The two thematic forces driving this consideration will be the contributions the
community college can make to affording opportunity to the historically disenfranchised sectors of a society and the importance of promoting such social justice to
the progression of a society. The model being advanced is more one of the spirit
behind the mission than the bricks and mortar that demonstrate it. Just as community colleges can be large or small, urban or rural, state-supported or locally
funded in the United States, the transfer of their potential to China evolves more as
a concept than as a set pattern. In like manner, defining social justice need not be
limited to the political rhetoric of an ism that would work more easily in Chicago
than Shanghai. The community college model is agile in adapting educational
opportunity to political reality. The dynamic need for opportunity can cut across
geographic and political borders.
Appreciating the conceptual contribution of the community college movement to its larger society requires going beyond considering it as merely part of
the higher education matrix (Levin, 2001). Levin captured the conceptual base in
which this chapter is using the community college as a model of social justice that
can be transferred to other countries:
To view the community college as only an educational institution is to miss or misunderstand the interactions and relationships between the institution and its milieu; its environment, such as state government, social agencies, cultural and political institutions; and the
economy, locally, nationally, and globally. (p. xii)
What is essential for the reader to appreciate is that the movement being referred
to is not to be viewed from a political view, but rather a sociological one. It is not
being suggested that the American community college is to be transferred to China
in a wave of globalization. The truth is that China is already well acquainted with
the potential sociological benefits of the mission of the community college. Ten
years ago, the Chinese government passed the Vocational Education Act in order to
develop a workforce more adaptable to a market-driven economy. It was predicted
that the number of high-school-educated young people in China who would be
seeking higher education would far outstrip the limited seats and arbitrary cutoff
line of the National Standard Higher Education Examinations (Hu et al., 1996).
What is being asserted is that the sociological avatar of the community college
movement springs from local need rather than national policy. The success of the
community college movement in the United States has been based on the ability
of individual colleges to adapt to societal needs rather than determine them. State
systems were formed to organize and support local community colleges, but grew
out of local socioeconomic need (Cohen and Brawer, 2003). This has been the
source of its vitality as it has emerged as a mighty educational force for change in
the United States and the application of the concept holds promise for a developing
country such as China. Although it might be assumed that central authority would
dominate and determine any such emergence in the PRC, it is the economic competition between sectors of Chinese society that are gaining in terms of standard
Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College
119
of living versus those who would wish to do so that is creating a dynamic tension
leading to educational reform within the provinces.
Admittedly, it can seem strange to attempt to attach the concept of social justice
to the educational system of a country such as China, whose political system has
been so undemocratic. However, that is the point in doing so. It is the premise of
this chapter that the concept of social justice, as various as its practice in different
contexts might be, represents globalization that seeks common human themes
that bring people together. It does so because of the human need for opportunity,
quest for progress, and desire for justice in the face of class stratification, political repression, and economic deprivation. Just as it would be naive to assume that
social stratification in the United States has not skewed the educational attainments
of its citizenry, it would be cynical to dismiss social justice as a political artifact
of democracy that cannot be related to a country like China. Admittedly, the
definition of social justice in the PRC is more economically pragmatic than philosophical at this point. Indeed, it has been advanced regarding higher education
that [Chinas] main disadvantage reflects the time-honored legacy of conformity,
discouraging innovation and lack of academic freedom (Shichor, 2006). On the
other hand, a recently issued report by the Ministry of Education of the Peoples
Republic of China (2007) asserted that [a]ll citizens should enjoy the legally equal
right of receiving higher education in light of local economic development (p. 1).
A careful consideration of the synergy between social justice and the community
college will reveal that such educational opportunity can be compared rather than
contrasted.
This chapter will now consider how the need for social justice in the United
States can help inform a global society, including a politically diverse country like
the PRC. It will explore the prominent role social justice has taken in the development of the community college. Once this connection has been established, the
unique challenges of applying this model to the PRC will be considered. The goal is
to establish the worth of trying to do so as comparative education pushes the cause
of cooperation and understanding among cultures.
Aligning Social Justice with Higher Education Opportunity

It might seem natural to equate the provision of higher education with the practice
of social justice, but the history of higher education in the United States gives
testimony to the tension between the desire for exclusivity and the need for inclusiveness (Thelin, 2004). The great expansion of the number of private colleges
during the nineteenth century can be connected to the perspective of towns and
communities needing their own college in order to compete for human capital and
advance as part of the industrial revolution by producing leaders, managers, and
professional workers. In much the same way, the great expansion of community
colleges close to one century later grew out of the need of local communities to train
120
workers for a postindustrial society that demanded various levels of higher education (Cohen and Brawer, 2003). Throughout this history, this need for opportunity
has been coupled with the desire to identify excellence by using higher education as
a gatekeeper of access and a purveyor of success. At times such excellence has been
defined in meritocratic ways and at others through the practice of socioeconomic
classism. The result has been the creation of educational tiers in which educational
preparation, economic accommodation, and familial motivation have separated
those who are to have from those who are not to have. The residue of this privilege
has been the emergence of the need for social justice as a cause and higher education as a vehicle for provision of such justice. Indeed, even though higher education
has been credited as being central to upward mobility within American society, no
less a conservative reform document as the Spellings Commission report entitled
A Test of Leadership (Oldham, 2007) indicated that
access to American higher education is unduly limited by the complex interplay of inadequate preparation, lack of information about college opportunities, and persistent financial
barriers. Moreover there is a troubling and persistent gap between the college attendance
and graduation rates of low-income Americans and their affluent peers. (p. 1)
It would be a mistake to assume that our democratic society is aligned with social
justice whereas a communist state could not be. In truth, social justice has been a
problematic quest for all political realms. The inherent problem faced by advocates
of social justice is that societies have tended to turn privilege into an entitlement
for those who are privileged. As Allan Johnson (1997) wrote in Privilege, Power,
and Difference:
The simple truth is that the trouble were in cant be solved unless people who are heterosexual or male or Anglo or white or economically comfortable feel obligated to make the
problem of privilege their problem and do something about it. (p. 10)
When the assumption is that privilege is earned through adherence to normative

expectations of how people should look, think, and act, dominance within a culture
entitles certain groups to the privileges of the culture. The problem has less to do
with the ascendance of those of privilege, than the oppression of those who fail
to meet the normative expectations of any meritocratic competition. In discussing
the conceptual foundations for social justice education, Rita Hardiman and Bailey
Jackson (2007) provided a clear description of oppression:
Social oppression perpetuates the belief that some social groups are superior or normal and
establishes systems of advantage and privilege for these groups while simultaneously
defining other social groups as inferior and deserving disenfranchisement, exploitation,
and marginalization. The oppressors are members of dominant social groups privileged by
birth or acquisition, who knowingly or unknowingly exploit and reap unfair advantage over
members of oppressed groups. (p. 37)
Although this oppression, at its worst, can be a malevolent act of discrimination, far
more often it takes on the aura of benign dominance. As it has been described:
[P]rivilege exists when one group has something of value that it denies to others simply
because of the groups they belong to, rather than because of anything theyve done or failed
to do. (McIntosh, 1993)
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The insidious part of privilege is how individuals receive what they are led to
believe is their just reward for performance when it is, in fact, their membership
within the system of privilege that has facilitated this performance. Just as there are
systems of privilege, there are systems of oppression. When members of oppressed
groups incorporate negative images of themselves asserted by the dominant society,
they affirm the privilege of the oppressor (Freire, 1970). Privileged groups collude
in maintaining systems of oppression when they internalize the false belief that
the system is correct or inevitable because they have been convinced that those
people of privilege are more capable and so more deserving (Pheterson, 1990).
Unfortunately, there are economic costs that exacerbate the moral price society
must pay. As social justice educator Lee Ann Bell (2007) stated, [t]he productive and creative contributions of people who are shut out of the system are lost to
all of us (p. 13).
It is hard to deny that socioeconomic status impacts the practice of higher
education in the United States. For instance, in 2003, 80% of students from families
with incomes in the top quartile enrolled in college immediately after high school.
Only 49% of the 2003 high school graduates from the lowest 40% of family income
enrolled in college immediately after high school graduation. Conversely, in the
private 4-year sector, 30% of full-time first-year students are from families with
incomes of US$90,000 or higher and only 19% are from families with incomes
below US$30,000. Most telling, by age 24, only 10% of students from the lowest socioeconomic quartile have earned bachelors degrees compared to 71% of
those in the top quartile (Selingo and Brainard, 2006). Something else is going on
and it can be associated with social justice. Sara Goldrick-Rab, a scholar for the
Wisconsin Center for the Advancement of Postsecondary Education, asserted:
Of the three primary demographic characteristics shaping the college transition (race, gender, and class), a students socioeconomic status or social class produces the greatest
difference in his or her outcomes. (2007, p. 6)
She added:
The structure of social and economic disadvantage in the broader society clearly act to limit
the resources and information that students have when considering entrance to higher
education, and delineates the early educational opportunities available to some and not
others. (p. 25)
Even though higher education has been advanced as a driver of social mobility in
this country (Johnstone, 1986), the reality is that privilege is still a dominant aspect
of schooling in this country.
Despite the fact that community colleges have been denigrated by those from
the highest socioeconomic sector (Cohen and Brawer, 2003), the mission espoused
by community colleges is aligned with that of social justice and represents the best
opportunity for higher education to create access. The fact that more than four out
of every ten students entering higher education in the fall of 2007 did so through
the doors of a community college indicates the inroads that have been made in
creating opportunity. The model that has emerged is not of an ancillary option, but
an integral component of higher education in this country. When state planning
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commission look toward the economic development of their state, the need for
increased enrollment of high school graduates in higher education carried with it
the need for an expansion of the community college sector (Condition of Higher
Education in Ohio: Meeting the States Future Needs, 2007). This merging of social
justice with economic imperative has built a synergy of interest in the community
college sector of this country. This model can be instructive to the PRC.
Although it might be assumed that the Communist party ruling China would disregard the social justice concerns in the United States, recent changes have resulted
in China changing its attitudes to western culture and education from one of rejection and opposition to one of study and cooperation. Whereas, before 1978, higher
education in China was regarded as a weapon of the revolution and the method
of opposition against bourgeois influences, more recently the aim of Chinese
higher education is one of educating and cultivating (Kang, 2004). The movement
from revolution to economic construction has placed emphasis on modernization,
diversification, and cultivation all of which can be served by the concept of the
community college.
The Community College as a Model of Social Justice

This section advances the proposition that the driving forces behind the development of the community college in this country are not disconnected to those forces
that are causing massive change in the approach the PRC is experiencing. It is not
supposed that the two political systems are thus connected. In fact, because they
are so different, the premise of using education to advance social justice is actually strengthened because it is not dependent on a political system. Providing some
backdrop to the development of the community college in the United States will
demonstrate how the social and economic forces currently impacting China can
be informed by this history. It would be wrong to assume that the development of
the community college in the United States was without cultural challenges tied to
tradition that attempted to stifle change just as China has been experiencing. It is
acknowledged that the progress that has occurred in the United States has also been
tied to the pragmatic need for economic development as much as the philosophical
call for social justice. This is where the two countries come together in using the
community college as a generator of progress.
The mission of the comprehensive community college in the United States
grew out of a social justice agenda that was advanced by the 1947 Presidents
Commission on Higher Education, popularly known as the Truman Commission.
According to Kim and Rury (2007), the Truman Commission recommendations
offered a remarkable vision, one of an expansive, inclusive and diverse system
of postsecondary education in the United States (p. 302). There were two forces
working against a massive expansion of postsecondary opportunity that can inform
Chinese higher education. First of all, the secondary school graduation rates were
relatively low, particularly among African-Americans and Latinos. In 1940, just
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less than half of Caucasians graduated from high school (48%), but only 13% of
African-American 19- and 20-year-olds were high school graduates while 16%
of Latinos were high school graduates. The result was that only 2% of AfricanAmerican and 1% of Latino 19- and 20-year-olds attended any form of postsecondary education compared to 16% of Caucasians. Regional differences were
even more pronounced between Caucasians and minority enrollments. In 1940,
high school graduations rates among 19- and 20-year-olds in the South were about
30% lower than elsewhere in the country (Margo, 1990). In like manner, China
has seen the movement from rural communes to urban centers that has resulted in
a dramatic increase in the number of high school graduates who are looking for
opportunities for personal advancement. The growth of those entering Chinese
higher education is staggering. In a 3-year period between 1998 and 2001, attendance more than doubled from 6.43 million to 12.14 million students (Duan, 2003).
However, the urbanrural societal divide has resulted in a form of class differentiation that is potentially disruptive in China in a way not dissimilar to social justice
issues experienced in the United States.
A second force working against significant expansion in line with the vision of
the Truman Commission was the underdevelopment of the American community
college. The Truman Commission, under the leadership of George Zook, envisioned a great expansion of grades thirteen and fourteen with no tuition in order
to encourage access. In 1948, less than one in five first-time students enrolled in
what were predominantly called junior colleges. Although the growth of what
was to come to be known as the community college was slower than the Truman
Commission had hoped, eventually its members vision was realized through a
combination of bricks and mortar and baby boom generation birth rates. In 1940,
there were 456 public and private 2-year colleges making up 21% of all institutions
of postsecondary education in the United States. However, in 1960, this number had
grown to 651 or one in four institutions of higher learning and 1,265 in 1980 or
close to 30%. Not coincidentally, the South, which historically has been the poorest
region of this nation, experienced a significant surge in the number of 2-year institutions between 1960 and 1980, doubling its number. In 1960, the junior colleges
claimed 23% of first-year students, and by 1970 this number had increased to 30%.
At the start of the 1980s, more than 40% of college enrollments were in 2-year
institutions (Brint and Karabel, 1989). Today, the percentage of first-time students
beginning their postsecondary education at a community college has risen to 46%
(Chronicle Almanac, 20042005). Once again, the need for a new form of higher
education has also come to light in China. In commenting on pressing needs in the
PRC, McBreen et al. (1996) indicated:
The most pressing issue is to create a different type of institution that can deal with a
variety of programs to meet the immediate and long-term needs of a dynamic marketplace
as well as the needs of individual workers. (p. 261)
One of the social justice imperatives of the Truman Commission was to increase
minority enrollment, even though this did lead to dissention among its members
(Kim and Rury, 2007). In fact, four of its members signed a dissenting statement
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upholding the principle of racial segregation. Overall, there could have been little
debate as to the need for improvement in minority college attendance since it
was less than 4% of the nations 19- and 20-year-old college students in 1940.
The eventual increase in the number of minorities attending college can be tied
to the improvement in the number of them graduating from high school by 1960.
Secondary school graduation rates for African-Americans had increased to 33%
while Latinos had increased to 24%, although both lagged behind those of the
Caucasian population, which was 60%. However, the real progress in college-going
rates for minorities can be tied to the growth of community college between 1960
and 1980. The openness of the community college entrance requirements, and
relatively low cost and comprehensiveness of its mission aligned with the needs
of minority students helped boost minority enrollment to an all-time high of 31%
as of 2005 (Chronicle of Higher Education, Almanac, 2005). In China, students
from poor families face many of the same access to higher education problems as
those in the United States and the trend seems to be on the increase. Disparities
are widening in China between the thriving export-oriented coastal zones and the
interior provinces (Yang, 2002).
The community college, more than any other institutional type, has changed
the demographic profile of what it means to be a college student. Although these
changes took longer than the Truman Commission intended, the result today has
had a telling impact on social justice in higher education:
College came to mean many different things, permitting students to address a great assortment of needs and goals. And this helped make the nations democratic heritage both more
meaningful and expansive. With so many Americans realizing the benefits of higher education, the possibilities for individuals to enjoy improved prospects for personal growth, and
the realization of their life goals, a broad definition of democracy, were enhanced considerably. (Kim and Rury, 2007)
The need for the affordable and accessible community colleges as a point of entry
continues in the United States. There is little question that financing college, or the
fear of the inability to do so, has the greatest impact on attendance patterns and educational attainment. According to a Report of the Advisory Committee on Student
Financial Assistance created by the Higher Education Amendments of 1986, over
400,000 students fully prepared to attend 4-year college were unable to do so in
2002 and 170,000 of these students attended no college at all. Over the decade, it
was projected that 4.4 million of these students would not attend a 4-year institution
and over 2 million would attend no college at all. Most egregiously, it was projected that financial barriers would cause close to half (48%) of college-qualified,
low-income high school graduates from attending college within 2 years of high
school graduation and more than one in five (22%) from attending any college at all
(Empty Promises, 2002). Not unlike the United States, historically, higher education in China was regarded as a privilege for the elite, as participation was a sheer
fraction of the nations population (Duan, 2003; Kang, 2004; Kong, 1999).
The premise of this section is that the community college has helped activate
social justice within higher education in the United States and holds similar promise in the PRC despite its obviously different history of education and political system.
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The next section will consider the current challenges in implementing the community college model in the PRC in order to advance social justice in this emerging
world power.
The Challenge of Implementation

One of the first challenges to the full realization of the potential of community colleges in China is the issue of selectivity giving way to opportunity in Chinese higher
education. This limitation to access had been the product of centralized government
financing of higher learning (Ministry of Education, 2004). Although this system
has traditionally been marked by low or no fees charged to students, the result has
been that access has been directly tied to governmental funding. For instance, back
in 1977, 5.7 million people took part in the national college entrance examination
and only 273,000 students were admitted to attend higher education. By 1998,
2,846,700 new students were admitted to Chinese higher education, and by 2001,
it had jumped up to 4,807,100 new students, bringing the total enrollment in higher
education to 12,143,800. It is projected that the figure could hit 23,000,000 students
by 2010 (Mohrman, 2003). This staggering growth has been fueled by the expanding economy of China. With this economic growth, the need for a more educated
population has merged with the desire for upward mobility in a way that is not foreign
to that which occurred after World War II in the United States.
The question of who benefits and who should pay for higher education remains
a complex equation for all higher education policymakers. There is little doubt that
the answer is that both society and the individual collectively benefit to varying
degrees depending on what the individual does with the education received. What
remains an issue is the extent to which an individual is expected to invest in paying
for an education given the wide range of accrual that is to be earned from such an
education. It should not surprise anyone that, in the United States, young people
whose family income is in the top quartile are 12 times more likely to earn a bachelors degree than those from the bottom quartile (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2007). Despite the fact that the PRC remains communist in its political
structure, the economic reforms have unleashed a combination of prosperity and
poverty, opportunity and oppression that need reconciliation (Ma, 2003). Currently,
China has a population of over 1.3 billion people with an average education level of
8 years. In terms of income per year, the person living in Shanghai makes 12 times
more than the person living in Guizhou Province of the far southwest (Ma, 2003).
One of the educational vehicles that is being advanced to bridge the economic
divide is the development of community colleges. Postiglione, in his chapter entitled
Chinese Higher Education for the Twenty-First Century: Expansion, Consolidation,
and Globalization (2002) summarized the movement well stating that
[i]t is clear that China, like an increasing number of countries including Mexico, Brazil, South
Africa, and elsewhere, has adopted community college models to produce an alternative form
of tertiary education for a growing number of secondary school graduates. (p. 156)
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Responding to growth fits the community college model as long as there is the
presence of local authority to initiate educational opportunity. There is some
evidence that such decentralization is taking place (Yang, 2005).
One of the ways that this growth in enrollment has been fueled should be considered ironic to those in the United States who are currently looking at educational
reform. Since the mid-1990s, reforms in Chinas educational system have revolved
around the theme of quality education. However, instead of moving toward standardized testing as appears to be the case in the United States, China is moving away
from it (Cheng, 2004). Historically, China has a cultural respect for education and
scholars. At the same time, what has been called a cult of examinations started
during the Shui dynasty in AD 603 and remained largely intact until the last quarter
of the twentieth century (Huang, 1992). The quality education movement in China
has paralleled the economic reforms of the country.
There have been three primary results of this economic reform so far that
directly impact the development of higher education in general and the emergence
of a community college system in particular. First, there has been a fundamental
decentralization of both the economic and educational systems. Although there
remains strong centralized themes of political adherence, initiatives in the rural
areas of the country have allowed farmers to keep most of their output that provided resources to provide a better education for their children and to encourage
social mobility (Cheng, 2004). This decentralization has also placed responsibility
for the development of educational opportunity at the provincial level much like
state systems have been developed in the United States. Indeed, Chinese officials
are looking at the best state systems in this country to inform the development of
the community college movement in the PRC. Second, the achievement of decentralization also brought about unprecedented diversity of opportunity and disparity
of educational and economic outcome. In the words of Kai-ming Cheng (2004):
[T]he manpower pyramid in the economic sector was matched by the pyramid
of student populations and graduates in the education system (p. 7). The result
has been that there are gaps, most particularly in the higher education sector of
the country, that need to be filled. This is not unlike what was faced by the United
States after World War II when the quest for social mobility could not be accommodated totally within the university systems of the various states. The creation of
the concept of grades 13 and 14 was seen as both a bridge to the university and an
augmentation of the preparatory secondary education (Cohen and Brawer, 2003).
The third and final result of decentralization is that the finance of higher education in
China has been altered by making funding of it more dependent on local sources
and thus local economies. In much the same fashion as has been found in the United
States, economically advanced provinces and their urban centers have developed
their community college sectors more quickly than the less economically advantaged states and their rural areas. Just as centralized state community college systems
have emerged in the United States to create greater opportunity for historically
disenfranchised students, one of the current challenges facing the PRC is the need
to balance the need for educational expansion within the context of an increasingly
market-driven economy (Epstein, 2000).
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This synergy between economic development and the emergence of community

college opportunity has been a prominent part of postsecondary education in the
United States and promises to be in China. In this country, it is difficult to find a
statewide and national strategic planning document for economic development that
does not make the community colleges of the state a primary link to the productive use of human capital. An example of this would be a report of the Governors
Commission on Higher Education and the Economy document entitled Building
on Knowledge; Investing in People: Higher Education and the Future of Ohios
Economy (2004) that stated:
There is a broad understanding that achieving higher educations full potential to create
jobs and to fuel economic growth is a big job. Commission members know that it will not
be easy, nor will it be done overnight. (p. 29)
This report placed special emphasis on the role the states 2-year colleges will
need to play in helping to make this linkage. The same sort of thinking is going on
in China. In a prophetic planning document entitled The long-range development
program toward the year 2010 that was issued in 1996, the government explicitly
identified the need to focus on undergraduate education, especially in sub-degree
programs in community colleges (Kong, 1999). Hu et al. (1996) suggested that the
Chinese 2-year college should be given maximum autonomy in decision making
and policymaking in terms of curricular content in order to better serve local needs
and to raise funds from local sources. Once again, the model used in the United
States is being played out in China. There is no doubt that such a decentralized
approach will still represent a challenge because of the social justice issue of poor
provinces versus the booming coastal cities. Just as state systems of community
colleges have emerged in the United States to address statewide issues of access and
success, so too should China consider a model that protects the disenfranchised as
it encourages self-support by the rich.
Still another challenge to the implementation of the community college model in
China is the need for retooling adult members of the Chinese society who missed
out on the opportunity so recently developed. The community college model can
assist by providing opportunities to workers who lose their jobs or need to be
retrained in order to keep them. Moreover, community colleges can be established
in rural areas where workers who are geographically bound, find it difficult to attend
college because institutions are often located in urban centers (Yang, 2002).
Another challenge China is facing that parallels the need for community
colleges in the United States is the rising cost of higher education. As stated earlier, the central government historically covered all costs. However, with multiple
education reforms since the Soviet model of funding has been deposed, central
support has decreased resulting in institutions needing to charge tuition to students.
Currently, the Chinese government invests 3.3% of its annual budget to higher
education, compared to a global average of 4.2% (Hartmann, 2006). Additionally,
Yang (2002) reported that the price of tuition is 20 times its amount from 10
years ago. The development of community colleges can assist with the rising cost
of higher education by providing low-cost tuition. Community colleges are less
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expensive to manage than 4-year universities. Students can commute and cooperative
arrangements can be made with local businesses to cut down on costs of equipment
and other items (Hu et al., 1996).
In summary, the challenges facing China can be informed by those that have
been faced in the United States. The need to balance a decentralized sense of
ownership with a centralized sense of planning, the need to emphasize access
within a system of higher education that has traditionally been based upon
exclusion, the need for affordable education, the need to build respect between
community college and universities for the sake of social mobility and transfer,
and the need to have academic programs that respond to local employment needs
and future economic opportunities have been a natural part of the evolution
of the community college. The final element of cooperative linkage between
the community colleges in the United States and those of China that will be
considered in this chapter will be whether the motivation for social justice that
has helped to drive the development of the community college in the United States
can be applied to China.
Social Justice in the Community Colleges of China

An interesting aspect of the history of the development of the PRC has been the
tension between elitism and the common class. One of the historical realities of
Chinese higher education has been that it is highly restrictive in its openness.
The role that the Cultural Revolution played in the history of higher education
in this country is difficult to reconcile with social justice. One of the intentions
of Chinese leadership during the Cultural Revolution was to reform and expand
education to the common class (Hu et al., 1996). During this time, the Communist
Party declared the following aim: To change the educational ethos from one
of middle class privilege to one of egalitarian socialism (Hunt, 1975, p. 51).
Unfortunately, when it came to social justice, this is considered a dark period in
Chinese history riddled with massacres performed by the Red Guards, as part of
the movement to cleanse society in general and higher education in particular of the
bourgeoisie elements of elitism.
A more enlightened strategy took place after China opened its door to reform
in 1978 (Mooney, 2007). Based on the concepts of access and opportunity, the
Ministry of Education (2004) declared such aims as a priority with the statement
that [a]ll citizens should enjoy the legally equal right of receiving higher education (p. 7). Moreover, in 2001, China abolished its limits on who can sit for the
national entrance exam by allowing students who were older than 25 and/or
married to take the exam (Duan, 2003).
Although it appears that the Chinese leadership is sincere about making the
transition from elite participation to mass participation in higher education, it does
not come without criticism. Similar to other developed countries, access does not
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necessarily yield to equity. Yang (2002) argued that students from poor families
continue to be underrepresented in enrollments and the implementation of charging
students tuition in 1997 has only widened the gap. In addition, the author asserted
that there is limited access to higher education in rural areas, as it is difficult to
compete with the thriving export-oriented coastal zones and provinces. Lastly,
Yang accused Chinese universities of favoring local students, which places students
from rural areas at a further disadvantage.
As occurred in the United States, one of the greatest challenges faced by
Chinese officials has been to confront the issue of selectivity that had so long been
associated with higher education. What Chinese education officials have come to
realize is something that has evolved in the United States over its history of higher
education: selectivity can create limited excellence, but it also precludes societal
growth. Chinese education officials are beginning to realize that broader admissions standards open doors to those who demonstrate competencies other than
those that can be displayed through standardized tests. The community college
curriculum in the United States is distinguished not by its ability to winnow out students, but rather to provide practicality, flexibility, accessibility, and convenience
to them. Instead of precluding students from progressing from community college
education to university-level work, transfer has become evermore common as part
of the educational pipeline that helps make the United States the finest higher
education system in the world. In China, a document entitled An Action Plan for
Developing Education in the Twenty-First Century, announced by the Ministry of
Education in early 1999, proposed that the participation rate for 1822-year-olds be
increased from what was then 9% to 11% by 2000 and 15% by 2010 (Tian, 1999).
Although this is far from the 68% of American youth who go on to college within
18 months of graduating high school, it does indicate the ambition of the Chinese
and their perception of the importance of creating educational opportunity for
social advancement.
Another social justice concern is the lack of positive relationship between
Chinas universities and its community colleges. In an even more fundamental way
than has been found in the United States, transfer of education is a major problem
in China. Although, students who enter community colleges can acquire mid- to
low-level jobs (Kong, 1999), many reformers have argued for the need of providing students the opportunity to transfer to 4-year universities (Benyi, 2001; Duan,
2003; Hu et al., 1996; Kong, 1999; McBreen et al., 1996; Wu, 1999). However,
the promotion of the transfer function is going up against some firmly held beliefs
about higher education in China. McBreen et al. (1996) stated:
The heavy reliance on national testing for admissions to higher education coupled with the
intense competition for admission to higher education makes it somewhat doubtful that a
transfer function would be acceptable in the near future. (p. 263)
Moreover, the US-China Foundation (n.d.) asserted that [t]he concept of broader
education (as distinct from job training) for larger numbers of people is not easily
conceptualized or accepted (p. 9). Because of the traditional viewpoint that higher
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education is for the chosen few, the citizens of the PRC are struggling to accept
this back-door entrance into the elite universities. The answer to this challenge
in China would appear to be not that different from what has occurred in this
country. Instead of national policy, it will be local initiative that spurs the growth
of opportunity. A hallmark of the comprehensive community college mission in the
United States has been the agility of community colleges to respond to distinct local
needs. Chinas economic growth has created pockets of prosperity and poverty that
defy national policy. Using education as a vehicle for upward mobility is in the
self-interest of local communities. Using the model of the community college is the
most feasible way to take such initiative.
Related to the acceptance of the transfer function, community colleges are also
pressed to gain acceptance as providers of quality education. A tradition of Chinese
society has been parental concern about their childs educational well-being. Duan
(2003) stated that [i]n the traditional Chinese view, a good education for children
is the first priority for a family (p. 15). Because community colleges are not able
to issue their own certificates and graduates can only enter mid- to lower positions,
there is strong potential for the worth of a community college education to be
denigrated. Additionally, the lack of funding and support for community colleges
impede their ability to maintain facilities and retain quality instructors. Currently
vocational institutions are grappling with such issues. Ding (2002) stated that [d]
ue to their lower status in the system and to the traditional ideology about vocationalism, the VUs were discriminated against by people at large (p. 4). Community
colleges in the United States have faced similar issues, but due to the transfer
function and ultimate success of transfer students at 4-year universities, they have
gained credibility over the years. There is no quick fix for the PRC. The history
of the community college in the United States speaks to the need for iterative
improvements, but it also indicates the power of numbers. With the number of students needing and wanting higher education in China, any thought that community
colleges can be dismissed is unrealistic in the face of economic and educational
reform taking place.
There can be no doubt that social justice is a major issue in China. However, the
argument being advanced is not what China currently lacks in terms of social justice, but how the emergence of the community college can advance the cause. Many
of the same complaints about quality and the relegation of students to a limited
future have been, and continue to be, made about community colleges in the United
States (Clark, 1960; Brint and Karabel, 1989; Bailey and Alfonso, 2005). One
only needs to contemplate the elimination of this sector to quickly appreciate its
ultimate contribution to the provision of needed education in this country. The way
to encourage access, to accommodate diversity and to build equity is not through
traditional forms of excellence or parochial definitions of quality. It is to take
students where they are and add value to their lives by giving them opportunities to
continue their learning, develop their skills and mature their attitudes. This is where
education comes together with social justice and social justice comes together with
the mission of the community college. This has been true in the United States and
can become true in China.
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Conclusion
The growth of the American community college could well pale in comparison to
what is needed in China, but there are still transferable issues that can both inspire
and inform Chinese educators who would envision a higher education system as
robust as the growing economy of their country. Chinas Education Ministry has
been backing efforts to build a network of community colleges, primarily by converting many of its 1,241 vocational higher-education institutions so that they will
more closely resemble community colleges in developed countries (Lin-Liu, 2001).
This emphasis is being placed on the economic development needs of local cities
and regions in a manner that is not dissimilar to that experienced in the 1960s and
1970s in the United States. Any reading of the history of the community college
movement in the United States reveals that such a connection was most important
in gaining local tax support and eventual state funding.
There is no question that the issue of social justice is a growing concern among
Chinese policymakers (Jacab, 2006). The boundaries have been both geographical
and historical. The movement into the urban areas by ever-larger numbers of
historically neglected populations has stirred unrest in the cities and has resulted
in blighted rural areas. Again, there are lessons to be learned from the experience
of the United States. The primary way higher education opportunity has been provided to rural areas of this country has been the development of state systems of
community colleges (Cohen and Brawer, 2003). Enfranchisement has been one of
the primary themes of the development of the community college in this country
and promises to be so in China.
Offering citizens the chance to learn the knowledge, skills, and attitudes of
productivity represents the common variable that can help bring diverse societies
together. This evolvement of educational opportunity in the United States has not
stifled individual potential, but helped to realize it. Back in 1986, Bruce Jonestone
articulated the backbone of the mission of the comprehensive community college
in writing about higher education in the United States in general:
Americas egalitarian ethic and its great faith in education, coupled with special programs
to enhance college-going among minorities and motivated by the financial need to maintain
enrollments, combine to encourage students with a very wide range of abilities to try to find
a place in American higher education. (p. 228)
Providing new chances for first-generation college students and, yes, second
chances for adult learners, has affirmatively impacted American society and the
cause of justice.
Chinas potential for growth and progress are not just grounded in its population, but what is done with its population. It is difficult to transfer cultures, just
as it is to align political systems, but the human need for hope and quest for selfdetermination are at the heart of social justice. In this regard, the practices of the
community college can be viewed as a shared value between the United States and
China. This value is one of educational opportunity that serves to make the greater
society at once more just and more productive. It also invites the ability to compare
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educational models so as to see the convergence of human development that is not

limited to nationality or political system.
References
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Chapter 9
A Study of Community College

Synchronization with the Educational
Needs of Local People in Thailand
Pattanida Punthumasen and Takayoshi Maki
Emergence of the Community College in Thailand

In the academic year (AY) 2002, the first ten community colleges, known as
Withayalai Chumchon in Thai language, were established, one in each of ten provinces across the country. The aim was to improve the quality of life of the local
people by enhancing opportunities to higher education, providing both education
and training. Community College in Thailand was defined as an educational institution that provided two kinds of programs: 2-year associates degree programs
and intensive short training or short-term programs. These programs are in areas
relevant to local economic and social development. Education and training in the
community colleges emphasize variety in terms of both management and courses
offered in order to respond to the needs of people from various walks of life. The
programs are designed to ensure that graduates will have the knowledge and skills
necessary for their careers, further education, and improved quality of life.
The establishment of Community Colleges in Thailand resulted from the 1999
National Education Act which focuses on Lifelong education for all, Equality,
and Participatory development. Following the implementation of this Act, it was
estimated that high school graduates would increase from 511,000 in AY 2001 to
692,000 in AY 2006 and 919,000 in AY 2011, respectively. In contrast, the higher
education institutions across the country would be able to intake only 420,000
students, and most of those institutions were located in Bangkok and urban areas.
With lack of higher education institutions in rural areas, Thailand was facing
problems in relation to expansion of educational opportunity. Therefore, the Office
of the Education Council (OEC; known at that time as the Office of the National
Education Commission (ONEC) ), which was the educational policymaking body
under the Ministry of Education, initiated research to find models of lower-thandegree education so as to provide more educational opportunities to meet the
needs of students, particularly those in rural areas. This research was entitled
Community College: A Model of Lower-than-Degree Education Institutions, and
was one of the research projects under the umbrella of the ThaiUS Roundtable
project organized by OEC in cooperation with Pennsylvania University. This study
of lower-than-degree education institutions models and experiences from four

135
136
P. Punthumasen and T. Maki
countries (Canada, Japan, Republic of Korea, and the United States of America)
found the common characteristics of lower-than-degree-level programs. The results
of the study revealed that the educational provision and curricula at this level should
be diverse, flexible, and participatory with various segments of society so as to meet
the needs of community, promote their job skills, and improve the quality of life.
In addition, the result of this study also indicated that the potential advantages of
community colleges could be significant, and that this advantageous model could be
systematically established for higher education in Thailand. It also pointed out that,
in accordance with the National Education Act, based on the Lifelong education
for all, Equality, and Participatory development, community-based self-help
initiatives should be developed in conjunction with these community colleges.
The government at that time recognized the potential impact of such community colleges in narrowing the education opportunity gap between urban and
rural communities. Consequently, the Prime Minister, advised by the Minister of
Education, Professor Emeritus Kasem Watanachai M.D. (at present, Privy Councilor
to His Majesty King of Thailand), announced the Community College project
as one of the government policies in 2001. According to Section 4 of National
Educational Policy, it is stated that community colleges shall be established, particularly in provinces where institutions of higher education are still needed (Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, 2007). Strengthened by cooperation with the American system
of community colleges, the Minister of Education decided to initiate this project
supported by the United States via the American Embassy in Thailand (Kasem
Watanachai, 2008). Under the project called EastWest Community College,
carried out in collaboration with American community college leaders, a group of
representatives from Thailand led by the Minister of Education traveled to Hawaii
in the United States for a seminar and training, as well as observations of community college programs. As a result, the EastWest Community College Consortium
(EWCCC) was formed, led by the North Carolina Community College System and
the State of Hawaii Community College system, to provide technical assistance to
Thailands Office of the Community College.
The Thai cabinet subsequently approved various laws and regulations relevant
to community college establishment, management, and administration. In addition,
the Ministry of Education appointed a committee to initiate the first ten Community
Colleges. All these community college programs are under the supervision of the
Bureau of Community College Administration in the Office of Higher Education
Commission. This Office is responsible for developing the sustainability of the
project through decentralization from central government administration to local
community administration, for example, the decentralization of academic matters,
financial affairs, personnel and general affairs administration following the stipulation of Section 39 of the 1999 National Education Act.
Due to the agreement between the US group of community colleges and Thai
Ministry of Education as mentioned above, the United States continues to have an
impact on Thai Community Colleges. At the early stages of the project, three 2-day
workshops were held in Thailand in order for international experts from the EastWest
Community College Partnership to train the new Thai leaders of community colleges.
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In reality, this community college project is not really the first one in Thailand.
Many kinds of community college models had been established but the concepts
were very different; some examples would be:
1. The establishment of the first community college in 1986, the Prince of
Songkhla University in Phuket province, which later expanded with a branch at
Surat Thani province. Its purpose was to solve the problems related to lack of
professional courses which met the needs of community. However, these faculties were abolished in 1988 due to lack of interested students.
2. The establishment of Community Learning Centre (CLC) in the northern part
of Thailand such as Mae Fa Luang CLC in Chiang Rai and Mae Jam CLC in
Chiang Mai. The aim of the CLC was to promote literacy among the hill tribes,
managed by Non-formal Department of Ministry of Education in coordination
with various ministries and organizations.
The differences between these older projects and the new community college project
is the degree of local involvement related to objectives of its founding, the status of
organization, decentralization, mobilization of local resources, and participation of all
parts of society. As for the new one, during a few years at the beginning of the project,
the EWCCC had provided some technical assistance to Thailand. Moreover, The
Kenan Institute of Asia (K.I.Asia) had leveraged the resources and funding support
from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and private
sector to provide capacity-building for Thai community colleges as well.
The rise of present Community College in Thailand will be explored in three
dimensions: Higher Education Reform as a Response to Globalization, Increasing
Demand to Expand Opportunities for Higher Education, and Differentiation of the
Roles of Higher Education Institutions. Each of these various dimensions are examined in detail in order to define clearly the context and objectives for the establishment of the community colleges.
The first dimension examined is higher education reform as a response to
globalization. Education reform in Thailand began and was based upon the first
systematic and foundational laws for education, namely the Thai Governments
National Education Act (NEA) promulgated in 1999. The Thai NEA consists of
nine chapters: Objectives and Principles (Chapter One); Educational Rights and
Duties (Chapter Two); Educational System (Chapter Three); National Education
Guidelines (Chapter Four); Education Administration and Management (Chapter
Five); Educational Standards and Quality Assurance (Chapter Six); Teachers,
Faculty Staff, and Education Personnel (Chapter Seven); Resources and Investment
for Education (Chapter Eight); and Technologies for Education (Chapter Nine).
Consideration of the articles included in NEA shows a clear switch in the emphasis
of the educational policy and measures from the quantitative expansion of education (pursued since the late 1950s) to a definitive new focus on the improvement
of quality of education, ushering in a new era of national development. In short,
Thai education reform based on the NEA aims to accomplish the objective of
education: Education shall aim at the full development of the Thai people in
all aspects: physical and mental health; intellect; knowledge; morality; integrity;
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and desirable way of life so as to be able to live in harmony with other people, as
stipulated in Article 6 of the NEA. The whole structure of education reform (as
illustrated in Fig. 9.1) confirms that the heart of Thai education reform is learning
reform. The other reform policies and measures aim to support this core of reform.
The NEA also includes several relevant articles concerning higher education that are
relevant to our study of community colleges. Firstly, Chapter Three, Articles 15 and 16
define higher education as a part of formal education that continues beyond the 12 years
of basic education and includes educational programs of study at levels less than the
bachelors degree, the bachelors degree level, and advanced studies beyond the bachelors degree. This was an important foundational element for the initiation of community colleges granting associates degrees as a part of the formal education system.
Secondly, Chapter Four, Articles 22 and 24 call for the transformation of teaching methodology from teacher-centered to a learner-centered approach. Thirdly, Chapter Four,
Article 28 stipulates that curriculum should reflect and support the diversity of learners
as individuals, particularly the curriculum for higher education, providing a curriculum
with educational programs and research that will contribute to social, academic, and
professional development. Fourthly, Chapter Five, Article 34 refers to the establishment of the Office of the Higher Education Commission, which deliberates and makes
suggestions on higher education plans and policies as well as supervises and evaluates
higher education institutions. This Office of the Higher Education Commission was
placed under the Ministry of Education, resulting in the consolidation of formal education under one ministry (higher education was formerly under a separate Ministry of
University Education). This was an important element facilitating the development of
education programs and institutions that were higher education but not necessarily
university programs. Fifthly, Chapter Five, Article 36 prescribes the autonomy of
higher education institutions, enabling them to develop their own system of administration
and management. Sixthly, Chapter Six, Articles 47 to 51 establish a quality assurance
system with an annual internal evaluation and external evaluation every 5 years by
Education Reform
Objective and Principles
Learning Reform
Educational Right for All
Educational Administration
Quality Assurance
Educational System
Teaching Profession
Educational Technology
Fig. 9.1 The structure of education reform in Thailand
Educational Resource
139
the independent organization, namely the Office for National Education Standards and
Quality Assessment (ONESQA). These higher education reforms mentioned above
enabled the transformation of higher education institutions as well as the education
systems to provide high quality education services for learners.
The second dimension to be considered is the increasing demand for expanding
opportunities for higher education. In educational development in Thailand, especially during the era of national development since the late 1950s, education has
been recognized as a strong weapon to develop nation-states (Watson, 1980). This
seems consonant with the human capital theory or manpower theory which was the
world trend at that time. Consequently, there was a rush to establish higher education
institutions as the centers of development of each region in Thailand such as founding of Chiangmai University in northern Thailand, Khonkaen University in northeastern Thailand in 1964, and Prince of Songkhla University in southern Thailand
in 1967. With the subsequent expansion of secondary education during 1990s,
the higher education gross enrollment rate became 41% in the academic year 2004.
The development of higher education in Thailand had reached the mass level.
The third important dimension was the differentiation in the roles of higher education
institutions. Initially, as the history of Chulalongkorn University shows, the role of
higher education in Thailand was to provide the national elites who would serve as the
navigators of the modern nation state. As a result of the era of national development
and expansion of higher education institutions, the number of both public and private
higher education institutions throughout the country reached almost 700 in total. With
the increasing numbers of students and institutions, the role of higher education was
shifted and broadened in 1974 with the introduction of core of general education
curriculum amounting to 30 units. The aim was to ensure that educated men and
women would have a common and basic knowledge and understanding of society,
nationally and worldwide (Sinlarat, 2004). In addition, an oversupply of primary and
secondary teachers in the 1980s resulted in the addition of more faculties to each of
the 36 teachers colleges in order to transform them into comprehensive universities,
including such as social sciences, science, and management degree programs.
Features of Community College Administration

and Management
Consistent with the spirit of the Thai government, Education for nation, human
resources and profession, the guiding principles of community colleges are:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Openness and easy access for community people to education and training
Variety in curriculum or programs
Contribution to community economic development
Content and outcome focused teaching and instruction
Low expense burden
Collaboration with government as well as private sector
Flexible administration and management with quick response to social change
Ownership by community
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According to the Ministry of Education, the founding of community colleges is based

on: (1) decentralization, with focus on needs of the local communities and local people
playing an important role in all management procedures; (2) reliance on available
resources of government and private sector as well as local communities, (3) benefits
from cooperation with private sector and local communities in creating workforce for
labor markets and improving quality of life in the communities. The resulting administrative structure of community college (as shown in Fig. 9.2) is as follows.
Fig. 9.2 Administrative structure of community college (Bureau of Community College Administration,
2004)
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At the central government level, according to the Ministry of Education Ordinance,

the Bureau of Community College Administration is a government agency that
reports to the Office of Higher Education Commission, working under the supervision of the Higher Education Commission, in the Ministry of Education. It is the
center of several government, private sector, and independent bodies related to
community colleges. It also serves as the secretariat for the Community College
Commission, an independent body which is responsible for regulating the overall
community colleges policies and plans, monitoring their progress, as well as approving the proposals submitted by the Bureau of Community College Administration.
The Community College Commission comprises 20 members, selected from various
parts of society, under the chairmanship of the Deputy Minister of Education.
At local level, the Office of Community Colleges of each of ten provinces of
Thailand works in alliance with governmental and private sectors, especially the
Bureau of the Community College Administration. It works in cooperation with two
councils and four divisions. One of the councils is for its management and is called
the Council of the Community Colleges, the members of which consist of representatives from government and private sectors, local communities, educational institutions, and associated organizations. It is responsible for setting up policies and plans
at the provincial level, monitoring the progress of community colleges, providing
advice and recommendations, as well as making final decisions concerning all
matters submitted by the Office of Community Colleges. The second council, known
as the Academic Council of Community Colleges, has responsibility for examining
the contents of curriculum, providing views and recommendations to the Community
College Council and institutions, as well as assisting in the appointment of the teaching
force. The members of this council consist of local experts, those with local wisdom,
school teachers and/or faculty and staff who are knowledgeable and have long experience in the relevant areas of academic, curriculum, and instruction.
In addition, the four divisions of community college have the following roles
and responsibilities:
1. The Division of Learning and Academics, responsible for students guidance,
curriculum and instruction, teacher or lecturer selection, curriculum research
and development, registration, supervision, monitoring, assessment and evaluation, as well as student services regarding learning and academics.
2. The Division of Administration and Activities oversees student services in
general, student activities, arrangements for student graduation and assistance
provided to students in securing employment.
3. The Division of Administration and Support is responsible for correspondence
and secretarial work, administration, accounting and financial management,
personnel and services management.
4. The Division of Network Systems is responsible for the analysis of teaching and
learning services, community relationships and services, as well as establishment
of educational management units.
In order to put policy into implementation, it is important that many educational
management units be founded in the different districts throughout every province,
to serve as the crucial places for students to enroll and study in areas of their
142
interests and needs. Every educational management unit also has its own commission to provide advice and recommendations to improve the quality of teaching and
learning and other matters.
In short, the features of community college management are:
1. The management structure shows very close relationships between each unit,
enabling smooth communication between the units.
2. They do not have their own campus with buildings but they utilize the existing
community buildings such as secondary schools, offices, or factory building of
private companies and sometimes even private homes as educational management units, the classrooms of community college. It might be said that community college is in the community rather than close to the community.
As a result of 6 years (20022006) of community college establishments, there are
now 18 community colleges in 18 provinces throughout all regions of Thailand, with
17 major fields of associate degrees and 189 short-term courses. As of 2006, the total
number of students who had completed associate degree certificates and diplomas
was 4,902, and a total of 85,666 students, learners, or trainees had completed various
short-term courses (Bureau of Community College Administration, 2007). Each year
the Ministry of Education submits to the Cabinet of Ministers a proposed budget, and
the Government allocates the amount of the Community Colleges budget. Initially, in
2002, it began as B|50 million; the current 2007 budget is B|500 million, distributed to
the various community colleges according to each colleges approved plan.
In consideration of the above data and information, this chapter will examine
how the community college has reflected and met local needs, through reviewing
fieldwork conducted regarding the Nong Bualumpu (hereafter referred to as NB)
Community College. It is significant to note that the NB Community College is
located in one of the northeastern provinces where poverty has been chronic since
the late 1950s. Interviews were conducted with approximately 25 people including NB
officers, teachers of the 2-year associate degree and short-term program, and former
and current students at the NB Community College. These interviews explored the
questions of how NB Community College undertakes compliance with the spirit of
the National Education Act as well as the principles of community college, whether
it addresses the needs of the people in community, and how the local people benefit
from NB Community College. In addition, the study includes information collected
from the documents of the Bureau of the Community College Administration,
NB Community College, Office for National Education Standards and Quality
Assessments (ONESQA), and other organizations concerned.
Nong Bualumpu Community College Case Study

The NB Community College is one of the initial ten community colleges established in 2002. It is located in the downtown area, in the compound of Nong
Bualumpu Provincial Office, in northeastern Thailand Similar to other community colleges, it operates under the supervision of the Council of NB Community
143
College as well as NB Academic Council. Following the regulations of the Office

of the Higher Education, NB Community College works in partnership with 16
educational management units established in educational institutions in different
districts throughout the province. Examples of these educational institutions are
basic education schools, nonformal educational centers, and vocational colleges
that are ready to use the existing resources together.
In order to have guidelines for the success of its goals, NB Community College
has set out its philosophy, vision, as well as mission as follows:
Philosophy: NB Community College is a lifelong-learning center, by community,
and for community.
Vision: Nong Bualumpu Community College belongs to its community, for providing
professional development, educational opportunities, technological academics as well as transmitting local wisdom so as to promote this community to
be a learning society and provide sustainable happiness to the people.
Mission: Comprises six factors as follows: (1) to provide education to the people in
community in order to develop their knowledge; (2) to build professions
and promote local wisdom; (3) to build a learning society and use the
community college as the learning center of community; (4) to manage
community college education as a bridge between the Office of Basic
Education Commission and the Office of Higher Education Commission
in various ways responding to the needs of learners; (5) to manage education with quality and standards in compliance with the National Education
Act of 1999; and (6) to strengthen the peoples organization and encourage
them to be the networks of educational management.
From the interviews conducted with some NB Community College officers, it
is indicated that, in 2007, in NB province, only 5% of high school graduates were
able to pursue further education in a university. Thus, the founding of NB community college provides the remaining students with a chance for further education.
We noted that a significant goal of NB Community College was and is to provide
education in accordance with the needs of the local people by using the existing
resources in local community, such as some public school buildings and classrooms
as well as facilities of local factories which are ready to be educational management
units in different districts in order to serve the people and work closely with the
people for the betterment of their quality of life.
Curriculum Formation and Preparation of Teaching Force

Curricula Provided in NB Community College
Like the other nine community colleges, the NB Community College has two large
types of curricula: 2-year associate degree curricula and short-term curricula. The
2-year associate program is the first 2 years of higher education level. Its aim is to provide the opportunities to high school graduates to study in higher education level and
144
can further their study in a 4-year university to get a bachelors degree. On the other
hand, the short-term curricula can be divided into three categories: (1) short-term
courses to produce or build their professional skills and develop their quality of
life; (2) Professional Certificates of Vocational Education and High Professional
Certificates of Vocational Education courses which focus on providing knowledge
and professional skills in order to develop their vocation; (3) basic education-adapted
courses to enable each students learning in basic education to the full effectiveness.
The curricula of 2-year associate degree programs are set at the central level, the
Bureau of the Community College Administration and approved by the Community
College Board, in order to keep the same educational standards that will benefit
students to further study in the university. However, almost all short-term programs,
such as the 5250 h-courses and less-than-1-year courses of Professional Certificate
of Vocational Education, are still set by central level like the 2-year associate degree
program, with the only exception being some short-term programs that can be set by
local community and approved by the community college council in each area in order
to address the needs of each local community, such as the Handmade Herbal Blouse
Program of NB Community College. Some of the short-term programs are unique
from college to college, such as Thai massage, cooking Thai sweets, English language
teaching, agriculture, etc.
In the 2-year associate degree program, students can choose to enroll in the major field
they want to study. NB Community College offers six major areas of study: local governance (Associate Degree of Arts: A.A.), early childhood education (Associate Degree
of Education: A.Ed.), business computer, general management, auto-mechanics
technology, general and agricultural industrial technology (High Professional Certificate
of Vocational Education). In 2007, there were 810 students enrolled in these degree
programs. It is required that each student take at least 90 overall units within five
semesters, or two and a half years. The cost of enrollment at community college is only
B|20 per unit, which is very inexpensive in comparison to that of the unit cost of general
universities or colleges which offer degree programs in the same areas of study.
Approximately 99% of all students were concurrently employed in positions such as
police officers, government and private company officers, village leaders, and early childhood caretakers. In interviews with students, programs they indicated as most interesting
were business computer, local governance, early childhood education, auto-mechanics
technology, and general management, respectively. When questioned regarding subjects
of most interest, one student employed as a private company officer explained:
The ability to use computer skills is very necessary for everyone in the era of globalization.
The people who can not use computers seem to live in another world or in the old
days. They will miss access to new knowledge and information which is communicated
mostly by the internet. Also, if we cannot use computers, we may miss the opportunity to
get a good job or good salary.
A police officer who was enrolled in local governance studies as his major subjects
explained his interest and need:
I am a police officer and it is necessary for the police profession to know about laws.
Actually, I completed only a high school education; I do not have enough knowledge about
the laws as I should. Fortunately, NB community college has an Associates Degree
145
program on local governance, which provides law courses. I expect that when I complete
this program and receive a certificate of higher degree, I will be sure of my knowledge and
experience and confident to work. Besides that, I think I will be promoted to a higher position and get a better salary. That would help my quality of life in the future.
An early childhood caretaker said:

According to the recent new Act on early childhood education, every early childhood caretaker must have at least an associate degree certificate or they will be losing their job. So,
this program helps me so very much, to maintain my job status and help my family too.
In addition, it is fortunate that the employers of all interviewees granted them time
and opportunity to study further in order to promote human resource development
both personally and professionally. Often studying in the community college has
not affected their work because all subjects are available on the weekend. Some
special classes may be set on a work day or during the working time, and in such
cases they will need the cooperation of their colleagues to work in their place.
It should be noted that the 2-year associate degree program is a form of formal
education with a degree conferred upon completion. Associates degree graduates can
transfer into a 4-year baccalaureate in university. Therefore, all curricula related to this
program are set up by the Bureau of Community College at the central level based on
the regulations of the Ministry of Education. This is also another reason that all curricula of the 2-year associate degree have the same standard. Consequently, the community can bring only those curricula granted approval by the Office of the Higher
Education Commission to propose the local people, who will be able then to choose
some of the approved curricula that respond and address their needs and satisfaction.
All the 2-year associate degree curricula are the same at each of the ten colleges and
are part of formal higher education as well. The local community organization has the
freedom to choose topics they will teach from the approved curriculum topics only,
selecting those that they feel would best address the needs of their community.
On the other hand, the 17 curricula for short-term programs or short intensive
course curricula are provided following the certified topics, such as communicative
basic English language, Chinese language for basic communication, basic of Web site
creation, project planning and writing, production of the biological fertilizer, electrical equipment repairing, bio-diesel oil production, home stay projects, basic Thai
dessert making, beauty salon, artificial-flower making, handmade herbal blouse, kit
silk weaving, Mudmee herbal silk weaving, bamboo-made basketwork, souvenir
making, and dressmaking. The total number of students or learners in 2007 was 814,
with all students or learners or trainers between age 18 and 72 years. All the learners
were NB residents living in this rural community, including housewives, farmers,
gardeners, ordinary villagers, and local administrative officers. There are many
courses from which the learners can choose to be trained such as a 30-h course of
Thai dessert making, a 60-h course of artificial-flower making, or a 100-h course of
handmade herbal blouse. It depends on what kind of course they want to learn. The
cost is very cheap because students pay only B|1 per hour. In addition, the government
supports other expenses, for example hiring a teacher who charges B|150 per hour.
This level of cost for learning is acceptable and within reach for almost all people
who have enthusiasm for learning.
146
The people in rural areas continue to face problems related to poverty and lack
of knowledge as well as professional skills. Therefore, they need access to lifelong
learning to improve their quality of life by enabling them to solve their economic
problems through manufacturing products that will earn money. Such lifelong
learning opportunities combined with government policies such as the One
Tambon (subdistrict), One Product (known as OTOP) project foster innovations
and new products that offer employment in their home communities and result in
improved quality of life for the people.
One of the interviewees, an elderly and very ordinary villager, told us:
I enrolled in a short intensive course called artificial flower making because I wanted to
know how to make them. I want to be able to produce a lot of them and hope that I can sell
them as an OTOP product. This can help me earn more money and enjoy working. I completed
only primary school. I think I am not educated enough to have a good job. If I did not have
opportunity to learn this course, certainly I could not find a job to do and can not earn
money at all.
Another interviewee who is an officer of NB subdistrict administrative organization

explained: I love short intensive training because our community people can come
and join together in learning. There are many activities to practice from the real
life and we can benefit from them as well as maintain the Thai traditions in many
dimensions. I enjoyed the learning so much.
A farmer also pointed out: We have some people with local wisdom; they have
long experience in an old traditional work such as making handmade herbal blouses
which are good quality. These experts can transmit their knowledge and professional skills to us. Besides that, the cost of training is cheap.
It should be noted that the central organization delegates power to the local
organizations and residents through decentralization of curriculum formation.
Consequently, each community college has its own different short-term curricula
that have been designed by the local people. Designing short-term curricula or
short-term programs is very interesting when we as researchers consider it in relation to the philosophy of the community college. It is clear that the process of such
curriculum formation actually does depend upon and originate from the needs of
the local people.
Process of Short-Term Curriculum Formation

As mentioned previously, most community college curricula were set by the central
organization except some that are needed by community itself. Each local organization may choose some short-term curricula from the central list as well as prepare
their own curricula. In the process of formulating short-term curricula, each community must follow the main ideas at central level while focusing on responding
to the local needs. In any case, the focus and final content will depend on the local
experts and local wisdom in their community. A concrete and unique example, the
NB Community College, follows (as presented in Fig. 9.3):
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Fig. 9.3 Process of curriculum formation (Based on interviews and documents provide by the
office of community college)
1. In a regular meeting of a village or community, participants may propose suggestions

that they feel would set a short-term curriculum that would be interesting to them
and relevant to the things they need to learn so as to improve and gain new
professional skills, resulting in a better quality of life:
Following discussion and conclusions, the minutes of the meeting with the
name list and signatures of the people attending the meeting will be recorded.
The head of the village then submits a request letter for new curriculum
topics to the Director of NB Community College, attaching the minutes and
participants name list of the community meeting.
2. Following the official regulations and procedures, the Director assigns the Chief
of the Division of Learning and Academics and the divisions staff to consider
the communitys requests with the NB Academic Council.
3. If the result of meetings between NB Academic Council members and NB
Community College officers of the Learning and Academics Division is positive
and there is the possibility to set the requested curriculum, the Chief of the Learning
and Academic Division reports the positive recommendation and conclusions on
the possibility of the proposed curriculum design to the Director.
148
4. The Director of NB Community College submits the curriculum recommendations to the Academic Council which will be responsible for designing that
curriculum. The Academic Council in coordination with the local experts to
make a draft of curriculum, pilot test the draft curriculum and finalize it as a
suitable curriculum.
5. The NB Academic Council then submits that curriculum to the Council of NB
Community College to approve and announce it to the public.
In short, the process of short-term curriculum formation of the NB Community
College shows local people taking a strong initiative from the beginning, which
enabled them to synchronize the content of learning with the local needs. Usually,
it takes about 23 months before a course is announced to the public, depending on
each different course in different areas.
Process of Teaching Force Appointment

In the process of interviews, it was stated that, in 2007, the total number of teachers or
instructors in NB Community College was 183. They are classified into three groups:
1. Government teachers. This group of teachers serves as government officers
engaged in managing the college as well as full-time teaching in some subjects
of the associate degree program. Each of them must be qualified according to
the criteria of the Office of Higher Education Commission (OHEC) and teach
the subjects in which they have majored. The selection process for this group of
teachers is as follows:
(a) OHEC announces to the general public the opening for submitting applications for teaching positions in community colleges nationwide. This process
is orchestrated at the central level.
(b) The applications are accepted from teachers who are qualified according
to the criteria for the position, such as having obtained at least a masters
degree corresponding to the subject areas needed by each community
college.
(c) The applicants have to pass an examination and an interview prepared by the
Bureau of Community College Administration.
(d) OHEC will publicly announce the results of the examination and interviews
and the names of selected teachers.
(e) The selected teachers will report to work at the Community College as indicated in the announcement paper.
As government teachers serve as government officials, their salary starts at a salary
scale similar to that of other teachers in public schools, in accordance to the Act on
Administrative Procedures for Teachers and Educational Personnel. Their salary
would be annually increased, and they may also receive special increases based
upon good performance. There are only 14 teachers of this group in NB Community
149
College teaching in different educational management units. Most of them are not
NB residents, so they have to learn to live with the local people. Some teachers
enjoyed working at NB Community College, but some of them wanted to move to
other provinces. So, the NB Community College must find their replacements by
informing the central office about their moves.
2. Local teachers. This group of teachers is currently employed in NB province in
positions such as government officials, private company officers, basic school
teachers, and local experts. They serve as part-time teachers who teach in either
the associate degree program or short-term program depending on the requirements of NB Community College. With the approval of NB Community College
Council, the college distributes an announcement for applications for open
recruitment at the local level. The individuals eligible to apply to be external
teachers must be qualified with at least one of following criteria: (1) masters
degree graduates majoring in subjects as required by community college; or
(2) bachelors degree graduates with at least 10 years of experience in teaching
the subjects required by community college; or (3) no university degrees but
accepted by the community as highly respected experts in the specialized areas
required. The applicants may apply for such positions at any educational management unit that they choose. Each of these units will compile a list of the names
and the qualifications of applicants and place them in what is called The Bank
of Teachers. Currently there are about 180 teachers listed in this Bank. When
NB Community College needs some more teachers, NB Academic Council will
select the best qualified persons from the Bank and invite them to be external
teachers of NB Community College. Those applicants who are not selected have
to wait for future openings. They may or may not be local teachers of the college.
If some community wants to have a short-term program that suits the skills of
some teachers, NB Community College may set up a new curriculum and invite
them from the Bank list to help plan and teach the curriculum.
3. Special instructors. This group of teachers must be highly respected in the community, and have much experience and demonstrated success in the profession.
Also they should be sources of local wisdom, with good performance especially
on some innovative products such as the Kit silk, a handmade herbal blouse.
They are able to become lecturers or trainers only in short-term training programs. It is the responsibility of NB Community College to invite these experts
to be trainers in correspondence with the community needs.
Like other community colleges, NB Community College pays only B|200 per
person per hour to local teachers and special instructors.
Concerning preparation of the teaching force, most teachers are people inside
the community. This facilitates organic relationships between teacher and learners
as well as the known quality of learning. In contrast, most of government teachers
are outsiders to the community, and fruitful teaching and learning will be depend
on each individual teachers relationship-building abilities, even though government teachers receive higher salaries than local or special instructors.
150
An Example of Formation of Curriculum for a Short-Term

and Intensive Program: Handmade Herbal Blouse
Program of the NB Community College
This is the unique program of NB Community College. The content is different from
other national curricula of the central office in that the people in the community build
the curriculum themselves. The process of curriculum formation is as follows:
1. With approval of NB Community College Council to design this curriculum,
the Academic Committee invites 1215 local experts to make a draft of the
curriculum. The local experts from the community include people with local
wisdom and professional skills for making Handmade Herbal Blouse.
2. The Academic Committee and NB Community College staff discusses the
proposed draft curriculum program, offering advice and recommendations for
the revision of the curriculum.
3. Local experts are invited again to review and revise the curricula following the
recommendations of the Academic Council and NB Community College.
4. The revised draft of curricula program is sent to the provincial experts and/or
Faculty staff of Rajabhat Udornthanee in order to solicit additional advice and
recommendations.
5. Local experts are invited to again revise the curricula following the recommendations of the provincial experts and/or faculty of Rajabhat University.
6. The curricula program is then submitted to the Community College Council in
order to be approved.
7. The curricula program is tested out and evaluated by the Academic Division of
the Community College, lasting approximately 23 months. In most cases the
results of the experimental use of the curriculum are satisfactory.
8. The revised curricula program is submitted to the NB Community College
Council.
9. After the approval of NB Community College Council, the curriculum must be
submitted to the central Bureau of the Community College Administration for
final approval.
10. Following this final approval, the curriculum can be used in NB Community
College.
Highlight of ONESQAs Evaluation and Special Qualities

of Community College
ONESQAs Assessment
In 2005, ONESQAs Report on External Evaluation of NB Community College
revealed that most of officers and people concerned were local residents and
had made great efforts to operate their work in order to meet the needs of the
151
local people. The relationship between teachers and students was positive and
almost all of them were interested in maintaining their own tradition and
culture. The experience of students in learning from NB Community College
was satisfactory. Because of the good teacher and students ratio (1:201:30),
teachers could take care of all students they taught. Besides that, NB Community
College was able to provide enough resources as well as facilities to the teachers
and students.
On the other hand, the report also revealed that, in comparison with the other
nine community colleges, the other community colleges had succeeded in offering
various short-term courses more than NB Community College, especially courses
with a High Professional Certificate of Vocational Education. Besides that, it seems
that the officers did not succeed in making the community college project known
to every village, or in finding ways to develop programs in partnership with other
different organizations of both public and private sectors in the community.
Special Qualities of Community College

According to additional interviewees, both officers at the central level organization
as well as those at various local ones, the Community College might also be
defined as including all three forms of education: formal, nonformal, and informal.
As a form of formal education, associate degree graduates will receive diploma
or certificate, or others, and will be able to further their study in some 4-year
university. In terms of the nonformal education, any person, even those who have
already completed some higher degree, can continue lifelong learning by taking
short-term training courses and obtaining other certificates. Some people want to
take short-term curriculum just for their interest or because they need additional
life skills.
Compared to other educational institutions in the same areas, such as the nonformal education center, vocational college, or university, the community college
is considered as the most effective institution for responding to the needs of local
community. This is because these other institutions have their curricula fixed
at the top central level, and their locations are also physically fixed, with
the possible exception of some nonformal education centers. If people want to
study in some vocational colleges, they must pay much more for travel expenses
because it is also located in the town, far from the local community. After the
establishment of community college, some universities have begun to set up a
university branch in the local community, providing some of the same curricula
as those of community college, but the cost per unit is a lot more expensive. Some
have also said that most university programs are run for business aims only, rather
than for community development, and this may result in a low quality of education. In contrast, the spirit of the community college is for community. They make
great efforts to run education for their own community with pride and dignity so
as to economically, socially, and culturally develop in accordance with the needs
of their local people.
152
Conclusion
In conclusion, we shall summarize the achievement and challenges of the community
college in Thailand for improvement of the community college as well as to suggest
further research and discussion as follows. A summary of the achievements of
community colleges in Thailand:
1. Opportunities for higher education, vocational education, and lifelong learning
has become more available for local people.
2. The community college is certainly the college of the community, for the community, and by the community in terms of utilizing local software and hardware
recourses in short-term programs.
3. Low financial burden of learners has been made possible.
The community colleges in Thailand also face several challenges as follows:
1. The community college bodies at central level should consider further decentralization at the provincial level, particularly with concern to the authority over
curriculum formation as well as over teacher recruitment for both the 2-year
degree programs and short-term programs in order to encourage community
colleges to confidently and effectively work for their community.
2. The community college bodies at both central and local levels should have plans
for effectively making the community college project known more widely, so
that the people in every village in the targeted provinces are aware of this opportunity and are encouraged to access education as much as possible. In addition,
the project should be expanded to other needy provinces as it seems that this
project has been developed very slowly.
3. Privatization might be discussed in relation to lowering the financial burden
for learners as well as improving salaries for external or special instructors. If
the university or higher education institutions follow current trends, they will
become more autonomous. This movement will likely mean a decrease in the
budget for community colleges in the future.
4. In this privatization context, the government and Ministry of Education should
seriously reconsider the universities that are trying to open their campuses all
over Thailand in order to get more students; otherwise the community colleges
will face more problems related to competition with these universities.
Community colleges have been established and are operating in Thailand for only
5 years and therefore they are in an early phase of development. Although they are
facing the above-mentioned challenges, the spirit of community college that says
the college of the community, the college by the community, and the college for
the community is the unique strength that creates a shared enthusiasm for learning
amongst instructors and learners as well as officials at the local level. This spirit is
a unifying force that will be the cornerstone of community college development as
a local collaboration in learning, enhanced by the possibilities for decentralization
of authority and ability to survive competition with other universities in the future.
153
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Veerachai Kaweetheerawat, March 24, 2007
Part III
Introduction: Economic Conditions

Globally Shaping the Community
College Models
The authors in this part provide examples that illustrate how a highly trained
workforce can help nations to improve and sustain their economy. While the focus
is the same cross-national, the responses to growing economic challenges are not.
In some cases, authors explain how countries adopt community college models as
a strategic inflection to facilitate economic and industrial growth. Examples illustrate just how strongly local and global economics are driving education and training across the world. In Mexico, Marisol Laya Silva depicts community college
models as a vehicle to train a workforce for a global economy; while in Vietnam,
Diane Oliver, Pham Xuan Thanh, Paul A. Elsner, Nguyen Thi Thanh Phuong, and
Do Quoc Trung discuss the foundation for the market expansion of higher education which is driven by shifting and economic and global market forces. Gerard
Postiglione compares how community college models in Hong Kong and Shanghai
are used to weather a financial crisis in tertiary education and where the championing of the values of democracy and equality, as seen in the humanitarian model in
Part II, is not addressed.
The second grouping of chapters offers a critical commentary on how internal
and external constraints thwart community college models to realize economic
reform. Laurence Wolff explores factors that enable and hinder human resource
development in Barbados, Bahamas, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad & Tobago.
Barrel Gueye and Ibra Sene profile Regional University Centers in Senegal which
are designed to counter growing socioeconomic problems facing the country,
but illustrate that while opportunity may exist for some, access does not always
facilitate direct connections to employment and economic reform. Finally, Rosita
Tormala-Nita and Gilbert Cijintio explore a connection between work training,
credentials, and higher education reform in Curaao. The chapters in this part illustrate how community college models respond to conditions created by the market
economy, and show how the thread of the survival of the economy and a trained
workforce are entwined.
Chapter 10
Community Colleges in Chinas Two Systems*

Gerard Postiglione
Introduction
This chapter compares community college development in Mainland China and the
Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the Peoples Republic. Hong
Kong is important because it is considered the most international and wealthiest
part of China with two official languages, a common law system, and formidable
global financial clout. Unlike the Mainland system with rich natural resources and
large-scale industries, Hong Kong is a service economy that relies singularly upon
human capital. Chinas one-country and two-system policy provides Hong Kong
with a high degree of autonomy, including in education. This helps to explain why
community colleges in Hong Kong and Mainland China differ substantially. Thus, a
comparison of the two Chinese experiences with community colleges can provide a
perspective on how the concepts and features of community colleges are institutionalized within societies that share a common cultural heritage, but operate relatively
autonomously from each other. For example, while the concept of community in
Chinese culture may be similar in Hong Kong and Mainland China, each government has a different view about the control of civil society and its educational
institutions. When we speak about Mainland China in this chapter, we are largely
referring to the urban regions compatible with Hong Kong, especially major cities
in the eastern coastal regions.
This chapter argues that features of the American community college have been
readily adapted to suit the rapidly changing needs of each Chinese system. In the case
of Hong Kong, community colleges were used to weather a financial crisis in tertiary
education but became a major component of the tertiary education system in a short
time. The Chinese Mainland used community colleges to refine the features of its
existing system of vocationaltechnical colleges. In the process, neither system saw
the need to popularize the US view of community colleges as a means to champion
the values of democracy and equality. In fact, the Mainland and Hong Kong took a
multinational approach in studying and adapting innovations from many other counties.
* This paper acknowledged the support of the Committee of Research Grants of the University of
Hong Kong.

157
158
G. Postiglione
However, Hong Kong came to rely largely on the American community college
model, while the Mainland took a more synthetic approach, but paid particular attention to the American model for the development of its postsecondary vocational-technical education sector This chapter will also point out why the American community
college model received a great deal of attention in each of the two Chinese systems.
Community Colleges in Mainland China

The main feature of the community college movement in Mainland China is the
role it played in refining the postsecondary vocationaltechnical education for
the transition from a planned to a market economy. Chinas postsecondary vocational
and technical education system, where community college concepts took hold, is
primarily driven by economic imperatives laid down by the central government in
Beijing. Nevertheless, while lower levels (provincial, municipal, city, district, and
county) pay heed to central directives, they also have a space for innovation and
experimentation. This chapter will stick to the general and more salient patterns and
practices in the Mainland.
From a Planned to a Market Economy

After the establishment of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, the
socialist principle that values a close relationship between education and productive
labor raised the status of vocationaltechnical education throughout the Chinese
education system. Although the major educational challenge for the new regime
during its first decades was to spread literacy and basic education, its postsecondary
vocationaltechnical education sector developed rapidly under the influence
of Soviet Unions advisors. Eventually, various government ministries came to
establish and maintain their own institutions of specialized training. Graduates
of specialized secondary schools could be allocated directly to jobs under that
particular ministry and some enrolled in a higher-level college of the ministry.
This was a highly planned bureaucratic system in which ministries relating to
textiles, railroads, postal service, energy resources, military, forestry, etc. would
set curriculum for their colleges. These institutions represented largely separate
fiefdoms and did not cross those of other ministries. The Ministry of Education
also administered colleges and universities, including a system of adult education.
The basic features of this central planning system survived the political twists and
turns of the PRCs first 3 decades. However, by 1979 Chinas economic reforms
and opening to the outside world began to take hold and ushered in changes that
would continually affect postsecondary vocational and technical education for
decades thereafter.
10
Community Colleges in Chinas Two Systems
159
As market forces come to cause a questioning of practices developed under the

centrally planned economy, the administration of senior secondary vocational
technical education was gradually removed from various ministries and transferred
to the respective local governments. Some of the ministry-run specialized senior
secondary schools (zhongzhuan) were merged with postsecondary technical institutes, while others became part of the expanding sector of regular regionally administered senior secondary vocationaltechnical schools (zhiye gaozhong or zhigao)
that were to constitute nearly half of all senior secondary schools placed according
to the Central governments recommendations for reform of the education system
launched in 1985.
While senior secondary school enrollments grew rapidly in urban areas, the
status of vocationaltechnical education remained low since it was not viewed as
a path to enter regular institutions of higher education, and by the late 1990s the
senior secondary vocationaltechnical sector in major urban areas began to shrink
in favor of regular academic senior secondary education. This led to a higher
demand for college and university places, as well as a demand for higher-level technical training. Yet, only those not scoring highly on the national college and university entrance examination would choose from among the expanding number of
new professionaltechnical colleges. Moreover, a crisis of sorts arose as the market
demand for general higher education increased and jobs were no longer guaranteed
upon graduation from vocationaltechnical education institutions as they had been
under the centrally planned economy. The rising cost of expanding higher education also become a burden for government and this led to increased privatization of
the tertiary sector. This was accomplished by a variety of what was referred to as
social forces, which might include one or more of the following: retired professors, nongovernment business enterprises, community-based organizations, or a
combination of government and nongovernment educational organizations.
The rapid economic changes and diverse needs of different communities in
China, coupled with the governments support for market forces to become an
increasingly determinate force, together caused a questioning of the logic of the
earlier practices. Moreover, as many state-owned enterprises became defunct, leaving massive numbers of unemployed workers in their wake, there was a need to find
educational institutions that could help a large number of middle-aged workers to
reenter the workforce. This group needed opportunities to gain new skills that could
be used to quickly reenter an increasingly competitive labor market. Professional
technical colleges were one of the logical providers of this service, but they had
to adapt themselves to the new clientele and become multipurpose institutions that
could also offer short-time nondegree skills training as well as new fields increasingly in demand by changing economic conditions.
Within this new environment, China began to explore many possible models to
inform its efforts to manage postsecondary vocational and technical education in its
burgeoning market economy. Among the models that gained a good deal of attention
were those of successful market economies, including Germany, Japan, England,
Australia, Korea, Canada, and the United States. Not surprisingly, China did not
gravitate to take one model but instead studied and adapted features of different systems.
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G. Postiglione
The noted success of the German and Japanese models of postsecondary vocational
and technical education became important to Chinas considerations of its own system reforms. As Chinas leading trading partner, the United States was also studied.
Its successful system of community colleges garnished a great deal of attention from
China. The terminal nature of postsecondary vocational and technical education in
Japan and Germany were more akin to practices in Chinas system. However, the perspective on the status of vocationaltechnical education among Chinese households
more closely resembled that among American households. Therefore, the associate
degree and articulation with universities became an attractive option to increase the
systems popularity. Nevertheless, the government has chosen not to institutionalize
the associate degree (though the University of Hong Kongs Community College has
set up a joint venture in the city of Suzhou, where it offers its associate degree). While
Chinas postsecondary education system remains a work in progress, the evidence to
date is that the system has adapted a middle road for its postsecondary vocational
technical sector, one that maintains the possibility for continued resilience in the face
of rapidly changing economic conditions. Hence, it is the transferability element of
the US model that is an attractive feature for the Chinese system, more so in some
ways that the terminal credential that is common in Japan and Germany.
At present, Mainland China has 2- and 3-year postsecondary institutions that
provide both school-leavers and adult learners with a program of vocational and
technical education, but without associate degrees or system-wide articulation with
degree-granting institutions. Nevertheless, articulation is not a dead issue and was
mentioned in the Ministry of Educations work report on postsecondary (higher)
vocationaltechnical education in 2000. While such pathways do exist, they do
not constitute a major feature of the system and have only experienced nominal
development since 2000. Given the overwhelming demand for university places in
China, most universities are not willing to give a great deal of attention to opening
pathways from professionaltechnical colleges. Diplomas and skill certificates are
awarded in a variety of postsecondary institutions that have developed as China
searches for ways to handle the growing diversity of needs in both urban and rural
areas, including building skilled labor capacity, retraining laid-off workers, and
training unskilled rural migrants. Unlike Japan which has a shortage of skilled labor
and imports many on contract, China only recruits at the very high end.
In discussing community colleges in China, terminology can easily become misleading. The name of an institution and even its classification often fails to provide
an indication of whether it is, what outsiders would refer to as, a community
college. The broad definition used here is that a Chinese community college is
tied to a specific geographical community; its study programs are determined
more by the local educational and training needs than by academic disciplines;
it is more closely associated with vocationaltechnical education than are other
educational institutions; part-time study is a major component though full time
programs of differing lengths also operate; more are public institutions, but private
sector institutions are growing rapidly, as well as some that are a combination of
both; it provides education and training to both adult learners and school-leavers;
and, it offers preparation for national-level self-study examinations. Finally, there
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is a great deal of overlap in its functions. For example, an increasing number of

private (minban) colleges and universities that run degree programs will also have a
diploma, certificate, or other nondegree course sector. Public colleges and universities have independent institutions or adult education sectors that may also provide
nondegree vocational and technical education courses. General education (wenhua
jiaoyu) courses also constitute a part, albeit a small part, of the community college
sector. China has propagated a private education law that encouraged private education growth. Known as the Law for the Promotion of Private Education, it provides
a legal framework to facilitate private growth and sets out a process to accredit,
merge, dismantle, and change educational institutions.
Most of the named community colleges in China originally grew out of the
adult education institutions under state or local governments. In order to further
develop adult education schools, city governments like Beijing and Shanghai
borrowed the name community colleges from the United States, and opened
them to the local community. Although it seemed like community colleges
could develop well and meet the needs of urban residents in the 1990s, the
central government did not accept the name community college, and still does
not officially recognize some institutes that are so named as community colleges. Nomenclature changes can be complex affairs in China and often take
time. Colleges that applied for name changes had various motivations, including
relationships of cooperation with American community colleges that increased
their attractiveness to students. Many also were motivated by the genuine belief
in the viability of the American community college model for their own regions
development needs.
Because they were largely part-time adult education institutions, many of the
institutions in China that began to be called community colleges could not recruit
students who took part in the national college and university entrance examination.
Thus, it became increasingly difficult for these institutions to admit students, even
though many hoped that taking the name of community college would eventually
help to raise their status. Nevertheless, some of the named community colleges and
specialized vocational and technical colleges can provide a few bachelors degree
programs (benke) and specialized technical (zhuanke) diplomas. Three notable
examples are Haidian University in Beijing, Sanda College in Shanghais Pudong
district, and Xian Translation College in Xian.1
Nevertheless, the sector of the Chinese education system that is most often
referred to as being like the American community college is the sector known
as higher professional and technical colleges (gaodeng zhiye jishu xueyuan or
gaozhi). Though without the name community college, these maintain many of the
same characteristics of community colleges familiar to Americans. Most have 2- and
3-years programs leading to a dazhuan credential (higher-level specialized diploma).
They can accept students who have sat for the national college and university
entrance examinations. These institutions offer multiple technical specializations
as well as some general education. It is also their multifunctionality that resembles
American community colleges. In short, this chapters discussion of Chinas community colleges relates specifically to higher professional and technical colleges.
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G. Postiglione
It does so because they most closely resemble those referred to as community

colleges elsewhere. Yet, this is by far not a perfect fit. While most professional
technical colleges are government-funded, there is a growing number that rely on
various social forces as a form of Chinese privately run institutions.
Mainland Chinas Community College

Movement in Perspective
China has paid enormous attention to the potential of American community colleges for modernizing its higher vocationaltechnical education, especially within
its rapidly prospering urban areas. Chinas interest in community colleges became
evident in the 1980s during the early phase of Chinas reform and opening to the
outside world a time when foreign innovations were being assessed for their
potential contribution to Chinas modernization drive. Among the international
agencies aiding Chinas efforts to learn about, and experiment with, community
college models were the World Bank and the Ford Foundation. The Bank supported study of overseas visits and Ford continues to support capacity-building
in particular colleges by the United StatesChina Education Foundation. Through
hundreds of visits and two-way international exchanges, Chinese educators
and officials explored a variety of models to determine the most effective ways
to produce skilled labor and advanced professionals in accordance with their
development needs. In addition to North American community colleges, German
technical and dual-system vocational colleges, Australias technical and further
education, and similar institutions in France, South Korea, and Japan have been
considered. The scale and diversity of the Chinese system makes it difficult to rank
the most admired characteristics from each system. Suffice it to say that decisions
of which features to adapt and institutionalize were guided by highly pragmatic
considerations.
Because of the massive scope of expansion and the large number of Chinese
students studying in American colleges, the community college models figured
prominently in Chinas thinking about its postsecondary education expansion. With
the support of the American Association of Community Colleges and the United
StatesChina Education Foundation, more than 80 US community colleges developed agreement affiliations and exchanges with Chinese counterparts. Among the
most notable are Maricopa Community College, LaGuardia Community College,
City University of New York, San Francisco City College, and Lorain County
Community College. In these cases, the agreements were substantial and features
such as student-learning centers, community social service curriculum development, and leadership skill training were sustained over a long period after the
cooperation was completed. In fact, the vice-minister of education has stated: We
welcome foreign institutions and companies to co-operate with local governments
and vocational schools in China so that a number of high-level vocational training
institutes may be established (Chuan 2002).
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The Director of the VocationalTechnical Education Bureau of the Division of

Higher Education, Ministry of Education, has emphasized Chinas need for community colleges for regional economic development, to provide lifelong learning
opportunities, and to meet the needs of an urbanizing rural sector. Among the
prominent characteristics of the American community college model, he gave
prominence to its openness by its lowering of the walls between the school and
community, diversity in offering a wide range of educational opportunities and
credentials, flexibility in programs and approaches, resource-sharing formats that
rely on local and other existing sources of income, and social participation of all
different groups in the community. Due to the diversity of the Chinese system,
there are also characteristics of models from other countries that continue to be
influential in China.
Community Colleges and Chinas Human Resource

Blueprint
The most important document affecting the planning of higher vocationaltechnical
education in China is the human resource blueprint (Strategic Concepts for the
Development of Chinese Education and Human Resources for the Next Fifty Years,
hereafter referred to as the Blueprint) published in 2003. It was the first time that
China organized scholars and experts, research institutions, and government organs
in education, economics, population control, laws, finance, and agriculture to compose a large research report on education. The Blueprint calls for a 99% enrollment
rate for 9-year compulsory education by 2020, when 100% of junior secondary
school students will enter senior secondary education. The current 54% enrollment rate in senior secondary education will grow to 73% by 2010, 85% by 2020,
and 100% by 2050. By 2050, China plans to invest 7.8% of its GDP in education
(compared with the current 4%). Also by 2050, China will have more than half
of secondary school graduates entering college or university. This includes both
regular higher education colleges and universities (dazue) where students can earn
a baccalaureate (benke xuewei) and specialized professional and technical higher
education institutions (da zhuan), where students will earn a diploma or other professional certificate (zhuanke wenping or zhengshu). For convenience, we translate
the latter as the junior college sector.
1. Up to 2010, out of 100,000 people, the numbers attending junior college
(dazhuan) and above should increase from 3,611 in 2000 to around 7,700, and
the total number receiving senior secondary education should increase from
11,000 in 2000 to around 16,000 (p. 255).
2. The proportion of employees receiving a junior college (dazhuan) education or
above should increase from 4.66% in 2000 to over 10% in 2010 (p. 255).
3. By 2020, there should be 13,000 out of 100,000 people receiving a junior college
(dazhuan) education or above, and there should be 20,000 out of 100,000 people
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receiving a senior secondary education. People of working age (2564 years)

should have an average education of10 years; the level of education of the workforce should be increased up to 12 years; workers in the commercial and service
sectors should on average receive approximately 11 years of schooling, 20% of
whom would possess educational level of junior college (dazhuan) and above,
basically reaching the level of Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) nations at the close of the twentieth century (p. 257).
4. By 2050, there should be 31,000 people out of every 100,000 who would have
received a junior college (dajuan) education or above; those with senior secondary level should be about 30,000 people. Increase the amount of education of
the workforce to near 14 years; the average years of education for workers in the
commercial and service sectors should be 13.5 years, and of these 40% would
have had an education of junior college (dazhuan)or above, reaching the level of
developed countries at the beginning of the twenty-first century (p. 258).
Thus, the so-called junior colleges or professional and technical colleges (gaodeng
zhiye jishu xueyuan) will play a major role in raising the level of the workforce
by 2050.
Institutionalizing the Community College in Hong Kong

This section examines Hong Kongs experiment with community colleges and
associate degrees at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It reviews the context, obstacles, and compelling factors underlying the unprecedented expansion. In
particular, it sets out an explanation for why Hong Kong went about adopting the
US community college model.
In 1997, Hong Kong was handed back to the PRC after a long period of colonial
rule by Britain. The emerging but relatively poor socialist market economy of the
Chinese mainland contrasted with Hong Kongs vibrancy within the global economy.
However, after 1997 Hong Kong experienced an economic crisis that crippled many
countries in the East Asian region, though it had less effect on the Mainland due to
its larger and more sheltered economy at the time. This crisis left Hong Kong with a
stagnant economy. Meanwhile, cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou began
to challenge Hong Kongs vaunted position as Chinas economic powerhouse. In
this new equation, the Director General of the World Trade Organization identified
the pressing role of educational reform in Hong Kong.
[T]he rise of an increasingly skilled Chinese workforce, as well as direct transportation links
with Taiwan, means that Hong Kong will have to fight to keep its privileged place. If
recently launched educational reforms have the intended effect of producing a more flexible,
creative, and skilled workforce, Hong Kong will have a fighting chance to keep its vaunted
position as Chinas international window over a longer time period. (Panitchpakdi, 2002)
It is within this context that the Hong Kong SAR imported the community college
model from the United States and situated it within a postcolonial society that did not
have the financial wherewithal to expand its modest system of higher education.
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At the time, Hong Kong had a 9-year system of free compulsory education with
most students remaining in school through senior secondary level. Degree places at
university were limited to about of 18% of the relevant age group (1822 years old).
In all, only 25% of the relevant age group were studying in Hong Kongs postsecondary
sector of degree, diploma, and certificate programs at colleges, universities, and
polytechnics. While weathering an economic crisis, Hong Kong became keenly
aware of the urgent need to strengthen its knowledge economy in order to remain
globally competitive. Since government was already shouldering the burden of an
all-public system of universities, another way had to be found to expand higher
education. After a visit to the United States, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong
moved forward to support the development of community colleges. By that time,
the University of Hong Kong School of Professional and Continuing Education had
already introduced a community college initiative for school-leavers with an associate degree and a strategy to articulate that program with universities in Hong Kong
and abroad. The visit helped to cement what was already taking place. Hong Kong
had the UK model for decades. In fact, there is little concern about colonial residue
or of importing American models vocational education, only a drive to move ahead
and compete within the framework of economic globalization. This pragmatic
approach adheres to the best of age-old Chinese values and strategies.
In his 2000 Policy Address, the Chief Executive announced the governments initiative to support the progressive increase in postsecondary education opportunities.
The planning target was that by 2010, 60% of senior secondary school-leavers would
have access to postsecondary education. To achieve this policy objective, the government introduced a series of support measures for both students and providers of
postsecondary programs. These included the provision of student grants and loans,
as well as an interest-free start-up loan to postsecondary institutions (EMB, 2005e).
In this sense, Hong Kong has taken a bold initiative in pressing ahead since it never
had community colleges or associate degree programs before this time. Since 2000,
there was an unprecedented expansion of self-financed associate degree programs.
The overall postsecondary participation rate in higher education rose to 53% in
December 2004, and then to 66% in August 2005. In short, Hong Kong had overshot
its 2010 target and it did so 5 years ahead of schedule, largely due to the popularity of
the community college associate degree program (Takungpao Daily, June 2, 2005).
Tuition fees of self-financed associate degree programs offered by the 20 local
institutions ranged from $30,000 to $50,000 (US$3,800 to US$6,300) in academic
year 2004/05. The government pledged to ensure that no one would be deprived
of further education opportunities because of the lack of means (Li, 2005). Hence,
the government provided a package of financial assistance schemes to aid eligible
students. These included means-tested grant, low-interest loan (the ceiling of grant
or low-interest loans for 2004/05 was $55,890 [US$7,800]), non-means-tested loans,
and travel subsidies. Yet, students in self-financed programs paid a much higher tuition fee than did their counterparts in publicly funded bachelors degree programs
at one of the eight public universities. Apparently, the value placed on education by
Hong Kong households was enough to convince less academically gifted students to
pay a higher fee for a semester at community college than that paid for a semester at
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G. Postiglione
university, even through an associate degree less valued less than a bachelors degree
in the job market. The high fees required for studying at community colleges in comparison with universities remain a point of contention in Hong Kong. Yet, the fees
are not out of reach for even the poorest families because the government guarantees
loans for all students who pursue a postsecondary education in Hong Kong. The fact
that community college fees are as high or higher than those of universities in Hong
Kong is no consolation if students do not score high enough to gain access to a university place. The fact that many community colleges are subdivisions of existing universities helps raise their status and convince families that the high fees are justified.
Hong Kongs Junior Colleges

Hong Kongs private, independent junior colleges and the associate degree programs
they offer are self-financed. In contrast, a very large majority of US community
colleges are publicly funded (Kwok, 2004, p.387). In terms of functions, however,
institutions that name themselves community colleges in Hong Kong closely resemble US 2-year junior colleges, especially those once popular in the first half of the
twentieth century. Hong Kongs associate degree programs are primarily provided
for secondary school-leavers at ages 1719 (Kwok, 2004, p. 387).
In contrast, US multifunctional, comprehensive community colleges have a
higher average student age with a large proportion of students being working
adults. A typical US community college provides a great variety of courses and
programs, award-bearing or not, at different levels, to meet varied learning and
professional needs and personal interests of people from every walk of life. In fact,
US community colleges are very akin to the familiar continuing education institutions in Hong Kong, such as University of Hong Kong School of Professional and
Continuing Education (SPACE). Interestingly, HKU SPACEs community college
is in a subsidiary and subordinate relationship to its parent institution (Kwok, 2004,
p. 387). Thus, Hong Kongs best-known community colleges, while trumpeting
their transfer function, are ensconced within larger institutions of adult education
that are more like US community colleges.
There are significant contrasts between the US public comprehensive community colleges and the Hong Kong-style, self-financed, independent, so-called community colleges, so much so that it is very sensible to regard the latter as junior
colleges. The major characteristics of US community colleges include their easy
access, inexpensive/publicly funded, and large part-time study programs (Cohen
and Brawer, 2003).
The Hong Kong Formula

Hong Kongs reputation as a willing participant in globalization has led it to adapt a
McDonalization approach to many innovations. This may hold true for the community
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college as well, for Hong Kong does provide an answer to how self-financed 2-year junior college-type community colleges with associate degree programs can be transportable across national boundaries. Furthermore, they can be made to virtually transplant a
former system of postsecondary nondegree institutions or be grafted on top of them.
Hong Kongs story includes a free market with no direct government involvement except a legal structure and the provision of loans for students. It also acts to
regulate and facilitate. Moreover, since most community colleges which provide
associate degree programs are extensions of their parent universities or their
universitys division of continuing education they are self-accrediting. Finally, Hong
Kong has long been known for its high standards. The accreditation mechanisms
for associate degree programs in individual institutions is quite vigorous. More than
50 overseas universities have recognized Hong Kongs associate degrees, and the
number of second-year places in local universities increases fivefold in 2004 from
210 to 1,050 to accommodate transfer students from community colleges.
In short, the successful transplantation of the American community college
model can be attributed to a set of essential conditions, including a market economy
with a government-initiated policy framework, sufficient demand among the immediate school-leaving population, a mature adult education delivery structure within
which community colleges could be nested, a scheme of government-sponsored
student loans, a rationale-stressing global competitiveness that can generate business and commercial support, and a mechanism for articulation with both local and
overseas 4-year colleges and universities.
Conclusion
Hong Kongs successful importation of community colleges and associate degrees
contrasts with Mainland Chinas grafting and adaptation of selected features of
community colleges within the larger vocationaltechnical sector.
The driving force of this latter movement has been the transition from a planned
to a market economy, especially solving the emergent problems of increased
demand for higher education by secondary school-leavers, massive layoffs of workers from state-owned enterprises, and migration of rural farmers seeking work in
urban areas. The budding market economy was not able to absorb these workers. In
2006, Chinas Ministry of Education earmarked 10 billion yuan (about 1.23 billion
US dollars) to support vocational education, part of which was set aside specifically
to develop 100 high quality professional-technical colleges (XNA 2005)
Therefore, Chinas community college movement, not unlike Hong Kongs
community college movement, focused less on the ideology of democracy through
equality of educational opportunity. Mainland Chinaalso ignored the associate degree,
as well as (to a great extent) the pathways to 4-year colleges and universities.
The need in Mainland China was defined in terms of finding better ways to aid
community economic development, to address education and training needs in the
community not addressed elsewhere, to deliver vocational and technical skills to
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G. Postiglione
adults seeking or changing employment in a dynamic economy that needs more

skilled workers in a variety of new fields, and to address in general the growing
demands for higher education across regions.
Note
1 The number of higher professional and technical colleges in 2005 was 1,091, which was 2.5
times the number in 1998. The 2005 enrollment of 2,681,000 was an increase of 34% from the
previous year and the total number of students was 7,130,000, 46% of which are in polytechnics. The average number of students per institution in 2002 was 2,523 and in 2005 was
3,909 (Xing, 2006).
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Chapter 11
Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary

Education and Training in Barbados, Bahamas,
Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad & Tobago
Laurence Wolff
Introduction1
The English-speaking Caribbean needs to keep pace with challenges of worldwide
change in the development process. One fundamental requirement in this process
is to build the areas human resources. A well-educated and trained populace will
enable countries in the Caribbean to grow, even under the conditions of uncertainty
and change that now prevail. While certainly basic literacy and numeracy skills
must be emphasized, human resource development must proceed at all levels.
All countries need to build the quality of their skilled workers, technicians, managers,
and professionals through a wide variety of expanded and higher-quality postsecondary institutions.
A basic assumption of this chapter is that the region especially needs to
strengthen the institutions that provide postsecondary education and training below
the level of bachelors degrees. The need for middle-level manpower skilled
workers and technicians in industry, commerce, and services, especially those
with communications, information technology (IT) and interpersonal skills is
increasing throughout the world, as much or more than the need for professionals
and managers with a BA or higher degree. The changing world economic context,
increasing global demand for higher-order skills, and the nature of the Caribbeans
options for economic growth will require a larger and more effective set of these
postsecondary institutions.
This chapter synthesizes the issues and possible policies and approaches
needed to strengthen postsecondary institutions in five Caribbean countries
Bahamas, Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica, and Trinidad & Tobago. It is based mainly
on country case studies examining the institutional framework for provision of
this level of education. It examines the justification for expanding postsecondary
education, assesses the current status of institutions offering these educational
opportunities, and examines issues related to institutional strengthening, including needs for new structures, relationships, and models, as well as growth and
financing.
Since the Caribbeans education tradition is mainly British, the word and
concept of the community college is of recent origin, mainly as a result of recent

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contacts with the United States and Canada. Yet many technical training and other
institutions in the region offer services similar at least in part to those of the North
American community college and there is a tendency in the region to link these
institutions into a more comprehensive framework similar to that of community
colleges. For this reason, in this chapter, all institutions offering certificates, diplomas, and programs below the BA degree are discussed.
Economic Challenges and Opportunities

in the Five Countries
The five countries that are the subject of this chapter are all small in size and
population. Jamaica has the highest number of people at 2.6 million, followed by
Trinidad & Tobago at 1.3 million, Guyana 760,000, Bahamas 305,000, and
Barbados 270,000. All have low population growth, 1% per annum or less,
and a demographic window of opportunity a decline in birth rates that
creates a population with a lower percentage of dependents, i.e., those either
too young or too old for the labor market. For the population group that is the
usual target of postsecondary education, young people aged 2024, a decline
of over 20% is projected in Barbados, Guyana, and Trinidad & Tobago, with
only slight increases in Jamaica and Bahamas.
These countries vary in terms of their gross domestic product (GDP) per capita
and in expectations for economic growth: Bahamas and Barbados are nearly highincome countries with per capita GDPs of over US$15,000 (but low compared to
the GDP per capita in the United States of around US$40,000); Trinidad & Tobago
is an upper middle-income country (over US$8,000); and Guyana and Jamaica
are lower middle-income countries (around US$4,000). The migration of trained
people away from the region, as well as from poorer to richer countries within the
region, is significant, but is not entirely a disadvantage because of the high value
of remittances, which in Jamaicas case account for 10% of GDP. Overall, these
countries face an uncertain mid-term economic situation. They must strengthen
their service orientation, tourism, and financial services. Human resource development will be critical for them to increase economic growth.
The region is moving toward more flexible labor markets and free movement of
goods and human resources. This is important because the economic and institutional structures of the countries are too small to permit isolated labor markets.
At the same time, structural unemployment, especially of youths, characterizes
these countries. Unemployment of out-of-school youth aged 1524 ranges from
16% (Bahamas) to 34% (Jamaica).
The comparative advantages of these five countries include: their physical
beauty that encourages tourism; their English-speaking culture; their location near
the US market; and the oil and gas in Trinidad & Tobago, and minerals and timber
in Guyana. Except for Guyana and Trinidad & Tobago, they are service economies
focusing on tourism; Bahamas and Trinidad & Tobago also focus on banking.
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Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education and Training
175
Bahamas and Barbados are tourism success stories, while Jamaica is struggling to
regain its previous leadership in tourism. Services account for over 55% of GDP in
all except Guyana, where they are 40%. Only Trinidad & Tobago and Guyana have
significant industry sectors (oil and gas, diamonds, bauxite) and only Guyana has
a strong agriculture sector.
They all have limited manufacturing capabilities. Trinidad & Tobago has oil
and related industries and is a commercial center. Agriculture, including sugar, is
no longer competitive, except in Guyana (European Union (EU) preferences are
ending), but there are a variety of niche opportunities. The possibilities for IT are
significant, especially because English is the common language, but telecommunication rules and regulations need further reform. Barbados and Jamaica are hoping
for software development, and lower-tech elements such as call centers may be
expected in Guyana. Economic growth possibilities in Guyana also include niche
agriculture and port development to serve the Brazilian interior. Trinidad & Tobago
is expected to continue with growth in its oil and gas sector, but can also increase
tourism in Tobago, business and commercial services in Port of Spain, and light
manufacturing to serve the Caribbean.
In-country and inter-country coordination, cooperation, and articulation are
especially important in the Caribbean because of its low economic diversification,
low economies of scale, and high interregional and extra-regional migration.
The countries small size means overlapping institutional missions can make
programs nonviable in cost and clients. Regional coordination is needed to foster
development of joint courses and programs where necessary and to facilitate labor
market mobility within the region as a means of broadening the economic base.
Education and Training in the Five Countries

Human Resource Development Needs
Meeting these economic opportunities will require action to develop qualified
human resources. Certainly the most fundamental education priority in the region
is to improve the quality of primary and secondary schooling. Major efforts are
especially needed for boys secondary education. But education policy and investment cannot be sequential that is, improved postsecondary education cannot
wait for better quality at lower levels. In line with worldwide trends, it is best
that secondary education provide broad-based mathematics, communications, and
technology skills, with specific skill training moved to the postsecondary level or
out of the formal system. Postsecondary education is needed to provide the specific
skills and competencies necessary to develop economic niches in each of the five
countries.
The countries in region are increasingly recognizing these needs. The government of Trinidad & Tobago has gone the furthest. The economic objectives of its
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2020 Vision are to be considered a developed country by 2020, through expanding the energy sector, light manufacturing, IT, and tourism. According to this
vision, to meet this challenge 60% of the school-age population should attend postsecondary education, compared to the ratio in 2000 of only 6%. Educational aims
include creating a technologically literate population and expanding participation
of nationals in the energy sector.
Primary and Secondary Education

The five countries have made progress in educating and training their children and
young people. Gross enrollment ratios in primary education are 100% and in secondary education range from 73% to 100%. Enrollments are rising in postsecondary
education. Barbados and Jamaica each spend over 7% of GDP on education, a
significant effort compared to other countries of similar income. Bahamas, Guyana,
and Trinidad & Tobago spend around 3% of GDP, below the average of countries
with similar GDP. Private institutions are important only in primary and secondary
education in Bahamas and in postsecondary education in Jamaica.
Within the region, nearly all children complete the full 6-year primary education
program with minimum repetition. Yet problems of quality persist in basic literacy
and numeracy. The quality of teachers has declined in Guyana and Jamaica, but
these countries are working to upgrade their teaching force by developing assessment instruments and better equipping their schools.
Secondary education has expanded, and enrollment ratios now range from
73% (Guyana) to 102% (Barbados) of the target-age population. These numbers
mask issues related to repetition, dropout, curriculum, and learning. Traditionally,
secondary education has been a multitrack system, with the 11+ exam segregating students into academic and vocational tracks, while much of lower secondary
education is provided in extended primary schools. After much debate, all the
countries are moving away from this approach towards delivering a core curriculum to all students, usually up to the fifth year of secondary education. Several
countries are designing minimum standards to be met at earlier stages, rather
than waiting for examinations at the end of the secondary cycle. All countries,
with Barbados taking the lead, are moving to teach IT to all secondary school
students.
The regional Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate (CSEC) examination
is given at the end of the secondary cycle by the Caribbean Examinations Council
(CXC). The test ensures a uniform assessment of quality for the entire region. The
CSEC assesses proficiency in academic as well as technical subjects. To continue
their studies, students must score 3 or above out of a possible score of 5 in three
subjects in the general and technical proficiencies. Scores of 3 or above in basic
proficiency are considered adequate to qualify for entry-level employment. The
Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination (CAPE) is given to postsecondary
students and is used for entry into higher education institutions.
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In spite of the existence of these tests, the generally low quality of secondary
education results in many graduates who lack basic skills. Antisocial behavior and
attitudes, including violence in and out of school, make learning difficult. Teachers
often do not have high expectations for students (e.g., no one fails). In spite of the
reform movement, secondary education is still two-tiered. Many youths follow a
nonacademic general curriculum, but they do not get the fundamentals needed to
supply todays labor market. Boys continue to do much more poorly than girls in all
measures of academic achievement. These problems are reflected in the issues of
postsecondary education, and training, which will face the complex tasks of remedial learning as well as linking education and training with the labor market.
Postsecondary Education and Training

Until recently, Caribbean enrollment ratios at the postsecondary and higher education levels were below the norm for other countries at similar levels of development.
In response to these issues some years ago, the Caribbean community (CARICOM)
countries committed themselves to a goal of 15% enrollment, and three of the
five countries have succeeded. Enrollment ratios for 2000 were: Bahamas 25%,
Barbados 38%, Guyana 12%, Jamaica 16%, Trinidad & Tobago 6%. This compares
with the United States 72%, Portugal 50%, Argentina 48%,and Japan 47%.
These figures do not include the significant number of students who study
abroad, usually in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. These were
estimated in 2000 at 16,000, or 25% of in-country enrollment. Enrollment at the
three universities in 2004 was: University of Guyana (UG), 7,500; University of
West Indies (UWI) in Mona, Jamaica, 13,900; UWIs other campuses (Barbados
and Trinidad & Tobago), 12,800; and University of Technology (UTECH),
Jamaica, 1,200. Therefore, institutions that define themselves as universities enroll
52% of postsecondary students. In addition, the College of the Bahamas offers BAs
to many of its 4,000 students, and Barbados Community College also offers BAs. In
all, it is likely that 6070% of the regions students are enrolled in programs leading
to a BA or advanced degree.
Data and information were available on a total of 40 postsecondary education
institutions in the five countries studied. This section summarizes the overall status
of these institutions. They vary in many ways: public or private, ages of students,
student employment status, level and duration of training, type of certificate or
qualification provided, and location of training. Some offer associate degrees and
certificates to students who have at least three passes in the CSEC, providing
some kind of formal accreditation either nationally or internationally, and offering
training at the skilled and technician levels in both blue-collar and white-collar
occupations. Others, especially private institutions, offer short-term modularized
courses with or without formal certification and without any educational prerequisites. In most cases, the clients are young people who have completed secondary
education, but they include youths and adults already in the labor market.
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It should be emphasized that, while most of these institutions are not community
colleges in the North American definition (e.g., comprehensive institutions offering academic opportunities, labor market-oriented training, remedial courses, and
a wide variety of certificates and diplomas), each of them offers education and
training opportunities which are often found with community colleges. These are
included in this review because of their importance in the Caribbean context. They
can be divided roughly into the following types: institutions formally defined as
community colleges, vocational and technical training institutions, universities or
colleges also granting associate degrees and certificates, sectoral training, private
training, in-service training, and distance education institutions, as well as institutions outside the region attended by Caribbean youths, and skill-training agencies
not normally thought of as postsecondary which increasingly offer postsecondary
modularized training.
Public community colleges, e.g., multipurpose institutions with North American
nomenclature, exist only in Jamaica and Barbados. Jamaica has eight community
colleges, all linked in the Council of Community Colleges of Jamaica. They enroll
more than 8,000 students and offer programs at the certificate and associate level
in business, nursing, IT, hospitality, technology, teacher education, and agriculture.
In some cases, they prepare students for BA-granting institutions, and in a few cases
they offer BA degrees themselves. The colleges are reported to articulate well with
each other and with BA-granting institutions, but do not have adequate links with
industry. Curricula are usually based on academic models rather than on competencies defined through the workplace. Remedial programs are limited. Because of
lack of funds, many are very poorly equipped, with a relatively small number of
vocational technical programs.
In contrast to Jamaicas colleges, the Barbados Community College offers
training on three campuses to more than 4,000 students in agriculture, commerce,
health, hotel management and technology, and also offers some BA degrees. It is
reported to have benefited from consistent strong leadership and a good physical
plant. In some but not all of its programs, it has good industry relations and is able
to place many of its students in jobs. Barbados Community College is considering
moving up to become a university college, with a potentially uncertain impact on
its programs offered below the BA.
In Bahamas, the only formal community college is the private Bahamas Baptist
Community College, which serves 100 full-time and 700 part-time students, offering associate degrees in 23 disciplines. In Trinidad & Tobago, the community
college concept is not well understood, although the Trinidad & Tobago Institute
of Technology (TTIT) could be considered a technical community college.
Community colleges do not yet exist in Guyana.
Public technical/vocational schools (TVET) tend to focus on blue-collar
professions such as plumbing, electricity, and auto mechanics, and most of their
enrollment is male. They also offer training in traditionally female skills such as
secretarial work, sewing, and hairdressing, but they are now offering computer and
IT training to both girls and boys. These schools offer some of the training opportunities that are available in North American community colleges but are much more
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rigid and circumscribed in their approach. They usually offer official certificates
that are recognized nationally, and in some cases internationally (e.g., London City
and Guilds). For advanced courses, these schools may require three CSEC passes;
lower-level courses require that students have completed secondary school, but do
not require passing any exams.
These institutions in the region vary enormously in the quality of management
and teaching, appropriateness of curriculum, relationships with industry, student
services and equipment. Most are only partly through modernization and development of best practices. Even the best have inadequate connections with industry
in terms of curriculum, training, placements, contractual services, and support.
The weakest are training for yesterdays occupations, have little idea where their
graduates go, and are very poorly equipped. Many institutions focus on excessively
narrow skills training, rather than on core curriculum and broader occupational
categories.
In Trinidad & Tobago, for example, San Fernando Polytechnic is well
equipped, closely integrated to industry, and has a strategic planning process.
But Donaldson Polytechnic until recently had inadequate equipment, outdated
curriculum and poor management, and had been losing students. Recognizing
these problems, the government of Trinidad & Tobago is now upgrading this
institution. The Bahamas Technical Vocational Institute (BTVI) in 2004 enrolled
1,800 students in 1-year certificate and 3-year diploma programs in a variety of
trades and technical areas, with good facilities. Most BTVI students are adults,
not recent secondary school graduates. Unlike the College of the Bahamas, BTVI
reports directly to the island government and does not have an independent board.
This structure restricts its agility in responding to demand, and its image is second to that of area universities. Guyana has five public TVET institutes, all based
on outdated models of training and most with inadequate curriculum, teaching,
and equipment, and poor or nonexistent collaboration with industry; efforts are
underway to improve these institutes.
Private training institutions are growing rapidly, especially in IT since industry and commerce now expect new job entrants to be computer literate. Private
unregulated institutions also provide training in basic accounting and bookkeeping,
cosmetology, etc. Only anecdotal information is available on the quantity and quality
of private institutions in the region. Some require a full secondary education with
CSEC passes, while others require no particular level of general education but
assume a secondary level of achievement in language and mathematics.
These institutions offer many of the short courses and industry-connected
training common in North American community colleges. Typical are Global
Technologies in Guyana and Delta-Soft computer training in Trinidad and Tobago.
Both offer modularized training in IT with certificates recognized by overseas firms
such as Microsoft and Cisco. The Guyana Sugar Corporation (GUYSUCO) training center, a private school that serves the sugar industry in Guyana, has strong
industry interaction and places nearly all its graduates in the sugar industry. It is
one of the few private institutions in the region that train for blue-collar professions. Success Training College in Bahamas is an excellent small private institution
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offering courses in electronics and technology. Only in Jamaica do so some private

institutions (e.g., B&B Institute of Business and Jamaica Institute of Management)
offer officially recognized certificates and Associate of Arts (AA) degrees.
Universities or BA-granting colleges often provide certificates, diplomas, and
associate degrees similar to those offered in freestanding community colleges.
They differ in that they also offer BAs. The effect is that the non-BA degrees are
often considered of lower status and may receive less attention and/or lower levels
of funding.
The College of the Bahamas (COB) is a multipurpose institution offering a wide
variety of associate degrees, certificates, and diplomas, as well as BAs, to 4,000 students, half of them part-time. The banking, IT, and education programs have good
relationships with employers. COB is considering moving to university status,
which would mean that it could offer graduate degrees and have in general a higher
status, with uncertain impact on its programs below the BA degree.
Trinidad & Tobago has established an umbrella organization the College of
Science, Technology and Applied Arts of Trinidad and Tobago (COSTAATT) to
encompass all its institutions that offer BAs, AAs, and certificates.
The UWI, with campuses in Jamaica, Barbados, and Trinidad & Tobago, offers
a significant number of diplomas and certificates that are less than BA degrees,
often through its continuing studies department but sometimes as part of regular
academic programs. It also provides A-level preuniversity preparation courses.
There is little information on the size or effectiveness of the continuing education
programs, which were conceived when the community college model did not exist
in the Caribbean. The University of Guyana offers similar certificate programs.
Freestanding sectoral training institutions provide training to nurses, agriculturalists, police and others expected to work for the public sector. Some of
these courses are typically found in North American community colleges. The
schools have traditionally been linked with their respective ministries. In Jamaica
and Barbados, they have been incorporated into a community college system. In
Bahamas, the School of Nursing is now part of the College of the Bahamas, but in
Guyana and Trinidad & Tobago the schools are still freestanding. Many graduates
of nurse-training schools emigrate to the United States and Canada. Police-training
bodies exist in most countries and are seeking to upgrade and coordinate their programs. Several hotel training or hospitality schools, including the Bahamas Hotel
Training College, are of high quality but have recently been absorbed into umbrella
institutions. Some are well managed, staffed and equipped, but all need increased
cooperation and modernization of their curriculum. The model of sectoral training
linked with specific ministries is out of date; these institutions are increasingly part
of a community college consortium or association.
In-service training to commerce, industry, and government is offered by a few
mainly private institutions. One of the most successful and interesting of these institutions is the Royal Bank Institute of Technology (ROYTEC), which began as an
in-house training center for banks in Trinidad & Tobago. It expanded to offer middle management training to other industries there and has now been absorbed by the
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UWI Institute of Business in Trinidad and Tobago, which also provides technical
and administrative skills to middle-level and senior management. The National
Training Agency (NTA) in Guyana, supported in its start-up phase by the EU, also
has as one of its mandates in-service training of industry and commerce staff.
Foreign-based virtual and distance training institutions are increasing their
reach in the region, although little information is available. These include Phoenix
and de Vrys Universities in the United States, and the British Open University.
They offer certificates and degrees that may be recognized in their home countries.
Meanwhile, official statistics say 16,000 Caribbean students attend bricks-andmortar schools overseas. Information is not available on the levels and types of
postsecondary education and training these students are seeking.
Skill-training opportunities are provided alike to those who have finished secondary school and to dropouts. The training institutions are usually not considered
postsecondary, yet more and more of their students have completed secondary education. The schools are often associated with the ministry of youth or labor. Human
Employment and Resource Training (HEART Trust) in Jamaica now reaches 80,000
young people per year, focusing on industry and services, mainly at semiskilled and
skilled levels. Students usually do not work at higher levels. HEART has a social
goal: getting high-school dropouts off the streets, inculcating positive social values,
providing remedial learning, and offering skill training.
HEART is financed by a 3% payroll tax, but only a few of its programs respond
directly to industry requests. In contrast, some Latin American training institutions that are financed by an earmarked tax of around 1% (e.g., Servicio Nacional
de Aprendizaje (SENA) in Colombia and Servio Nacional de Aprendizagem
Industrial (SENAI) in Brazil) do undertake programs at the specific request of
industry, and they are increasingly offering training at the postsecondary level.
After long discussions, Guyana decided not to use an earmarked tax, apparently
because industry leaders were not convinced the training programs would meet
their specific needs. The Barbados Vocational Training Board (BVTB) enrolls
1,500 students under a mandate similar to HEARTs. Several small labor colleges, such as Critchford Labor College in Guyana, provide similar programs
linked with the Ministry of Labor.
Efforts are increasing throughout the region to strengthen in-country coordination, cooperation, and articulation. Jamaica has set up coordination mechanisms
to link community colleges through planning, sharing experiences and developing
curriculum, as well as articulating with BA-granting institutions a consortium
with power and funds. The Barbados Community College, which has four campuses and many programs, is a good small-country approach to coordination: a
single community college encompassing all the areas of postsecondary education.
COSTAATT in Trinidad & Tobago is designed to link several institutions in that
country.
In the vocational/technical area, NTA in Trinidad & Tobago, the National Council
on Technical and Vocational Education and Training (NCVET) in Jamaica, the
BVTB in Barbados, and a National Council recently created in Guyana are designed
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L. Wolff
to link industry with schools and to establish a clear analytical and policy basis for
vocational/technical education. These agencies are starting to get power, funds, a
strong private-sector role, and a say in decision making. They are just beginning to
develop labor-market observatories and to do the analytical work needed to identify
needs and coordinate curriculum and course development. A Ministry of Science,
Technology, and Tertiary Education has been established in Trinidad & Tobago, and
a tertiary unit operates in the Jamaican Ministry of Education.
Country and regional cooperation and articulation are also underway. Since
1999, CARICOM has been looking into common accreditation mechanisms for
TVET and other programs. The region has been moving to develop a free flow
of labor within the Caribbean, and common worker certification; CXC is seeking
a common certification for vocational/technical skills. Some groups have sought
to develop Caribbean-level training programs. For example, the Association of
Caribbean Commissioners of Police (ACCP) revised its constitution and now redefines its mission to focus on three critical elements, including the professional and
technical skills development of police officers. A regional Association of Higher
Education Institutions meets from time to time.
Issues and Challenges

The five countries under study provide postsecondary education below the BA
level through multiple institutions, missions, governance methods, structures,
financing techniques, and quality levels of staff and curricula. The five governments recognize the importance of making these institutions more effective in
training needed for middle-level manpower, and have initiated programs and
approaches to strengthen and to expand them. This section summarizes five key
issues and challenges: building institutional capacity; linking the public and private
sectors more effectively; encouraging more vigorous coordination, certification,
and articulation mechanisms; rethinking the role of academic institutions; and
designing a system for sustainable and cost-effective financing of an expanded
postsecondary system.
Strengthening Institutional Capacity

Best practice management of postsecondary non-BA-providing institutions could
be defined as follows2: (a) responsiveness to identified labor force requirements;
(b) curriculum design on the basis of competencies; (c) skillful integration of
theory and practice into learning; (d) effective marketing to stakeholders, including industry, government, and secondary school graduates; (e) effective services to
students such as remedial learning, guidance, and tutoring; (f) staff who combine
theory and practice as well as a staff development plan; (g) exposure of students
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to industry; (h) effective in-service training provided to industry; (i) community

involvement; (j) effective placement services for graduates; (k) articulation with
other schools and institutions and with national standards; (i) an internal system of
quality management and continuous process improvement; (m) good governance
and planning; and (n) pride in its students and graduates.
Many institutions in the region under study have some of the above characteristics, but none have all of them. Most Caribbean institutions are not adequately
responsive to labor requirements, and most do not tie their programs of study to
labor market needs. Only a very few institutions actively trace their graduates to
rate the success of their training. Structural unemployment, especially of young
people, will complicate these assessments, but, in any event, more attention needs
to be paid to tracking graduates. In most cases, curriculum is still based on academic criteria rather than being competency-based, starting with occupational
analysis. In a competency-based approach the goal would be to have a statement
something like this: After completing this course, all students will be able to
accomplish 80 percent of the tasks in [a particular entry-level job]. A number
of institutions say they are doing this, but their rigor is inadequate. At the same
time, all students must have the basic mathematics and communications skills
needed for continuous learning. One of the biggest challenges will be to link the
teaching of general transversal math and language skills with specific job and
skills training.
Some TVET institutions focus excessively on narrow skills that may already
be obsolete, or on skills that fulfill certification requirements inappropriate for
the Caribbean. Meanwhile, many academic and technical institutions lack programs in areas such as business and management. Equipment is a critical issue in
several countries, especially Jamaica and Guyana, which have inadequate public
funds.
Only a few Caribbean institutions ensure that instructors have both practical and
academic credentials, paying them salaries that are competitive with the private sector.
Student practical experience can include a wide variety of on-site and off-site
training through internships, site-based work, sandwich courses, etc. There is no
single model; whatever works in the local context can be used. Some institutions
have been successful at this, but the majority provide an inadequate practicum over
too short a time period. Most institutions do not work actively to place students.
Sending a list of student names and grades to firms is not enough; success requires
meeting directly with firms to discuss their needs and the performance record of
recent graduates.
Very few Caribbean institutions adequately market their programs. Problems
range from outdated and inaccurate pamphlets to lack of interaction with the community and with business. It would not be difficult for every institution to have an
up-to-date pamphlet on its programs and, for the larger ones, a Web site. School
directors could be out regularly in the community and industry describing their
services, and information could be readily available on enrollments, applicants,
and placements by course of study. Inadequate marketing appears to be a result of
a combination of poor training of school directors, lack of incentives for outreach,
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L. Wolff
and continuing demand for school places even when job opportunities are not
available.
Many institutions in the region provide some remedial programs in English
and in basic math, but much more intensive work with clear learning outcomes is
needed. This is of particular importance in the Caribbean because of the low quality
of primary and secondary education. Equally as important is the explicit teaching
of cooperation skills and good work habits, as well as rigorous codes of conduct,
especially for boys.3 The GUYSUCO training center in Guyana is an example of an
institution with a strong and well-enforced code of conduct within the classroom as
well as outside (most student are boarders), including an insistence on high-quality
shopwork. The result is well-trained graduates who move quickly into responsible
jobs at GUYSUCO. Use of quality management systems is rare among the institutions studied, The Barbados Community College appears to be an exception. It
would be appropriate for institutions to engage regularly (e.g., every 5 years) in
a strategic planning exercise. Strategic planning requires availability of basic statistics on costs, students, teachers, programs, and student placement, but these are
lacking in many institutions.
Most postsecondary institutions, both public and private, in the Caribbean are
considered second class or second rate compared to universities and BA-granting
institutions. A major task is to incorporate the model of North American community colleges that take pride in their students, no matter what their level of preparation, and in the added value they offer. In this line, institutions need to incorporate
the concept of the learning college (OBanion), which focuses on learners needs,
engages students as full partners in the learning process, offers as many options for
learning as possible, brings students into collaborative learning activities, defines
instructors roles by the needs of the learners, and documents achievements. Given
the current rate of technological and demographic change, postsecondary institutions in the Caribbean also need to include in their mission statements a philosophy
promoting lifelong learning. Regional leaders are aware of these needs and new
paradigms, but much remains to be done.
Finally, civil service status ensures Caribbean principals and schools of stability but gives them inadequate incentives and rewards for performance. In this
region as anywhere, the school principal is key to a dynamic institution. Too few
principals offer farsighted leadership and high-quality management. The task is to
identify, train, and upgrade principals who have these qualities, and to design and
implement incentive and support systems to encourage and reward leadership traits
in education managers, including dismissal for principals whose performance is
inadequate.
While financial and human resources are obviously not as plentiful in the
Caribbean as they are in North America, the challenge is to move continually
closer to this model. The Caribbean institutions that do best are those that are well
financed, autonomous, and held accountable for their results. Another and probably
the most important determining factor is the quality and continuity of institutional
leadership. Farsighted and creative leaders who are also good managers are key to
successful institutions.
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Linking the Public and Private Sectors

As noted above, public institutions and agencies need to be responsive to the private
sector and labor market needs i.e., they should be demand-driven. At the same
time, private education and training institutions can be seen not as competitors but
rather as strategic partners to the mission of public institutions. Private education can
encourage diversity in offerings as well as reduce the burden on public finances.
Most individual institutions do not have formal links with the private industrial and commercial sectors, and governing councils for colleges have little or
inadequate private representation. Around the region, TVET-coordinating councils already include the NTA in Trinidad & Tobago, the NCVET in Jamaica, the
National Vocational Training Board in Barbados, and a National Council recently
created in Guyana, all of which have a private-sector voice. These committees need
more power, funds, and a say in decision making, and the private sector needs a
stronger if not predominant voice. Without power, industrial and commercials firms
and groups will not be interested in serious participation. A major task of these
councils would be to examine labor market trends and needs and to link the findings with new course and curriculum development. Given the increasing mobility
of workers, many labor market studies should be regional in scope.
If postsecondary institutions are independent of the Ministry of Education, they
can be more agile in responding to changing labor market needs, can offer marketlevel salaries, end or open courses as needed, and more freely hire and fire staff as
needs change. While universities and colleges usually have this autonomy, TVET
institutions like BTVI in Bahamas and all the public TVET schools in Guyana now
have little or no independence.
Public institutions do not have policy incentives to provide for a contractbased fee and in-service training to meet industry, commerce, agriculture, and
service-sector needs. Incentives could include providing matching grants, allowing
institutions to keep payments (with proper oversight) to use for improving their
own services, or funding for equipment to meet the needs of new demand-driven
programs. Since the regions current demographic transition will soon lower the
numbers of school-age young people, existing workers can be expected to be a
major source of demand for training.
Much more local and regional research is needed on labor market trends and
needs, linked with new course and curriculum development. Most important is a
labor market observatory to identify emerging trends quickly. Several countries
have begun to develop such programs, which could include tracer studies of recent
graduates and their experiences; surveys of employers perceived shortages in
staffing and skills; projections of skills needs in growing markets; studies of migration patterns of all levels of workers, within and outside the Caribbean; trends in
productivity; occupational analyses (e.g., definitions of skills required in individual
occupations and relations to curriculum); and analyses of rates of return.
Only Jamaica reports that a significant percentage (37%) of postsecondary level
institutions is officially private, but unofficial private institutions are growing rapidly.
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L. Wolff
More and more students in Trinidad & Tobago are enrolled in private institutions,
but exact numbers are unknown. Guyana has no officially recognized private postsecondary education institutions, and Barbados and Bahamas only a few. Current
government policy in the five countries, except for Jamaica, tends to be one of
benign neglect, or even active suspicion that private institutions are exploiting students and providing little in return.
Many options exist for strengthening private provision of education and training.
Certification and accreditation procedures, both national and regional, are important
but onerous rules could discourage private sector growth and participation. A training
levy, as developed in Jamaica and common in Latin America, is one possibility. But
the Jamaican levy is too high (3% of payroll) and industry does not directly benefit,
as most trainees are out-of-school young people with few employment opportunities.
A training levy of around 1% is likely to be acceptable to industry in the rest of
the Caribbean. As in some countries in Latin America, firms could receive a rebate
when they train their own staff in recognized courses and programs.
Trinidad & Tobago is experimenting with dollar for dollar grant support to
students attending private postsecondary institutions. An alternative used elsewhere
in the world is to buy places in private institutions that provide educational
services not available in a public institution. Public oversight is required to ensure
that funding serves some public good, be it equity, meeting labor market needs, or
improving institutional quality. It is also in the public interest to ensure fair business
practices and truth in advertising in private education.
Studies on the current and potential role of the private sector in education often
cover only a portion of the private institutions, usually elite well-financed institutions like GUYSUCO and Bahamas Baptist Institute. More complete studies could
also examine private IT providers, distance learning institutions, and even mom
and pop outfits that provide training in secretarial, accounting, business and computer services. These studies could examine how the public sector relates to the
private institutions, including oversight and certification, as well as noting trends
around the world on best practices in publicprivate relationship.
Building Coordination, Articulation, and Cooperation

In-country and intercountry coordination, cooperation, and articulation are especially important in the Caribbean because of the regions low economic diversification, low economies of scale, and high migration rate. Overlapping institutional
missions can make programs nonviable in cost and clients. Postsecondary education works best when programs are articulated to permit students to transfer from
one to another and to continue their education at higher levels. Coordination at a
regional level can foster area-wide courses and programs where no one country can
muster enough students. Regional cooperation can also create labor market mobility
to broaden the Caribbean economic base. Programs of student and institutional
testing and accreditation would be prohibitively costly if each country developed
them separately.
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As noted above, Jamaica links its eight community colleges through planning,
sharing experiences and developing curricula, as well as articulating with BA-granting
institutions. The Barbados Community College, with four campuses and many
programs, is an example of a small-country approach to coordination i.e., it is a
single centrally managed community college that delegates powers to each campus.
COSTAATT in Trinidad & Tobago is playing an increasing coordinating role for
postsecondary institutions.
One study (Dussel, 2004) examined efforts in Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago
to develop effective skills certification. Jamaicas system is more developed, with
consistent financing, alliances with the industry and service sectors, and a focus on
level 1 (semiskilled) training. Trinidad & Tobagos system, more recently and
less firmly established, needs to expand beyond level 1, while its NTAs need more
funding and greater prestige.
Regional cooperation and articulation is moving forward. CARICOM has been
working since 1999 on common accreditation mechanism for TVET and other programs. A Caribbean Association of Training Agencies (CANTA) was established in
2003, and a Caribbean Vocational Qualification (CVQ), awarded by the CXC, has
begun to replace country standards (CARICOM, 2007). Movement continues toward
a free flow of labor within the Caribbean, as well as common worker certification,
as recommended by the 2003 Caribbean Community Council for Human and Social
Development (COSHOD) meeting of Ministers of Labor. Free flow of some categories of skilled labor is expected by 2009. Regional cooperation in training teachers
for postsecondary education is an important goal. Distance education could be helpful, but the small number of potential students in the region could make it not costeffective unless existing programs or networks are adapted to the Caribbean.
The ACCP is one group focusing on upgrading and coordinating training. It
recently redefined its mission to include the professional and technical skills development of police officers. A variety of regional associations could be established
and/or strengthened for community college principals and leaders and associations
in sectors such as health, agriculture, accounting, IT training, etc. With new technologies, groups no longer have to meet in person and can organize virtual meetings using closed-circuit television or the Internet.
Rethinking the Role of Institutions Granting

Academic Degrees
Institutions granting BAs and other higher degrees impinge on all other postsecondary institutions, since any reform of postsecondary education below the
BA must coordinate with these institutions. UWI, UTECH Jamaica and UG had
until recently a near-monopoly on BA degrees. The College of the Bahamas and
Barbados Community College also award BA degrees. Private international institutions such as Temple University, De Vrys and Phoenix are moving into the region,
especially in Jamaica, which offers the largest economies of scale. While they
receive no incentives, they clearly believe that there is a viable market for their services.
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L. Wolff
This growth of private institutions offering degrees, and of private distance education courses, confirms that the regional market for BAs is growing.
UWI implemented a strategic plan for 20022007 and is now preparing a followup plan for 20072012. As the consensus apex or highest-quality institution in the
region, UWI emphasizes graduate education and research and proposes only modest
undergraduate enrollment increases from 2002 to 2007 at its three campuses. UWI
sought cost recovery equivalent to 20% of expenditures per student while becoming
more student-centered and cost-effective. The new 20072012 plan projects a continued emphasis on research and graduate education and on high-quality offerings in
specific areas of regional comparative advantage. The university is willing to cancel
or curtail programs with little demand, and is also seeking ways to respond to national
rather than just regional priorities.
Two elements of UWIs plan impinge on schooling below the Bachelor of Arts
level. UWI seeks to expand its distance education program, which could draw students from non-BA schools. UWI also seeks to expand the School of Continuing
Studies, its part-time and evening courses unit, mainly at a level below the BA
degree, and to incorporate both institutions into a new Open Campus (UWI,
2007). The University of Guyana has similar plans to improve its continuing studies
programs. While competition is usually a good thing, the UWI and UG programs
might not be economically viable because the potential student pool is so small.
Furthermore, neither UWI nor UG appears agile enough in responding to employer
or potential student demands.
Both UWI and UG may need to look critically at the viability of their efforts to get
into this new market. The small potential clienteles and lack of economies of scale
can hurt competing programs. An institution like UWI may wish to focus on what
it does best deliver high-quality undergraduate and graduate studies and research,
without trying to expand into AAs, certificates, and nondegree programs. UWIs
outreach to industry could focus on middle- and higher-level management training.
Trinidad & Tobago, Barbados, and Bahamas are establishing university
colleges independent of UWI to meet national needs. The Barbados Community
College would become a university college and Bahamas College would become
a university. But there is a risk that this will downgrade the importance and quality
of programs below the BA level. Academic creep could end in a situation where
associate degrees, certificates, and diplomas are considered second rate and all
incentives for students push them toward the BA level. Experience in the United
States and Canada suggests that it is best for community college institutions to
be independent of BA-granting institutions.
Designing Sustainable Financing for an Expanded

Postsecondary and Higher Education
Upper-income countries with per capita GDP similar to that of Bahamas and
Barbados are already enrolling 50% of the postsecondary and higher education age
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group, and middle-income countries are enrolling 30%. While it is impossible to

set a specific target for enrollment growth, both social and labor-market demands
are likely to lead to major increases. Gross enrollment ratios could reach or exceed
40% by 2015 in most of the five countries. Barbados is already at this level, and
the government of Trinidad & Tobago, where enrollment is less than 10%, has set
a 60% ratio as a target for 2020. Postsecondary and higher gross enrollment ratios
will increase in part because these institutions will serve not only 20- to 24-yearolds but also adults in the labor force who seek to upgrade their skills. Agencies
not normally considered postsecondary, such as labor colleges and youth training
programs, ought to be included in these numbers as growing numbers of their
clients have a secondary education.
More important than increasing enrollment is the need to encourage the growth
of community college-type institutions. This is already occurring on a country-bycountry basis, but regional institutions like CARICOM have not yet taken up this
challenge. By 2015 these could account for 6070% of all postsecondary enrollments, but a combination of inertia and ingrained social attitudes could lead to
enrollments larger than needed and possibly unsustainable at universities and other
BA-granting institutions. Finally, increased private postsecondary education could
promote diversity and alleviate financial burdens on government.
In order to assess the financial feasibility of increasing enrollment, enrollments
and expected public expenditures were projected to 2015 for the entire education system in four of the five countries studied (Tables 11.111.3 financial data was lacking
for Bahamas). The assumptions are that gross postsecondary and higher enrollment
would be 40% of the school-age cohort. Enrollments in primary and secondary education would be 100% of the school-age population and 80% in preprimary.
Because of the current demographic transition, in which families are having fewer children, primary and secondary enrollments in the five countries are
expected to increase only marginally or decline by 2015. On the other hand, enrolling 40% of the eligible population in postsecondary and higher education would
raise Trinidad & Tobago enrollment from 8,000 to 40,000 students; enrollments
in Guyana and Jamaica would triple and in Bahamas would double. Barbados is
already enrolling 36% and so would require little to reach 40%.
Unit costs in postsecondary and higher education in 2000, based on data reported
to UNESCO (Table 11. 2), vary greatly from country to country. Trinidad & Tobago
spent US$12,239 (PPP) per student, compared to US$9,178 in Barbados, US$6,039
in Jamaica, and only US$840 in Guyana. Jamaicas unit costs are high compared
with its per capita income. It is interesting that Trinidad & Tobago spent only
US$846 per primary student and US$965 per secondary student less than Jamaica,
which is a much poorer country, and less than 20% of what Barbados spends.
Public expenditures on education to 2015 are projected on the following assumptions: (a) per-student expenditures increase in Jamaica and Barbados at the same
rate as growth of GDP per capita; (b) expenditures per primary and secondary
student increase in Trinidad & Tobago and Guyana to 16% and 20% of GDP per
capita, respectively, to cover what appears to be a quality shortfall in per-student
costs; (c) Guyanas per-student expenditures in postsecondary education double to
Postsecondary
(projected
at 40%
enrollment)
Year
2000
2015
2000
2015
2000
2015
2000
2015
Bahamas
2,073
10,421
33,145
35,064
29,184
36,077
6,547
12,350
Barbados
6,282
5,545
24,225
19,004
25,367
19,663
8,078
7,120
Guyana
41,845
22,437
108,909
77,901
68,764
80,837
9,539
24,770
Jamaica
106,448
80,181
328,496
301,338
272,395
304,657
35,995
105,255
Trinidad & Tobago
27,111
33,423
155,360
107,250
133,679
102,265
7,737
40,346
Projected enrollment for 2015 is based on population projections from El Centro Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Center (CELADE) and enrollment goals defined for each level. Preprimary projected enrollment is 80% by 2015, as the current ratio in Caribbean countries is expected to be maintained.
Primary education is projected to reach the Millennium Development Goal of 100% by 2015; secondary education is projected to increase enrollment to 100%
by 2015, as most Caribbean countries have already met the 75% goal for 2005 defined in the Summit of the Americas; postsecondary education is projected
to increase enrollment to 40% by 2015, as upper-middle-income countries currently have a 30% average.
Table 11.1 Enrollment for 2000 and projections for 2015 (CEPAL/CELADE, author calculations)
Number of students by level of education
Preprimary
Primary
Secondary (pro(projected
(projected
jected
at 80%
at 100%
at 100%
Preprimary
Countries
enrollment)
Primary
enrollment)
Secondary
enrollment)
Postsecondary
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L. Wolff
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191
Table 11.2 Unit cost by level of education (Bruneforth et al., except for Guyana; authors estimates based on data provided by Ministry of Education of Guyana)
Preprimary
Primary
Secondary
Postsecondary
2000
2015 2000
2015
2000
2015
2000
2015
Countries
Bahamas
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
Barbados
n.a.
4,632
7,217 5,168 8,052
9,178
14,299
Guyana
361
579
303
1,220 552
1,669
863
2,786
Jamaica
386
429
902
1,001 1,409 1,564
6,039
6,705
Trinidad & Tobago n.a.
n.a.
846
1,438 965
1,640
12,239
20,804
In Guyanas and Trinidad & Tobagos public expenditure for primary and secondary education,
the unit cost (US$1,220 and US$1,669, respectively, for Guyana and US$2,858 and US$3,910,
respectively, for Trinidad and Tobago) is significantly below average. The projections assume that
these figures increase to 19% of GDP per capita for primary education and 26% for secondary
education, assuming the increase will achieve Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) countries average education expenditures. Because of its low starting
point, Guyanas expenditures in postsecondary education are projected to increase at twice the rate
of other countries.
Table 11.3 Public expenditure in education as percent of GDP (year 2000 and 2015 projections)
(Authors calculations based on World Bank data and on data provided by Ministry of Education
of Guyana)
Public expenditure in education as percent of GDP
Preprimary
Primary
Secondary Postsecondary
Total
2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015 2000 2015
Countries
Bahamas
Barbados
Guyana
Jamaica
Trinidad & Tobago
n.a.
n.a.
0.5
0.1
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
0.3
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
2.4
1.1
3.0
1.1
n.a.
1.8
1.9
2.4
1.4
n.a.
2.9
1.2
4.0
1.0
n.a.
2.2
2.7
3.9
1.7
n.a.
1.8
0.3
1.5
0.8
n.a.
1.5
1.4
3.9
4.1
3.2
7.1
3.1
8.7
2.9
n.a.
5.5
6.3
10.2
7.2
Trinidad & Tobagos public expenditure for primary and secondary education, as a percentage of
GDP (0.7% in both cases), is significantly below OECD countries average, unlike other
Caribbean countries such as Jamaica and Barbados. A possible quality boost is projected to
increase spending to 19% of GDP per capita for primary education and 26% for secondary education,
assuming the boost achieves OECD countries average on education expenditures. Guyanas data
are estimates based on data provided by the Ministry of Education (MOE), Guyana.
cover what appears to be a quality shortfall compared to its neighbors; (d) the
percentages of enrollments in private education do not increase and cost recovery
in higher education is zero; (e) per capita GDP rises in accord with estimates by the
World Bank.
On this basis, public expenditures on education as a percentage of GDP are
projected to 2015 (Table11.3).
Results vary greatly. With a relatively high per capita income, high enrollment
ratios and a declining population, Barbados appears well able to finance its public
education system, as spending would decline from the current 7.1% to 5.5% of GDP
by 2015. This suggests that Barbados could afford to increase enrollment ratios in
postsecondary education to 50% or even 60% of the school-age population.
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L. Wolff
In contrast, Jamaica would need to increase public expenditure on education

from the current 8.7% to over 10% of GDP. This is unlikely, and Jamaica would
have to reduce its per-student expenditures in postsecondary education and/or
increase private-sector participation. Trinidad & Tobago would need to increase
education spending from 2.9% of GDP (low compared to its neighbors and competitors) to 7.2%. This would mean quadrupling enrollments in postsecondary and
higher education, increasing expenditures per student at the primary and secondary
levels to amounts consistent with competitors, and continuing to spend a high
amount per postsecondary education student. To increase quality and enrollments
at all levels of education, Guyana would need to raise its education spending from
3.1% to 6.3% of GDP. This might be especially difficult because of the low percentage of GDP currently going to government services.
No matter what the apparent feasibility of future public financing, all five
Caribbean countries under study will need to seek creative ways of reducing the
burden on public funds for expanding their postsecondary education. Any savings
could be plowed back into the education and training system through increased
outreach or higher quality. There would be three options increasing cost recovery,
encouraging the growth of private education, and increasing the number of courses
offered below BA level, in community college-type institutions.
Cost recovery, common in the United States, is no longer a taboo subject even
in Europe. Recent legislation in the United Kingdom introduces cost recovery into
all UK postsecondary institutions. Cost recovery not only increases revenue to
government; it also encourages students to complete their studies in the requisite
time period. Several Caribbean institutions (e.g., UWI, UG) already recover about
20% of their costs. Barbados is beginning to discuss cost recovery in its public
institutions. University-level institutions could charge more than postsecondary
non-university institutions do, since their clientele is usually of higher socioeconomic status.
Encouraging the growth of private institutions is another option. At present only
Jamaica officially reports a significant number (37%) of private postsecondary
institutions, but unofficial private institutions are growing rapidly. Trinidad &
Tobago has a policy of publicly subsidizing private institutions through its dollarfor-dollar program, but enrollment in private institutions is reportedly still low.
Guyana has no recognized private postsecondary institutions, and Barbados and
Bahamas only a few. Loan and scholarship funds for the needy could be developed.
Given the small size of the Caribbean countries, a regional effort with a commercial
bank might be considered.
To reduce the burden of increased postsecondary enrollments for government,
the growth of full-fledged universities could be restricted and the growth of shorter
certificate and associate degree programs in the community college model encouraged. The savings would be significant. For instance, spending in Jamaica per
student per year at UWI is more than four times the cost at community colleges. As
students attend community colleges for 2 rather than 4 years, government savings
would be eightfold for every student enrolled in community colleges rather than
university. This could work especially well if articulation toward the university
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193
level was better, so that deserving students could transfer in with a minimum of
difficulty. A final but almost unstudied option for reducing costs per graduate is
to reduce repetition and dropout. Adequate financing of postsecondary and higher
education does not mean providing money to continue the status quo. It means
using public funds to achieve policy goals such as quality, equity, and relevance.
Financial accountability is fundamental. This could include simple, clear reports by
institutions on costs per student and per graduate, student/teacher ratios, placement
of graduates, and the extent to which articulated goals of cost, graduate numbers
and student placement have been met.
Notes
1. This chapter is based on a report prepared by the author for the Inter-American Development
Bank (IDB) as well as on case studies prepared for the IDB by the Association of Canadian
Community Colleges (ACCC). The opinions expressed in this chapter are those of the author
only.
2. These criteria were prepared by the Association of Canadian Community Colleges (ACCC) as
part of its case studies prepared for the IDB.
3. Boys in the Caribbean consistently dropout and under-perform in school settings compared to
girls. See for example Jha and Kelleher (2006) and Evans (2001).
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Barbados Community College, Annual Report Volumes I and II, Barbados, 2000.
Barbados Community College, Calendar 19992001, Fashion Portfolio 2003, The Hospitality
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Barbados Vocational Training Board: Skills Training, Barbados, 2004.
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Bruneforth, Michael, Albert Motivans and Yanhong Zhang. Investing in the Future: Financing the
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Caribbean Community Secretariat, Working Document for the Sixth Special Meeting of the
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Caribbean Development Bank, Human Resource Development Policy, Guyana, 2002.
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Caribbean Examinations Council, www.cxc.org
Caribbean Group for Cooperation in Economic Development (CGCED), Workers and Labor
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CARICOM, Caribbean Vocational Qualification To Be Launched In Jamaica Press Release

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Carnegie School of Home Economics, Georgetown, Guyana, 2002.
Cortazar, Rene, Labor Market Institutions: Trinidad & Tobago, N.p.: October 2003.
De Ferranti, David et al., World Bank. Closing the Gap in Education and Technology, World
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De Moura Castro, Claudio, and Garcia, Norma, M., eds., Community Colleges: A Model for
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De Moura Castro, Claudio, and Belasconi, Andres, Community Colleges and Latin America:
Clone, Inspire, or Reject, draft, IDB, Washington, DC, 2004.
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Dussel, Ines, Convergence and Divergence in Skills Certification Systems in Two Countries in
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Erdiston Teachers College, Hand Book 20002001, Barbados, 2000.
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Global Technology, Academic Year 20032004, Guyana, 2002.
Government of Guyana, Ministry of Economics: Digest of Educational Statistics of Guyana
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Government of Guyana, Ministry of Economics: Digest of Educational Statistics of Guyana
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Government of Guyana, Ministry of Education: Strategic Plan 20032007, Government of
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Government of Trinidad and Tobago, Report of the Committee on National Training, Port-of
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Chapter 12
Globalization of Higher Education

and Community Colleges in Vietnam
Diane E. Oliver, Pham Xuan Thanh, Paul A. Elsner,
Nguyen Thi Thanh Phuong, and Do Quoc Trung
Globalization of Higher Education and Community

Colleges in Vietnam
The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the effects of globalization on Vietnams
community colleges. The first section begins with definitions for the terms globalization, neoliberalism, and internationalization, as used in this chapter. The second
and third sections examine the effects of globalization and their manifestation in
Vietnams community colleges with particular emphasis on diversification and
decentralization of the higher education (HE) system. The fourth section describes
internationalization as an important impetus in Vietnams development of community colleges, but it also presents Trans (1998) argument that Vietnam has always
used great discretion in deciding what to adapt from the education models of other
countries (the Vietnamese factor) (p. iii). The fifth section describes general
characteristics of community colleges in Vietnam as well as some of their local
challenges. The conclusion is a synthesis of the chapter bringing together concepts
of globalization, internationalization, and the local context of community colleges
in Vietnam.
Globalization
This multifaceted concept refers to the description and explanation of social
processes that transcend national borders (Davies and Guppy, 1997, p. 436),
and the increasingly integrated systems and relationships beyond the nation
(Marginson and Rhoades, 2002, p. 288). Globalization involves the movement
of economies, technologies, people, and ideas across borders, and it affects individual countries differently as a result of their unique contexts (Knight, 1999). In
education, globalization also refers to the closely intertwined economic and education agendas promoted by the major international donor and technical assistance
agencies namely the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and national
overseas aid agencies (Arnove, 2003, p. 2). According to Schugurensky (2003),
there are three related phenomena that cause HE systems to articulate at the global
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D.E. Oliver et al.
level: (a) the way in which international and national organizations influence policy;
(b) the development of regional block countries, and (c) a broader consolidation
of international epistemic communities that concur on definitions and problems
within their fields thus enabling a common discourse (p. 297). Vietnamese educators generally view globalization as trends that reach beyond national borders to
integrate the worlds socioeconomic and educational processes (Vietnamese senior
administrator, September 29, 2007, personal communication). As seen in this
chapter, the phenomena described by Schugurensky (2003) that result in convergence of HE globally are at work in Vietnam: structural readjustment influenced
by international organizations (World Bank), membership in regional and global
organizations (World Trade Organization (WTO) ), and collaboration with educators internationally (community college development).
Neoliberalism and Performance Accountability

A powerful dimension of globalization is neoliberalism, which has been exerting
a substantial impact on higher education institutions (HEIs) worldwide. Olssen
and Peters (2005) argue that the traditional culture of intellectual inquiry in HE
is being replaced by an emphasis on performativity (performance) as evidenced
by measurable outputs that are reflected in strategic plans, quality indicators, and
academic audits (p. 316). According to Levin (2001a), neoliberalism results in a
business culture in which organizational behaviors emphasize performance, such
as productivity (p. 64).
Government policies that are based on neoliberal thinking have resulted in major
reductions in social spending, economic deregulation, and liberalized import policies
(Arnove et al., 2003; Schugurensky, 2003). Arnove et al. (2003) argue that educational counterparts of these policies have included moves to decentralize and privatize public school systems (p. 324). According to Davies and Guppy (1997), the
government adopts market-oriented policies that result in an increased demand for
relevant skills training. In an emergent knowledge-based economy, HE curriculum
reform must include new skills and knowledge, critical and creative thinking, problem
solving, and entrepreneurialism (Davies and Guppy, 1997; Mok, 2003). A knowledgebased economy also makes lifelong learning an essential component of HE.
The dynamics of neoliberalism include (a) increased autonomy provided to
the HEIs by the government along with demands for increased accountability;
(b) decreased government funding; (c) steering of the HEIs by the government
through legislation, policies, and funding incentives; (d) increased demands for HEIs
to be competitive, efficient, and productive; (e) increased pressure on the HEIs to
be entrepreneurial in finding their own funding sources; and (f) pressure on HEIs to
establish relationships with industry to ensure that programs are relevant to workforce
needs (Levin, 2001a, b, 2005; Mok, 2003; Newman et al., 2004; Stromquist, 2002).
Characteristics associated with neoliberalism have been manifesting themselves
in Vietnams HE system since the government policy of Doi moi (Renovation) was
established in 1987 to pursue a new socialist, market-oriented economy. HEIs were
12
Globalization of Higher Education and Community Colleges in Vietnam
199
tasked by the government with making their programs more relevant to the needs
of the economy, which was no longer based on the centralized 5-year plan (Oliver
et al., 2008). The leadership of the community colleges views recent reforms
providing more autonomy in making management decisions as a positive change
that will facilitate the further development of these institutions. However, as was
strongly expressed during a seminar on accreditation organized by the Ministry of
Education and Training (MOET) in Ho Chi Minh City on December 3, 2002, the
form that accountability takes is of great concern to HE leaders. At that time, the
standards were not yet established and the HEI leaders knew there were quality
issues in their institutions. They did not want to be held accountable for problems
they were unable to address given the limited resources available to them. By 2006,
much progress had been made in setting standards and a new government-operated
accreditation process began at the university level; community colleges soon will
be included in accreditation.
Concepts of Internationalization
Internationalization in Vietnams current context primarily refers to visits by
foreign faculty and other experts, as well as cooperation with cross-national HE
entities. Yet, Vietnam is being increasingly affected by what Levin (2005) refers
to as student commoditization through international competition. This is evidenced
in the establishment of foreign programs and universities within Vietnam, as well
as efforts to attract foreign students. Most of the international students attending
Vietnams universities come from Korea, Japan, China, Cambodia, Laos, and other
countries in the region; none yet study in the community colleges.
The concept of internationalization as a dialectic between the global and the
local (Arnove, 2003, p. 2) is also essential to understanding the dynamics of
globalization, particularly in a developing country like Vietnam. Ngo et al. (2006)
argue that Appadurais concept of vernacular globalization enables the analysis
of Vietnams HE reforms; it explains that changes must result from an integration
of globalized dialogue concerning HE reform in light of local histories and culture
(p. 226). Additionally, Ngo et al. (2006) attend to the micropolitics of implementation by demonstrating how local factors such as size, intra-organizational
relations, commitment, capacity and institutional complexity mold responses to
educational policy and mediate the flow of Western ideas pertaining to higher
education in Vietnam (p. 226).
Diversification
As stated by Schugurensky (2003), in the twenty-first century, HE systems worldwide have continued on a path toward institutional diversification and vocationalization with a concomitant shift to neoliberalism, privatization, and greater pressure
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from market dynamics in social exchanges (p. 292). In developing countries, such
as Vietnam, challenging financial situations combined with pressure from international lending agencies have led to adoption of structural adjustment programs
resulting in government funding cuts for education, as well as other social services,
and the implementation of user fees. Jones (2004) states that the World Bank sought
to bring world policymakers a coherent, comprehensive, and neoliberal framework. He also maintains that a 1995 World Bank policy statement shows that the
organization saw education as merely another sector subject to privatization and
decentralization (p. 193). In brief, globalization and neoliberalism are partially
characterized by diversification in types of institution and sources of funding.
Globally. On the global end of the internationalization dialectic, Stromquist (2002)
argues that increased economic globalization results in a demand for instrumental
education, which can be tied to goals of production, productivity, and employment
(p. 105). This leads to specialization and diversification in types of postsecondary
educational institutions. Additionally, developing countries are faced with the challenge of increasing opportunities for access to HE without increasing government
funding. The World Banks solution has been to consistently advocate for diversification of funding and types of institutions, including non-university HEIs. One World
Bank (1994) report stated: [I]n the most successful cases, non-university institutions
offer training that responds flexibly to labor market demands (p. 5).
Many countries have used diversification as a response of HEIs to address different workforce requirements in a variety of occupations, and open the education
market to private enterprise. Stromquist (2002) states that diversification requires
deregulation, shifts the financial burden to students and parents, and provides
student choice thus increasing the competition for students. Additionally, because
globalization involves the closely intertwined economic and education agendas
promoted by the major international donor and technical assistance agencies
(Arnove, 2003, p. 2), developing countries have felt pressure from the World Bank,
the Asia Development Bank, Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA),
the United States Agency for International Aid (USAID) and others to diversify
their funding sources and types of HEIs as a means for enabling systemic capacity
building (Oliver, 2002).
Stromquist (2002) has predicted that in developing countries, globalization
will emerge through the adoption of initiatives used in developed countries. Such
adoptions include decentralization, privatization, assessment of student outcomes,
and closer links between education and industry. Additionally, and of particular
significance for community colleges, Stromquist (2002) argues that globalization will create the demand for a relatively small number of university-trained
graduates while ensuring that there will continue to be persons with lower levels
of education (p. xxi). According to Holzer and Lerman (2007), 45% of all job
vacancies in the United States between 2004 and 2014 will be in the middle-skill
categories, meaning the jobs will require more than a high school education but less
than a 4-year degree, and 33% will be in the high-skill job categories.
Road to Diversification in Vietnam. The 6th Party Congress decided in
December 1986 to adopt a new national policy called Doi moi, which literally
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201
means renovation and refers to the process and consequences of pursuing an openmarket orientation while maintaining the principles of socialism as interpreted by
the Communist Party of Vietnam (Sloper and Le, 1995, p. 3). Following the introduction of this new policy, Vietnams HE system had to reorient itself from the sole
mission of supplying workers for the state sector to serving an economy that would
be responsive to the global market (Tran, 1998).
After 1986, realizing that limited student access was one of the most challenging
problems facing the HE system, a new direction was taken through diversification
of funding and types of institutions to increase the systems capacity. HEIs began
charging tuition and in December 1988, MOET authorized establishment of the
first HEI in a new nonpublic category comprising people founded and semipublic
institutions. Today, this cost recovery sector (not funded by the government) has
grown and includes various types of institutions: people-established, semipublic,
foreign-owned, and now private HEIs (Oliver et al., 2006). The semipublic institutions were founded by the government (providing the land) with investments from
social and political organizations, as well as individuals (Oliver, 2002). These
institutions enjoy financial autonomy (Pham, 1998, p. 157), which means they
do not receive government funding. Within the last few years, the government
decided to discontinue the semipublic configuration and make them private HEIs.
People-founded institutions are owned, managed, and financed by social and professional organizations, such as trade unions, cooperatives, and womens associations (Ashwill, 2005; Oliver, 2002). The HE system comprises 255 universities and
colleges (MOET, 2007a). Currently there are 12 community colleges: Ba Ria-Vung
Tau, Binh Thuan, Ca Mau, Dong Thap, Ha Noi, Ha Tay, Hai Phong, Hau Giang,
Kien Giang, Lai Chau, Soc Trang, and Vinh Long (see Table 12.1). One additional
Table 12.1 Vietnams community colleges (as of April 2008)

Current status (other than
Community college
Established or opened Region
continuing as a community college)
Ba Ria-Vung Tau
Dong Thap
Ha Tay
Hai Phong
Quang Ngai
Tien Giang
Tra Vinh
Vinh Long
Kien Giang
Hau Giang
Ha Noi
Soc Trang
Binh Thuan
Ca Mau
Lai Chau
Dac Nong
August 30, 2000

August 31, 2000
August 30, 2000
August 30, 2000
August 30, 2000
August 30, 2000
August 03, 2001
April 01, 2002
April 01, 2002
August 01, 2005
December 19, 2005
June 08, 2006
August 30, 2007
September 20, 2007
November 6, 2007
Proposed
South
South
North
North
Central
South
South
South
South
South
North
South
Central
South
North
Central
2007: Became a university

Pending approval from MOET
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D.E. Oliver et al.
province, Dac Nong, is currently going through the process to establish a community college. This involves submitting a proposal to the government (MOET,
and concurrently the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Ministry of Planning and
Investment) that includes a training needs assessment for the province, projected
enrollments, programs, and resources (e.g., buildings, faculty, partnerships, and
funding) available to support the proposed HEI. Although the capacity of the HE
system has grown substantially, it still is not able to meet the demand. Between academic year 1999/2000 and 2004/2005, total HE enrollments grew by 148% (from
893,754 to 1,319,754) (MOET, 2007a), but between 1993 and 2003 enrollments
increased by 600% as the number of HEIs doubled (MOET, 2006).
A primary responsibility of the community colleges, according to the recent draft
regulation written by community college rectors, titled Ministry of Education and
Training Status for the Organization and Operations of the Community Colleges, is
to organize the training according to targets, programs, and professional branches allowed
to train; to carry out scientific research and technological development; to link training
with scientific research and production and with scientific technological services according
to Laws; to continue training with socio-economic issues in its locality and in the region.
(MOET, 2007b, p. 2)
Stated somewhat differently, the community colleges have three fundamental

responsibilities: (a) manage the programs and institutions in accordance with the
decisions made by MOET and the Peoples Committee, (b) continue to advance the
knowledge and technological capacities of the institution with particular emphasis
on addressing community and regional socioeconomic needs, and (c) assist the
communities served through providing consultancy and training.
Regarding the level of training needed in Vietnam, one of the well-informed senior
academics, who also is in the National Assembly, stated during an interview:
Vietnam probably needs only 10% academics and the remaining 90% should be trained as
technicians, occupational specialists, and small or middle-scale entrepreneurs to satisfy the
needs of the labor force. (Oliver, 2002, pp. 150151)
He thought universities should serve the market sector defined as state-owned organizations, large companies, and foreign-owned companies. Community colleges should
focus on the development of private industry, training entrepreneurs, and developing
small and medium-size businesses (Oliver et al., 2008). Most of the community colleges are located in rural areas; therefore, training for sustainable development of the
economic sector described by this academic is of particular importance.
Although community colleges still are not widely understood in Vietnam, a
more recent indication of changing perspectives concerning the importance of a
community college education has been government statements in the media regarding a need to focus more on providing vocational, occupational, and technical
training through community colleges and other institutions. This view also has been
encouraged by international funding agencies. Ayumi Konishi, country director of
the Asian Development Bank Resident Mission in Vietnam, as quoted in Vietnam
News (2006) stated:
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203
[T]he country has entered a new stage of development. The industrialization process
requires a well-trained labour force. Efforts should be made to enhance the populations
skill levels to meet new demands in the workplace and increase productivity. (para. 25)
Future Diversification in Vietnam. After 11 years of intensive effort to gain admission, Vietnam became the 150th member of the WTO on January 11, 2007. This
membership has placed the country closer to the forces of globalization and will
potentially increase the diversification of its HE system. From the Vietnam community college perspective, WTO offers the potential for increased opportunities
to receive international cooperation. It also challenges the community colleges to
enhance the quality of their training and to achieve international standards. The
community colleges want to provide human resources not only locally, but also for
the entire country, as well as for labor export. Their students would benefit from
having qualifications that enable them to work for foreign joint venture and fully
foreign-invested enterprises.
Yet participation in the WTO includes compliance with the General Agreement
on Trade in Services (GATS), which liberalizes trade by removing barriers and
thus promotes the movement of education (more people, academic programs,
and providers) across borders (Knight, 2003; UNESCO, 2004). This means that
international imbalances are likely to affect HE planning in Vietnam. There are
education exporting and importing countries; for example, the United States and
Canada are exporting while Vietnam is importing. According to the US Department
of Commerce, international education is the fifth-largest US service export and in
the 2005/2006 academic year, it brought in US$13.5 billion (Smith, 2007). Nguyen
Kim Dung (as cited in Nguyen et al., 2006) expresses concern from the Vietnamese
perspective: We can enjoy fresh winds to make our health better; concurrently,
there may be unhealthy winds that do harm to us with weak bodies (p. 2). Crossborder HE is growing, and it is creating competition among domestic and foreign
institutions for students, as well as student and scholar exchange programs. But, as
stated by Knight (2003), at the heart of much debate is concern about quality and
accreditation (p. 22). Vietnam is aware of the challenges and is seeking a systematic
means for protecting its people from unsavoury operators.
At the community college level, globalization delivered in the form of crossborder HE has already begun. One example is the Saigon Institute of Technology
(Saigon Tech), located in a high-tech park outside of Ho Chi Minh City. Saigon
Tech was established in 2003 as an affiliate of the Houston Community College
District and because this institution offers credits toward an associates degree
awarded by the Houston Community College District, it was necessary to seek
and receive accreditation from the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools
(SACS), one of six regional accrediting agencies in the United States.
A second example of cross-border affiliation is an IT training institute from India
(National Institute of Information Technology [NIIT]) that established a cooperative
agreement in 2005 with Kien Giang Community College to offer training courses
for people in Kien Giang Province. The students are trained in two areas: Internet
networks and software technology. Upon completion of the 3-year program, students
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D.E. Oliver et al.
are granted an international certificate by NIIT. Kien Giang Community College

equipped classrooms with modern computers to enable the training program to meet
the international standard. In these two examples, cross-border HE took the form of
cooperation that was beneficial to both Vietnamese HEIs.
Competition for the community colleges may take the form of local, joint venture, or international private universities. Vietnams students would much prefer
having a bachelors degree rather than a college degree or certificate (Oliver et al.,
2008). One senior academic in Ho Chi Minh City, who has advocated for the
establishment of community colleges, indicated during an interview that it is a
psychological obstacle. Students normally want to complete the 4-year program
of study to obtain a B.A. or B.S. degree (Oliver, 2002). Confucian roots, which
place a high value on knowledge, influence Vietnamese preferences. This has been
a challenge to the development of community colleges because some Peoples
Committees and their constituents prefer having a provincial university. In January
2005, the community college in Tien Giang was converted to a provincial university, in 2006 Tra Vinh Community College became a university, and in 2007 Quang
Ngai Community College affiliated with Quang Ngai Teacher Training College to
become Pham Van Dong University. However, it is too soon to speculate about what
this means for the future of community colleges in Vietnam, especially considering that despite these conversions into universities, the total number of community
colleges is gradually growing.
Decentralization
According to Bray (2003), there are two types of decentralization: territorial and
functional. Territorial decentralization refers to a vertical distribution of control to
different levels of government (national, state, and local), and is the meaning of
decentralization employed in this chapter. Functional decentralization is horizontal
as it distributes power to different authorities that operate at the same level. In
Vietnam, decentralization is linked to increased institutional autonomy; therefore,
as was the case with diversification, the dynamics of neoliberalism are well served
by moving toward decentralization. Through decentralization HEIs have greater
flexibility to deal with decreases in government funding, yet the government can
steer with legislation and ensure accountability using accreditation.
Globally. Many countries, including Vietnam, have historically maintained a very
centralized education system; thus, the move toward delegating more authority to
the HEIs constitutes a major change. Yet global trends do not necessarily operate
in the same way at national levels. Mok (2003) provides a specific example of
this in his discussion of East Asian HE reforms. Decentralization policy is being
implemented in the four Tigers (Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and mainland
China), which have historically maintained highly centralized education systems.
However, this does not mean deregulation or a withdrawal of state control because
many accountability mechanisms have been developed including accreditation,
performance reviews, and benchmarking against the worlds top-ranked universities.
Thus, the states role in regulation and coordination becomes stronger and some
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academics view deregulation as being a form of re-regulation (Mok, 2003, p. 208).

This phenomenon is explained by Bray (2003) when discussing the problems of
defining the terms centralization and decentralization: Deconcentration may seem
like a form of decentralization when viewed from the central ministry but may be a
mechanism to exert tighter control on the periphery and may thus be seen as a form of
centralization by nonministry professionals (p. 223). Vietnam also seems to be on a
course of decentralization, more autonomy, and increased accountability. The countrys context and policy implementation will strongly influence the outcome.
Governance and Structure in Vietnam. Primary authority for governing the HE
system in Vietnam lies with the highly centralized MOET, which is responsible for
drafting and implementing policy guidance, as well as supervising the connection
between all education programs and management of the HEIs (Dang, 2002).
Community colleges report to MOET for all curricular matters, new student
enrollment numbers (to ensure that these are in balance with the institutions capacity),
and administering the National Entrance Examinations. The development of curriculum in HE, including community colleges, is based on a structure of 30% to be
completely stipulated by MOET (referred to as the core), and 70% to be stipulated
by MOET as a curriculum framework for each field of study. Within the 70%, up
to one third can be changed by the institution through adding and deleting subjects
as a result of emerging information or local needs. The community colleges report
to their Provincial Peoples Committee on all matters dealing with administration
and budget. They also provide written reports to MOET on budget, staffing, enrollments, and the number of graduating students.
HEI Autonomy in Vietnam. A trend toward greater autonomy for the HEIs now
appears in government documents. In November 2005, the Prime Minister signed
the Resolution on Fundamental and Comprehensive Reform of Higher Education
in Vietnam 20062020 (2005). The resolution is also referred to as the Higher
Education Reform Agenda (HERA), which identifies the need to better integrate
recent changes and address other reforms, including international approaches
to advancing HE (Oliver et al., 2006). The first item on the HE reform agenda
proposes to confer legal autonomy on HEIs, giving them the right to decide and
be responsible for training, research, human resource management and budget
planning (Hayden and Lam, 2006, para. 6). The MOET has acknowledged that
HE is controlled by a centralized ministry, but one MOET (2006) report states:
[T]here is official recognition of the need for increased institutional autonomy if
HEIs are to diversify, innovate, compete and improve (p. 1).
Vietnamese community college leaders feel encouraged by the government
regulations that increase autonomy with the delegation of more authority for making
decisions concerning management, including task accomplishment, number of staff
they can hire, and finance. They view the expanded autonomy and accountability as
being demonstrative of a new outlook on the part of the government, and they think
this change creates a momentum that will promote the development of community
colleges in a more positive and dynamic direction, as well as enabling them to
better address the needs of the communities they serve.
Challenges of Decentralization and Autonomy in Vietnam. Yet the transition
to a more decentralized system is difficult because the administrators and faculty
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of these HEIs have not received the type of knowledge, skills, experience, and
resources necessary to manage their institutions effectively within a new systemic
structure. According to St. George (2006), the HEIs do not know how to connect
with the labor market, develop examinations, and implement new teaching methods.
St. George (2006) gives the example of a province in Vietnam where they attempted
to be innovative by developing an independent community college that would
design curriculum to match local needs; however, in the end, they lacked sufficient
resources to establish the college. Viewed from another perspective, perhaps what
is considered innovative in the West could be considered nontraditional in Vietnam,
and thus it would not be readily accepted. And a project of this nature would require
strong endorsement by MOET, which might be unlikely because nonuniform curriculum makes centralized management of HE more difficult. It also would require
support from the Peoples Committee, but the concept of community colleges is
still new and not always well understood in Vietnam.
In a 2006 newspaper article, the Prime Minister requested that MOET explain
the differences between community colleges and other junior colleges, yet there are
no extant explanations concerning the distinction between these two types of institutions. Due to the lack of adequate understanding concerning the community college
model, which is still in a formative phase of development, provinces have continued to
establish various types of 3-year colleges, including monodisciplinary (e.g., construction,
architecture, transportation, and health), pedagogical, interdisciplinary, public, and
private institutions, in addition to existing community colleges. As a result of this
confusion, there is a dispersion of limited resources, and community colleges have not
become fully understood by the public or policymakers. This issue may be an impediment to decentralization as it is difficult for the government to delegate authority to
institutions when their structure and functions are not well understood.
Accountability in Vietnam. According to the dynamics of neoliberalism, increased
autonomy creates a need for higher levels of accountability. Over the last few years,
Vietnam has been implementing a means to ensure increased accountability and
quality improvement. One of the specific objectives in the HERA is to establish
and develop quality assurance mechanisms and a HEI accreditation system
(Resolution on Fundamental and Comprehensive Reform of Higher Education in
Vietnam 20062020, 2005, para. 2.b.2). In December 2005, MOET established
ten accreditation standards, including 53 criteria for universities and since then
62 HEIs have gone through accreditation. This same accreditation process will be
used for community colleges and other 3-year institutions (colleges), which will
have a common set of standards. As of late 2007, MOET had drafted the regulation on evaluation standards and sent it to all of the colleges for comment. Once
comments have been received, MOET will complete and issue the accreditation
standards for implementation.
In summary, Vietnam has diversified its HE system and funding, and appears
to be moving toward increased institutional autonomy. The government also is
increasing accountability through the establishment of a quality accreditation
system. With its new membership in WTO, and the consequent pressures of GATS,
Vietnam will likely experience even greater global influences in its HE system.
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Thus, the next section endeavors to inform the discussion of internationalization

by examining the development of Vietnams community colleges using Arnoves
(2003) concept of a dichotomy between the global and the local.
Internationalization and Community Colleges in Vietnam
The Vietnamese Factor. Tran (1998) researched the French and Soviet influences
on HE in Vietnam, and her conceptual framework is called the Vietnamese factor
(p. iii). She argues that the emergence of modern HEIs was a result of French
colonial interests and the Vietnamese factor: With their inherent education aspirations, the Vietnamese were not passive recipients of foreign inventions (p. iii). She
further asserts that the Vietnamese factor was equally apparent when the country
was closely allied with the Soviet Union. Contrary to common assumptions, the
evolution of Vietnamese universities during the past several decades was not determined by the Soviet Union.
It was first of all guided by Vietnamese pragmatism. The use of [the] Soviet higher education model by the Vietnamese is characterized by Vietnams judicious adaptation of the
model to serve the countrys needs. It is the combination of foreign ideas and
Vietnamese reflection on them which has had a powerful impact on the development
of Vietnamese higher education. (Tran, 1998, pp. iiiiv)
This Vietnamese factor is important to understanding the international collaboration that has occurred in the development of Vietnams community colleges. When
Vietnamese community colleges seek advice and training from an international
partner, this should not be interpreted as adoption of the international model.
However, the availability of funding from an international source may influence
the adoptions and adaptations. This dynamic is understandable because without
funding the opportunity to develop a diversified HE system is severely constrained,
and absent prior experience with community colleges, seeking models to draw from
seems prudent.
Early International Collaboration and University Support. Can Tho University,
in the Mekong Delta, has long been a proponent of establishing community colleges
(Oliver, 2002), and this university is well known for its skill in developing productive international partnerships (Tran and Sloper, 1995). Also, the Netherlands has
been giving support to HE in Vietnam, including Can Tho University, for the past
30 years, and todays projects are valued at 24 million (US$35 million) (Royal
Netherlands Embassy Hanoi representative, December 12, 2007, personal communication). The Netherlands initially provided funding to MOET for technical
programs that could seed the development of community colleges, and although
Can Tho University would have assisted with the establishment of all these HEIs
in the Mekong Delta, the National Assembly decided that six community colleges
would be established, two in the North, one in the Central region, and three in the
South (Oliver, 2002). Thus, the funding was used to begin the development of one
core program, either in food processing or mechanical engineering, at each of six
community colleges. Five of the community colleges opened on August 30, 2000
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(Ba Ria-Vung Tau, Ha Tay, Hai Phong, Quang Ngai, and Tien Giang) and the sixth
(Dong Thap) opened the following day. The Dutch do not have community colleges,
but their universities of professional education offer technical training similar to that
planned for core programs at the six Vietnamese community colleges. The Dutch
support was not about HE model building; it provided aid in the form of technical
education and training programs that contributed to sustainable socioeconomic
development. Vietnamese faculty received training in the Netherlands and the
community college curriculum was developed. However, in 2003, the Netherlands
stopped funding these programs and the Vietnamese community colleges made
alternate arrangements with Vietnamese universities enabling students already in the
program to complete their studies. The importance of the initial funding from
the Netherlands is difficult to determine, yet it is probable that without this support the
first six community colleges would not have come into being.
Concurrently pursuing other initiatives, Can Tho University was key in facilitating international assistance to support the Tra Vinh, Vinh Long, and Kien Giang
Peoples Committees efforts to establish a community college for their respective
provinces. Canada provided partial funding (Canadian International Development
Agency) and professional assistance (Association of Canadian Community
Colleges, and a consortium of four Canadian institutions led by the Saskatchewan
Institute of Applied Science and Technology) to establish Tra Vinh Community
College (Oliver et al., 2008); this project began in 2001. In 2006, approximately
a year after the Canadian project ended, the Peoples Committee decided, based
on the training needs of the province, to turn Tra Vinh Community College into
a university. Although the Canadian project has ended, good relations remain
and Tra Vinh University continues to be an associate member of the Association
of Canadian Community Colleges (ACCC). The American Association of
Community Colleges (AACC) Web site lists the institution as Tra Vinh University
College, which may indicate that community college functions continue to operate
within the university.
A US consortium comprising Mohawk Valley Community College (New York),
the Kentucky Community and Technical College System, Richland College (Texas),
and Texas Tech University has worked with Kien Giang Community College
since its establishment in 2002. This partnership initially grew out of a relationship between Can Tho University and Texas Tech University. As noted in the
Memorandum of Understanding on Academic Cooperation and Exchange signed
in 2002, the institutions agreed to promote exchanges of faculty, administrators, students, and academic information and materials, as well as organize joint
conferences. Exchanges were facilitated by a USAID/Association Liaison Office
(ALO)-funded 20032005 cooperative project to develop Kien Giang Community
Colleges IT workforce-training program. This project focused on needs assessment, faculty training, and curriculum development.
Globalization has been manifested in the development of international cooperation among the community colleges. In October 2005, Kien Giang Community
College became a member of the AACC. Additionally, with support from the US
consortium members, Kien Giang Community College successfully hosted two
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USVietnam community college conferences in 2005, 2006, and 2007. Participants

at the conferences included delegates from US universities and community colleges,
Vietnamese universities and community colleges, a Canadian technical college, the
Ministry of Education in Thailand, and delegates from the Fulbright Program.
Yet, the Vietnamese factor applies just as much to community colleges in
the past 7 years as it has to the development of universities throughout Vietnams
history. Perhaps the most influential partner has been Canada as the Tra Vinh
project was well funded and effectively managed; however, the focus was on
providing knowledge and skills to Vietnamese faculty, staff, and administrators in
areas that would result in sustainability, including needs assessment, curriculum
development, technology, and teaching skills. And within the dichotomy between
the global and the local, the Peoples Committee decided to transition this HEI into
a provincial university. In the case of Kien Giang, the unavailability of substantial
outside funding has limited the scope of cooperation; thus, the US partners and
Kien Giang Community College have focused on developing projects.
Vietnam Association of Community Colleges (VACC). For the community colleges, a recent indication of consolidation and internationalization, as well as a
small increase in autonomy, has been the establishment of the VACC. Although
the community college rectors first discussed forming an association in November
2002, it took until September 14, 2006 for the Ministry of Internal Affairs to issue
its official decision authorizing the VACC. The VACC announced its establishment
at a press conference held on October 17, 2006 during an AACC visit to Ho Chi
Minh City. This AACC delegation comprising 27 colleges was in Vietnam to
promote US community colleges; they held their first community college fair in
the region on October 18, 2006 (J. Irwin, January 3, 2007, personal communication). The VACC has joined AACC and AACC now has membership in the VACC.
Additionally, the ACCC joined the VACC.
Because the VACC is quite new, their operations and the substance of international
cooperation at the larger organizational (in contrast to the individual institution) level
are still being discussed. One initiative that is being considered by the rectors is the
establishment of a center of quality accreditation for Vietnams community colleges.
During the conference on Enhancing (the) Capacity of American and Vietnamese
Community Colleges, held in Kien Giang on March 27 and 28, 2007, VACC suggested that the US community colleges could help in some way to develop this
center. Accreditation is new in Vietnam; therefore, the concept of what this center
should be is still unclear, but VACC intends to continue discussions with the AACC
on how to develop this initiative.
While the VACC facilitates internationalization of the community colleges,
it also has benefits at the local level. In the past, the rectors of the community
colleges only could come together when MOET called a meeting. One rector said
that he greatly valued the meetings because they enabled the leaders of the community colleges to share thoughts, problems, and practices that had been successful
(a community college rector, December 2003, personal communication). The
VACC will provide a necessary formal structure for facilitating interaction and
cooperation among the rectors.
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The Local Context of Vietnams Community Colleges

Having discussed globalization in relation to Vietnams community colleges, this
section will look at some of their local features and challenges. Although it is
difficult to specifically describe community colleges in Vietnam because they are
still a work in progress, some general characteristics can be provided. The challenges described are at the systemic level and generally represent the views of the
community colleges.
Funding. Provincial government funding comprises a portion of the community
colleges budget but the largest part comes from other funding sources. For example, Kien Giang Community College currently receives 20% of its operating budget
from the Provincial Peoples Committee (to pay for the administrative and teaching
staff) and 80% from other sources, such as student tuition, training contracts with
businesses, income from scientific research and services (science and technology),
and financial support from governmental and nongovernmental organizations
inside and outside of Vietnam.
Admissions. Community colleges recruit first-year students using the students
scores on the National Entrance Examination that is controlled by MOET and
administered by public universities, or the community college may administer
its own entrance examination. In the case of Kien Giang Community College, its
Directorial Board (rector and vice rector) decides which entrance examination will
be used. Based on the cut score (the minimum score for a student to be admitted
to a university or college), as determined by MOET for the National Entrance
Examination, and the quota (number of students to be admitted per year) approved
by the Provincial Peoples Committee, the Directorial Board decides the final cut
score to admit new students and reports this information to MOET. Students high
school grades also are factored into the admission decision. Because the demand
for HE in Vietnam is greater than the capacity to provide it, open admissions as
found in North American community colleges are not feasible, and although most
students would prefer to attend a university, the opportunities are limited. At Kien
Giang Community College a relatively high percentage of the students have gained
admission. In 2006, nearly 86% of the students who took the entrance examination
were admitted, and approximately 70% of the provinces postsecondary students
attend the community college. Many of these students are from lower-income
groups and thus must work, and some of the students are from minority groups
(e.g., Khmer and Chinese). Nontraditional-aged students are accommodated
through short courses for workforce development.
Faculty. One of the difficult challenges facing the community colleges is the
scarcity of qualified faculty, particularly in Vietnams rural areas (ten of the 12 community colleges are rural). But this is a problem across Vietnams HE system; even
many of the university faculty do not have graduate degrees because the pipeline
is small and the pay is low in HE. In the rural areas, the number of people having
bachelors degrees as well as career field experience is limited. Hoang (2007), the
general secretary of the VACC, reported that there are 1,466 administrators and
faculty at 11 community colleges (Tra Vinh University was included). Of these, 242
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(16.5%) have postgraduate degrees, 891 (60.7%) have a bachelors degree, and the
rest are at different levels (Hoang, 2007, p. 4). For a more specific example, Hau
Giang Community College, in the Mekong Delta, began operating in December
2005 and has a total of 2,318 students (Ha, 2007). Its personnel structure includes
three senior administrators, 35 lecturers, 16 adjuncts, and 29 administrative departmental staff. Five have masters degrees, 46 have bachelors degrees, and eight
are college (normally a 3-year degree) or secondary school graduates (Ha, 2007).
Because many of Vietnams community colleges lack a sufficient number of trained
faculty, they often invite administrators or specialists from other organizations to
give lectures. Students obtain more practical knowledge through the practitioners
shared stories that link course content to the work context; however, inviting
(adjunct) faculty also presents some problems. Some adjunct faculty lack teaching
experience, and scheduling their classes can be difficult because their primary job
responsibilities have a much higher priority; therefore, the quality of teaching can
be adversely affected.
Programs. In addition to college (3-year) degree programs, the community
colleges offer continuing education with the goals of helping learners to find jobs,
enhancing their knowledge and effectiveness, increasing their job security, and
raising their earnings. Kien Giang Community College offers short courses for
working adults to gain supervisory skills in a number of specializations, such as
construction projects, computer installation, IT, and foreign languages. Also, Can
Tho University has consistently advocated for transfer programs, but it was not until
2006 that MOET gave permission to transfer graduates in eight fields of study from
community colleges to universities in the Mekong Delta region. Currently, Dong
Thap, Kien Giang, and Vinh Long Community Colleges can transfer students to Can
Tho University and Tra Vinh University. Hay Tay and Ba Ria-Vung Tau Community
Colleges also have recently established transfer agreements. Other participating
universities include Hanoi Agricultural University, Nha Trang University, Nong
Lam University, and the Ho Chi Minh City Technical Teacher Training University.
The universities select the fields for transfer and submit their proposals to MOET
for approval. Among the approved fields of study are animal husbandry, IT, finance,
general accounting, aquaculture, business administration, electrical and civil
engineering, and food processing and technology. In the future, it is anticipated that
articulation will be introduced for more fields and universities.
Challenges. The community colleges face some challenges that need to be
addressed within the structures of their local context, particularly in governance
at the national level. Based on the two meanings of internationalization used in this
chapter, it is important for those outside Vietnam who are interested in pursuing
collaboration with Vietnamese community colleges to be aware of, and sensitive
to, these challenges.
Of great concern to the community college leaders is that their institutions
continue to operate under a provisional regulation that was promulgated by MOET
Decision Number 37/2000/QD-BGC&DT, dated August 29, 2000. Many provisions in this regulation are no longer suitable to the current situation; thus, the
community colleges urgently need new regulations that will give them a legal
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basis for operating more effectively. A draft of the permanent operating regulations
written by the rectors was introduced at the March 2007 USVietnamese community college conference held in Kien Giang, and international participants were
asked to provide comments; the feedback was considered while finalizing the document. The final version of the regulations was submitted to MOET and currently
is going through the approval process. In Vietnam, it is imperative that HEIs have
official government regulations under which they can operate. Without these regulations, the community colleges functions are complicated, their efficacy could be
questionable, and their future existence could be jeopardized.
Another concern of community college leaders is the way in which these
institutions are represented in the Education Law. Because community colleges
do not have a long history in Vietnam and they are not clearly conceptualized,
the regulations are vague. In Vietnams context where the institutions can only do
what the regulations specifically authorize, this is troublesome. Additionally, in
the view of these leaders, Vietnams participation in the WTO will accelerate the
process of economic globalization, and increase the pace of reforming government
processes, changing economic policies, and creating new approaches to human
resource development. The community college leaders think that in formulating a
strategy to advance education and training, the community college model becomes
a very important part of the HE system in Vietnam. Thus, the Education Law and
regulations should supplement the rules and operations of the community college
model. In brief, community college features need emphasis and clarity within the
Education Law.
The community college leaders also have been discussing the need to clarify the
role of community colleges and to increase their autonomy. Many of these leaders
think the regulations should specify that community colleges fulfill two primary
purposes: (a) teaching students the basic curriculum for the first 2 years and
enabling them to continue the following 2 years at a university, and (b) training the
communitys workforce with knowledge and skills that serve local socioeconomic
development. The absence of discussion concerning a 2-year associates degree, as
is found in North American community colleges, may exemplify the important role
played by the local when working with international partners. According to one of
the Tra Vinh Community College (TVCC) project members, the Canadian partners
discussed the value of the 2-year degree with MOET in 2002, but this concept was
not of interest. With regard to autonomy, the community college leaders think their
institutions should be able to operate in a flexible manner, allowing for responsiveness to the evolving needs of their local communities. In summary, Vietnam HEIs
and community colleges need regulations that enhance increased responsibility for
management and operations at the institutional level.
From a more holistic perspective, Vietnamese community college leaders think
there is a great deal of redundancy, or overlap, in the responsibilities and functions of HEIs in Vietnam, thus creating inefficiencies in the distribution and use
of limited financial and human resources. Vietnam has been diversifying the HE
sector for approximately 20 years, and it may be time to review the system in
the light of restructuring through some consolidation. The analysis required to
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do this also could lead to clarification of the community college model and other
institutions in the 3-year sector to strengthen their sustainability and operational
effectiveness. Additionally, cooperation and communication among the community colleges and between the universities and colleges have not been developed.
Explanations for this may be both cultural and economic; some societies are more
open than others, and competition for very limited resources can create barriers to
sharing information.
The community college leaders are interested in developing ways to assess
the effectiveness of the community college model now and into the future; however, the concepts of strategic planning and institutional effectiveness for quality
improvement are relatively new in Vietnam. Additionally, the community colleges
soon will be required to go through Vietnams new quality accreditation process,
including a self-study. Thus, as mentioned previously, the VACC has decided to
address this concern by developing a center for quality accreditation that could
assist all the community colleges in the country. There is a need to develop assessment measures that go beyond the traditional audits, which primarily deal with use
of resources. The community college leaders will look at international assessment
models, as did MOET over a several-year time frame when they were deciding on
a accreditation process for Vietnam, but undoubtedly the final form will ultimately
reflect local accountability requirements and the socioculture context.
When responding to the forces of globalization, Vietnams community college
leaders understand that they need to make careful choices (the Vietnamese
factor). Diverse international experiences can influence practical operations, and
adaptations can contribute to the countrys socioeconomic development locally
and nationally. They also know that in the age of globalization, it is necessary for
community colleges to be sensitive, proactive, and effective in addressing national
and local needs.
Conclusion
This chapter has shown that the characteristics of globalization and neoliberalism
have altered Vietnams HE system, and more specifically assisted community
college development. Vietnam seeks integration into the global economy, also
referred to as the knowledge economy, and restructuring of the HE system has been
considered an important means for achieving this. It can be argued that the most
significant impact made by globalization on Vietnams community colleges has
been in their creation and expansion, rather than in their shaping.
Macro-level effects of economic globalization necessitated training of a skilled
labor force. This global impact opened the door for establishment of community
colleges in Vietnam. However, their establishment has been faced with two local
challenges: (a) a culture that places much higher value on university degrees and
(b) a lack of understanding on the part of government officials and the public
regarding what a community college is or should be. In brief, the development of
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community colleges has been difficult and it will take several more years to determine if these institutions can succeed within Vietnams local context.
Vietnams community colleges have looked outward for ideas in establishing
their identity and structure. For example, the draft regulation states:
[T]he community colleges undertake training for regional human resources, have close
relations with the local community, and provide training according to needs with diversity
in their programs and modes of training. (MOET, 2007b, p. 2)
Although consistent with North American community college mission statements,

this description of purpose does not mean the same as North American models.
Historically, HE in Vietnam has been strongly influenced by other countries
including China, France, and the Soviet Union; however, as argued by Tran (1998),
these external influences have always been Vietnamized when applied to the local
context. Thus, Vietnam provides an excellent example of the dialectic relationship
between the global and the local.
At the micro-level, the greatest challenge for Vietnam is to balance the
curriculum between skills training and education. The workforce today must
operate in a knowledge economy, which means there is a premium on being able to
think critically and with creativity, to problem solve, and to know something about
the cultures, languages, histories, geographic features, and economies of the world.
A focused, skills-oriented curriculum may not be enough. These considerations are
important to the future of all community colleges, particularly in view of the fact
that there are community colleges or other similar types of HEIs in most countries
(Elsner et al., 2008).
Discussions of how to balance the curriculum between training and education
are complex. Farnsworth (2007), a former US community college president, and
current director of the Center for International Community College Education and
Leadership at University of Missouri, St. Louis, describes a dialogue he had with
a US-educated colleague in China regarding possible explanations for American
creativity (para. 14). They concluded that it was the product of a broad-based
education that provides a social, cultural, and historical context for learning
(Farnsworth, 2007, para. 14). Yet Farnsworth (2007) examines with some anguish the
notion that there may be justification for developing an applied technology degree at
community colleges, which does not have the general education component, and is
similar to the programs of many expensive and highly competitive North American
proprietary technical schools. But perhaps one important difference between the HE
contexts of North America and Vietnam is that North American students have many
more choices and much greater access to HE. Farnsworth (2007) realizes that many
academics and practitioners will not agree with his proposal or his perspective. In
brief, although the challenges and diversity of views concerning balance in the curriculum are global, the appropriate response must be local.
Globalization has opened the door for establishing community colleges in
Vietnam. The dynamics of neoliberalism may increase their autonomy and thus
enable them to better accommodate community needs, but if funding from the
Peoples Committees, tuition, and entrepreneurial activities is not sufficient, or
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these HEIs do not achieve an improved level of understanding among the stakeholders concerning community college roles, their future could be tenuous. Yet,
there are some bright spots in this complex mosaic. The government has specifically mentioned community colleges in the public media as being important
to training the future workforce. MOET has allowed community college rectors
to draft a permanent regulation for the operation of community colleges, which is
essential to their longevity. And the Ministry of Internal Affairs has authorized the
establishment of the Vietnam Association of Community Colleges.
Perhaps the best advice comes from Ngo et al. (2006):
Higher education reform, especially in a developing country should not only aim to
serve the challenges of globalization and the accomplishments of particular national interests, but also to take into consideration the local micro-contexts in order to achieve desired
outcomes. (p. 226)
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Chapter 13
Technological Universities: A Relevant

Educational Model for Mexico?
Marisol Silva Laya
Introduction
Mexicos experience with short vocational programs in higher education is relatively
recent. In the early 1990s, the Mexican government decided to promote such
programs by creating technological universities, which offer 2-year programs for
high school graduates and award a degree called Tcnico Superior Universitario
(University-trained Higher Technician). Programs of this type, classified as level
5B on UNESCOs ISCED, are not only focused on teaching specific skills for
entry into the labor market (UNESCO, 1997), but also prepare students to continue
higher education. As this article will show, Mexicos technological universities
are similar to community colleges: both offer 2 years of postsecondary education,
promote the learning of skills that guarantee employment, and provide access to
higher education for the masses in places where access had previously been denied.
However, the technological universities, unlike community colleges, do not offer
open access, a flexible curriculum, or possibilities for part-time students.
Technological universities have occupied an important place in Mexicos educational policy by offering education to broad segments of the youth demanding
higher education, especially those living in relatively poor areas. However, in spite
of assured government incentives, the option has not gained popularity in Mexicos
system of higher education. Proof of this is provided by the fact that only 3% of
the total enrollment in higher education is in technological universities. In such a
scenario, it seems relevant to evaluate whether Mexicos technological universities
respond to the real conditions and needs of Mexican society.
This chapter, based on an integral analysis of quality and a policy approach,
seeks to evaluate the incorporation and development of short vocational programs
in higher education in Mexico, by focusing on the technological universities.
The aim is to identify the strengths and weaknesses of this educational model, in
order to define priority points of intervention for making it a viable, high-quality
option for educating young Mexicans. The chapter is divided into six parts. The first
part contains a brief review of the development of short programs in higher education, with emphasis on their educational benefits and limitations. This panorama serves
as a framework for analyzing the creation of Mexicos technological universities and

219
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M.S. Laya
their underlying educational policies. The second part of the chapter discusses the
integral concept of the quality of education provided, to support an analysis of the
scope and impact of technological universities in Mexico. The third part of the
chapter evaluates the relevance of technological universities for Mexican society;
the fourth part examines the training processes implemented in the model. The fifth
part, based on a case study, shows the results of learning. Lastly, in the section on
conclusions, comments are made on the models strengths and weaknesses in order
to formulate recommendations for improving its performance in Mexicos social,
economic, and cultural context.1
Short Programs in Higher Education:

Benefits and Limitations
Short programs in higher education have long been available in the United States
in the form of community colleges, which came into existence in the early 1900s,
and spread to Europe in the 1960s and 1970s. This educational model has recently
gained in popularity, and we are witnessing an international trend to offer, through
short programs in higher education, higher levels of technical training in response
to the job markets growing demands for qualified workers. Short programs in
higher education now attract 40% of the total enrollment in higher education in
Canada, 20% in Korea and France (Mazeran et al., 2006), and approximately 44%
in the United States (De Moura and Garca, 2003). In Latin America, the model
is available in only a few countries and generally receives a tepid welcome. In the
case of Mexico, the nations experience has been quite recent since 1991 and
development has not followed the expected course: only 3% of the total enrollment in higher education currently corresponds to short programs. We must keep
in mind, however, that part of the reason for the high proportion of enrollment in
short programs in the above-mentioned nations may be that their total coverage of
higher education is often twice that of Mexico.2
A review of the literature on short programs of higher education in Europe and
the United States reveals that the principal objectives of this option have been, on
one hand, to respond to the demand for higher education and to contribute to the
democratization of access to such education; and on the other hand, to meet the
demand for highly trained labor in a constantly developing sector of production
(De Moura and Garca, 2003; Neave, 1993).
Although such objectives seem pertinent, they are contradictory. The relevance
of the educational model is controversial because, on one hand, it contributes equal
opportunities (by offering greater access to higher education), and on the other hand
it reinforces inequality. For some authors (Muoz Izquierdo, 1992; Neave, 1993),
this effect seems acceptable because short programs are directed at young people
from the most disadvantaged segments of society and the longer programs of traditional universities are directed at the elite. Some analyses are emphatic in showing
that institutions offering short programs in higher education with open access such
13
Technological Universities: A Relevant Educational Model for Mexico
221
as the community colleges in the United States have favored the admittance
of segments of the population previously deprived of such a right. De Moura
and Garca (2003) indicate that the large numbers of minority students enrolled
in community colleges are evidence of the successful democratization of higher
education. On the other hand, Neave (1993) points out that this educational option
has served to relieve the pressure exerted by large population groups demanding a
higher education, although short programs were not initially appreciated as equal
in value to traditional university courses. Frances IUT, created in the mid 1960s,
offers an example of this difficulty. The institutes first 2 decades of existence were
marked by slow development, due to their failure to offer meaningful advantages.
In spite of innovations, French society continued to perceive that university degrees
represented advantages in wages and in climbing the occupational ladder (Neave,
1993). Nonetheless, these institutes have attained importance and at present receive
approximately 20% of the enrollment in higher education.
The reinforcement of inequality through short programs in higher education
is a latent risk for Latin America and especially for Mexico. Muoz Izquierdo
(1992) has warned that attempts to link the educational supply to a specific
demand are examples of educational segmentation which seeks to offer individual graduates the type of education that best corresponds to their personal
characteristics. This process does not mean that students have access to the
institution best able to fulfill their personal aspirations; on the contrary, it implies
sending students to the institutions that best fit their educational possibilities,
which are closely linked to their cultural background. In other words, far from
filling a democratizing function in education, the model implies a risk of greater
stratification, in which the most disadvantaged sectors continue to be deprived
of access to improved educational opportunities. In the form of a consolation
prize, such sectors are channeled toward short programs. Thus the introduction of short programs in higher education in Latin America should be carefully
designed to prevent the risk of educational segmentation. Yet this requirement, as
we shall see, is not always met.
The function of training labor to meet the demands of production the vocational
nature of short programs in higher education has also sparked intense debate.
Researchers major question regarding the relation between education and work
(De Ibarrola, 2002; Arnold, 1999; Ruiz, 1998; De Ibarrola and Gallart, 1994) is
whether education should adjust to the requirements of a specific job, or whether it
should offer more general training to prepare students to perform in various settings
of the labor market and society. The basis for overcoming the dichotomy may be
the profound changes that have occurred in the organization of work changes that
translate into new demands for education and vocational training. We now recognize that instead of centering on training for a specific job, vocational training must
be aimed at developing general competencies that facilitate worker performance in
various activities of production processes that undergo constant change. Thus,
required competencies involve knowledge as well as the application of knowledge
in concrete situations; in other words, intellectual, technical, and mechanical skills
(Arnold, 1999; Ruiz, 1998). This situation represents an enormous challenge for
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M.S. Laya
postsecondary studies as vocational training is renewed, broadened, and enriched.

In other words, training for employment must address complex labor requirements
that demand a broad basis of intelligence. So, although short vocational programs
of higher education must teach specific occupational skills, they must be supported
by a solid foundation of intelligence that permits polyvalent performance on the job
and the transfer of knowledge and skills to activities that may vary in complexity.
In such a scenario of possibilities and contradictions, in the late 1980s the
Mexican government came to recognize the need to diversify the options in higher
education. The result was a government study on vocational training, focused on
the models used in France, the United States, Germany, Great Britain, Japan, and
Canada, and aimed at defining a new pedagogical model that would allow Mexico
to create a different option in higher education. Based on this study, in 1991 the
Mexican Secretariat of Education decided to create the Subsystem of Technological
Universities, similar to the IUT in France. Mexicos technological universities share
the fundamental characteristics of institutions that offer short programs, but their
profile is closer to the French model: the curriculum is more rigid, access is not
open, and courses are not offered to the public (without credit) as in the community
colleges. Thus the affirmation can be made that the Mexican authorities opted to
diversiSfy higher education without moving too far away from traditional educational practices.
Since its creation, the Subsystem of Technological Universities has recorded
healthy increases in the number of technological universities established, and has
received sizable government support. The three technological universities that
began operating in 1991 have now grown to a total of 61 institutions in 26 of
Mexicos 32 states. The creation of Mexicos technological universities was guided
by an educational policy aimed at modernizing the production of goods and services through the transfer of knowledge; specifically, by training high-level technical
personnel. At the present time, the technological universities offer 31 areas of
study; most are related to industrial technology, although one-third involve services.
The programs are the same in all parts of the nation. Each area of study is designed
by a central organization of professionals in differente areas (Villa Lever and
Flores-Crespo, 2002). Each university decides the areas of study to be offered,
depending on the needs of the surrounding community.
Technological universities have become a fundamental part of the nations policies of higher education. The educational authorities consider them a privileged
option for meeting not only the training needs of young students demanding an
education, but also the demands of the sectors of production in need of competent human resources. The assumption is that technological universities represent
the type of education Mexico will require to face the challenges of development:
greater access to higher education, diversified options, relevant education, satisfying the markets needs, and increased productivity. In addition, as Villa Lever and
Flores-Crespo (2002) indicate, the Mexican government has decided to offer these
programs in regions marked by relative social and economic disadvantages, in order
to provide local young people with increased opportunities in both employment
and education.
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223
In brief, short programs in higher education have a history of both success and
failure that many nations with more development than Mexico have been able to
overcome and consolidate to fit their needs. The unknown variable is the viability of successfully developing this educational model in Latin America a region
of profound social, economic, and educational backwardness. The specific case of
Mexico offers clues on the results that can be obtained by the transfer of such
educational policies.
Educational Quality: A Necessary Framework

of Analysis in Mexico
Most efforts to analyze this educational model are concentrated on its debated contribution to the democratization of access to higher education, or on its questioned
vocational nature. However, the basic idea behind these discussions is that the education offered by short vocational programs in higher education is of a low quality,
and that this low quality results in the institutions limited compliance with established
functions and objectives. In Mexico, some studies report that the programs offered by
technological universities do not have the necessary quality (Silva, 2006; Villa Lever
and Flores-Crespo, 2002) and have therefore not gained acceptance.
An analysis of this type is necessary in Mexico as policies of extending educational coverage have resulted in low quality. Strategies have been implemented to
ensure public access to scholastic institutions without guaranteeing facilities such
as adequate conditions for staying in school, and achieving educational objectives.
Thus the major challenge for Mexico is to facilitate access to higher education
without compromising on quality.
The concept of quality adopted in this chapter is an integral perspective based
on a systemic focus (Martnez Rizo, 1998; Muoz Izquierdo, 1991). Quality is considered a complex phenomenon resulting from the confluence of multiple factors. We
employ a multidimensional concept that takes into account relevance, the training
process, and the results of learning, as described below:
Relevance: The university establishes a curriculum that fits the needs of the
society, the demands of the labor market, and interests of the students.
Training process: The educational model promotes processes that favor the
training of highly qualified technicians who are in touch with the needs and
challenges of the world of work.
Results of learning: Students meet learning objectives in terms of knowledge,
skills and attitudes (Silva, 2006, p. 30).
The evaluation of quality from this perspective seeks to satisfy three fundamental
conditions (Baza et al., 1993): (a) to detect the problematic dimensions of institutional performance associated with the low quality of the education provided;
(b) to provide the authorities with reliable, pertinent information; and (c) to contemplate the policy approach in a way that elucidates the points of intervention
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M.S. Laya
that would need to be addressed in any attempt to reorient courses toward educational quality.
The central assumption of this chapter is that quality is a fundamental condition
for taking advantage of the potential of these new institutions of shortened higher
education. The major challenge consists in understanding the real requirements
and possibilities that exist in society, in order to promote processes that respond to
specific educational needs. Such understanding implies the institutions familiarity
with student profiles diversity, interests, needs, and limitations to permit the
creation of a curriculum that meets personal, academic, and professional needs.
The Relevance of Technological Universities

This educational model is adequate for satisfying important needs in Mexican society, especially the need to broaden the access to higher education for young people
from disadvantaged social sectors. Various studies reveal that short programs in
higher education in Mexico are incorporating sectors of the population previously
excluded from higher education (Ramsey et al., 2000; Flores-Crespo, 2005; Villa
Lever and Flores-Crespo, 2002). The short duration is conducive for those unable
to dedicate 4 or 5 years to vocational training. Furthermore, students learn skills
that accelerate their entry into the labor market. So this model helps such students,
who would otherwise be unemployed, to obtain employment.
In spite of such possibilities, the technological universities are not popular
with young Mexicans. Sixteen years after their creation, technological universities
seem to be relevant only to a significantly low proportion of the total number of
young people demanding higher education. The demand for short programs in
higher education is very far from reaching projected goals. In 2001, enrollment in
Mexicos technological universities represented only 2.1% of the total enrollment
in higher education, less than the strategic goal of 2.7% that had been established
for 2000. Current enrollment is only 66,600 students, less than 3% of the total
enrollment. Given such a situation, the question arises: Why have the technological
universities been unable to become an attractive option for Mexicos young people,
in spite of the substantial political and financial support they have received?
One of the biggest obstacles facing technological universities is that they have not
succeeded in establishing an effective transfer systems or bridges to guarantee
acceptance in programs leading to an undergraduate degree. In spite of repeated
attempts to solve the problem, initiatives have collided with the closed, inflexible attitude that prevails in Mexicos system of higher education. This deficiency,
yet to be overcome after more than 16 years of existence, can be attributed to the
Mexican policy makers who designed the educational model. The facts show that the
technological universities are a terminal option in higher education. This differentiates them from the community colleges and the French institutes and is one of the
reasons technological universities do not enjoy greater acceptance among Mexicos
young people. Their relevance is affected by their failure to meet a major objective.
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225
Students expect to progress by earning a degree; and although some interpretations mention socio-cultural values prestige and status they are also supported
by Mexicos economic reality. Research on the relation between education and
work shows that professionals enjoy advantages over workers with lower educational levels, including a higher average income (Mrquez, 2002, p. 369). Although
a higher education does not guarantee employment, it favors improved conditions
when an employee enters the labor market.
Obtaining a degree as Tcnico Superior Univeristario represents an increase in
schooling (14 years in total) that without doubt translates into employment benefits
for graduates. However, we must also remember that in a framework of structural
maladjustment between professional supply and demand the existence of more
than three professionals for every job opening (OCE, 1999) individuals expect
to obtain more professional credentials to maintain a comparative advantage in
competing for the limited positions generated by the productive sector (Salas, 2001,
quoted in Mrquez, 2002, p. 6). In this framework, a degree from a technological
university seems to be insufficient. Employers continue to prefer traditional undergraduate degrees.
Facilitating the employment of young people is a relevant objective. According
to a recent evaluation of the entire subsystem, graduates from technological universities are hired within a short period of time (6 months or less) and the employment
rate is 60% (Mazeran et al., 2006) a significant achievement. However, graduates do not always find jobs of the expected quality and conditions, as they are
generally hired as assistants to the mid-level positions for which they were trained.
Consequently they receive wages lower than those of the worst-paid professionals3
(Silva, 2006). This reality serves as additional evidence in explaining why young
people aspire to earn traditional degrees.
One of the factors contributing to this situation is that the technological university
degree of Tcnico Superior Universitario is not on the list of accepted degrees
for professional openings in large companies or even the Mexican government
(Mazeran et al., 2006). Research reveals that companies are not well-informed
about the functions and positions for which these technicians are prepared. Industry
is somewhat reluctant to hire graduates with the Tcnico Superior Universitario
degree, probably due to a preference for traditional sources of employees and a lack
of familiarity with the qualifications of technicians from the technological universities (Ramsey et al., 2000, p. 103). In general, graduates from the technological
universities experience great difficulties in finding a position commensurate with
their training (Mazeran et al., 2006).
These facts are in contrast to the vision of the educational authorities, who
believe that the demand for higher technicians in the labor market is evident.
According to the previous undersecretary of higher education, seven out of every
ten professionals the country will require for future development should be higher
technicians (Rubio, 2003). From the governments perspective, the structure of
occupations in industry and services shows unmistakable signs of the need and
relevance of higher technicians. However, this potential demand does not seem
to be sufficiently appreciated by the younger generations, who continue to prefer
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M.S. Laya
traditional undergraduate studies. Nor is there evidence that producers know of

or demand such highly qualified technicians. In spite of the efforts made by the
general coordinator of technological universities to promote the institutions in the
school and employment system, Mexicos labor structure does not consider job
openings for Tcnico Superior Universitario (Mazeran et al., 2006).
Do Technological Universities Offer

High-Quality Training?
Technological universities adopt an educational model centered on intense, flexible
training that is polyvalent and linked to the productive sector.
Principle of Intensity. This principle is made manifest in many ways. In the first
place, the use of time is intense: the degree is completed in 2 years consisting of
six 15-week trimesters, with schedules of 35 h per week (7 h per day) and a total of
3,000 h equivalent to 80% of a conventional undergraduate program. The schedule
is a drawback of this model. Although short programs have the advantage of training higher level technicians in a reduced time period, the Mexican model imposes
a load on students that seems asphyxiating. The programs duration of 3,000 h is
excessive in comparison with the 1,800-h programs of Frances university institutes
(see Table 13.1). Mexican students attend class 7 h each day, leaving minimal time
for individual study only 5 h out of a weekly total of 40. The intensive schedule
Table 13.1 Curriculum characteristics of short programs in information systems
Instituts
universitaires
Technological
de technologie
Community colleges
universities (Mexico)
(France)
(United States)
Measurement of time
Number of hours
Scheduled time per
area of knowledge
Four-month periods (6)

3,000
Technical: 54%
Basic: 23%
General: 23%
Years (2)
1,800
Technical: 50%
Basic: 17%
General: 33%
Semesters (4)
Unavailable
Technical: from 37%
to 58%
Basic: from 18% to 31%
Generals: from 18%
to 32%
From 18 to 20
50/50
Number of subjects
34
From 20 to 26
Theory versus
30/70
50/50
practice
Company stays
Yes
Yes
Practicum in companies
Continued studies
No
Yes
Yes
Based on: CGUT, Plans of study (http://cgut.sep.gob.mx/Planes%20de%20estudios/Bienvenida.
htm); ACM 2-Year College Education Committee (2000). Guidelines for Associate Degree
Programs to Support Computing in a Networked Environment, ACM. (www.acm.org/education/
curricula/html); IUT de Bayonne. Plan of study for information systems. (www.bay.univ-pau.fr).
IUT de Nantes. Plan of study for information systems (www.iut-nantes.univ-nates.fr). IUT de
Limoges. Plan of study for information systems (www.iut-limoges.unilim.fr). IUT2 de Grenoble.
Plan of study for information systems (http://iut2.upmf-grenoble.fr)
13
227
evidently demands exclusive dedication to school, eliminating the possibility of

working and thus excluding many young people who need to work to ensure subsistence for themselves and their families.
On the other hand, the Mexican model requires a time distribution of 30% theory
and 70% practicals in all subjects in the course. This condition is significantly different from the distribution of time in the French model (Mexicos inspiration),
which regulates exclusively technical content and proposes a ratio of 50%-50% (see
Table 13.1). In addition, the Mexican model suffers from a lack of clarity on the nature
and function of these two dimensions confusion that is reflected in students
paradoxical perception of little practice in the training process (Silva, 2006). The
norm mentions nothing about the content and meaning of class work, but simply
specifies that 30% of the time must be spent in the classroom and the remaining
70% in laboratories, workshops, and companies. The pedagogical principles that
sustain this ratio require revision. Attention must be paid to integrating theory and
practice in order to generate necessary knowledge. And an evaluation needs to
be made of whether 30% theory is sufficient for students who decide to continue
higher education.
Intensity is also reflected in the distribution of content. Educational content
is concentrated into its fundamental aspects, and content unrelated to practice is
avoided (CGUT, 2000). Mexicos technological universities, like other institutions
of the same level (Instituts Universitaires de Technologie and community colleges),
offer a preponderance of technical knowledge (see Table 1). Approximately onehalf of the time is spent on technical knowledge, due to the technological universities intention to concentrate on the specific elements of the professional area, and
to enable graduates to use such knowledge immediately when hired.
The number of subjects in the Mexican model seems excessive. For example,
the information systems program includes 34 subjects, a radical contrast with the
French institutes that require 20 subjects and community colleges that prescribe
between 18 and 20 (see Table 1). Mexicos requirement of the course of study is
a product of the cult of knowledge that has reigned in traditional universities,
where the only way to advance in a course or program is by rote learning and
frequently by memorization of all applicable knowledge (Rugarca, 1997). The
large volume of content results in inadequate treatment of skills and attitudes and
results in the excessive use of repetitive, memory-based methods of assimilating
knowledge. Such training is not useful for facing the challenges of work or life.
In sum, although the structure of the course of study in Mexico is similar to
that of other countries where the models effectiveness has been proved, such is
not the case with the distribution of time between theory and practice, nor with
students course load. The Mexican educational authorities did not make an automatic transfer of the French model. They argue that they introduced the necessary
adaptations to offer a better education to a young population that was ill prepared
in sociocultural and academic terms to enter the technological universities. Thus
they increased the number of total hours and changed the distribution of theory and
practice. A review of the Mexican modifications to the model, however, shows that
they do not necessarily contribute to professional training of higher quality. Nor do
they take into account the students real needs and conditions.
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Links with the Production Sector. This model is aimed at making the studies,
content, and learning methods relevantto the productive sector. Technological universities seek to become familiar with professional requirements, evaluate profiles,
establish support for practices, and create employment channels. Their educational
model establishes links throughout the training process in the form of visits, internships, and diverse projects. This basic principle has the purpose of combining
knowledge acquired in the classroom with practice or learning to work at the
workplace. Alternating work and school allows students to discover the real context
of work and integrate their theoretical, technological, and organizational knowledge, thus facilitating their subsequent entry into the labor market.
Such links have their maximum expression in student internships at companies
during the final trimester; the purpose of the internships is to develop a project
relevant to each students professional area. Although individual contact with
companies has a positive impact on training the future higher technician, the stay
comes at the end of training. We recommend alternating the two locations to enrich
training with contributions from school and the workplace.
In a limited number of technological universities, links with production also take
the form of training agreements with companies, the supplying of technological services, and the generation of resources. Some institutions develop successful company
contacts. An exemplary case of linking can be observed at Universidad de Quertaro,
which has established an automotive training center in cooperation with the French
automaker Peugeot. Such cases suggest that these institutions could enjoy better development in regions with productive activities more in line with the technological education offered. In this sense, government policy for expansion will need to be reviewed in
order to channel the growth of technological universities towards such regions.
Educational Methods. The ideology of the technological universities calls for
revising educational methods and centering them on students learning and integration of knowledge, skills, and attitudes. However, in practice, we find a preponderance of traditional educational methods repeated throughout all of Mexicos
institutions of higher education. This condition is identified as one of the weaknesses of higher education in our country (ANUIES, 2000), a tendency that the
new universities have been unable to reverse. For example, in a study of the entire
subsystem of technological universities, De Garay (2006) reports that teachers often
use dictation in class a reminder of an extremely traditional teaching role that is
incompatible with this educational model. Our universities need to update their educational methods, reorient teachers roles, and apply educational strategies that train
students in competencies that are relevant for work and for participation in society.
Results of Learning
The basic concept of quality proposes that the highest possible percentage of students should attain the educational objectives. The technological universities record a
graduation rate of 58%, higher than the national average of 48%. Such a percentage
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indicates mid-level effectiveness and does not exempt them from sharing one of the
major problems of all of Mexicos institutions of higher education: the successful
awarding of degrees.
Insufficient levels of attainment are due to dropouts and failure. We are concerned
that the technological universities have been unable to award degrees to a high percentage of the few students they attract. Although they play an important role in
broadening access to higher education, guaranteed access is not sufficient from a
perspective of educational quality. Institutions must also ensure their students permanence in the system, in order to comply fully with training objectives.
Based on the rate of graduation of the technological universities, the following
question can be formulated: Are the technological universities giving students the
necessary attention to ensure their success in the program? These universities may
be having dropouts, like many other institutions of higher education (ANUIES,
2000). To face this challenge, Mexicos National Association of Universities and
Institutions of Higher Education proposes focusing on students and developing
programs to serve students from pre-enrollment until post-graduation, thus ensuring
their attendance, achievement, and development. Mexican universities face a crucial
challenge in this area, from which the technological universities are not exempt.
To understand the situation in its entirety, we must also ask: What do students at
technological universities learn? Very little research has been carried out in this area.
The evaluation by Mazeran et al. (2006), reports that graduates have a good mastery
of practical competencies: knowing how to do things, technical knowledge and
competencies, and aptitude for analyzing production processes and handling equipment. Another useful reference is a study on the competencies4 of university-trained
higher technicians in the area of information systems at Universidad Tecnolgica de
Nezahualcoyotl. This study reveals that the curriculum includes largely the principal competencies necessary for adequate performance in the employment world
polyvalence, overall understanding of the technological process, competencies for
handling information, and interpersonal competencies. However, a vacuum seems
to exist for intellectual competencies, which are not incorporated explicitly in the
higher technicians professional profile (Silva, 2006).
Learning at Universidad Tecnolgica de Nezhualcoyotl.5 A study of the performance
of students in information systems during their company internships confirmed a
sufficient level of mastery and application of the fundamental knowledge in information systems (Silva, 2006). In the sphere of generic competencies, the students
showed outstanding performance in teamwork, assimilation and the application of
new knowledge, and to a lesser degree, communication and polyvalence. They also
showed positive attitudes toward teamwork, learning, interpersonal communication, and performance of various tasks. These competencies are a good example of
the integration of three fundamental components knowledge, skills, and attitudes
since they require useful information for carrying out tasks, skills in comprehending a project in its entirety and in terms of its different parts, personal skills for
taking part in teamwork, and a positive attitude towards work.
On the other hand, the young people showed a lower degree of analytical and
logical ability, and skills in decision-making and problem-solving. These results
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are of concern as they deal with intellectual competencies that in combination

with basic competencies reading, writing, and mathematics form the cognitive
stratum of knowledge and skills that support the performance of any type of activity
(Novick et al., 1998). The causes for such insufficiency may be a lacuna in the
curriculum and the subsequent lack of pedagogical strategies to encourage skills
not considered part of higher education.
The study at Universidad Tecnolgica de Nezahualcoyotl, like other studies on
competencies, showed that knowledge and skills cannot be disassociated. Learning
to know and learning to do are inextricably linked (Delors, 1996). The acquisition
of knowledge and understanding require intellectual competencies, and sound
knowledge is the basis for developing other competencies like decision-making and
problem-solving. As indicated already by Muoz Izquierdo et al. (1995), university
programs of study do not include cognitive skills because they assume that students
enrolling in higher education already have the necessary skills. Such an assumption
is incorrect for a large part of the educational system in Mexico, and the technological universities are not an exception.
This challenge is fundamental for the technological universities. They must take
into account that current training requirements point to the need not only for disciplinary knowledge but also for competencies that permit applying knowledge to
solving diverse problems in productive activities. Vocational training must enable
students to attain, in addition to technical abilities, broad intellectual training, and
solid knowledge for understanding processes.
To sum up, the technological universities require a process of radical revision
to comply with the mission of offering Mexican society higher education of good
quality, as a strategic means to develop human capital and contribute to increasing the competitiveness of a knowledge-based economy (CGUT, 2008). The findings of several research studies have pointed out that this objective is not reached
solely by training centered on the technical aspects of filling a position, but that it
also requires comprehensive training intellectual, technical, and attitude-based
to produce competent professionals able to respond to the complex, changing
demands of the contemporary world of work.
Conclusions and Summary

In 1991, the Mexican government created the technological universities to adopt the
model of short programs in higher education. In developed countries with high gross
enrollment (more than 50%) in higher education, the model has attained important
goals in democratizing access to higher education and serving as an escape valve for
growing student demand. Short programs in higher education have also contributed
to promoting economic development by producing highly trained workers. However,
the model implemented in Mexico has not yet attained comparable success.
An analysis of the relevance of the technological universities shows their contradictions. On one hand, they offer an educational option that broadens the access to
education for young people who were previously excluded from higher education,
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231
but they do not facilitate students progress to other areas of higher education.
The gross enrollment ratio of higher education in Mexico is still low at 26%, and
few young people opt for short programs (3%). Most students continue to prefer
traditional university degrees. At the same time, the degree the technological
universities award is not sufficiently recognized in the labor market. The 2-year
program becomes less competitive in a context of excess human resources holding
traditional degrees and displacing workers with less schooling.
In terms of the educational model, Mexico did not make an automatic transfer
of the French model, but attempted to adapt the characteristics of that model to its
own national conditions. This adaptation, however, has not always been fortunate:
the intensity of the Mexican model 3,000 h with seven class hours per week may
be counterproductive in generating student demand. On limiting the technological
universities to the French model, Mexico ignored lessons on the functioning of community colleges well worth reconsidering. Community colleges have open access,
do not exclude any student, are committed to working with the least capable, and
allow students to work and study at the same time (De Moura and Garca, 2003).
The technological universities stipulate that applicants must have a grade point average of 7/10, but in practice accept all applicants. Such a policy meets the objective
of democratizing access. However, in contrast to the community colleges, the technological universities do not take into account that applicants with lower grade point
averages have scholastic problems that limit their achievement. The technological
universities in Mexico, with a few exceptions, fail to establish specific supports, such
as remedial courses, that are indispensable in obtaining improved academic results.
In addition, their demand for full-time students excludes many young people.
In terms of learning, the technological universities must prepare themselves to
face the needs of vocational training, which demands not only practical competencies, but also intellectual competencies thinking skills in applying activities
to solving problems. Professional performance requires technicians to understand
the processes of work by having the ability to analyze the information received
and apply it to complex contexts. Such conditions must be present in programs of
vocational training but have yet to be completely addressed in Mexico.
In brief, the technological universities still need to capitalize on the inherent
strengths of short programs in higher education. They must offer a more flexible curriculum, reduce class hours, provide integrated training (technical and intellectual) for
employment, establish transfers for students to continue their studies, and attain the
goal of raising the prestige of their degree in the labor market. With these steps, technological universities can improve their quality, become more attractive for young people
and ensure that the educational model efficiently meets the needs of Mexican society.
Notes
1. I am very grateful to Pedro Flores-Crespo and Carlos Muoz Izquierdo for their insightful
comments to this text.
2. The listed countries have a gross enrollment ratio in higher education greater than 50%; Korea
has 90%, while Mexicos ratio is only 26%.
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3. The average salary of a Tcnico Superior Universitario (TSU) on entering the labor market
is 3,200 pesos a month (CGUT, 2000, p. 24). The study of the structure and dynamics of professional employment in Mexico (ANUIES, 2003) shows that this salary is low in comparison
with salaries earned by holders of bachelors degrees in engineering, or even low-level professional and administrative employees or merchants. According to ANUIES, the professionals
who receive the lowest salaries are to be found in this group of occupations; on average, by
the year 2000, they were earning 6,314 pesos per month (ANUIES, 2003, p. 329). Thus TSUs
earn approximately half the salary of the lowest-paid professionals.
4. Competencies refer to young peoples abilities an integration of knowledge, skills, and
attitudes to respond effectively to the demands of work. See Silva (2008) Contribuye la
Universidad Tecnolgica a formar las competencias necesarias para el desempeo profesional:
Un estudio de caso.
5. Technological University of Nezahualcyotl was founded in 1991. It has an enrollment of
4,000 students and offers areas of study in administration, sales, production, mechatronics,
environmental technology, and information technology. The university is located in Ciudad
Nezahualcyotl, a municipality in the state of Estado de Mxico that has a population of
1,140,528 inhabitants (INEGI, 2005); the age group that corresponds to higher education (ages
20 to 24) numbers 101,744. The city has a large population but a reduced number of schools:
besides the technological university, only one other public school exists (with areas of study in
industrial engineering and accounting). The remaining alternatives are three private institutes
that offer a bachelors degree in law, administration, or information systems (ANUIES, 2001).
Based on these data, we can affirm that in this city, the technological university improves and
broadens the supply of education by facilitating the acceptance of young people unable to enter
other educational institutions.
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Mxico: ANUIES.
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Mxico: ANUIES.
ANUIES (2003). Mercado laboral de profesionistas en Mxico. Primera parte: Diagnstico,
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Arnold, R. (1999). Cambios tecnolgicos y organizativos en la formacin profesional en
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Baza, F., Valenti, G., Moya, L. & Villagarca, L. (1993). Hacia un modelo alternativo de evaluacin
de los programas de postgrado en Mxico. Universidad Futura, 5(13), 6074.
CGUT (2000). Universidades Tecnolgicas. Mandos medios para la industria. Mxico: SEP,
CGUT, Noriega.
CGUT (2008, Enero 16). Misin y visin. Retrieved January, 16, 2008 from: http://cgut.sep.gob.mx
De Garay, A. (2006). Las trayectorias educativas en las Universidades Tecnolgicas. Un acercamiento al modelo educativo desde las prcticas escolares de los jvenes universitarios.
Mxico: SEP, CGUT, Universidad Tecnolgica de la Sierra Hidalguense.
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De lbarrola, M. & Gallart, M. (1994). Democracia y Productividad. Desafos de una nueva
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De Moura, C. & Garca, N. (Eds.) (2003) El modelo del instituto tcnico superior norteamericano.
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Mazeran, J., Mallea, J., Travert, J. Greuin, Ch. & Lafleur, Ch. (2006) Las universidades
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Chapter 14
A Critical Approach to the Community College

Model in the Global Order: The College
Universitaire Rgional de Bambey (Senegal)
as a Case Study
Barrel Gueye and Ibra Sene
Introduction
In the last decades of the twentieth century, the Senegalese public education system
has been plagued with numerous problems, including the shrinking of funding
sources, the lack of adequate facilities with more and more overcrowded classrooms, and the lowest rates of success ever, to name but a few. For the purpose of
tackling this daunting situation efficiently, the government has devised a series of
strategies including the introduction of La Case des Tout-Petits and the Collge
de Proximit, and lastly the building of Regional University Centers.
La Case des Tout-Petits is a new concept that is inspired by the kindergarten
model, where childrens basic skills are developed through creative play and
social interaction. The curriculum is largely rooted in Senegalese cultural values.
With its health and nutrition components, it adds new dimensions to the education of young children. La Case des Tout Petits goes beyond children aged
from 2 to 5 to target even those who are under 1. The idea of the Collge de
Proximit, is to build as many local middle schools as possible, especially in
rural areas.1 This initiative sprang from the same context and was concomitant
with the governments attempt to meet the rapidly growing needs in secondary education. It has resulted in a decade of notable increase in the number of
elementary school graduates.
At the higher education level, the challenge was of a quite different nature and
required another kind of strategy. It resulted in the creation of regional universities
primarily intended for the decentralization of higher education to play a more
important role in the countrys development, in the global context of knowledge and
know-how creation and spread. Along with the University of Thies, the University
of Ziguinchor, the Regional University Center (CUR) of Bambey was established
in 2003. In some respects, the Senegalese CUR is inspired by the North American
community college model and is meant to serve the residents of the community
in which it is located. The CUR of Bambey on which this study focuses is in the
administrative region of Diourbel, which is located in the northwestern part of
Senegal, 146 km west of Dakar, Senegals capital city. This is a semi arid, and
hence barren and infertile zone, where groundnut production, which used to be the

235
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B. Gueye and I. Sene
main source of income in the region, has decreased extremely rapidly over the past
decades. In 2004, the region of Diourbel had 902,327 inhabitants, of whom 20%
were under 20, and more than 50% were female (Service Regional de la Prevision
et de la Statistique de Diourbel, 2004). The region is divided into three geographical districts (Dpartements): Bambey, Diourbel, and Mback, with 252, 834 (28%),
231, 687 (26%) and 418, 806 (46%) inhabitants respectively (DPRE/ME, 2003).
Diourbel is one of the poorest regions of Senegal.
The CUR of Bambey is the first regional university to function, and will naturally serve as a blueprint for the future expansion of the community college model
in Senegal. The relevance of this reform was summed up in the following assessment of the situation at the time of its establishment:
Senegal does not have adequate human resources to carry out effective development programs to reduce poverty, create jobs, or permit meaningful participation in the global
economy. Rural urban educational disparity is particularly acute, as is the relative lack of
educational attainment by women in rural areas. Senegals lack of a better-prepared workforce base threatens economic development and social progress, and creates barriers to the
countrys entry into the global economy (Sack and Witter, 2005, p. 3).
Using Bambey as a case study, we analyze the rationale behind the initial plan of
the CURs, and the ways in which it continuously shifted over time. We also try
to understand the actors involved and their respective agendas, the strengths and
weaknesses of the project, and the prospects for a future impact on higher education
in Senegal. We put all this in context by providing an overview of the Senegalese
university system, with an emphasis on the major turning points of its history, and
the most pressing issues the country has been facing lately in this area.
The Senegalese Higher Education System:

A Brief Overview
The formulation of higher education in Senegal was deeply rooted in the history of
French colonialism in West Africa. The oldest educational institution is the School
of Medicine of French West Africa, established in 1918. Eventually, it expanded
to become the Institut des Hautes Etudes de Dakar [Dakar Institute of Higher
Education] in 1950, and Universit de Dakar [University of Dakar] in 1957. This
was an obvious and sufficient reason for the school to carry a mission primarily
informed by the logic of French colonialism and fundamentally foreign to the aspirations and development needs of its immediate environment.2 The University of
Dakar became Cheikh Anta Diop University (UCAD) in 1986. For most of its existence, even after Senegal became independent from France, the French legacy has
weighed heavily in the development of the curricula and research agendas, which
left the university almost completely cut-off from the development imperatives of
Senegal.3 Gaston Berger University in Saint-Louis, North Senegal, welcomed its
first class in the academic year 19901991. Compared to UCAD, this second public
14
A Critical Approach to the Community College Model in the Global Order
237
university of the country assumed a slightly different mission by proclaiming itself

a development university.4
For a total population of over ten million inhabitants, there are less than one
hundred thousand students in the Senegalese public universities. The two public
universities, University Cheikh Anta Diop of Dakar and the University Gaston
Berger of Saint Louis, hold more than 90% of the total number of college students
in the country (Diagne and Daffe, 2001). With this figure, it is safe to argue that
access to higher education is limited to a very small number of Senegalese, about
55,000, who are of the age to attend college.
With 800 students initially in 1957, UCAD5 extended its enrollment to 3,700
students in 1970/71, and 16,500 in 1989 (Diagne and Daffe, 2001), before reaching about 55,000 in 2007. In the last decades of the twentieth century, the growing
needs in higher education, in tandem with the high rate of repetition in the freshman
and sophomore years in almost all departments, have had a devastating impact on
the reputation of UCAD. In 1990, the second Senegalese public university opened
in Saint Louis, with a class of 600 students (Diagne and Daffe, 2001).6 Though to a
lesser degree, Saint-Louis, like Dakar, quickly became overcrowded, as its enrollment tripled in less than 5 years. For this reason, the University Gaston Berger of
Saint Louis could not absorb the rapidly increasing number of high school graduates. The deep deterioration in the learning conditions has been epitomized by the
permanent instability at both universities, which are paralyzed every year by a
series of student strikes.
In addition to the plethoric number of students, there is a real lack of resources,
which makes the Senegalese university one of the most indigent rings in the educational chain. These problems are better apprehended when we analyze the situation
of individual faculties.7 Although the humanities and social sciences get the smallest
part of public funding, these departments have the biggest enrollments. According
to Diagne and Daffe (2001) they got the lions share in both Saint Louis and Dakar,
with 40% and 60% respectively, of the total student population in 1997.8 It is safe
to assume that this situation has not become any better in the last 10 years.
Another major problem with the higher education system in Senegal is its inadaptability to the needs of the job market. In fact, annually, fewer job opportunities
exist for new graduates. The curricula remain too general all through the different
cycles, and the lack of practical knowledge is one of the factors contributing to the
high rate of unemployment among high school and university graduates.
Besides the public universities, there are a very few post-secondary professional
and technical schools. But these schools remain very selective and accept a very
small portion of the students who graduate from high school. Also, over the last
1015 years, with the liberalization of the higher education sector, many private
universities and post-secondary professional schools have been created in Senegal.
But because of the prohibitive fees they charge, they have not been able to improve
the situation significantly. One might ask why students continue to enroll in postsecondary education when unemployment is so high. The answer to this question
is that the Senegalese public universities are the only option for about 90% of all
238
high school graduates. Because of this situation, most of the students end up at the
UCAD or University Gaston Berger, which enroll more than they technically can,
given the chronic dearth of resources they face.9
To tackle efficiently the many educational problems the country has been
confronted with, the Senegalese government implemented an ambitious program
between 1998 and 2002, namely the Plan Dcennal de lEducation et de la
Formation (PDEF). The PDEF was launched in 1998 and was aimed at enhancing
the educational system in general. The second phase of the program (20022012)
is underway. But, although the first phase (19982002) has yielded a few achievements, especially the increase in primary education enrollments and, to a lesser
extent, in secondary education, the country still has a long way to go as far as
achieving education for all is concerned.
In 2001, the Projet dAmlioration de lEnseignement Suprieur (PAES) started
within the PDEF and focused specifically on the development of higher education
over the next decade. The building of more regional universities was identified as
one of the goals of the PAES. These regional universities were established for the
improvement of the quality of teaching and research, through the adaptation of the
curricula to the countrys development expectations, but also with the increase in
research funding, to curtail the high number of failing students. Also included were
the drastic limitation of admissions, the privatization of university restaurants, and
the development the first time ever in the history of Senegal of private initiatives in
higher education, to help cover the needs in this area.
It was in the same perspective that the government came up with the idea of
creating a new type of higher educational institutions, the colleges universitaires
rgionaux (CUR), inspired by the American and Canadian models of community colleges. As a French possession until 1960, Senegal had not been divorced
totally from its former colonizer in many regards. However, in the last decades,
especially since 2000, these ties have been weakening considerably.10 This shift
could be analyzed as the Senegalese governments need to force the country out
of the French pr-carr, and to build strong economic relationships with other
countries such as the United States and China.11 Especially with regard to higher
education, this rupture coincided with the necessity for Senegal to align its university system with global standards.. The decision to seek inspiration from the
American community college system was partly due to the fact that the French
educational model could no longer successfully meet the needs of Senegal in
terms of higher education.12
From the very beginning, the CURs were conceived of as vocational/technical
community colleges that can help support the development of rural cities, and demonstrate the governments commitment to human resource investment. Also, [t]he
proposed age range for incoming students [would] be from 1624 years and [t]
heir education qualifications [would] be from two years before the Baccalaureate
to three years after it (Bac 2 to Bac + 3) (Sack and Witter, 2005, p. 3). Various
changes were made to this initial plan at different periods, under various circumstances, and for many reasons. In the following section we try to analyze these
changes and their outcome.
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CUR: An Initiative to Revamp the Senegalese

Education System
In 1994, a reform was initiated by the Senegalese government to decongest the
UCAD and the University of Saint Louis, through the decentralization of the system
by creating new higher education institutions in other parts of the country. In 2002,
the National Assembly passed a law (Projet de Loi No 27/2002) to build regional
university colleges/centers (CUR) in cities like Bambey, Kaolack, Ziguinchor,
Tamba, Matam, and Louga. In the letter and the spirit of the 2002 law, the CUR
would offer programs with a slightly different content in comparison to Dakar and
Saint-Louis, by giving more focus to vocational training. The fields that were initially considered ranged from community health and computer science to tourism
and business, to name but a few.
The initiative of creating CURs had the ultimate goal of playing an important
role in the quest for sustainable solutions to the socioeconomic development problems the country had been facing in the past decades, by offering better opportunities and hope to people who have always been excluded from, or ill-served
by, the higher education system. According to the Minister of Education, Prof.
Moustapha Sourang, through this initiative, the government sought to attain a more
democratized model of higher education, with more realistic goals (Le Quotidien,
October 31, 2003). Therefore, a salient element of this agenda would be to equip
graduates with the knowledge and skills necessary to fully participate as citizens in
the building and well-being of their society.
The same vision was echoed by the then Minister of Pedagogical Affairs and
former Principal of CES, Diery Fall of Bambey (junior high school), and Ibrahima
Fall, who saw in the CUR a good solution for a series of problems that posed a
real threat to the education of the Senegalese youth. The most daunting problem
that Principal Fall identified was the steadily growing number of public university
graduates, whom the national job market could not absorb. He thought that the
decentralization of higher education that came with the establishment of the CURs
could help curtail this trend. Besides that, and following the initial plan, the CURs,
as in the American model of community colleges, would welcome non-traditional
students who have some high school education but have not passed the national
exam required for entrance to university, the baccalaureate.13 As House majority
leader, Abdou Fall, put it in 2003, the Senegalese government expected the creation
of the CURs to be one of the most revolutionary projects initiated in the area of
higher education, since President Abdoulaye Wade came to power in March 2000
(Le Quotidien, October 31, 2003). The establishment of the CURs was a central
feature of the educational reform that the new government considered one of the
issues of national interest it had to tackle right away.
As it appears, the CUR was initially modeled on the American community college.
However, the actual implementation of the project would reveal a number of
problems. In fact, the government widely publicized the CURs as the cornerstone of a reform that would bring sustainable solutions to the many and complex
240
problems that had plagued Senegalese higher education for decades. Yet, there
was no clarity as to how officials would go about this. The Ministry of Education
showed uncertainty and hesitation regarding the actual organization of the CURs
and the definition of their legal status within the university system. Since the government was groping around it was even more difficult to identify the right human
resources to lead the reform and ensure its proper implementation. The way in
which this situation played out in Bambey was that it left enough space for the
new Rector to maneuver at ease. When he was appointed, he came with a vision
which he was determined to implement, in order to fill the gap. More important, he
brought and stood upon a solid experience in research, teaching, outreach, higher
education administration, and consultancy with the private sector at both national
and international levels.
CUR of Bambey: From a Vacuum to a Vision

for Tomorrow
The Ministry of Education officials have always avowed the Senegalese governments willingness to adopt the American community college model. This was
achieved by the building of new facilities to house the CUR of Bambey, and by
securing commitment from foreign funding institutions such as the USAID and the
French Cooperation Agency, to support the initiative. However, the actual implementation was not as quick and smooth as many people expected it to be. It is safe
to argue that the desire to use the project for electoral propaganda weighed heavier
than the readiness of the Wade administration to implement it and its command
over the content of the curricula, and the general orientation of the CUR of Bambey
and the role it would play within the wider higher education system.
This lack of preparedness of the Senegalese government came in various forms,
but one of the most serious flaws was the fact that officials did not seriously look
into the legal and structural implications of appointing the executives for the CUR
and the constraints that might come with it. The first bottleneck was that, under
the current Senegalese law, the chief administrative officer of any higher education
institution has to be a full professor. Yet, compared to Dakar and Saint-Louis, where
the two biggest public universities of the country are located, the rural commune of
Bambey could not offer many attractive advantages for a faculty of this rank. Our
contention is that any attempt to revise the law to appoint a competent associate
professor or even an assistant professor would have been impossible because of the
entrenched elitist hierarchy that governs the Senegalese university. We believe that
the system still carries a heavy French legacy that unfortunately makes it necessary
to value the rank of the faculty more than actual competence or managerial skills.14
For this reason, it took more than 2 years after the official creation of the CUR of
Bambey in 2004 for the beginning of its first class in October 2006.
The current Rector is the former Dean of the UFR15 of Law and Political Science
at the University Gaston Berger, the second Senegalese public university that
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opened in 1990 in Saint-Louis. In the interview we had with him, he maintained

that at the time of his appointment, he was still dean, but willingly accepted the
offer because of the fact that there was nothing in Bambey and that he saw the
challenge of starting from scratch as a stimulating and noble endeavor.
The governments inability to determine precisely the ways in which the US
community college model could be replicated in Senegal as one way of tackling
efficiently the growing needs of the country in the area of higher education, provided an opportunity for the CUR of Bambey to come into being. The current
Rector assumed the leadership role in the school with a set of ideas as the roadmap for the establishment of what he thought should become a center of excellence, and a blueprint for the creation of regional universities in Senegal. Although
inspired by the US community college in many ways, Bambey departs from it in
that the teaching and outreach programs are inspired by the specific needs of the
area. Obviously, Bambey envisions strengthening and maintaining this foundation, geared toward the needs of the local community. But, at the same time, the
Rector is already looking at the possibility of building a strong research agenda
around local, national, and international development issues. The official name of
the school, Universit de Bambey Collge Universitaire Rgional [University of
Bambey Regional University College] (UB-CUR)16 is the best expression of this
hybrid nature of its future agenda. The Rector clearly defines this orientation when
he suggests:
Bambey has been established as a Regional University College [CUR] and the government
wants to maintain that name because of the symbol it carries. In my opinion we are still a
CUR with our professionalized bachelors, although the plan in the near future is to start
masters and doctoral programs, like in any other Senegalese public university (Cisse, 2007).
The CUR of Bambey came up with the most revolutionary curriculum in the history
of higher education in Senegal, even compared to the University of Ziguinchor and
the University of Thies, both established in 20062007. The originality of Bambey
resides in the fact that it was designed by Senegalese people to serve the needs of
the community in which it is established and the country in general. The schools
agenda challenges the elitist model inherited from France, places the student at the
center of its mission, and thrives by reaching a balance between the training offered
and the needs of the market and the surrounding society.
A combination of factors made it relatively easy for the Rector to recruit the
faculty and the first class of the CUR of Bambey. There have always been more
people graduating with a doctorate from the two public universities in Dakar and
Saint-Louis, than faculty position openings. Along with this group, there are a
sizable number of Senegalese who earned their doctorates from foreign universities
and who look for job opportunities at home. There are also a smaller number of
Ph.D. holders from other African countries who are attracted by the Senegalese
universities. Lastly, the CUR of Bambey has the opportunity to tap into a large pool
of professionals, from the private or public sectors, with graduate degrees, and who
can teach some courses.
As for the recruitment of the first class of the CUR, the target number of students
was way below the high school graduates who would not have access to the two
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public universities in the country, let alone the expensive private universities and
post-secondary professional schools.
From a Teacher-centered to a Student-centered Model. For its first class the CUR
of Bambey has registered a little less than 300 students. They were selected following the same criteria used by the other Senegalese public universities in recruiting
their students. The first requirement of all was to pass the national examination of
the Baccalaurat and to have a GPA of 10/20 at least. Also, the CUR, like the other
public universities, was open to all Senegalese high school graduates, regardless of
their regional and/or social origin. For the academic year 20072008, the target is
to reach a student body of at least 1,000 (Cisse, 2007).
Giving voice to students and involving them in the process of learning is central
to the agenda put forward by the Rector and his team. This is a revolutionary
option in the context of the Senegalese higher education system, which has been
very teacher-centered. But, for the administration of the school, allowing students
to have a say on how the teaching is conducted is one of the best ways to ensure
that they learn better. Among other things, the implications of such an orientation
would be for the faculty to break with the paternalistic way of dealing with the
learner, which the Senegalese educational system inherited from France; hence
the need to check the traditionally unrestrained freedom and power that teachers
have to decide about the learners career.
The CUR established a precise agenda for the faculty, which spells out clearly
the expectations of the administration. Along the same lines, an evaluation system
of faculty performance in which students are involved has been implemented to
make sure that teachers who fail to meet the requirements set forth by the administration receive adequate sanctions. This is a philosophy of teaching that parallels both Deweys and Freires pedagogy, where the learner is at the center of the
learning process. This is to ensure that teaching and learning are geared toward
the success of all instead of a tiny minority, as it has always been the case at all
levels of the Senegalese educational system, particularly in higher education. The
rational behind this student-centered model is expressed by the CURs Rector as
follow:
In Bambey, we did not want to do like the other Senegalese public universities where the
learner is not involved in the learning process, and where faculty are not evaluated and
sanctioned when they do not fulfill their duties or rewarded accordingly to their performance. Most of all, we wanted to get away from the paradigm of failure that governs many
African universities and plagues the two oldest Senegalese public universities. I do not
believe in massive student failure at the university. This should not be the rule but rather
the exception (Cisse, 2007).
In addition to the intramural instruction, students are carefully placed by the college
in various private businesses, governmental agencies, NGOs, and other community
organizations, for internships, in order to give them hands-on experience in their
respective areas of specialization. For the first year, some did their internships in the
cities of Bambey and Diourbel, and others were placed further west, in Thies and
Dakar.17 The learning process also involves the instillation of a set of values in the
students, drawn from the Senegalese cultural background. To that end, all the main
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buildings of the campus are named after those values or well-known Senegalese
men and women who symbolize them.
Taking into account the students cultural background is important in a learning
environment as it promotes an understanding of the students as human and
cultural beings, and represents a good way to guarantee success. This corresponds
to Vygotskys notion of Zone of Proximal Development, which encourages
teachers to know their students better in order to allow them to grow and challenge themselves more efficiently. If the teaching is not in keeping with the
students background, learning cannot occur or if it does, it is limited and could
dissociate learners from their own realities. Since the colonial period, Senegal has
been sustaining what Freire terms the banking concept of education, whereby
[e] ducation thus becomes an act of depositing, in which the students are the
depositories and the teacher is the depositor. Instead of communicating, the teacher
issues communiqus and makes deposits which the students patiently receive,
memorize, and repeat. He maintains furthermore that in such a system the scope
of action allowed to the students extends only as far as receiving, filing, and storing the deposits (Freire, 2000). Chomsky (1999) echoes Freire and argues that
teaching should not be compared to filling a bottle with water but rather to helping
a flower to grow in its own way.
The student-centered approach adopted by the administration of the CUR of
Bambey goes beyond the formal instruction that take place within and outside the
classroom. It also involves preparing students for their future lives. In collaboration
with the Banque Regionale de Solidarite,18 the administration has assisted all the
students to open a bank account. Besides encouraging them to save money, this
initiative also helps them get early acquaintance with electronic banking in preparation for the professional world they will be entering upon graduation. Along the
same lines, the administration invests a lot of effort in the maintenance of a clean
environment.19 This orientation of the colleges programs is considered to be the
best way to build the strong institution which the Rector and his team want the CUR
of Bambey to become in the near future, with the credo of elevating excellence
as a paradigm (Cisse, 2007). This concept entails a close connection with the surrounding communities and the promotion of their human, economic and cultural
development.
Competitiveness and Service: Training for the Job Market

and the Community
The CUR of Bambey offers four majors including Community Health, Management,
Computer Science, and a combination of Mathematics-Physics-Chemistry-Computer
Science. The rationale behind this program speaks of the administrations desire and
commitment to design a pragmatic agenda which integrates teaching, competitiveness in the job market, and service to the community. In this the CUR of Bambey
takes a totally new direction. Over a long period of time, the unemployment rate
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among UCAD graduates has been steadily increasing. It has been documented
that this problem is directly related to the mismatch between the training offered
by this university and the needs in the job market. The Etats Gnraux de
lEducation, a national conference convened in 1981 to reflect on the future and
effectiveness of the Senegalese educational system, came up with a series of possible solutions to this problem, but they were never implemented. The backlash
against this daunting problem has been a mounting disinterest in public higher
education in the last few years.20 Besides universities, the extent to which public
schooling in general has lost its reputation is a reality at almost all levels of the
educational system. A recent study conducted in Bambey on dropouts has shown
that students leave middle or high school not only because it is challenging, but
also because of the lack of prospects of employment on the job market after
graduation (Gueye, 2006).
Following the plan put forward by the administration, the research component
of the colleges program should be developed in the near future. However, for
the time being, teaching and service are the areas where most of the attention is
focused. The main objective is to provide students with the necessary skills to be
employable and productive immediately upon graduation. The various bachelors
degrees offered by the college pursue the same goal. They are tailored to the
problems in the industry and businesses which have always been there, and which
the Senegalese university has never been able to address in an efficient manner.
In doing so, the CUR of Bambey breaks away from a tradition that the Senegalese
university has long held and which consists of training students, without even making
sure that they are competitive on the job market.
The program also targets areas such as healthcare and various aspects of local
development, where the society has for a long time been in dire need for sciencebased and sustainable interventions.21 In fact, there has been a continuously deepening mistrust in the formal educational system, particularly at the university level,
among growing numbers of people in our societies. As we have described, the
system that we inherited from France had an elitist orientation, and was mostly
out of touch with the realities and aspirations of our society. Moving away from
this infamous tradition, the administration of the CUR of Bambey seeks to offer an
appropriate model for the development needs in Senegal. This orientation is well
expressed by the Rector when he declares that they:
are deeply rooted in the locality, yet resolutely open to the rest of the country and the World
more generally. [They] are committed in training young development agents for the area
where [they] are implemented, but also for the whole of Senegal, the rest of the African
continent, and the World. In the future, [they] envision welcoming students from other
countries, African or otherwise, in [their] degree-granting programs, exchange programs,
and other short-term training (Cisse, 2007).
The CURs engagement with the society comes through an active partnership in
which the administration reaches out to political authorities, local organizations,
and community leaders, as well as various interest groups, and establishes a mutually beneficial exchange with them. The City Council of Bambey has allocated
30 ha to the CUR for the extension of the campus. Also, the two institutions have
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reached an agreement regarding the building of student dorms and apartments for
university staff and faculty in the city of Bambey, with the objective of strengthening the relations between the city and the CUR.22 As already mentioned, the CUR
also collaborates with governmental services, private businesses, NGOs and local
organizations where students are placed for their internships.
The CUR has developed constructive working relations with the religious
authorities in the area. Because they have a good understanding of the work being
done by the college, they have embraced the initiative and have offered to the
administration their support. Bambey is situated in the administrative region of
Diourbel as is the holy city of Touba, the birthplace and center for the powerful Sufi
brotherhood of the Murids. The move consisting of getting the religious authorities
on board has been a strategic one. In fact, the widespread disinterest toward public
schooling and the high rate of dropouts in this part of the country have been long
explained by the continuous association made between public schooling and French
colonialism and its assimilationist policy.
More recently, the CUR has developed a collaborative initiative with women
potters in Bambey and the surrounding villages. The administration has bought a
great deal of their pottery for the decorations going on throughout the campus, but
also for gifts to the distinguished guests who visit the college. The Rector suggests
that this initiative is a top priority for his team, as it is a way to help these women
to sell their products more easily and increase their outcome. Finally, the plan to
set up a wireless internet network, as well as a solar energy system for the colleges
energy needs will require other types of partnerships.23
Clearly, the CUR of Bambey is geared toward a wider infusion of higher
education into the society to enhance the quality of life, through the integration of
teaching, service to, and collaboration with, the society. The research component
that will be put forward in the near future, as planned by the administration of the
college, will also pursue the same goal. Obviously, this agenda borrows from the
US community college that was initially intended to serve as a model in designing the project of regional university colleges in Bambey, Thies, and Ziguinchor.
However, the CUR of Bambey departs from the US community college model,
and also takes many attributes of a traditional research university such as Cheikh
Anta Diop University. Therefore, it is useful to look at how the combination of
these two systems unveils a new vision in Senegalese higher education in the era
of globalization.
It is too early to say whether the outcome of the training in Bambey has
increased job availability after graduation, because the first class has not yet graduated. It is certain though that even before the end of their training, students are
given hands-on experience in their respective areas of specialization. Besides this
early introduction to the professional world, the curriculum at the CUR of Bambey
includes a solid correlation between students training and the needs in the job
market. Thus the school gives a new meaning and a new orientation to higher education, which Dakar and Saint-Louis have never significantly succeeded in doing.
In fact, not only are the graduates from Bambey supposed to have more potential
to fit in the job market, but they are also expected to have a better chance to get
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employed. Because for many years this has not been the case for most UCAD and
Gaston Berger University degree holders, one can arguably expect good prospects
out of the current reform.
CUR of Bambey, the US Community College

and the Senegalese University
The CUR of Bambey opened in 2006 as the initial center of the new reform, designed
to overcome a number of problems that the Senegalese educational system was confronted with. In fact, the country has a very low literacy rate (40%) and a lower rate
of the school-age population going to secondary schools (21%), and a staggering rate
of failure in the first 2 years of higher education (78%), which is the main reason for
the youth representing 60% of the unemployed (Sack and Witter, 2005, p. 3). Such an
orientation is at the center of the operation of the CUR of Bambey and the curriculum
put forward under the leadership of the current Rector and his team. But what makes
the first CUR a quite specific case is the fact that, in many ways, it has deviated from
the initial plan that the Senegalese government wanted to implement.
It was for the purpose of helping to support the development of rural cities,
and demonstrate the governments commitment to human resource investment
(Sack and Witter, 2005, p. 3) that the idea of implementing CURs was developed in
Senegal. Inspired by the US/Canadian community college models, the Senegalese
CURs were initially conceived as vocational/technical schools, and were expected
to provide students with the skills needed for the labor market. Admission into
higher education was no longer automatic after the Baccalaureate. For this reason,
the CURs were supposed to serve as an outlet for those who could not make it to
the two overcrowded public universities in Dakar and Saint-Louis. In the initial
plan, the CURs would accept students aged between 16 and 24 years and whose
education qualifications are from two years before the Baccalaureate to three
years after it (Bac 2 to Bac + 3). (Sack and Witter, 2005, p. 3). However, as we
have already shown, this plan has changed over time.
The most important similarity between the US community college and the CUR
of Bambey is the focus on practical know-how rather than on abstract knowledge.
The curricula for the ten bachelors degrees offered by the school are primarily in
keeping with the local development needs. Bambey is one of the poorest towns
of the country and one that suffer the most from the rural-urban educational disparity.
Therefore, the idea of supporting the development of rural cities through the implementation of the CURs is very relevant here. At the CUR of Bambey, students
are trained according to the needs expressed by various stakeholders, including
the business sector, the public sector, NGOs, and community groups. The school
maintains a strong philosophy of service to the community, which is based on a
partnership for the mutual benefit of both parties. The integration of training and
service through active collaboration with the community seeks to attain a better
quality of life for all.
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The underlying factor and main driving force of this model is its studentcentered orientation. In fact, as we have mentioned above, the curriculum, as well
as the general environment, is intended not only to provide students with the skills
needed to be competitive in the job market, but also the capability as citizens to
participate responsibly in the political, economic, social, and cultural life of their
communities.
Fundamentally, the CUR of Bambey is promoting a philosophy in higher education which is entirely new in Senegal. But although the college takes a clearly different path compared to Cheikh Anta Diop University and Gaston Berger University,
it has kept and/or is planning to retain a number of characteristics of the classic
university model. One of the most telling elements in that regard is the official name
of the college, Universit de Bambey-Collge Universitaire Rgional [University of
Bambey-Regional University College]. The administration has made it clear that the
CUR of Bambey is deeply rooted in the tradition of the community colleges model
and will maintain the professionalized nature of the curriculum. Nevertheless, the
plan for Bambey is to become a real research university in the near future.
According to the Rector, such a move is a logical one if the CUR of Bambey
wants to keep the mission it was assigned from the very beginning. In fact, he
believes strongly that Bambey should show the other Senegalese universities the
way toward a real integration of teaching, research, service, and active collaboration with the community for a betterment of the life of the Senegalese people. That
is why the CUR will soon be opening masters and doctoral programs. Beyond
Senegal, the Rector maintains that Bambey will even open up to Africa, and the
world. Therefore, the CUR of Bambey follows the same academic tenure policy
and process of the Conseil Africain et Malgache pour lEnseignement Suprieur
(CAMES). This organization is in charge of various issues in higher education
including promotion, tenure, academic accreditation, and the like, in Madagascar
and most of Francophone Africa.
Today, the CUR of Bambey, cannot be considered an exact replica of the American
community college model, although it definitely breaks away from the tradition of
the classic Senegalese university. In fact, it takes inspiration from both institutions
and develops a new philosophy in higher education. Strongly geared toward catering
to the needs of the immediate surrounding communities and the country as a whole,
the CUR nevertheless plans, as a university, to open up to the world.
Conclusion
The model that is being experimented at the CUR of Bambey should be definitely
considered as a revolutionary one in the context of Senegalese higher education.
It brings the mission assigned to universities down to earth by tying it to the job
market and more generally to the development needs of the society. In this regard,
it breaks away from the elitist system that Senegal inherited from France and which
has been guiding the Senegalese universities ever since, and embraces a pragmatic
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agenda in teaching, research, and outreach. The CUR of Bambey also embodies the
idea that access to higher education needs to be more democratized. To this end, the
Rector has argued that, because Senegal needs many more students at the university
level than the country has currently, the CUR of Bambey will seek to attract the
maximum number of young people. This orientation puts the college in the right
track for the reduction in the high rate of unemployment among university graduates and the creation of the human resources critically important for the development of the country Grubb et al. (2003a). The CUR of Bambey and the philosophy
of higher education its carries make one think about the various ways in which the
land-grant universities contributed a great deal to the economic and social advancement of the United Sates. All these elements of strength notwithstanding, there are
real hurdles that lie ahead and which could constitute an impediment to the development of the model that is being developed in Bambey.
The establishment of the CURs in Senegal was conceived by the government
officials and other funding institutions that supported the project, such as USAID, as
a way to support the development of rural cities like Bambey. But for CUR to have
a real impact on the development of Bambey, there should be a strong commitment
from the government to support the growth of the college, at least in the first years,
with heavy investments for the development of the basic infrastructure that the city
really lacks. This is necessary to attract the faculty that have the skills for the type
of training, research, and service that the CUR will be developing. The college itself
needs larger financial means to accomplish all the work that has started and/or is
planned for the future. The first class of the CUR had 297 students, and the administration plans to recruit up to 1,000 students for the academic year 20082009. Bambey
has developed a wide palette of partnerships, at the local, national, and international
level, that could generate a lot of financial and other important resources. However,
the growth of the student body needs to be sustained by substantial public funding in
order to reduce in a reasonable amount of time the deficit in university enrollments
in Senegal and consolidate what the CUR of Bambey has done and/or plans on doing
more in the near future. There is an urgent need to build a shared understanding of
the priorities in this area among all the stakeholders. Yet, although we do not have
substantial evidence to support our claim, a quick glance at the ways in which the
University of Thies and the University of Ziguinchor have operated so far, does not
seem to suggest that the Bambey model is being developed there. Rather, the other
two new Senegalese universities seem to be widely guided by the model inherited
from France. The Senegalese government should use in a more efficient way the
40% of the national budget that is being devoted to education, but without a clearly
noticeable impact. Officials should also have more coordination and a more thorough
understanding of the reform of higher education. While the CUR of Bambey has
just started to show the new direction for a brighter future for the Senegalese higher
educational system, the recently opened universities of Ziguinchor and Thies have
been growing in the midst of serious difficulties. Because the Senegalese government
has not yet addressed efficiently these problems, the idea of building a university in
Diourbel in 2008 raised by the Ministry of Education appears to us as a disruptive
plan to say the least.
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Notes
1. In the context we are dealing with here, the French word college means middle school.
2. The university, officially the 18th French university, was under the umbrella of the Academy
of Bordeaux and delivered French degrees until the 1970s.
3. Since 1970, Senegalese government had various initiatives devoted to overturn this logic
with a non-negligible pressure from student organizations. But it was in the last 5 years,
under Rector Abdou Salam Sall, that UCAD has engaged the most ambitious reorganization
of its history to redefine its mission. Drawing upon the large body of skills of students, faculty, staff, alumni, and friends, the university has committed itself to playing a more active
role in all endeavors intended to advancing the Senegalese and West African societies.
Needless to say, it has not been very easy to implement such a profound reform because of
the history of the university.
4. The current Rector of the CUR of Bambey came from that background.
5. The University of Dakar became Cheikh Anta Diop University in March 1986.
6. Initially called University de Saint-Louis it eventually became University Gaston Berger.
7. At UCAD the faculty is equivalent to the college at American universities. At UGB, instead
of faculty this unit is called Unit de Formation et Recherche (UFR).
8. According to Prof. Moustapha Sourang, Minister of Education, a new university will be built,
beginning in 2008, in Diourbel. The plan has been already approved by the Senegalese government and this university will focus on the humanities and social sciences. This project will
be implemented in Diourbel and is not part of the CUR of Bambey. The main reason behind
is to help lessen the pressure on the congested Facult des Lettres et Sciences Humaines at
UCAD, Dakar.
9. In general student who earn a degree from the public or private post-secondary, as well as the
private universities have more chance to get a job than those from the public universities.
10. In March 2000, President Abdou Diouf who was in power since 1981 was defeated by current
President Abdoulaye Wade.
11. The French pr-carr is composed of Frances former colonies that maintained solid economic
and diplomatic relationships. The desire of the French government to remain a monopoly on
the foreign relations of these former colonies has been seriously challenged by the emergence
of the US growing presence in West Africa, but also the emergence of China as new world
power. Also, more and more politicians, intellectuals, and members of the civil societies have
started questioning the ties with France.
12. In many regards, Senegal has been maintaining until now a higher educational system that has
been completely reformed in France since the early 1980. For examples Senegal still has the
thse de 3 cycle and the thse dEtat, that are required for tenure.
13. The Cur system comes finally as an at last solution to rescue both high school and the
University. These two institutions had suffered from the popular PDEF programs that focused
primarily on the primary education level.
14. The Rector of the CUR of Bambey is not quite happy as he pointed out the fact that some US
universities are headed by people who do not even have a doctoral degree and however do a
good managerial job.
15. UFR (Unit de Formation et de Recherche) is a unit at the University Gaston Berger which is
equivalent to a College at an American university.
16. We refer to the Universit de Bambey Collge Universitaire Rgional as CUR of
Bambey.
17. The plan is to be able to reach the other parts of the country in the near future.
18. The Banque Regionale de Solidarite is was established in 2006 by many West African
countries.
19. The promotion of a healthy environment is dear to the administration of the CUR. This comes
through the maintenance of clean campus. Also every student is required to plant a tree and
preserve it. Also all the renowned guess of the CUR are asked to plant a tree.
250
20. In fact, in the last 1015 years, the public higher educational institutions have lost so much
of their attractiveness that more and more high-school graduates just decide to go to private
professional schools. The latter, over the same period of time, have grown so fast in Dakar,
the capital, as well as in other cities. It is ironic that many faculty from the public universities teach part-time in these private professional schools. This is a very complex issue that
deserves in itself a deeper investigation due to the serious it certainly has on higher education
efficiency.
21. The bachelors degrees offered by the CUR of Bambey community health, computer
maintenance, web development, management of development projects, local and public
administration, applied chemistry, applied physics, applied statistics, management of smallscale companies.
22. The CUR is working on this initiative in collaboration with the International Organization for
Migration (IOM) and some people among the Senegalese Diaspora.
23. The Rector thinks that partnerships are crucial to the life of the CUR of Bambey, because they
annually 450,000,000 FCFA (about US$1,000,000) from the government whereas their needs
are more than 1 billion FCFA (about $2,000,000). That is why college funding is so important.
The school also is developing continuing education programs for private businesses, NGOs,
and the like, in the cities of Dakar, Thies, and Saint-Louis. The Foundation of the UB-CUR
will primarily focus its works on looking for funding opportunities.
Bibliography
Bowles, S. and Gintis, H. (1976). Schooling in capitalist America. New York: Basic Books.
Brint, S. and Karabel, J. (1989). The diverted dream: community colleges and educational opportunity in America, 19001985. New York: Oxford University Press.
Castro, C. de Maura and Garcia, N. M. (2003). Community colleges: a model for Latin America.
Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Chomsky, N. (1999). Profit over people. New York: Seven Stories Press.
Cohen, A. M. and Brawer, F. B. (2002). The American community college. San Francisco, CA:
Jossey-Bass.
Cisse, Abdoullah. (2007). Rector of the UB-CUR, Dakar. Interview on July 29, 2007.
Deil-Aman, R. and Rosenbaum, J. E. (2001). How can low-status colleges help young adults gain
access to better jobs? Applications of human capital v. sociological models. Paper presented at
the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association. Anaheim, CA, August.
Diagne, A. and Daffe, G. (2001). Le financement de lducation au Sngal. Dakar: ADEA &
CODESRIA.
Freire, P. (2000). Pedagogy of the oppressed (3rd ed.). New York: Continuum Publishing Company.
Grubb, W. N., Bradway, N. and Bell, D. (2003a). Workforce, economic and community development: the changing landscape of the entrepreneurial community college. Berkeley, CA:
NCRVE and Mission Viejo League for Innovation.
Grubb, W. N., Bradway, N. and Bell, D. (2003b). Community Colleges and the Equity Agenda:
The Potential of Noncredit Education, in Kathleen M. S. and Jerry A. J. (eds.), Community
colleges: new environments, new directions. Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science. Volume 586, March 2003.
Gueye, B. (2006). Perspectives on Gender, Culture, Identity and Education: An Ethnographic
Study of the Discontinuity of Secondary Schooling in Senegal, West Africa, PhD Diss.,
SUNY Binghamton.
Le Quotidien, October 31, 2003, Dakar, Senegal.
Ministre de IEducation, Direction de le Planification et de la Rforme de IEducation (DPRE),
Rapport Annuel, 2003.
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Plan Dcennal de lEducation et de la Formation (PDEF) ww.education.gouv.sn/politique/introduction.html

Sack, R. and Witter, G. (2005). Assessment of a Proposed Community College Project for Senegal
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(PDEF), 2002.
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Dmographiques de la Rgion de Diourbel, 2004.
Chapter 15
The Case for Associate Degrees in Curaao

Rosita Tormala-Nita and Gilbert Cijntje
Introduction
The Dutch utilitarian education structure has undergone multiple paradoxical
changes. In the past, paradoxes resulted in the current binary system of higher
education in the Netherlands, drawing a rigid distinction between degrees
awarded by the research university (Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs (WO)) and those
awarded by the professional education university (Hoger Beroeps Onderwijs (HBO)).
. As part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the Caribbean island of Curaao has
founded its system of education based on the European Dutch system of higher
education (Fig. 15.1&15.2), yet through the years opted for a more progressive
reform by adopting a comprehensive model of higher education that integrates both
the applied bachelors/masters degrees (HBO) and the more scientific bachelors/
masters (WO) into a single institution of higher learning (Fig. 15.2). At the current
crossroad, attrition in the bachelor-degree-granting institutions in the Netherlands
and in Curaao has made the American model of academic associate degrees a
possible alternative for adoption. However, the idea of transforming public postsecondary non-tertiary schools (Middelbaar Beroeps Onderwijs (MBO) or (Secundair
Beroeps Onderwijs (SBO))1 into Associate Colleges suggests yet another paradox
for the Dutch system of higher education. The Netherlands has taken the first
step forward by piloting the associate degree as part of the applied bachelor program HBO Raad, 2007 should be HBO-raad, 2007 (Nuffic, 2004, 2005a, 2005b;
HBO-raad, 2007; Moens, 2005). Curaao is closely watching the outcome in the
Netherlands and examining the option at the local public university. In this chapter,
we will make some modest attempts to shed some light on where to introduce the
American model of Associate Colleges (Vocational Associates) and/or whether to
follow suit and adopt only the Dutch approach to associate degrees (Liberal Arts
Associate) in Curaao. The main questions posed in this chapter are:
1. What is the purpose of postsecondary non-tertiary education?
2. Would the Dutch alternative address the education needs of the new generation
of the vocational inclined in Curaao?
3. Or should the American path to higher learning be the alternative of the
future?
253
254
R. Tormala-Nita and G. Cijntje
Fig. 15.1 Separate and unequal, but practical educational structure (Government of Curaao Web
site at www.Curaao-gov.an [Retrieved July, 2008])
WO = Research UniversityBachelorMasterPhD institution
VWO = University Prep
HBO = Other (applied) BachelorMaster institutions
HAVO = College Prep
Volwassenen Educatie = Adult Continuing Education
SBO = Postsecondary non-tertiary (proposed associate level)
VSBO = Secondary vocational schools (lower and upper)
VSO = Apprenticeship and Special secondary vocational level
SO = Special Education Grades 5 and 6 level
FSO = Special Education kindergarten through elementary Grade 4 level
Funderend Onderwijs Derde Cyclus Basisvorming = Regular Basic Education Grades 7 and 8
(government is undecided on this level of reform in process)
Basis Onderwijs = Regular Grades 5 and 6 (next level of reform in process)
Funderend Onderwijs (eerste cyclus, tweede cyclus) = Regular kindergarten through Grade 4
The new paradox that has surfaced is rooted in the definition of the higher
education system. This chapter presents higher education in Curaao, which consists of accredited institutions of postsecondary education that grant 3- (WO) to 4(HBO) year bachelors or higher degrees and whose accreditation is recognized by
the Department of Education. In this definition and within the comparative global
market for higher education, associate degrees are omitted and not because there is
no program of such similarity on the island, but because the recognition of associate degrees suggests the negative connotation of massification of the idea of higher
15
255
PhD. Degree
Research
Universities in
the Netherlands
Master of Science
degrees
[180 credits]
[120 credits]
[60-90 credits]
Comprehensive
Master/Bachelor Model of Higher Education
Masters degree (Law)

[120 credits]; Masters
degree (Business)
[60-90 credits];
MSc. (Engineering)
Applied Bachelors
degree
[240 credits]
BA/BSc [180 credits]
University of
professional
education (HBO)
Postsecondary
Non-tertiary 4 levels of
vocational training
(SBO) Year 1-4
Pre-University
Secondary
Schools
(VWO) 6 years
Pre-College Secondary
Schools
(HAVO) 5 years
Vocational Secondary
Schools (VSBO) 4 years
Primary Education 7/8 years
Fig. 15.2 Integrated European Dutch and Caribbean Dutch higher education system (NUFFIC,
2005) (The NUFFIC model in the document The Dutch Educational System was used to create
the integrated version)
education (Tormala-Nita, 2003). While keeping in mind the complexities, this

chapter will address two approaches to Associate Colleges, the Dutch approach
and the American interpretation. In both cases, we describe how educators in Curaao
define and perceive both systems. Diagrams on the system of education in Curaao are
used to describe a paradoxical utilitarian system of education that is unequal and
separate, but practical.
256
The Postsecondary Non-tertiary Education

The United Nations Education and Scientific Organization (UNESCO) founded
the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) in the 1970s to
provide classification of systems of education around the world. ISCED categorizes
education into six levels: (level 0) preprimary education, primary education or first
stage of basic education (level 1), lower secondary or second stage of basic education (level 2), upper secondary (level 3), postsecondary non-tertiary (level 4), first
stage of tertiary (bachelor) (level 5), and second stage of tertiary education (level 6).
In determining the difference between postsecondary tertiary and postsecondary
non-tertiary, in Curaao the SBO Secundaire Beroepsonderwijs is classified as it
is currently defined in ISCED and that is as postsecondary non-tertiary education.
From an international viewpoint, these types of postsecondary non-tertiary education
(ISCED Level 4) are programs that fit between secondary education and bachelordegree-granting institutions of postsecondary education (ISCED, 1997; Wikipedia,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Standard_Classification_of_Education).
Currently, students could commit to specific 14-year programs at the SBO
(level 1, 2, 3, 4), but only after graduating at the SBO L4 will they qualify and be
admitted to the applied bachelor program in higher education. Level 1 provides
up to 1 year of training. Level 2 provides 23 years of training into an entry level
clerical profession. The level 1 and level 2 curriculums provide students with the
opportunity to receive certificates of completion specific to their level of training.
Those who complete level 4 are not granted credit transfers; students only gain
admission into higher education. It is also important to note that the current policy
allows the SBO postsecondary non-tertiary to function as the default for anyone
with retention issues in the secondary or perhaps in higher learning. Figure 15.1
illustrates the current location and classification of the SBO program within the
Dutch system of education on the island of Curaao as prepared by the Government
of Curaao. The block labeled SBO refers to postsecondary non-tertiary education
and the SBO block is surrounded by all levels of occupational and professional
careers for the traditional and nontraditional students in the traditional vocationally oriented, apprenticeship programs, and adult education programs. By design,
the ultimate goal of a tracked school system is to differentiate in order to create a
path that would first address the needs of the talented best and the brightest and
insure their movement into higher education. By default, a system addressing the
educational needs of those destined for the world of work is also created.
Although education in Curaao is unequal and separate, it has proven to be a
practical system of secondary education. The vocational pillar provides the vocationally inclined an education of their own. A step forward would be to introduce
and recognize associate degrees, vocational applied (Associate of Arts), and
academic (Associate of Science) as the first step into higher learning. Currently,
the concept of postsecondary but non-tertiary is paradoxical and indicative of the
ideology supporting it. Solving these paradoxes without compromising the elite
system of higher learning in Curaao is essential, especially in a nation in which
tracking is foundational to its entire system of education. The concept of Associate
15
257
Colleges seems fitting within the purposes of advancing vocational education in

the Dutch system of education. Curaao, as a Dutch island, would also stand to
benefit from the current innovative introduction of the Associate College model
in the Dutch market. Perhaps, an additional compromise could be reached, in
which the Dutch associate model would address the associate of science and the
Curaao model would also address the vocational associate of arts. The decision
to adopt associate degrees as part of the current higher education policy would
require transforming postsecondary non-tertiary education (SBO level 4) schools,
but it also suggests a new governance model for the system of higher education in
Curaao (Fig. 15.4). These steps require a legal act, which would imply amending
current SBO and higher educational laws, a process suggesting a long political battle of ideologies. Therefore, understanding postsecondary education in Curaao and
how comparable the goals and purposes of the postsecondary non-tertiary (SBO)
are to the 2-year American associate degrees (Associate of Arts (AA) or Associate
of Science (AS) ) at colleges is a crucial first step.
National Educational Policy Supporting a Practical System

A problematic paradox but also important to note is the context in which schools
operate in Curaao, which is that of an intellectual education that embraces secondlanguage immersion programs in the Dutch language.2 The ideal Curaao student
is cultivated to become a Dutch-language speaker. This policy in itself promotes
education as a highly intellectually oriented process. Within the international context of models of education, the system of education is best described through its
tracking system. Governor Goedgedrag of the Netherlands Antilles, in his annual
address to the country and parliament, renewed the governments commitment to
increasing access to the precollege/preuniversity track (Hoger Algemeen Voortgezet
Onderwijs (HAVO)/Voorbereidend Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs (VWO)) by 25%
(Amigoe di Curaao, September 2007). This is consistent with the current process of
the three-cycle reform eerste cyclus, tweede cyclus, and derde cyclus,3 displayed in
Fig. 15.1. Important to national educational policy is the transition of students from
Foundation-Based Education (Funderend Onderwijs) to postsecondary tertiary and
postsecondary non-tertiary education. The concept of Basic Education Basisvorming,
the 2-year program was introduced as an effective program to process the tracking
of students into the different types of secondary schools available, namely the VWO
(preuniversity), HAVO (precollege), VSBO (Voorbereidend Secundair Beroeps
Onderwijs lower and upper vocational), and the (Voortgezet Special Onderwijs
(VSO)) (apprenticeship). The highest achievement track is that of the highly intellectual student, in which advancement to VWO (preuniversity) means access to a
highly competitive international baccalaureate program or advanced college program,
which prepares the select few for a traditional liberal arts curriculum and admission to
the Dutch research university (WO) in the Netherlands. The second highest achievement is the HAVO (precollege) track, which is a general academic education track
that also prepares students for higher education, but in the Dutch system that means
258
admission to the more applied bachelor/master university of professional education

(HBO), which is available in the Curaao public higher education institution. These
two tracks combined represent 27% of the Curaao secondary student population.
The tracking system has been a good academic-ability-sorting instrument, institutionalized to track mobility rigidly controlled by preparing the gatekeepers such as
teachers, administration, the school boards, and the government-appointed inspectors
of education for such tasks. In this system of schools, one could assert with absolute
certainty that those students whose primarily language is not Dutch or those who do
not master the Dutch language and the appropriate academic knowledge are at risk
(Tormala-Nita, 2007). It is also important to note that the degree of risk increases
based on the track that the student qualifies for. Consequently, most of the secondary
school students are the vocationally inclined, which account for 39% VSBO (lower
and upper vocational) and 47% (a combination of special education placements and
dropouts). Together these tracks consist of about 73% of the secondary school population. The VSBO integrates the vocational/career/technical track with academics, but
the main focus is on the more practical application of preparing students for the world
of work. The VSO is the apprenticeship track, which includes all students who do
not have the academic inclination, preparation, or the motivation for more schooling,
or those who have dropped out of the system and are too far behind in knowledge or
age to be placed in any of the other tracks (Fig. 15.1). Apprenticeship is a possibility
for all special circumstances. Based on this system, one could argue that only those
who qualify for apprenticeship are not at risk based on language proficiency, as the
education they receive is one in their primary language.
The focus of this chapter is on this practical system of education for the vocationally inclined. The importance of this research is to stimulate the adoption of
associate degrees policies that will help the vocationally inclined create their own
path to higher learning. There were approximately 7,500 students in the lower and
upper vocational education (VSBO) and 2,055 in the precollege/preuniversity pillar,
and the postsecondary non-tertiary (SBO) was listed at approximately 3,437 students (Central Bureau for Statistics, Academic Year 2006-2007. http://www.cbs.an/
education/education_f1.asp). The SBO is intended to eventually fill the needs of all
vocationally inclined and nontraditional adult education candidates. The table below
displays current enrollment at the secondary and postsecondary non-tertiary level of
public schools and government-subsidized schools.
Types of schools
No. of schools
No. of students
Public vocational/career/technical secondary

Government-subsidized private sectarian vocational/
career/technical secondary
Public precollege/preuniversity secondary
Government-subsidized private sectarian precollege/
preuniversity secondary
Public postsecondary non-tertiary
Government-subsidized private sectarian postsecondary
non-tertiary
1,854
16
1
6,308
954
3
1
2,102
874
2,463
Source: Eilandgebied Curaao Online, 2007-, http://www.curacao-gov.an)
15
259
The total population of students in public government-supported private sectarian

schools is about 36,000 students in primary and secondary education. The total
number in secondary education is about 11,218 students, of whom 72% are tracked
into the vocational side of the system of education. One third drops out after the
compulsory ages, one third makes it terminal or passes and a few move into the
academic track and than drop out, and about one third advance to the SBO. An
important aspect of the reformed system of secondary education program is that
access to higher learning is possible through the SBO level 4,4 which promotes a
pathway to higher learning for the vocationally oriented.
In America the 2-year Associate Colleges offer a model of higher education
for the vocationally inclined. Globalization of such a model sends a different kind
of message, which is that of the right to more opportunities and advancement
in knowledge for the vocationally inclined and access to higher education and
hopefully a leveled playing field. In recent decades the global trend of reforming
higher education (Altbach, 1998; Goedegebuure, 1992; Goedegebuure and Meek,
1991; Goedegebuure and Vos, 1988; Dahlheimer, 1988), on behalf of the applied
and scientific bachelors degree models (Kivinen and Rinne, 1990), progressed
well and now the paradox in at least the Dutch system is in what form and shape
associate degree models should also follow suit. In the Netherlands and its postcolonial territory of Curaao, the academic associate degree seems to sound like a
good idea to address attrition in higher education, but the thought of the vocational
associate degree and postsecondary non-tertiary as higher education in a system
that is ideologically elite suggests a political debacle. As Curaao prepares to
become an autonomous nation within the Kingdom of the Netherlands, addressing the educational status of the new generation of vocationally inclined students
within the current higher education system is good policy, even if it means
differentiating from that of the Netherlands. Such reform would serve as a strong
message that the rights to higher learning of the vocationally inclined majority
cannot be ignored.
Defining Higher Education in Curaao

The first institution of higher education in Curaao was founded in the 1970s
as a university of professional education (HBO) specializing in legal studies.
The institution has since gradually evolved into a comprehensive institution of
higher learning offering four professional education programs: Faculty of Law
(LLB, LLM); Faculty of Engineering (BSc, MSc); Faculty of Social Studies and
Economics (BSc, MSc, MBA); Faculty of Arts (Bachelor (B), and currently the
proposed Faculty of Education and Culture (Bachelor (B) ). The institution combines the Dutch research university programs and the applied programs into one
institution of higher learning and also uses the name University (University of
the Netherlands Antilles (UNA), www.una.an). Thereby resembling one of the US
model of higher education, which is that of the comprehensive model in structure
260
as defined by the Carnegie Foundation Classifications (http://www.carnegiefounda

tion.org/classifications).5
The comprehensive model in Curaao is a hybrid of higher education in parts,
ways, and content which combines the best of the Dutch and American program
offerings of higher learning. The entire system of higher education in Curaao is
fairly new in the comparative higher education global world. It is also small in
size and scale, and often runs parallel with higher education developments in the
Netherlands and the North America. In recent years, the university has established
the continuing education or outreach wing (CURISES) that provides employerdemand education as well as applied professional bachelors and masters degrees
to nontraditional students. At the beginning of the 2007 academic year, an online
newspaper article in the Amigoe di Curaao announced that the University has
reached its highest enrollment level of 2,000 students. Also, for the past 3 years,
a new infrastructure is being planned promising a modernized look and new
buildings.
Other forms of applied higher learning on the island include the offshore medical
school, the Latin American language university, a fine arts academy, a music academy,
the teacher-training institution (Akademia Pedagogiko Korsou), a nursing school, an
Institute for Behavior and Social Work, the Police Academy, and several other institutions which provide some sort of training (De Officiele Eilandsgids, 2002).
Unequal and Separate Structure, but Practical

Based on the national education policy, the role of postsecondary non-tertiary, and
the historical access to higher learning, it could be argued that education for the
vocationally inclined in Curaao is unequal and separate, but practical. The Dutch
system has historically proven to work well for the academically oriented and
inclined. There are several lessons learned from the history of educational policy
of Curaao as part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Figure 15.3 displays that
history in the format of a two-pillar system, which functions well at opening access
into the university for professional education (HBO) by rigidly controlling the
access into the research university system (WO). At the secondary-school level,
the tracking system provided the trusts of a system that measures achievement well,
by controlling access to the academic end while facilitating access to the vocational
types of secondary schooling. At this level, the difference in scope and nature of the
curricula of the different secondary schools automatically block access after placement. Secondary school for all took form, thereby providing a secondary school
type for every child (Rmer, 1985). The two-pillar system provides an example of
such pragmatic compromises that kept the access of the masses to the higher education system under manageable limits (Tormala-Nita, 2007). The adopted Mammoth
law of 1968 institutionalized tracking at the sixth-grade level and although the
policy was much criticized, in practice it has been very useful in helping to organize
education in the Netherlands and in Curaao (Rmer, 1985; Tormala-Nita, 2003;
van Bemmel, 2006). Consequently, educational policies of the past 50 years have
15
K -6 (uninterrupted 8 years)
Primary Education
Secondary Education
Grade 7 & 8 =
Basic Education
Secondary Education
Grade 9 & 10
Secondary School
Diploma or
Certificate of
completion
Grade 11 & 12
261
Special
education
track
2 years Basic Education

Prep for Pre-vocational &
technical education track
Apprenticeships=
compulsory
education
extended to the
age of 18
2 years secondary
vocational/theoretical
tracks (VSBO)
2 years level 1 & 2
advanced professional
training (SBO)
2 years Basic
Education Prep
for Pre-bachelor
college track
3 years
bachelor
college
prep
School
(HAVO)
2 years Basic Education Prep

Pre-university track/
International Baccalaureate
4 years
research
university
prep
School
(VWO)
2 years level 3 & 4 postsecondary

vocational institutions (SBO)
(SBO-Level 4)
Case 1: Proposal for
Vocational Associates
Degrees
Curacao Institute for Social
Economic Studies (CURISES)
Applied Higher
Education
(Bachelor & Master
HBO programs)
Elite
Research
University
track
Access to Binary structure of higher

education in the Kingdom of the
Netherlands
Adult Continuing
Education and
Outreach Training
Future Research Questions:

Should SBO schools be transformed into Associate
Colleges and adopted as part of higher learning? Or
should associate degrees be offered in the current
higher education level, through CURISES
(University Outreach)? Or should a system model
of higher education be created that offers associate,
bachelors, graduate and professional degrees?
Fig. 15.3 Curaao two-pillar structure of education: what direction?
enabled the island to constantly upgrade into what is currently considered a strong
vocationaleducation pillar, leading the vocationally oriented youth into low- and
mid-level education. The history of the educational system in Curaao suggests
the assimilation of the Curaao youth through a system of education aimed at
transforming the youth into service-oriented workers. The first models of national
prevocational education implemented were the technical schools, mostly boys for
preindustrial skills and girls for domestic education purposes. Another addition of
students to the vocational market is through the recent introduction of the compulsory education law, extending the legal school age of students to 18 years in an
262
effort to control truancy. Within this purpose, the government would be increasing
enrollment by reenrolling dropouts into vocational education schools (Leeflang,
2006). The new compulsory law fits right within the policy of secondary education
for all and the challenges of trying to educate everyone from kindergarten through
a 4-year bachelors degree (K16) (Tormala-Nita, 2007). The larger number of the
prevocational secondary schools continues to create a market for the addition of
the Associate Colleges that must address the future education of the vocationally
inclined and the nontraditional students.
Another issue that must be addressed is the infrastructure of schools. A major
overhaul is needed in the form of new and modern buildings fitting to the occupations students are being prepared for. Modern facilities could also be a motivator to
increase the status of the vocationally oriented professions. Figure 15.3 displays the
two-pillar structure. Future research questions should include determining where
to position associate degrees or whom to entrust with the higher education for the
vocationally inclined. The SBO was instituted to improve the route to higher learning. The following two cases address the alternatives.
Case 1:
Vocational Associate Degrees at Associate Colleges
As indicated in the previous sections, the history of the structure of education in

Curaao is to a great extent a copy of the system of education of the Netherlands.
Lessons learned from the Dutch system of education are that conflict of interest
tends to be solved by pragmatic compromise rather than open conflict (Wardekker
et al., 2003, p. 479). Historically in Curaao, a new school type was created for secondary vocational education every time the system attempted to integrate into the
academic pillar (Rmer, 1985). Such demand has evolved into a larger vocational
education pool of vocationally inclined students, creating a solid market for postsecondary education of a vocational nature on the island (Eilandgebied Curaao
Online, http://www.Curaao-gov.an). Based on the above assumptions, we assert
that the transformation of the SBO schools into Associate Colleges would avoid
conflicts only if SBO schools do not become the responsibility of higher education governance. The governance would have to remain under the responsibility of
the Curaao government. Consequently, we expect conflict between colonial and
postcolonial thought on what constitutes higher education in the modern world and
what type of governance is most appropriate for Associate Colleges.
Perhaps, it is important to first explore the characteristics of the American model
of the typical community college, its origin, and the contemporary model. Offerings
range from certificate programs to their highest degree, which is the associate degree
(Ross, 2007). In Curaao, the postsecondary non-tertiary seems to be far behind its
peers in the United States, and seems to be falling further behind considering the
new trends in community colleges. The comparative details on the SBO program
in Curaao are that it is a 4-year program for those wanting to qualify for admission into the applied bachelors degree program at higher education institutions.
15
263
It also offers a range of certificate programs ranging from 1- to 4-years in duration.

However, its status as non-tertiary does not qualify the SBO level 4 to offer any type
of degree. This is regardless of the fact that SBO level 4 has a longer duration of
4 years and of the quality of its programs (source from the Frater Aurelio SBO).
In observing several models of the SBO Schools in Curaao, the setting reflected
a school-like processing of students in all cases. For instance, the buildings did not
project the vision of a modern world of professional education, except for one new
kitchen/restaurant facility and a couple of classrooms (Ban Bria). The infrastructure
seems also to be a paradox supporting school-like processing of students. Major
investments in the infrastructure of utilitarian education are neglected in many ways.
One reality of a small economy such as that of Curaao is that the preferred
type of occupations and apprenticeships offered at the SBO schools are often those
directly of service to the economy. A newspaper commentary by Joyce Kennedy
(2007) in the Miami Herald provided the opinion that the jobs of the future are hard
to identify, and she makes the distinction between new emergent occupations and
evolving occupations, pointing to the argument that new or emergent occupations
may be too small in number to offer a large number of people a job. Perhaps, new
and emergent is an avenue worth pursuing in small-scale economies willing and
able to specialize in job niches around the world that larger nations have no interest
in pursuing on a larger scale. Currently, the opportunities offered at the four SBO
schools range from certificate programs in different levels of administrative, secretarial, information and communication technology, public administration, banking, and
insurance (Eilandgebied Curaao Online, www.Curaao-gov.an). These traditional
general occupations are the professions typically needed. The quest for higher
social status and income by the mid-level groups will continue to pressure the
system for more program offerings, and perhaps online access to higher education
elsewhere may offer a new alternative.
In order for access to be a valid argument, higher education policy must first
adopt and recognize associate degrees as an important aspect of higher education
policy for the more vocationally inclined. In an interconnected world, Curaaos
vocational education system, bridged by aspects of the American model of community colleges, promises to transform four generations of low-status perception
of vocational education. The advantages created by education for domination
(Carnoy, 1976) and the globalization of the American community college model
are the possible solutions for at-risk student issues and for the further development
of the concept of access to professional higher education as an important option to
increase the status of vocational education.
Case 2: Associate of Science Degrees at

Bachelor-Degree-Granting Institutions
The other option available would be to adopt the Associate of Science program
at the applied bachelors degree program level. The Netherlands began a process
264
of researching the option of adding the academic associate degree to the existing
applied bachelors degree programs, and the result of the pilot program would
determine the added value (Moens, 2005). There are two purposes behind the
adoption of such an alternative. One is that of the escalating and problematic issue
of student attrition at the higher education level; the associate degrees will offer
students a way out of the system with a degree in hand. The other purpose is that
of adjusting the reported count on the number of higher education degree holders
in the Netherlands in comparison to other nations (Moens, 2005). This associate
degree policy is also especially good news for students from Curaao completing
their studies in the Netherlands. Newspaper reports in Curaao have often suggested that many study-abroad students from Curaao to the Netherlands tend to
dropout at the higher education level (Hooftman, 2007).
In exploring the Associate of Science option further within bachelors degreegranting institutions, we searched for comparative issues in the United States. The
text Using Retention Research in Enrollment Management, by A.J. Bean (in Kroc
and Hanson, 2001) described some of the current issues facing colleges and universities in the United States, and we think perhaps, Curaao and the Netherlands as
well, although in different proportions. The comparative issues reported by Bean
are as follows:
Increasing retention and graduation issues
Increasing transfer rates and baccalaureate degree completion of community
college students
Reducing time to graduation
Closing the gap between underrepresented groups and other students
Increasing academic preparation the link between recruitment and retention
Implementing and evaluating efficient and effective retention programs
The gap issue between the Caribbean Dutch and the European Dutch students
would also be addressed if the associate degree is adopted in the Netherlands. In
Curaao, it would allow for students to transfer at a much advanced level to institutions in the Netherlands. There are a number of factors that could be integrated
in a revised model of higher education governance as indicated in Fig. 15.4. The
similarities in goals and purpose and the gaps should be discussed to determine
what academic assets postsecondary education needs to address in order to help
students become successful at the postsecondary and in higher education in general.
Collaborative research on retention in higher education programs will help assess
progress in the suggested following ways:
1. Completing demanding courses in several subjects in prior education is a better
indicator of academic performance (Adelman, 1999 in Kroc and Hanson,
2001, p. 86).
2. Courses on student progress can result in valuable information and stimulate
campus discussion, e.g., high-failure courses that limit the flow of students into
higher level courses. In other words, gateway course studies must be conducted
(Kroc and Hanson, 2001, p. 86).
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265
3. Behavioral curriculum is also important in order to determine how students

navigate the program of study (Ewell, 1989).
4. Studies need to be completed to determine the range in which students change
major before they graduate (Kroc et al., 1997).
5. A good assessment program would be needed to inform faculty and to improve
the curriculum.
The option of the associate degrees as an instrument to transform the first year of
the applied bachelor-degree-granting institutions into awarding associate degrees
seems to mainly address the issue of dropouts in higher education. In this context,
the universities of professional studies would be awarding the academic associate
degrees. Regarding the SBO, only those students who have successfully completed
the fourth year of the postsecondary non-tertiary would be considered for admission into the bachelors degree program at the universities of professional education. Also, no transfer credit option is involved in this process. While these steps
provide a solution for higher education officials in addressing retention, such a
policy deliberately ignores the original purpose of the community colleges associate programs, which is that of creating authentic higher education opportunities for
the vocationally inclined or those not fully matured academically.
Paradoxically, and regardless of the model of the associate degrees adopted,
such adoption must be a fit within the mission of the institution. If such a fit is hard
to find in the current mission, perhaps a vision for the future must be developed.
For Curaao, after having more than 40 years experience of adopting one of the
best European models of education in the world, addressing the ills of overdevelopment of its Western roots must take priority. The islands experience with world
The University of the Netherlands Antilles System

President of the Board
All
Bachelor,
Master, and other
graduate and
professional
degrees granting
institutions
All
Associate
degree
granting
institutions
or
Associate
Colleges
Chancellor
Chancellor
Chancellor
Chancellor
UNAMain
Campus
Nursing Medical
School
campus
UNABusiness
School &Outreach
(Curises)
Campus
UNASchool of
Education/
Pedagogical
Academy
Campus
UNATechnological
Studies
Campus
University of the Netherlands Antilles Colleges

Dean of Associate Colleges
UNATwo-year Associate College
Fig. 15.4 A proposed system of governance model for public higher education
Chancellor
UNALaw
School
Campus
266
languages also empowers it to conduct higher education differently and in its own
unique ways, and in any of the world languages,6 and recently also in the local
language. The Western roots of vocational education and the current efforts to use
lessons learned from solutions elsewhere must equip the human capital of the island
with the opportunities to contribute to a new nation autonomous within the Dutch
Kingdom and the world.
A Proposed System Model of Higher Education

A characteristic of higher education in Curaao is that of its international education tradition at the local university, which recruits faculty from the Netherlands,
the United States, and elsewhere to teach short-term courses the island is not
able to provide. Such efforts have been engaging both for local students and for
the faculty as well. An additional international approach by the university is that
of using an online course management system enabling hybrid course offering,
and thereby internationalizing its curriculum by creating more access for students. The talks on institutional mergers to support the available resources are
also reemerging (Goedgebuure, 1988, 1992). Some of the functional institutional
mergers announced in the past are that of the teacher training program (Akademia
Pedagogiko Korsou (APK)) and the University General Faculty (Leraren Opleiding
Funderend Onderwijs (LOFO)) and the latest is that of the university and the nursing school (Instituto Formashon di Enfermeria (IFE)) (Amigoe di Curaao, June
2007). The reasons are often based on maximizing resources in a small economy of
scale, yet merger proposals are yet to materialize. The proposed model in Fig. 15.4
suggests a new system of higher education governance that would allow institutions
of higher learning in Curaao to maintain or acquire their independence and have
their own Chancellors. Yet, every institution is part of a system of higher learning.
This model proposes to address the problem and the historical inability to merge to
maximize institutional resources and foreseeable benefits. In proposing the addition of the Associate Colleges, an impasse is expected considering the history of
the islands higher education institutions inability to merge. One major issue that
must be addressed is the future legal classification of the associate degree as higher
education. The American higher education system classifies the 2-year Associate
Colleges as higher education and therefore can be used as a model. In order to reach
that level of classification, the UNESCOs ISCED classification of SBO L4 as
postsecondary non-tertiary also must be addressed. In the meantime, SBO remains
postsecondary but non-tertiary.
It is perhaps now the time in history to agree on a model of higher education in
Curaao that would also work for the vocationally inclined and the nontraditional
student. The first challenge would be to transform the postsecondary non-tertiary
into tertiary. The second problem is more difficult because it requires transforming
the governance of higher education into a systems model. We concluded before
we reached the end of this research that systematic, long-term, longitudinal studies
would be required, prior to implementing any of the above-mentioned policies.
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267
Figure 15.4 displays such a proposed model of governance of a systems model

of higher education. This framework is not a full explanatory model, but it serves
to display a model that aims at building a strong system which would address a
system reform. It is also a system that will help support student flow, and one that
will be built on academic assets of students. Considering the limited resources,
placement of students in appropriate courses would be of the utmost importance.
The responsibility of the local university to the human capital of the new nation is
important. Transforming the postsecondary schools into Associate Colleges would
be a challenge requiring partnership as well as leadership, and only the university
has the resources and know-how to under take such a task. Reform of this type must
come from the leaders in higher education.
The proposed model would be a new model of higher education governance for
Curaao.7 The entire system of higher education would be upgraded allowing each
of its institutions to be part of a highly integrated structure. All institutions included
in this model are government-supported public institutions. The University of the
Netherlands Antilles System would be the governing board of the entire system
of higher education for the island functioning as one umbrella structure under a
single board to lead all public institutions of higher learning on the island. Each of
these public institutions, bachelors/masters degree-granting-institutions, would be
led by its own Chancellor and would work independently within the system. The
lowest level of higher education would be the Associate Colleges, also working
independently within the system and led by its own Dean of Colleges. The purpose
of the newly added level of higher education would be to offer associate degrees
and basic preprofessional studies but also continuing education and community
services programs. Most programs offered at the Associate Colleges level would
be for the preparation of access to bachelors degree programs at the other UNA
independently operating campuses.
Discussion and Conclusions

The model described in Fig. 15.4 shows our attempt to find a better way to advance
higher education within the system of education. The existing gaps were treated as
paradoxes of the European Dutch and the Caribbean Dutch utilitarian education.
Our hope with this chapter is to contextualize the unknown. It is also important to
determine through research whether this new system of governance will contribute
to the broader mission of the university, or should the university engage in a new
vision of higher learning. In addressing the perceived purpose of the associate
degrees at the higher education level, Kroc and Hanson (2001; Kroc et al., 1997)
helped raise the following thinking:
1. Are there many retention programs, but still no improvement on graduation rate?
This question suggests having an academic program might be effective, but still
too few people graduate and therefore its impact on the mission of the institution
is insignificant (Kroc and Hanson, 2001; Kroc et al., 1997)
268
2. Student tracking (Ewell, 1995) is also extremely important. In small institutions

such as those in Curaao, tracking the student flow should be a doable process.
3. Communicating the result is important but also getting the right information to
the right people at the right time to do the right thing (Kroc and Hanson, 2001).
Knowing who needs the data, when the information is needed and in the best
information-reporting format, and knowing how simply to communicate the
research findings, how formal the report should be, and knowing how to deliver
bad news to a decision maker.
4. The future trends and implications for enrollment management would need to be
addressed to determine its fit within the mission of the institution.
5. A better integration with strategic planning and budgeting processes must
also occur.
6. Partnership between enrollment and student assessment is needed and in many
ways strengthened.
7. Collaboration with other sectors and other institutions needs to increase through
technologically delivered education. Dual enrollment of students in the associate colleges courses and bachelor-level degrees offered are initiatives that could
change the boundaries and increase collaborative efforts among institutions in
Curaao and the Netherlands or elsewhere.
In addressing associate degree programs at future SBO colleges, the first recommendation on the future purposes of vocational education would be that good
vocational curriculum should provide a range of courses with an appropriate mix
of job-specific and transferable occupational skills to serve students with a variety
of educational and work goals (Barton, 1990; Heaviside and Carpenter, 1994;
Marshall, 1996 cited in Levine and Levine, 1996).
Secondly, for Curaao, another important contribution would be to invest in the
possibilities of expanding the contribution of vocational education in accomplishing or promoting academic growth. In an interview with one of the coordinators
of the SBO program at Ban Bria, she stated that the third, and in particular the
fourth, year of the SBO program was designed to promote further academic opportunities for students. The next step in research would be to determine how many
of these graduates would actually enroll in the bachelor program or would use this
opportunity as terminal.
The third aspect is that of policy. What kind of policy is needed for an improved
support of all aspects of vocational education in Curaao? In the United States, an
important policy supporting all levels of vocational or technical education is the
Carl D. Perkins Vocational Applied Technology Education Act of 1990, enabling
Congress to modify and expand funding and programs in order to attain a range of
objectives to service those who are economically at a disadvantage and those who
lack proficiency in the language of schools (Levine and Levine, 1996). A recommended aspect is that of improving integration of academic and vocational education, strengthening guidance and counseling, hiring more school counselors, and
making provision for part-time and summer job counselors. Although in Curaao,
schools do not offer summer job counseling, perhaps, this type of year-long school
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269
support should be considered. Other aspects recommended include targeting funding

to institutions where the need is the greatest; retain and protect sex-equity programs
and services for single parents, displaced homemakers, and pregnant women, and
provide the government roles in monitoring and evaluating programs; provide support for apprenticeship training and for tech prep degree programs that link the
last 2 years of secondary school with 2 years of community college (modified from
text of Levine and Levine, 1996; Lederer, 2005; Haynes, 2006; Johnson, 2007).
Most of these aspects are already in place in Curaao at the VSBO level. The design
of the SBO model addresses all the above recommendations in a structured 4-year
format, which promises to create a structured path and strengthening support for
the vocationally oriented (Eilandgebied Curaao Online, http://www.Curaao-gov.
an). As the global economy continues to develop, the island must also provide a
clearer picture as to how its system of education compares to those of major players
in the global economy. As stated by Ross (2007), there also are emerging examples
of 2-year colleges offering baccalaureate degrees (p. 153). This might be a future
option, but the first step toward adopting associate degrees is more important
currently.
The island is also in need of modern educational facilities. The new status of
Curaao as a nation within the Kingdom of the Netherlands is approaching the
projected implementation date of December 2008, and it promises to provide a
major financial overhaul to the island. Taking advantage of its economic position
of being a Dutch hub in the Caribbean, Curaaos new autonomous status within
the Kingdom of the Netherlands is providing much hope for the future economic,
social, and political progress of the island. The current planned approach to address
the issues in the entire system of education proposed by Minister Leeflang of education is called the Deltaplan, which aims at integrating partnership programs that
would include the following (pp. 210):
Extend compulsory education from 4 to 18 years.
Strengthen the quality of educational innovations such as using the basic
education (Grades 7 and 8) to determine tracking of students into the two-pillar
system.
Strengthen the quality of prevocational and postsecondary non-tertiary education
and create opportunities for 1824-year olds to have better access to education.
Increase access to academic track and the consolidation of study-abroad program in the Netherlands.
Obtain international accreditation for the higher education system, including the
medical school and the teacher training program.
Increase employer-focused contracts.
Increase internship possibilities.
Increase job placements.
Address the education of the dropouts who are 1518 years of age.
Address adult education to create opportunities for 1824 year olds.
It is the intention of the government that these publicprivate partnerships (PPP)
programs will provide all students, traditional and nontraditional, with an oppor-
270
tunity for a better future. Especially, those students who do not graduate from secondary schools, the dropouts, and also those adults beyond the age of compulsory
education will have the opportunity to reenter education. This new approach
promises to further improve and support the overall system of education.
Perhaps, the classic argument by Carnoy (1976) in Education for Domination or
Development, in which he argues that schools oriented to those economic structures can only function for a small proportion of the population (p. 57), seems to
suggest that an island such as Curaao, which is dependent not only on its colonial
relation but also on the rest of the world for its economic progress, would automatically suffer from overdevelopment. This implies that the dropouts may be as
Carnoy noted a sign of this overdevelopment, which might also be an indication
that vocational education will be unable to keep up with globalization. A consequence would be a large pool of unskilled and perhaps uninterested vocationally
inclined. In Curaao, the indicators would be linked to foreign languages that must
be mastered and the low wages at the end the programs. Globalization and the
development of the service-oriented attitude of the vocational inclined youth, especially considering the level of sophistication and experience in the vision of the new
economy (Whitepaper, 2007) should perhaps be a concern. One would assume that
the islands experience with service from its tourism economy would make for an
automatic transformation of the youth, but the majority of these minimum-wage
jobs make this type of education unattractive to the youth. This assumption also
confirms the argument that in islands where social utility is specific to certain
professions, vocational education suffers. Higher-level training for the vocationally inclined and policies that support such training in terms of salaries above
minimum-wage jobs would be a motivator. Also, adding other types of service professions through the vocational associate degrees will send a new message of hope
and enthusiasm in their newly instituted programs such as the science of beauty and
barbering, arts, agriculture, and the different types of health careers.
The Census of 2001 indicated that the total employed population consists of
47,686 people, which is about 31% of the total Curaao population. The majority
of those employed, which is 59%, had a low level of education (vocational
(VSBO/VO/apprenticeship). This suggests that the majority of those employed
did end their formal education at the secondary vocational level (VSBO). At the
mid-level of education, 22% of those employed ended their formal education at
the end of the precollege (HAVO), preuniversity (VWO), or the postsecondary
non-tertiary (SBO, L1, 2, 3, 4) level. Only 16% of those employed were people
with a higher education degree or somewhat in between HBO and WO (p. 40).
In a recent whitepaper on economic investments in Curaao, the new vision proposed for the future is that of exploring education as an important area of commerce, using the comparative advantage of the central location of the island in the
Caribbean and its experience in the world of transportation, logistics, information
technology, e-commerce, residential, retail, and commercial development to the
islands advantage (Whitepaper, 2007). The Central Bureau of Statistics (2005)
in Curaao reported wholesale and retail trade as being the largest industries in
terms of employment. Decreases in employment during 19922001 were noted in
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271
public administration and defense, manufacturing, construction, health care and

social work, and in community and social services. Increases in employment were
noted in hotels and restaurants, transportation, storage, communication, financial
intermediation, real estate, renting, and business activities. Industries that experienced no change were agriculture; hunting, fishing, and forestry; electric, gas,
water supply; education; and employment in private households (p. 117).
Vocational education remains an area of major concern and the problems seem
to be universal. In Curaao, the Dutch and the American models of vocational
education have much in common, although the Dutch insist on their superior quality.
Such commonality and its issues are reflective in Curaao and transformed into
hybrid models. Some of the paradoxes are also explained by research. For instance
Levine and Levine (1996) have a list of issues which includes what they call the
error of continual preparation for fields such as data processing and auto mechanics, which has an oversupply of qualified applicants. An article in The Economist
Intelligence Unit of the The Economist Report on World Industries (2007) indicated that in the automotive industry the new trend is towards fuel-efficient cars
and smart highways. Curaao, like many other nations, has a program in automotives, one of the oldest vocational types of program, but the island is also a major
importer of modern cars, and therefore, the fuel-efficient cars mechanics will also
be needed (p. 93). Whether there is an oversupply must be researched. The small
scale of the island should allow for a smaller number of fuel-efficient cars mechanics in the future. The process of preparing students in the fields in which there is a
growing demand locally and internationally must also begin. The political process
for an autonomous status within the Kingdom of the Netherlands seems to have
intensified those processes.
Some other specific workforce areas that prospective new nations such as
Curaao need to pay attention to were listed in The Economist. For example,
health-care spending is projected to rise in every country of the world. Curaao is
in a political battle on whether to build a new hospital or to proceed with the old
one (Amigoe di Curaao, www.amigoe.com). There are similar battles in education and other areas of the economy. For technicians in the electronic field and in
the e-commerce industry, global demand prospects are high, with the broadband
market expected to reach 79 million subscribers in 2007 (p. 94). Another important
sector is the agricultural industry with its new trends such as ethanol production,
fossil fuels and bioenergy, wheat inventories, organic crops, C4 rice production,
and Omega 3 soybeans (p. 93). Curaao has an underdeveloped agricultural sector
and therefore a major importer of agricultural products. Educational programs and
new initiatives in this area are lacking, despite suggestions to improve on such need
(Edenburgh, 2006). A report on energy is also projecting an increase, which is good
for the Curaao economy role in refining oils. A decrease in the financial services
market and an increase in the business of online lending and borrowing should give
the island some more hints as to what specializations are needed. Also, as suggested by the report, spending on Internet ads will increase, as will TV multichannel advertising, including telecoms for over the Internet calls. In terms of travel
and tourism, for Curaao this means new hotels and more jobs. Preparing the new
272
generation for the modern world approaching is essential. The workforce development is important and will also require more collaboration between schools and
employers and a clear understanding as to the needs and expectations of businesses,
industries, and workers.
An important message is that research has to be done on the current workforce
mix to prevent the problem of turning out workers where there is no demand.
There must also be coordination in some fields that may produce shortages. Also,
we must prevent going back to the system of overconcentration on vocational
skills to the extent that graduates still lack the academic skills required to obtain
or hold jobs. Finally, a good placement system and career center and supportive
services is necessary to help students obtain jobs after completion of training (Brint
and Karabel, 1989; Zemsky, 1990; Barton, 1990; Lively, 1993; Belgarde, 1994;
Heaviside and Carpenter, 1994; Marshall, 1995).
A targeted policy would be that of workforce development. In particular funding shortages make it difficult to meet the needs of a new society and students,
therefore, PPPs, local or international, are necessary to stimulate economic and
social developments. The possibilities resulting from PPP are of importance in
addressing workforce development of the vocationally oriented. Much research
on the American community colleges in the United States asserted goals of access
for dropouts, nontraditional students, adults with the appropriate secondary education, and those without. For Curaao, finding the best options for the education of
this group is important, because negligence of this group has already proven to
be devastating, especially for a small community. Using the best models available
empowers such efforts. The SBO schools as institutions offering vocational associates program could provide opportunities for social and economic mobility of the
vocationally inclined, but also for the unemployed youth, and perhaps also for the
dropouts who must be lured back into the system.
In conclusion, in redefining a higher learning path for the vocational Associate
Colleges, the following aspects need to be considered: the infrastructure, finances,
and quality assurance to address the needs of the vocationally oriented. The first
issue is that of the infrastructure. School buildings and campuses that would reflect
the higher learning requirements of the future must be built. Development money
from the Netherlands can be requested for these purposes. The infrastructure is
unattractive to the new generations of vocational learners, especially when we consider the modern facilities being built in the Netherlands. The vocationally inclined
may also become part of the brain drain, if higher learning and the future SBO
do not upgrade from their traditional structures.
The second issue is that of financing the cost of higher learning to support
student efforts and enable those who prefer and need independent living the opportunity to do so. A significant question is also that of how to best move Curaao
students in postsecondary non-tertiary from a school-like atmosphere into one in
which they function as independent, responsible adults. A problem naturally is
the age of students that is usually 1618-years old and making independent living
perhaps not possible. Student services support must therefore be an integral part of
the process of the new proposed culture of higher learning.
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273
The third issue is quality assurance the concept of educational quality for
the SBO must be researched. In order to assure the continuation and perhaps the
development of the SBO L4 into an associate-degree-granting institution of the
future, a rigorous system for quality assurance must be put in place to get the systems and students used to such a process. The measurement of quality is important
to the new suggested policies and the systems accreditation process.
Notes
1. The Netherlands uses MBO and Curaao uses SBO to denote postsecondary non-tertiary
education.
2. Some refer to it as a foreign language immersion. Current proposed policy by the island government is that of introducing three models of language policy for schools: the Dutch language
school model, the Papiamentu language school model, and the dual Dutch/Papiamentu model
for bilingual schools.
3. Derde Cyclus is the basic education (Grades 68). In the United States this would be referred
to as middle school. The political battle in Curaao is similar to the United States and that is
whether to retain as part of the elementary school or to move middle school to the secondary
school level. An important aspect of the Derde Cyclus in Curaao is that the type of secondary
school a student qualifies for is predetermined through academic achievement tests.
4. SBO level of education is unique to the local needs of Curaao, the ability of the program to
grant access to higher education in the United States could not be verified for the purposes of
this research.
5. The Netherlands also acknowledges the comprehensive model of higher learning (Goedegebuure,
1988).
6. From the world perspective, this would include the native language of Papiamentu.
7. Similar to the Wisconsin model of higher education governance cited in Porter, Fenshke, and
Keller and as proposed in Ohio.
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Part IV
Introduction: Responding to Globalization:

Reform in Higher Education
Globalization flows allow community college model characteristics to circumvent

the world. The first grouping of chapters depicts how flows that influence educational reform stem from multiple countries. Sylvia Bagley and Val Rust illustrate
how globalization has created a unique situation in which nonformal adult education, which first originated in Denmark and later influenced educational reform
throughout Scandinavia, has since influenced educational change in the United
States in the form of the folk high school, a precursor of the US community college
model. Camille Morris and Jeanette Grant Woodham explore how privatization
models and international aid projects originating in Canada and the United States
have various imprints in the Caribbean British West Indies. Don Dellow and Olda
Hoare explore the consequences of adopting the US model in light of regional
changes that do not favor this model. In a country with a long history of British
influence on public education, the junior colleges of Belize are molded on the
American model.
The second grouping of chapters illustrates the changing construct of the
community college model as globalization influences a total transformation, and
in some cases the elimination of the community college model itself. In many
countries, community colleges have evolved or been consumed by universities of
technology or university colleges. In Uganda, W. James Jacob, Yusuf K. Nsubuga,
and Christopher B. Mugimu depict the various constructs of community college
models, including public and private models. In South Africa, Carl Wolhuter illustrates how the community college model has been completely contained within
the university structure. In Israel, Nitza Davidovitch and Yaacov Iram critically
explore why community college models were originally introduced, their strengths
and challenges, and why these models are currently undergoing transformations. In
all cases, the lack of prestige has facilitated the emergence of these new constructs,
some of which included being absorbed into the university sector. Combined, these
chapters illustrate how globalization has impacted institutional change and
reinforced the unique adaptation of each community college model.
Chapter 16
Community-Based Folk High Schools

in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark
Sylvia S. Bagley and Val D. Rust
Introduction
In the broader discussion of the American community college and how it has served
as a model to other countries around the world (Kintzer and Bryant, 1998), little has
been written about its impact in the Scandinavian countries of Denmark, Sweden,
and Norway. This is likely because there is no direct counterpart to the community
college in Scandinavia instead, these countries offer a variety of educational
opportunities which, collectively, serve the diversity of purposes met by community
colleges in the United States. While the Scandinavian folk high school (known as
folkehjskole in Denmark, folkehgskole in Norway, and folkhgskola in Sweden)
has long been cited as the Scandinavian equivalent of Americas community-based
tertiary education system (e.g., see Greenberg, 1991), it is actually only one unique
facet of Scandinavias approach to nonuniversity adult education.
Scandinavian countries meet the diverse goals of American community colleges
in various ways; here, we focus specifically on folk high schools. This system of
nonformal adult education originated in Denmark in the mid-1800s, and, like the
community college system in America, was founded on the premise of welcoming all who desire to learn, regardless of wealth, heritage or previous academic
experience (AACC, 2007). Folk high schools emerged in response to the need to
educate rural citizens who would not otherwise have access to higher education;
since then, they have spread to urban areas as well, but continue to serve a unique
set of functions in each Scandinavian country. In Norway and Denmark, folk high
schools remain resolutely outside of the official educational system, offering a year
of courses which do not directly contribute toward ones degree, but instead offer
students the invaluable opportunity to explore various topics and subjects without
concern for grades. In Sweden, folk high schools offer both a nongraded year off,
as well as the opportunity for students to complete their upper secondary school
requirements in a noncompetitive, individualized setting.
In this chapter, we use Scandinavian folk high schools as a counterexample
to the prevailing trend of exporting American models of tertiary education to
other countries, given that prior to the emergence of the first junior college
in America in 1901 Scandinavia had already developed its own unique form of

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S.S. Bagley and V.D. Rust
egalitarian, community-based education. Indeed, as we shall discuss, the folk high

school model itself was imported to America by a handful of socially conscious
individuals who were inspired by its underlying philosophy; while these early
schools were ultimately short-lived, and did not directly influence modern community colleges, we hope (like Gilliland, 1986) to show that researchers interested in
improving and/or expanding the American community college model could benefit
from a comparative study of folk high schools, a form of tertiary education which
remains little known in the United States.
Methodology
Data for this chapter were collected from both primary and secondary sources.
Both authors have often been to Scandinavia. Rust has spent considerable time in
Scandinavia and has written extensively on Norways educational system (e.g., see
Rust, 1989). Bagley of Norwegian descent traveled to Norway and Sweden in
May 2007, specifically to visit representative folk high schools in each country,
gathering pamphlets and brochures, and talking to dozens of teachers and citizens
about their impressions. In addition, Bagley conducted an interview with yvind
Brandt, director of information for Norwegian folk high schools, and a former folk
high school teacher himself.
Additional data was collected through extensive reading of books, articles, and
online sources. Academic literature on folk high schools in the last 30 years or
so is scarce, with Steven Borishs seminal ethnographic text on Danish folk high
schools, The Land of the Living (first published in 1991), remaining the primary
recent work on the subject. Fortunately, the Internet is a wonderful source of upto-date information on folk high schools in Scandinavia; each country has a central
Web site (see bibliography) with basic information on the folk high school system
(often in English, for foreign visitors), and each school has its own Web site with
further detailed information on courses offered.
Tertiary and Community Education in Scandinavia:

An Overview
The need to make higher education accessible to larger populations of students has
long been met in America through community colleges, which serve four primary
functions: career (vocationaltechnical training); collegiate (academic transfer
of general education courses); remedial (compensatory classes); and so-called
community education, which meets the short-term goals of community members
seeking classes for personal interest, recreation, or lifelong education (Cohen and
Brawer, 2003). As we will discuss throughout this chapter, the latter function is
the one most clearly addressed by Scandinavian folk high schools which, like
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Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark
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community colleges, provide services created out of local community interests

and demands (Wang, 2004); yet the need for remedial courses is also being met,
in Swedish folk high schools.
As noted previously, the above set of four goals career, collegiate, remedial,
and community education are not met by a single institution in Scandinavia.
Over the years, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway have each developed a range of
post-compulsory educational opportunities usually funded by the government
in order meet the shifting needs of their adult populations. Before discussing adult
education in Scandinavia, however, we begin by briefly describing the compulsory
education system leading to tertiary education.
In Scandinavian countries, compulsory education lasts from first to tenth grade.
The period from first to sixth or seventh grade is known as primary school; the
period from seventh or eighth to tenth grade is known as lower secondary school.
After graduating from lower secondary school, Scandinavian students are entitled
to attend upper secondary school (usually for 3 years) on either a vocationally
oriented track or an academically oriented track.
After 1 year of general education courses, students on the vocational track
may choose from a wide range of career-driven subject areas, including options
as diverse as construction, economics, welding, bartending, or tourism. Thus, the
vocationaltechnical training aspect of American community colleges is offered
to Scandinavian students while they are still teenagers in upper secondary school.
Meanwhile, students on the academic track make progress toward entering a university rather than focusing on a specific career goal; however, it is important to
note that even students who have been on the vocational track are given the opportunity to qualify for higher education as part of their general secondary schooling,
by taking additional courses.
Unlike in the United States, university undergraduate degrees in Scandinavia
typically require 3 (rather than 4) years of study, and are highly specialized. Rather
than taking 2 years of broad lower division courses (such as those offered at community colleges in the United States), students in Scandinavia enter a university
with a specific undergraduate degree in mind, and begin working immediately
toward it. Thus, the collegiate goal outlined by Cohen and Brawer (2003) that
is, the use of community colleges as transfer colleges to 4-year universities does
not, in general, apply to the Scandinavian higher education system.
There is an exception, however. In 1969, the Norwegian government began a
movement to implement regional colleges throughout the country, in an attempt to
extend equal opportunity and employment-oriented education to rural and remote
areas (Kintzer, 1974, p. 303). Today, there are 25 university colleges throughout
Norway, though they are no longer necessarily in rural or remote areas. These colleges offer more vocationally oriented courses (lasting between 2 and 4 years), as
well as some introductory subject-area courses which may be applied to a university
degree. Oslo University College, for instance, offers around 50 different professional
higher education programs, and enrolls approximately 11,000 students each year. It
was formed in 1994 by merging 17 smaller colleges in the Oslo area; similarly, the
university college in Bergen (the countrys second largest city) was formed in 1994
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through the merging of six former independent colleges, and currently enrolls
approximately 6,000 students per year. University colleges are under the same regulation as universities, and are considered to be on par academically; indeed, credits
are easily transferable between university colleges and universities.
The two remaining goals of American community colleges remedial education
and community education are the focus of this chapter. All three Scandinavian
countries offer adult citizens the opportunity to take remedial courses which will
allow them entrance into higher education: in Norway, these courses are offered
through what is known as a folk university (folkeuniversitetet); in Sweden, they
are offered through either a folk high school (folkhgskola) or a folk university
(folkuniversitetet); and, in Denmark, they are offered through a variety of liberal
adult education venues (known collectively as folkeoplysning). The goal of shortterm community education is also met through each of these venues, as well as
through folk high schools in both Denmark and Norway.
We should point out here that the term folk high school while originating
from a uniquely Danish concept has taken on different forms over the years in
each Scandinavian country. Swedish folk high schools are distinct in that they offer
remedial education courses in addition to broader community education, while both
Danish and Norwegian folk high schools remain resolutely outside of the formal
education system. We should also note that we will not be discussing German and
Austrian folk high schools (Volkshochschulen) here; while sharing the same name
as their Scandinavian counterpart, these schools fill a unique national role of their
own. Finally, due to space constraints, we will not be discussing folk high schools
in either Finland or Iceland, though these non-Scandinavian countries are part of
the Nordic Folk High School Council as well.
In the following section, we describe the current status of folk high schools in
Scandinavia. First, however, we discuss the origin of folk high schools as a unique
educational concept.
Folk High Schools: A Scandinavian Phenomenon

The theoretical and inspirational force behind folk high schools was the Danish
Lutheran bishop Nikolai F. S. Grundtvig (17831872) (Allchin and Lossky, 1997;
Fain, 1980a; Hart, 1927; Hollman, 1936). Denmark found itself crippled by the
devastating Napoleonic wars in the second decade of the 1800s, and Grundtvig was
the driving force for reviving a spirit of nationalism in his native country. He challenged the pervasive ideology of rationalism in higher education, arguing that while
the university might remain grounded on the foundation of rationalism, a different
kind of national educational institution should also be founded one which was
grounded in passion and nationalistic feelings. He believed a school like this could
help restore Denmarks cultural heritage and national spirit.
Grundtvig was concerned with the common people, the folk of the nation. He
believed that both spiritual and national feelings could only be restored through
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music, poetry, myths, informal lectures, and community meetings. Although

Grundtvig never established a school, he is universally regarded as having given
birth to the idea of a school for the people a folk high school which would
equip peasants with the intellectual and spiritual equipment necessary to restore
both nation and church (Allchin, 1994).
The first Danish folk high school appeared in 1844, in what is today known as
Schleswig Holstein, in Germany. The concept quickly spread outside Denmark, first
to Norway (in 1864), then to Sweden (in 1868), and finally to Finland (in 1889).
Early folk high schools were originally created to meet the everyday needs of farmers (Begtrup and Lund, 1980), to help them resolve basic economic and social
needs, with an emphasis on personal development, good citizenship, and democratic participation, together with practical knowledge of agriculture (Mortensen,
1967). A sharp distinction was made at the time between formal education and the
type of education offered at folk high schools. In formal education, a primary reason
for studying is often to qualify for a job and to earn a living. The folk high school
does not address vocational issues so much as it claims to be a school for life. As we
shall see, this emphasis on self-determination and an explicit resistance to rationalizing education in terms of work remains a distinctive feature of Scandinavian
folk high schools even today, despite the prevailing trend to address market demands
through restructuring higher education (Fgerlind and Strmqvist, 2004).
Grundtvigs initial vision for folk high schools was different from what
eventually emerged (Borish, 2004). Grundtvigs ideal was to bring together all
of Denmarks best minds into one central folk high school, to prepare them for
becoming leaders in their democratic nation. Instead, as folk high schools in all
three Scandinavian countries began to appear, each developed its own ideas about
what was most needed for local citizens. Norwegians, for instance, explicitly
rejected Grundtvigs emphasis on elitism, instead advocating the teaching of peasant dialects (Paulston and LeRoy, 1980). Both Norway and Finland emphasized the
propagation of nationalism, using folk high schools as a means to instill patriotic
pride in citizens (Fain, 1980; Paulston, 1980). In Sweden, folk high schools played
an integral part during the formative years of its democracy (Erickson, 1980), and
currently contribute to Swedens guiding educational principle of lifelong learning
(Strmqvist, 2006).
These days while they are no longer the only nonuniversity adult education
option for students folk high schools remain a unique and culturally valued form
of nonformal education in Scandinavia, offering students the opportunity to learn
and explore without concern for grades. Modern folk high schools in Scandinavia
share the following common goals and characteristics, which we will address in
more detail shortly:
A desire to foster social and democratic participation
A boarding-school environment, in which learning to get along with each other
is considered an important aspect of the folk high school experience (though not
all students live at the schools)
No exams or course-specific grades
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Pedagogical freedom
An emphasis on developing both personal and social skills
Folk high school management is decentralized with each school given an
enormous amount of freedom yet they operate under the auspices of a national
folk high school association, which is responsible for policy concerns, political
lobbying, marketing, and development. In addition, all Scandinavian countries (as
well as Finland and Iceland) are part of a larger Nordic Folk High School Council,
which meets four to five times a year to discuss broader issues and concerns about
the future of folk high schools.
In the following sections, we describe the current state of folk high schools
in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, using a specific folk high school as a case
study in each country. We end by discussing how the folk high school idea was
transplanted briefly to America at the turn of the century, and note that researchers
interested in exploring alternative conceptions of community-based higher education would do well to study folk high schools in more detail.
Danish Folk High Schools

The first folk high school in Denmark came about through the initiative of a
professor named Christian Flor, whose stated goal was to create an institution where
farmers and other citizens can receive useful instruction not so much with regard
to technical operations as with regard to his position as a son of the country and a
citizen of the state (Borish, 2004, p. 183). Another key figure in the establishment
of the first Danish folk high schools and someone considered to have an even
greater influence than Grundtvig or Flor was a man named Christen Kold. In
1851, after meeting with Grundtvig, Kold established a school in Ryslinge, on the
island of Fyn, which was visited by several prominent future folk high school principals. From 1864 to 1876, a veritable explosion of new schools occurred across
the Danish countryside (p. 193).
There are currently 79 folk high schools throughout Denmark, with both short-term
and long-term courses offered. Approximately 6,500 students each year enroll in the
latter (which last anywhere from 8 to 40 weeks), while approximately 45,000 participate in the former. The schools receive financial support from the Danish government, and, as at universities, tuition is free; however, students must pay their own
boarding fees. Long-term courses cost approximately 1,200 Danish kroner per week
(for boarding), while the cost of short-term courses varies greatly. Students are not
allowed to work while attending a folk high school.
Lifelong learning, democracy, and citizenship are the primary concepts upon
which the schools are based; to this end, teaching is conducted through dialogue,
discussion, and cooperation, with teachers and students exhibiting mutual respect
for each other. According to the Web site of the Danish Folk High School Council:
The Folk High School is a place to meet across differences and become valid
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actors in society: to learn to live together in respect and reciprocity in spite of, or
even because of, these differences.
As in all three countries we discuss in this chapter, there is great diversity in the
types of Danish folk high schools, with some having a radical political or gender
orientation, others exhibiting a conservative Christian religious agenda, and still
others focusing specifically on athletics, music, or foreign languages. Four Danish
folk high schools are currently geared toward senior citizens, while a few Youth
High Schools are specifically for students between 16 to 19 years of age; at the
moment, there are no folk high schools specifically addressing the needs of minority or immigrant students. Most courses are taught in Danish. Although all schools
maintain a high degree of autonomy in terms of what they choose to teach, they
must submit to the tenets of the Law of the Free Boarding Schools. This law
stipulates the following requirements:
The minimum age of enrollment is 17.5 years old.
No exams or tests may be given.
While specific areas of interest may change, every school must offer a set of
general education courses.
Personal enlightenment and democratic education must be the primary aims.
General subject area offerings (which are different at each school) include humanities
and social sciences; athletics and gymnastics; art and creativity; music, theatre and
dance; nature, science and technology; society, politics, media, and traveling; and
social services, therapy, and health. While folk high schools exist explicitly outside
of the formal Danish educational system, and students do not receive any type of
formal academic credit for their work, many students take courses which eventually
lead to a career as, for instance, an actor, a nurse, or a journalist.
Danish Case Study: Djursland Folk High School

Djursland Folk High School (http://www.djfh.dk/) is located just north of rhus,
on the east side of Jutland. It is one of the newer folk high schools in the country,
having taken over a renovated space previously occupied for many decades by an
old-folks home and hospital. The school is overseen by a board of directors, who
set the mission of the school and hire its leaders. Djursland takes advantage of the
nearby urban life in rhus, but, like most folk high schools, is situated in a rural,
farm-like, open-air setting which exposes students to life in nature. In 2007, the
staff consisted of just 13 people, including the director, the cook, the assistant cook,
an IT specialist, and an historian.
Djursland Folk High School attempts to establish a lively environment for
students of all ages, who come from the entire district of Djursland. There is room
for at least 40 people to live in the dormitories at any given time, although the
enrollment rate is typically much larger. Djursland provides a wide variety of yearlong and/or short-term courses in music, drama, art, social studies, natural sciences,
286
sports, ceramics, outdoor life, and Internet technology. In addition to these courses,
the school offers a full schedule of debates, lectures, projects, concerts, festivals,
and excursions. Each day begins with a general assembly at 8:30 a.m., with students
engaging in modules of 1.5 h each; the instructional day ends at 6:00 p.m.
According to the schools Web site, it aims, among other things, to help each
student find the melody in ones life, to paint and draw outside the lines, to get
better at what you already do well, and to play the leading role in your own life.
Norwegian Folk High Schools

Although isolated Norwegians were familiar with Grundtvigs ideas, it was a
Norwegian named Ole Vig (18241857) who is considered to be primarily responsible for inspiring the formation of folk high schools in Norway. He published a
popular journal called The Norwegian Folk School, and advocated on behalf of
establishing a folk school which would stem from the common culture, the
natural mode of Norwegian life (Fain, 1980, p. 104). One of Vigs students eventually opened Sagatun, the first folk high school in Norway, in 1864.
There are currently 77 folk high schools (47 free and 30 Christian) located
throughout Norway; most are in rural areas, but a few exist in metropolitan cities
such as Oslo and Bergen. The majority of folk high schools (67) are owned and run
by private organizations or foundations; ten are run by county or municipal authorities. As in Denmark, tuition is covered by the government, but students must supply
the costs of their own boarding, excursions, and other materials. Loans are available
to cover these extra expenses.
A major distinction in Norwegian folk high schools has been that between
so-called free and Christian schools. Christian folk high schools began appearing
in the early 1900s, with more of an emphasis on recruiting younger students (1516year-olds rather than 1718), training them in moral values, and giving them tests
and evaluations (a practice strictly looked down upon in free folk high schools).
In recent years, however, free and Christian folk high school organizations
have come together to form a stronger political presence; in the spring of 2007, the
two organizations began moving into a new, communal office located in downtown
Oslo, and as just one example of their newfound collective power specifically
lobbied to keep folk high schools exam-free for another 7 years.
About 6,000 students attend folk high schools in Norway each year; approximately
1012% of Norwegians have attended one at some point in their life. According
to yvind Brandt, director of information for Norwegian folk high schools, an
informal (unpublished) study was conducted a few years ago which indicated that
approximately 32% of all 18-year-olds were interested in attending a folk high
school; it is Brandts stated goal to learn more about why only one third of these
teenagers ended up attending.
Most students attending Norwegian folk high schools are between the ages of
18 and 25, and most have completed their upper secondary education; however, there
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are exceptions. Two folk high schools the Nordnorsk Pensjonistskole in Smna and
the Norsk Senter for Seniorutvikling in Melsomvik are geared specifically for senior citizens, while l Folkehgskole in Dve is exclusively for deaf students.
The majority of folk high schools in Norway provide on-site housing; indeed,
living at the school amongst ones classmates is considered an essential part of the
overall folk high school experience. As described on the Norwegian folkehgskolene English-language Web site:
Folk high schools are one-year boarding schools based on the idea of learning for life. We
provide an opportunity for you as a student to grow as a person and as a friend, in a small,
unique learning community. On offer is a variety of exciting subjects such as outdoor life,
theatre, music, media, and more. These are schools where you broaden your horizon, deepen
your social insights, get more confidence in yourself, and learn tools for lifelong learning.
Indeed, an important emphasis in Norwegian folk high schools is to form a

community, a common bond within the student body, in class and out of class.
Courses are taught in a hands-on method, with students contributing ideas
and suggestions. A wide range of subjects are offered, including arts and crafts,
Bible studies, computers and IT, cooking and baking, creative writing, dance,
international studies, leadership training, media and communication, motors and
engines, music, Norwegian language and culture, organic farming, photography,
riding and horse care, sign language, social services, sound engineering and stage
design, sports and outdoor life, and theater. Some schools offer a handful of core
subjects to choose from; others such as Toneheim Folkehgskole, a renowned folk
high school which focuses exclusively on classical music emphasize only one
or two. Students spend between 10 and 20 h per week studying their core subject,
and may choose from a variety of electives as well. Many schools offer courses
in Norwegian language and culture for international students, and most schools
incorporate school excursions.
The priorities of Norwegian folk high schools have shifted over the years. After
World War II, there was enormous debate in the country over how to spread and
maintain democracy; thus, in 1948, a Folk High School Law was passed, mandating the existence of folk high schools around the country in order to encourage
democratic ideals. In the 1970s, emphasis shifted toward personal growth and
development. Until this time, all students enrolled in a particular folk high school
were only offered one basic set of courses; in the 1980s, this changed, and students
were able to select from a wider variety of options.
In 2002, the Norwegian Folk High School Council (the national organization
which oversees management of all folk high schools across the country) successfully lobbied to get the Folk High School Law renewed for a second time (it had
been renewed once in the early 1980s). Although it is difficult for new folk high
schools to be built in Norway, those already in existence are guaranteed funding,
and are allowed to operate with relative freedom. The council was also able to guarantee, in law, that no exams may be given in any folk high school, thus securing the
ability of folk high schools to emphasize personal growth and development without
concern for passing tests. According to Brandt, the Folk High School Council is
determined to maintain its autonomy, and to be allowed to operate outside the
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confines of the formal Norwegian school system. The goal, he maintains, is for folk
high schools to continue to be an arena for the individual rather than to serve a
larger governmental (or market-driven) purpose.
Norwegian Case Study: Elverum Folk High School

Elverum Folk High School (http://www.elverumfhs.no/english.html) located in
a forested area 2 h north of Oslo, in between Lake Sagtjernet and the Glomma
River is a representative example of multi-subject folk high schools. It was
founded in 1917 by a wealthy man named Helge Vaeringssen, who had attended
the first folk high school in Norway (in Sagatun), and left 1 million Norwegian
Kroner in a fund to build a folk high school in Elverum.
Elverum, like other folk high schools throughout the country, strives to develop
a concept known as danning, which translates roughly into formation of the
whole human being. According to the rektor (principal) of the school, smund
Mjelva, Elverums goals are to develop personal growth and responsibility in students, to help them to believe in themselves, and to provide them with tools for
a better life. The subjects taught at the school which change on a regular basis,
depending on student demand are simply a means to this more important end.
About 90% of students at Elverum live on campus. Students are responsible
for taking care of their own living space, and have weekly meetings to discuss any
issues or concerns that may arise. No alcohol is permitted on campus, students are
not allowed to return to school with visible signs of having been drinking, and no
drug-taking is allowed. Four meals a day are offered at the school; students can eat
breakfast, lunch, and supper on their own time, but everyone comes together for
dinner, and nobody can leave the table until everyone has finished.
Core subjects offered at Elverum (some unique, some similar to other folk
high schools) include African aid and culture (which involves a trip to Africa);
extreme backpacking; band, rock, pop, and soul; photography; theater; outdoor
life; Norwegian; snowboarding; and arts and crafts. Electives include fishing,
football, photography, outdoor life, glassblowing, guitar, craft-making, ceramics,
kickboxing, rock climbing, knife-making, choir, art, motor sports, dark room
photography, piano, snowboarding, bodybuilding, sports and games, theater,
African dance and music, woodworking, wool dying and designing, and volleyball.
Wednesdays are a main group day, with all students at the school doing
activities and projects together, including attending seminars, and participating
in the school choir.
By law, students at Elverum cannot receive any grades or evaluations. Instead,
students are assessed simply on attendance, and receive a certificate at the end of
the school year listing the subjects they have taken, and how many absences they
have had (which cannot equal more than 10%). Students themselves take a survey
at the end of the year rating their experiences at the school and offering suggestions
for improvement; this is the extent of formal evaluation.
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In the 2006/07 school year, students from 17 different countries attended

Elverum indeed, international participation is common in Norwegian folk high
schools, and encouraged. There are 120 spots at Elverum, and these are typically
filled long before the deadline; last year, according to Mjelva, there were 470
applications. In general, students are accepted on a first-come, first-serve basis. The
oldest student at Elverum last year was 39, but one year there were two older housewives in their sixties, who, according to Mjelva, said they were tired of always
doing work for other people and wanted some time for themselves.
Swedish Folk High Schools

In Sweden, the original idea for a folk high school came from Professor Christian
Flor, principal and founder of the first Danish folk high school (Forster, 1944). Flor
was surprised by what he saw as a lack of interest in Sweden by peasant farmers and labourers in matters of state, and expressed his concern to Dr. Sohlman,
editor of the Swedish daily paper Aftonbladet. Sohlman began advocating on
behalf of a school for the common folk in Sweden, and sent one of his subeditors, Dr. lund, to Denmark to study the movement. Intellectuals soon took up the
debate, and by 1868 the first folkhgskola was founded in Skne, near the border
of Denmark. The founders of Hvilan Folkhgskola stated that they wanted to create a place of instruction where the young could not only develop their physical
powers and improve their minds, but also their souls, and infuse into their daily life
the higher aspirations, and learn that in the less luminous positions good and farreaching work for the community lay to hand (Forster, p. 88).
By 1870, 20 schools had been founded in Sweden. In what would remain a
typical decentralized managerial framework, much control was given to the principals, with the schools changing continually to meet the needs of the people.
For example, when initial winter courses were found to be insufficient, they were
extended to year-round courses, and students were allowed to take a second year of
study. The lantmannaskola (agricultural school) soon arose as a counterpart to the
more general social science courses offered, but it shared the same space and leadership. By the turn of the century, youths in industrialized parts of the country began
learning about folk high schools, and attended classes during their holidays.
There are currently 148 folk high schools across Sweden. Of these, 105 are run
either by various popular movements or NGOs, and the remainder are run by
county councils or regions. Approximately 30,000 students take part in long-term
folk high school courses each year. As in Norway, the minimum age of enrollment
is 18, but there is no maximum age limit. As in both Denmark and Norway, tuition is covered by the government, but students must pay boarding costs and other
expenses, which average approximately 4,000 SEK (Swedish kroner) per month (as
a point of comparison, the average monthly salary in Sweden is about 25,000 SEK).
All students are provided with about 2,000 SEK per month from the government,
and are able to receive a loan for up to 4,000 additional SEK per month.
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The Swedish word folkbildning is used to denote liberal, nonformal, voluntary

adult education. As noted on the English-language Web page of the Swedish Folk
High School Council:
Folkbildnings philosophy presumes that all citizens are free and independent individuals,
with the right to participate in all aspects of a democratic society. The activities should
provide a comprehensive approach, stimulate curiosity and critical thinking; as well as be
a part of the crucial process of lifelong learning. Folkbildning creates the conditions necessary for people to freely pursue knowledge and contributes toward giving them the opportunity to change their lives.
As in Norway and Denmark, the original folk high schools in Sweden came about
due to the realization that the common folk needed to be educated beyond an
elementary school education in order to make informed decisions about their country and their own future.
According to Swedish Folk High School Council Web site, the primary objective
of Swedish folk high schools these days is to provide a general civic education:
Folk High Schools offer a unique opportunity to enhance each individuals human
resources. The students experiences of working life and society are put to use, and their
contribution is very vital. The schools constitute small, educational societies where each
individual makes a difference. Studying in a warm and open environment, working closely
with other students and staff stimulates personal growth and development.
Folk high schools are given the freedom to develop their own curricula, within
certain limits set by the government. Governmental guidelines stipulate that all folk
high schools in Sweden must
Emphasize common goals and values, as well as human rights

Encourage multiculturalism
Keep local demographics in mind when developing curricula
Encourage lifelong learning
Coordinate cultural activities with available resources in the area
Provide accessibility for handicapped students
Promote general health and well-being, including an awareness of environmental issues and global justice
A general council evaluates each folk high school once a year to ensure that these
mandates are being met, and each school submits a report describing its goals and
progress; this is the extent of the formal institutional evaluation which takes place.
Unlike Norwegian and Danish folk high schools, Swedish folk high schools are
unique in that they are funded partly on the basis of the basic courses, or allmn
kurser, they offer. Successful completion of these courses (which last between
1 and 3 years, depending on previous levels of education) provide students with the
equivalent of an upper secondary school leaving certificate, and allow students to
apply to universities, which in turn are required to admit a certain quota of students
with folk high school allmn kurs certificates each year. Courses in the allmn
kurser include Swedish, civics, science, English, religion, and mathematics.
As in Norway and Denmark, no grades are given to students for specific courses;
students are simply held accountable through attendance, and may not miss more
than 10% of class time. However, in addition to providing proof of behorighet
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(indicating that a student is capable of moving on to university), the allmn

kurser certificate indicates one cumulative grade (from 1 to 4) for a students overall performance (omdme). The following distinctions are made:
Excellent study aptitude (4)

Very good study aptitude (3)
Good study aptitude (2)
Poor study aptitude (1)
Factors taken into consideration when determining a students omdme grade

include the development of their knowledge and skills, their capacity for analyzing
and processing information, their motivation and persistence, their organizational
abilities, and their social skills. Teachers meet to discuss a students performance in
all the classes, looking at the whole person when coming to a collective decision
on the final score.
Swedish Case Study: Ingesund Folk High School

Ingesund Folk High School (http://www.ingesund.se/) is located in the Swedish/
Norwegian border town of Arvika, a 2-h train ride from Oslo. It was founded in
1905 by Valdemar Dahlgren, in Western Vrmland off the shore of the Glafsfjord.
Students may choose to live in one of three dormitories or commute from the local
community, but most live on campus.
Students wishing to take allmn kurser at Ingesund have a variety of options to
choose from. In addition to a regular academic set of allmn courses, they can
choose a special profile emphasizing either advanced Swedish, studies on homo-,
bi-, and transsexuals (HBT; gay and lesbian issues), Spanish and Italian, Web
design, nature and biology, or handicrafts. These thematic offerings vary from year
to year, in accordance with the perceived needs and interests of the community.
In addition to allmn kurser, Ingesund offers three other tracks of study: music,
theater, and environmental studies. Ingesunds music school is quite renowned, and
entrance is competitive. Students enrolled in the music school usually attend for
35 years rather than 1, and sleep in a different dormitory.
Ingesund also offers shorter-term courses for community members. During the
2006/07 school year, a highly attended travel course was offered to senior citizens, consisting of weekly courses to learn about a foreign destination, and then
a culminating trip. Finally, Ingesund houses a special program for unemployed
citizens, who take courses in basic computer skills with the goal of eventually finding work. Again, the specific needs of the community are taken into account when
determining what types of classes to offer at the school.
Classes at Ingesund are small, with only 1020 students per class, and often
fewer. The emphasis is on communication and dialogue, with teachers serving more
as facilitators than lecturers. Students are strongly encouraged to make connections
between the material and their own lives. For instance, during a biology class lesson
(observed during a visit to the school in May 2007), students listened to a special
292
lecture on environmental issues, then had an open discussion about the ideas they
heard. Afterwards, a student gave a presentation on hearing, using a model of a
human ear. Discussion was then opened to the class, with various students sharing
their own experiences regarding hearing issues. One student pulled back her hair
to reveal a hearing aid; another student discussed her sons inability to accurately
gauge his volume when speaking. The atmosphere was relaxed and friendly.
American Folk Schools

American folk high schools (generally known as folk schools, thus dropping
the confusing high school distinction) originated from two major sources: first,
Danish emigrants wishing to preserve their cultural traditions, churches, and educational practices; and second, Americans hoping to copy the Danish model in order
to vitalize and bring about fundamental change among farmers, hill people, and
the poor in America. The first folk schools in America were established by Danes
who emigrated to America either to escape the domination of the Lutheran Church
(Mortensen, 1967), and/or to find greater economic prosperity (Houston, 1971).
Once they were settled in America, they set about establishing various mechanisms
to retain their culture and religious heritage. The first folk schools in America were
Elk Horn Folk School in Elk Horn, Iowa (1877); Ashland Folk High School in Grant,
Michigan (1882); West Denmark Folk High School in West Denmark, Wisconsin
(1884); Nysted Folk High School in Nysted, Nebraska (1887); Danebod Folk High
School in Tyler, Minnesota (1888); Grand View College in Des Moines, Iowa
(1896); Brorson Folk High School in Kenmare, North Dakota (1902); and Atterdag
College in Solvang, California (1911). These folk schools quickly changed characteristics beyond recognition (Kulich, 1964), however, and were ultimately shortlived (Larson, 1980), particularly as community colleges began to blossom across
the country and addressed many of the needs previously met by folk schools.
American interest in community-based education including folk (high)
schools flourished once again in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1976, the Folk School
Association of America (FSAA) now known as the Institute for Peoples
Education and Action (IPEA; http://www.peopleseducation.org/) was founded,
with the purpose of advocating and organizing around the Scandinavian concept
of the folk school as an adult learning center. Their current mission is to identify,
support, and facilitate community-based, learner-led education as a strategic tool
for community organizing, and they rely on both individual and organizational
membership fees to stay afloat.
According to the IPEA Web site, existing folk schools in America include (but
are not limited to) the following, which we list here simply to provide a sampling
of the diversity of folk schools in America:
The North House Folk School (http://www.northhouse.org/) in Minnesota,
which aims to create a rich, positive environment that inspires life-long learning
in a non-competitive environment
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The Driftless Folk School (http://www.driftlessfolkschool.org/) in Wisconsin,

which aims to support healthy, sustainable communities and personal development by providing creative and meaningful educational opportunities and
inspiring lifelong learning for individuals and families
The Alabama Folk School (http://campmcdowell.com/folkschool/index.htm) at
Camp McDowell, which provides the opportunity for people to come and stay
for a week in order to study a topic of their interest
The Clearing Folk School (http://www.theclearing.org/) in Wisconsin, which
aims to provide diverse educational experiences in the folk school tradition, in
a noncompetitive environment without grades or degrees
The Camp Sister Spirit Folk School (http://www.campsisterspirit.com/) in
Mississippi, focusing on social issues such as racism, sexism, and homophobia, and emphasizing awareness of and appreciation for a shared background
through direct, person-to-person interchange
As should be clear from the brief descriptions above, American folk high schools
just like Scandinavian folk high schools are designed with local needs and interests in mind, each one offering a unique set of experiences to students. Some such
as the Alabama Folk School offer weeklong retreats; others, such as Driftless Folk
School, Clearing Folk School, and North House Folk School, offer daylong or afternoon classes in local crafts and skills; still others, like the Camp Sister Spirit Folk
School, simply serve as a central site for various cultural events and retreats. Despite
this diversity of goals and settings, however, they all maintain a common emphasis
on learner-centered, nonthreatening, nongraded education. To this end, they remain
a distinctive albeit far less ubiquitous alternative to community colleges.
American Case Study: Highlander Folk School

Highlander Folk School (http://www.highlandercenter.org/) is a rare American folk
school which has endured since its inception in the 1930s. It opened its doors in
1932 in Monteagle, Tennessee, and continues today under the name of Highlander
Research and Education Center (Adams, 1980; Bledsoe, 1969). The key player
in its establishment was Myles Horton, a devout Christian who identified deeply
with the mountain people of Tennessee, and hoped to provide them with socially
meaningful educational experiences. While enrolled in the University of Chicagos
Graduate School of Sociology, Horton met a Danish-born Lutheran minister who
suggested that the Danish folk school could serve as a model for Hortons school.
Horton began immediately to study Danish culture, language, and folk schools; in
addition, he read books such as J. C. Campbells The Southern Highlander and
His Homeland (1921), which gave him additional information about the southern
mountain life and people, and how a folk school might contribute to their welfare.
In September 1931, Horton traveled to Denmark to see folk high schools for
himself, and he was impressed with the schools strong sense of purpose and moral
mission (Horton, 1989). In May 1932, Horton returned to the United States, where
294
he and a partner obtained permission to locate the school on the farm of Lillian
Johnson at Monteagle, Tennessee. Since its inception, Highlander has maintained
a flexible approach to education, and its programs and personnel have been in constant flux. There are no grades, credits, examinations, or degrees, and the needs of
the students largely determine the curriculum of the sessions (Glen, 1988).
At the core of Highlanders current educational activities are residential
workshops, clustered around themes such as Grassroots Think Tank, Multilingual
Capacity Building, Seeds of Fire: Youth Organizing, and more. Programs last
anywhere from 2 days to 8 weeks, and they focus on specific, concrete subjects.
A workshop might attract between 15 and 40 adults of various racial, religious, and
educational backgrounds, and assists participants in analyzing and responding to
the ways in which problems affect them personally.
Staff members refrain from imposing a preconceived set of ideas on students,
instead using consultants, movies, audio recordings, drama, music, and written
materials to build on the students knowledge, and to introduce new values, options,
and perspectives. Participants then evaluate their findings, assess their new understanding of their problems, and develop plans to initiate or sustain activities once
they return to their communities.
As reflected in its Web site mission statement, Highlanders goals are very much
in line with that of Scandinavian folk high schools:
The goal of Highlander was and is to provide education and support to poor and working
people fighting economic injustice, poverty, prejudice, and environmental destruction. We help
grassroots leaders create the tools necessary for building broad-based movements for change.
Thus, the guiding philosophy of Highlander is that the answers to societys problems lie in the experiences of ordinary people themselves.
Conclusion
As indicated by the title and topic of this book, the American community college
model has had an enormous impact on the educational systems of many countries
around the world. In this chapter, however, we have provided a counterexample to
this trend by illustrating an alternative community-based educational format one
which originated prior to the establishment of the first junior colleges in America,
and has existed largely outside this prevalent model.
Unlike many educational systems, folk high schools in Scandinavia did not
emerge through the ubiquitous model of cross-national borrowing outlined by
Phillips and Ochs (2003), which involves a linear process of governmental attraction to a new idea, legislative decision-making, implementation, and internalisation by citizens (pp. 451452). Instead, the process was more dialectical and
grassroots in nature, with key individuals and groups taking the initiative to form
individual schools, and advocating on behalf of their proliferation.
In Denmark, for instance, Grundvig provided the initial conceptual framework
for the idea of folk high schools, but it was men such as Flor and Kold who actually
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established the first schools, which served as a concrete inspiration for others. In
Norway, a popular journal first disseminated the idea of folk high schools, which
quickly became reality; however, it was not until the crisis of World War II when
democracy in Norway was seriously threatened that the broader need for a means
to educate all citizens in democratic ideals was seen, and a folk high school law
was put into place by the government. Similarly, in Sweden, it was key individuals
who advocated on behalf of educating peasant farmers and laborers, and eventually a unique system evolved which combined both general social science courses
and agricultural courses. In America, folk high schools were started by motivated
philanthropists (such as Myles Horton), who learned about this unusual form of
community education, and decided to try importing it. While American folk (high)
schools continue to exist in various parts of the country, however, they were never
internalized as an essential part of the countrys higher educational system.
These days the closest counterpart to Scandinavian folk high schools in America
are rural community colleges, many of which offer residential boarding (Moeck
et al., 2007), and are deeply embedded within the local communitys lifestyle and
economic structure (Miller and Tuttle, 2007). Like folk high schools, rural community colleges are limited in terms of the number of programs they are able to offer to
students (Hardy and Katsinas, 2007), and must gear their programs toward perceived
local needs. Thus, while urban and suburban community colleges characteristically
strive to be all things to all people (Cejda and Leist, 2006, p. 253), rural community
colleges in America are more like Scandinavian folk high schools (and Norwegian
University Colleges) in their attempt to meet the specific needs of local constituents.
Yet there are still enormous differences between Scandinavian folk high
schools and rural community colleges in America. Folk high schools in all three
Scandinavian countries emphasize lifelong learning and personal development
above all else (Cohen, 1993); and, while strategic economic or career-oriented
objectives may be embedded (either explicitly or implicitly) within the courses
offered, these are ultimately secondary to the broader goals of nurturing the whole
human, and allowing citizens a transitional year in which they can consider
future educational and employment opportunities. Indeed, higher education in
Scandinavia has a long tradition of being viewed as a social good (Fgerlind and
Strmqvist, 2004, p. 13), and folk high schools fit squarely within this stated goal.
With that said, Scandinavia has not been immune to the effects of globalization
and internationalization of the marketplace. While Scandinavian countries remain
committed to maintaining a certain level of national autonomy in educational
affairs, market-oriented thinking has caused a restructuring of the public sectors
in the Nordic countries [and has] strongly influenced their higher education systems (p. 14). Thus, while their place in the overall educational system is relatively
secure at the moment, folk high schools must either evolve to meet competing
demands (as is happening in Sweden and Denmark) or continue to stake a strong
lobbying claim on behalf of existing outside the realm of market-based educational
policies (as Norway has successfully done, at least for the time being). It remains
to be seen how well Scandinavian folk high schools will flourish in the uncertain
economic future.
296
As noted earlier, the amount of recent research on folk high schools remains
slim, with no data currently available on how folk high school students fare once
they enter the job force or enroll in a university. This is likely because, as we have
shown, Scandinavian folk high schools exist to serve a different purpose one more
geared toward personal growth and inner development than economic advancement. To this end, we believe that American community colleges can benefit from
investigating the folk high school system, which remains committed to meeting
the needs of local communities on a level outside of purely economic necessity. In
addition, folk high schools offer a unique historical perspective on how institutions
of higher education can play a vital part in local communities a topic addressed
recently, for instance, in an article by Miller and Tuttle (2007), who nonetheless do
not draw upon the folk high school model in their exploration of nonacademic and
noneconomic results of community college activities in rural areas.
In sum, we believe that Scandinavias folk high schools offer a constructive
counterexample to the rapid proliferation of the American community college
model around the world. While this model provides an invaluable paradigm for
countries struggling to develop a more equitable system of higher education, the
history of Scandinavian folk high schools shows us that community education can
emerge in a variety of forms and that there are multiple ways to ensure democratic
access to learning.
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Kulich, J. (1964). The Danish folk high school: can it be transplanted? The success and failure of the
Danish folk high school at home and abroad. International Review of Education, 10(4), 417430.
Larson, D.C. (1980). The movement to preserve Danish culture in North America. In R.G. Paulston
Miller, M.T., & Tuttle, C.C. (2007). Building communities: how rural community colleges
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Moeck, P.G., Hardy, D.E., & Katsinas, S.G. (2007). Residential living at rural community
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Mortensen, E. (1967). The Danish Lutheran church in America. Philadelphia: Lutheran Church
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North House Folk School Web site. Available at: http://www.northhouse.org/
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Paulston, R., & LeRoy, G. (1980). Folk colleges and change from below. In R.G. Paulston (Ed.),
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Wang, W. (2004). UCLA community college review: community education in the community
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Chapter 17
Community Colleges Embracing Change:

The Anglophone Caribbean Perspective
Jeanette Grant-Woodham and Camille Morris
Introduction
Caribbean countries are small states, vulnerable to global economic shifts. It is
therefore imperative that the governments invest in available resources that can
improve the economic and social conditions of the countries and the people. As
human capital is a vital and necessary resource, quality education for the human
capital is fundamental in strengthening the capacity of the countries. Investing in
education, particularly tertiary education, is paramount, to benefit from the information and technological explosion taking place. Tertiary education is required
to understand the intricacies of new systems and provide the analysis needed for
experimentation and new ways of exploiting resources and systems to generate
economic growth and improve social standards.
Geography. This chapter examines the situation in Anglophone Caribbean,
commonly referred to as the British West Indies. These countries include
Jamaica, Bermuda, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, The Bahamas, Antigua and
Barbuda, Montserrat, The Cayman Islands, Dominica, Trinidad and Tobago, Turks
and Caicos, St. Kitts and Nevis, Guyana, St. Lucia, Belize, Anguilla, Barbados and
British Virgin Islands (BVI). These islands were originally inhabited by Aborigines,
the Arawaks, Caribs, and Mayans, until they were colonialised by Europeans. The
unfamiliar culture and life style of the Europeans negatively affected the indigenous
peoples and many of them died, particularly the Arawaks. There are still small
groups of Caribs in Dominica, Amerindians in Guyana and Mayans in Suriname
and Belize. The islands went through periods of slavery and colonization and,
with the exception of the Cayman Islands, Montserrat, BVI, and Turks and Caicos
Islands which have remained dependents of Britain, have become independent
states. As each country has adopted a model of the systems of operation developed
by their colonizer, the political, legal and education systems of the independent
countries remain similar to the British model.
Economics. Their common history, but even more, their similar economic and
social situation, brought the countries together in 1973 to form a regional organization, the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM), which is
similar to the economic Unions/Blocs formed by other states (Hall, 2001, p. xxi); it is

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not exclusive to former British Colonies. In its effort to deepen and broaden integration within the region, observer status was awarded to Haiti and Suriname, Britain
(a colonizing country), and tertiary level institutions. Classified as a developing region,
the countries are primarily agriculture based, and tourism is the only activity that is
common to all the territories. The fragile agrarian economies depend on the North
American and European markets and a stable global system. Shifts in the global
economy have adverse effects on these countries whose import bills far exceed their
export potential.
Social Situation and Education. While the employment rate has increased since
independence, the standard of living has not been sustainable. The instability of
the economies has caused, high interest rates, increasing import bills, instability
of currency, failed investments, increased population, increase in crime and
violence, and growing unemployment. Many Caribbean people have migrated to
other countries with the hope of financial security, and the remittances from family
members abroad significantly supplement the income of those in the Caribbean.
The demand for tertiary level education increases with each set of graduates from
the secondary level institutions. While some countries can afford to fully subsidize
education, others can only provide partial assistance. In both instances, lack of
finance has been noted as a major barrier to tertiary education in the region by
students, employers and educators.1 This, coupled with the need to increase access
to tertiary education in the region, has affected the standard of living of many.
Therefore, in spite of the policies employed by some countries to promote and
foster education for all, it is still a serious concern at all levels, particularly at the
tertiary level.
Tertiary education consisted of teacher training colleges, a regional university,
technical/vocational institutions and theological colleges (managed by church
bodies). The system of operation mirrors the British model, including tests and
examinations. The latter were particularly daunting because they were prepared and
marked by British examiners. Except for the elite, few went through the secondary
system, and those who did, primarily went directly into the employment sector.
The bridge, in the form of the community college, between the secondary level and
university was not established until the late 1970s.
Literature Review
The discussions on education and its relation with development have led many to
agree that the two are inextricably linked. Each fuels the other; they impact each
other and lead to acquisition of knowledge through research and expansion of
technological capabilities. Howe (2005) approved the marriage of the two principles, citing Case and Harbisons proposals of improved quality of life and sustained
development, which are the primary ingredients for a prosperous society. He noted
that Harbison saw the underutilization of human resource as costly to any country;
he describes it as an intractable condition (Howe, 2005) affecting small states,
including the Caribbean countries.
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301
The recognition of the value of an educated, skilled and energized labor force is
paramount to all countries, of all sizes, irrespective of their history, economic state
and political persuasion. Developing countries have at some point or other lamented
the need to promote human capital through education, to gain economy, social and
psychological development. The Caribbean is not an exception to this. Clarke (2001)
discusses Demass formula for the success of the private sector, notably the development of the companys human resources and advocates an intellectual centre to serve
as a national and regional instrument of development. Peters (2001, p. 47), also quotes
Demas as supporting tertiary education, noting however, that the region must accept
and view post secondary education as an integrated system of universities as well as
Technical and Vocational Institutes and Colleges, Community Colleges, Nursing
and Para-Medical Training, among other tertiary level educational institutions.
Peters is of the opinion that the region, in fact, heeded to the suggestion not only of
different tertiary level institutions, but multi-purpose institutions, in order to respond
to the diverse needs of the people of the region and partly responds to the challenge
of achieving economies of scale which continue to be a developmental imperative for
the tertiary education sector in small states (Peters, 2001, pp. 4748).
Barry Chevannes (UNESCO Papers, 2003) explains that the regional university
(UWI), despite its expansion of curricula and buildings, is not able to meet the
rapidly expanding demands in time. This limitation fuelled the development of
local institutions of higher learning, including the Community Colleges. He further
stated that the Demas Report of 1974, which was a result of the Intergovernmental
Committee on Caribbean University Education, set up by the Caribbean Heads
of Government, was partially responsible for the development of the Community
Colleges in the region. Chevannes points out that the Report calls for the establishment of Community Colleges and especially that these institutions be articulated
with the UWI, as a process of continuity, expansion and development of the former
English speaking colonies.
The Need for the Community College

Chevannes discourse on the inability of the regional university to meet the
demands for tertiary education describes an age-old problem. In the early 1960s
in Jamaica, the privilege of a university education was not enough to propel the
national economy forward. The need was for an active decision to provide access
to tertiary education and at the same time respond to labor market needs. The
community college models were seen as political, social, and economic necessities
and rationalized as such. As the models of community colleges developed in North
America and were explored in other parts of the world, their influence could not
be ignored by the regional (Caribbean) governments as a way of addressing post
secondary education needs and community sustainability.
Prior to the introduction of the community college models, the tertiary landscape
in Jamaica featured the establishment of the West Indies College, now Northern
Caribbean University (NCU) in 1907, one of the oldest private institutions.
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The Farm School opened in 1910 became the Jamaica School of Agriculture in
1942 and changed its name to College of Agriculture in 1982 and in 1995 to the
College of Agriculture, Science and Education (CASE). In Trinidad and Tobago,
The Caribbean Union College started in the early 1930s and was declared a Junior
College by 1947; in Barbados the Erdiston College started in 1948 offering 1-year
training programs and by 1954 was transformed into a teacher training institution. In the 1940s, tertiary education institutions in Jamaica included University
College of the West Indies (UCWI) in 1948, now the University of the West Indies
(UWI) and two other campuses in Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados 1961 and
1963 respectively. These institutions, along with the College of Arts, Science and
Technology (CAST), now the University of Technology (Utech) which began in
1958 in Jamaica, formed in large part the tertiary education landscape along with
Teacher Training and theological Colleges. In Dominica, the Princess Margaret
Hospital School of Nursing started in 1959 as an apprenticeship training system;
in Grenada, The Grenada Teachers College (GTC), The Grenada Technical
and Vocational Institute (GTVI), The Institute for Further Education (IFE), The
National Institute of Handicraft (NIH), The Mirabeau Agricultural Training School
(MATS), The Domestic Arts Institute (DAI), The Continuing Education Program
(CEP), and The School of Pharmacy, all became community colleges.
The 1960s marked the beginning of the road to independence in the region, and
the need for post secondary education institutions became more urgent. Self rule
and political bargaining required commitment of services to the masses to secure
power and leadership. The commitment to education required not only the existence of institutions, but also the need for such institutions to be within the reach of
the community. The community colleges were to carry the mantle.
Caribbean Community College Models

For the sake of sustainable development, accessible, quality and accountable
tertiary education became paramount. The inclusion of the Community College
models widened the tertiary education sector, which has experienced, and is still
experiencing, a transformation since the adoption of the models. This transformation can be seen in the increased acceptance of community colleges as valuable
tertiary education institutions.
The rationale for the establishment of the community colleges throughout the
region, though similar, had some differences. As community colleges were established on the basis that they should be community-oriented and have a localized mission, they are expected to respond to the post secondary education needs of the people
in their vicinity. In Jamaica, the need for sixth form classes prompted an urgent
response and the community college model therefore took on the binary form,
which would provide high school students who were unsuccessful at the secondary
level examination another opportunity to pursue higher education to enter a university. This is unlike the model developed in Grenada, which was based on the need
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for accountability, efficiency, and effectiveness of the post-secondary institutions

that existed independently. The amalgamation of the eight institutions, including the
sixth form institution, defined the Grenada model as multi-purpose. It is so defined
because it provides programs at varying levels to accommodate the needs of all the
students. It is interesting to note that in most of the countries included in this study,
the community colleges were formed from amalgamations. Even more intriguing is
the fact that many of the mergers included teacher training institutions and vocational
institutions and if the sixth form departments were not involved in the initial merger,
they were included later. Thus the Grenada experience is very common. In Dominica,
the Clifton Dupigny College was formed by the merger of the Technical College and
the sixth form college. The Government has also planned for the inclusion of the
School of Nursing and the Teachers college to be a part of the merger. Similarly in
St. Kitts and Nevis, the Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College is made up of the School
of Nursing, the College/Academic studies and the Technical College. The same is
true of St. Lucia, where the Sir Arthur Lewis Community College is an amalgamation of the Teachers College, the technical college and the A level college. The
A level college was not included in the initial merger of Antigua State College, but
was later added to create the academic section. The original merger was established
through the union of the Teachers Training College and the Technical College. In
the Cayman experience, the Hotel Training School, the Maritime and Trade Training
Schools, the Secretarial/ Business section and the Sixth Form section were merged to
form the Community College of the Cayman Islands.
With the exception of the Barbados Community College and The H. Lavity Stoutt
Community College in BVI, which began originally as multi-purpose institutions,
the other institutions were established as specialized models, became binary
models with the inclusion of the sixth form component and later progressed into
multipurpose models.
The amalgamation did not change the nature of the programs that were previously
offered at the individual institutions. The process standardized the operations to
make it more accommodating and efficient and, most importantly, responsive and
relevant to the needs of the people. Also defined by pre-existing conditions of the
region, many of the community colleges became national institutions,2 unshackled
by traditions (Roberts, 2000) and therefore experimental and innovative in nature.
Whether started by private initiative and endorsed by the government, or
government-established, Caribbean community college models were established
as specialized models, offering tech/Voc College and occupational studies.
The category includes the teacher training institutions which were developed and
fostered throughout the region. The sixth form education component added another
dimension to the institutions, which really did not make them multipurpose or binary
in the strictest sense of the words, but allowed them to offer potential students a
myriad of opportunities to suit their needs. Community Colleges through-out the
region can now be defined as multipurpose tertiary level institutions. The transformation of the tertiary education sector, the demands of the community and the
institutions, and economic as well as political inputs along with global changes,
have influenced the transition to multi purpose/dimensional operations. In the
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Caribbean proverbial phrase, these institutions now offer everything, from a pin to
an anchor, in tertiary education.
From a Pin to an Anchor

The link between the community college and the community cannot be broken,
unless the college fails. Therefore the relation between the two must get stronger
over time. Relations with the community must move from just accommodating
community meetings, to problem solving issues, sustaining the cultural heritage
and the growth of the individual and the community. Therefore, the community colleges must retain the emphasis on life-long learning, which involves the
facilitation of cultural and social education. The Caribbean models maintain this
interaction with the communities, particularly because of the social needs that must
be addressed, including crime and violence, unemployment, and attitude (negative)
to education and drugs to improving the standard of living of the people.
The agenda for development directs the community colleges not only towards
modern ways of reaching the community, but also institutional growth to accommodate, manage and adopt new principles and policies of operation, that have
increased its appeal. Raby (1995) noted that the community college models, because
of their nature, are not highly regarded by governments, scholars or the populace.
The argument is true on some grounds; however, in the context of the Caribbean,
the community college models have been accepted as legitimate and worthwhile
to pursue. The attitude of the governments was based on the educational need of
the country, with the increasing demand for tertiary education, and alternatives to
established institutions with limited flexibility. Unlike the governments, the scholars
and the populace maintained their skepticism of the community college because it
suggested a less than traditional education institution. With no prestige attached,
questions concerning the type and quality of education emerged and perpetuated a
perception of mediocrity. There are still some persons today who hold to the original thoughts of community colleges as not being able to offer higher level quality
education and therefore see the institutions as the places for lower class, academically challenged students.
Interestingly, the establishment of pre-university institutions which offer post
secondary programs (specifically, high school completion certificates) and some
diploma programs and which may rightfully be classified as a model of community colleges, are considered more prestigious than community colleges, primarily
because of the name and the stigma attached to the latter.
However, with the expansion in curriculum, which includes the development
of the Associate Degree programs and the establishment of collaborative arrangements, the image of the colleges has changed. One fundamental structural expansion was the acceptance of the Prior Learning Assessment Recognition (PLAR) and
older, working students admitted to the institutions. The latter is important because
it facilitates greater access to education and a less burdensome means of doing
so for many who have years of working experience but little or no formal education.
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In this context, the strategic objectives of government are achievable with institutions
such as community colleges, especially those that are multi-dimensional in purpose,
which offer greater opportunities for higher education.
From community and remedial studies to associate degrees and baccalaureate
studies, as well as post-graduate studies, the community colleges, through strategic
repositioning, have been breaking traditional boundaries and ideas and providing
quality and relevant education to the region and their countries. They have managed
to appeal to the masses as valuable tertiary level institutions through continued
improvements in the quality, quantity and type/level of programs they provide.
They have also taken the responsibility of register these institutions and having
their programs accredited by national accreditation agencies.
Forces that Influenced Strategic Repositioning

Strategic repositioning is necessary for the survival of any organization or entity.
It involves an analysis of the current situation, trends and practices and an understanding of the demands of the market. Fundamentally, transformation depends
upon the ingenuity of those involved to evaluate and manipulate the existing
and new resources to achieve workable solutions (in the case of the Caribbean,
somewhat limited) and options that keep the entities sustainable. This, combined
with the acceptance and willingness to adapt to technological growth, information
explosion, political, economic and social imperatives, and human resource needs,
is paramount to the creation of a relevant tertiary education sector that is influenced by national, regional and international shifts. Globalization, and economic
and social imperatives however qualified, and by no means easily manipulated, do
affect the response of community colleges to tertiary education needs.
The Globalization Effect

Globalization has affected every facet of life. It has altered the intrinsic value of
many goods and services. It has overvalued and undervalued many things, and
education is no exception. Giddens (1990) provides one of the most interesting
discussions on globalization. He defines it as the intensification of worldwide
social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings are
shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa. This intensification
of worldwide social relations of which he speaks has resulted in the emergence of
hundreds of tertiary level institutions over the last decade and still more to come,
offering prospective students a plethora of possibilities for educational advancements. The neo-liberal propagation has been exposing alternatives to education that
may have been available but unknown to many.
In addition, the intrinsic value of qualifications is changing, fostered by the
change in global standards. Requirements for positions are changing: what was
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required in the early 1990s for some positions do not apply in the twenty-first
century. Employees are compelled to upgrade their skills and qualifications in order
to qualify for promotions. Job security no longer exists and to stay in the job market
requires frequent upgrades in knowledge to manage the tasks.
Competition is a major consideration in the technological age. Community
colleges compete with each other for their market space as they appeal largely to
the same group of people. Additionally, they compete with regional and international institutions that have been penetrating Caribbean borders. The opening up
of borders through liberalization of industries and sectors, which is a feature of
globalization, has been welcome in some instances but in other cases, such as the
education sector, the effect is felt primarily at the tertiary level. There are countless and diverse scholarships that are offered by receiving (foreign) institutions and
governments for which Caribbean nationals have been applying with success. There
are full scholarships as well as part scholarships, and they range from academics,
Tech/Voc to sports scholarships.
Globalization, or rather the intensification of world activities, also influences the
length, mode of delivery, the evaluation and the structure of programs. Without eliminating
the traditional 3- and 4- year college programs, the demand for shorter programs is
based on the need for the students to gain knowledge and get back into the workplace
to apply the information. Many employers cannot wait for employees to gain 3 or 4
years of study before they join the workforce. Moreover, in the balance of life and
work, short-term courses are more appealing. Further, convenient education offered
in flexible time schedules is a marketing strategy. The ability to work without having
to leave home and to do so in ones own time has become more appealing. No longer
are students depending on classroom, face to face teaching. To reach out to potential
students, different modes of delivery have been adapted by institutions as a means
of gaining greater market share and respond to the education needs of students
far and wide. Internet, tele-conferencing and video-conferencing techniques
bring education into homes, making it easier for students to manage their activities
and earn a qualification. Also, institutions review their programs for relevance and
strength and adjust them to meet the requirements of the employment group. This
involves the inclusion of a practical component in more courses of study.
The global influences have awakened more than just the need to change; they
have also provided the information for possible ways to go forward. The information cycle is never-ending and community colleges have more than enough
examples of similar circumstances in North America and the rest of the world not
to learn and adapt the examples to fit their specific situations.
Economic, Social and Human Resource Imperatives

Government legislation, socio-economic imperatives, and human resource needs
have also affected the ability of the community colleges to assert their position
as tertiary education providers. As national institutions in some countries, the
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community colleges benefit from a large share of the funding and in the case of
Cayman and the Bahamas, the governments have been supportive of the institutions becoming university colleges. Additional funding and procurement of needed
resources, particularly teaching staff, are some of the investments that have been
slow in getting to the community colleges. Despite these efforts there is still a need
to enlarge the capacity of the community colleges and remove political interference
so that the institutions can move forward to fulfill their mission.
Crime, violence, and drug trafficking are damaging the Caribbean states.
Solutions to the problems have eluded the governments for years, and as the ills
worsen, governments must be challenged to guide each generation away from
that lifestyle. Ironically, it goes back to the emphasis on education and life-long
learning to bring about an improved standard of living. The community colleges
are challenged in their efforts to provide support that will encourage tertiary level
enrolment by the political control that is evident in many communities which draws
the young people in other directions than in pursuing education and changing
their lives positively. Further, the shifts in human resource needs have required the
community colleges to restructure their plans and programs to meet the demands.
The direction of the society is influenced by the global setting; therefore as the
occupational needs emerge, the community colleges must stretch themselves to
facilitate the new developments. The Caribbean is challenged by the large number
of physically capable human capital, who are not educated and therefore cannot
benefit from the growing demand for specialized labor. There are persons with
skills that are taught to them by family members or friends but who have no certification of their skills to improve themselves.
The need to develop the regions knowledge and capacity to participate equitably in the international arena is therefore vital and requires that more education is
provided to more people throughout their lives.
Unfortunately, challenged by limited resources such as human resource, technology and adequate support from the governments, the reach of the community
colleges is limited. Political maneuvering often affects the stable functioning of the
institutions as political parties change and political obligations are altered. Those
who are affected by this are the students who are caught in middle and the community colleges that depend largely on government funding. Significantly, as a result
of this, community college administrations are forced to become more flexible and
more ingenious to be able to adjust more quickly to changes.
Challenges to the Community Colleges

Accreditation, Equivalencies and Standards. The permeation by offshore institutions into the Caribbean has turned up the heat on a number of issues. A great
concern of the governments of the region is accreditation. With the copious
choices for tertiary education afforded by the influences of globalization, being
able to distinguish educational institutions and quality education is paramount.
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Accreditation is not synonymous with quality; however, accreditation suggests

that there is some recognition that will be afforded to institutions that have been
assessed and found satisfactory by agencies that evaluate programs to ensure that
education provided by institutions of higher education meet acceptable levels of
quality (US Department of Education). This includes a sense of confidence in the
institutions mission and goals; the quality of the faculty and students; the quality
of academic programs and the level and appropriateness of resources (University
Council of Jamaica, 2007).
The challenge for the Caribbean is the lack of a regional accreditation agency
to standardize the operations of assessing and granting colleges license to operate.
Each country has its own policy on accreditation. There are legal agencies in some
countries, for example in Jamaica, the University Council of Jamaica (UCJ), which
is mandated to
increase the availability of University level training in Jamaica, through accreditation of
institutions, courses and programs for recognition and acceptability. The Council is
empowered to confer degrees, diplomas, certificates and other academic awards and
distinctions on those who have pursued courses approved by the Council at associated
tertiary institutions (UCJ).
The UCJs power extends to offshore universities to the extent that institutions and
programs are recognized by the Council. There are eight overseas Institutions with
Accredited Programs3 in Jamaica. Accreditation by The UCJ confirms the credibility of the programs that are offered, and therefore their acceptance by society. The
Belize scenario proves beyond doubt the condition of the Caribbean countries. The
National Accreditation Council of Belize Act which was passed in 2005 is still not
enforced because of financial constraints and there is still no accreditation body or
agency that is ready to work with the mandate.
Accreditation agencies in the region are very few. In most territories, power is
vested in the Ministries of Education who confer rights to institutions to operate
in the country. Although government recognition is an official notice, the absence
of legal entities to assess, evaluate, grant operational status to an institution and
monitor the educational system undermines the quality of service being offered.
Additionally, it may render the education null and void outside that country, and
therefore unusable in the regional and global spheres. As Roberts (2006) indicated, the institutionalization of regional and national accreditation has become
accepted in principle as a desirable quality assurance mechanism for the region;
the failure to effect such a system for quality assurance may harm the local institutions as well as the students who are the consumers of the product. Therefore
while CARICOM is discussing the regional accreditation framework, individual
countries are trying to organize a system to legitimize tertiary level institutions
operating in the countries and to control the request of offshore institutions for
rights to operate.
Funding. Insufficient funding is a major concern for community colleges. As
government funded institutions, they are mandated to provide access by allowing among other things financial flexibility. Programs are priced below market
cost, which limits the potential profit of the institutions. It should be mentioned
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here that the financial obligations to community colleges across the region varies.
In Jamaica it was understood that the community college framework would not
change in terms of its mandate to increase access to tertiary education and provide
the relevant post-secondary education as needed by the communities. With one
regional (UWI) and one public university (UTECH), government budget allocation
for the community colleges is significantly less than for the two universities. With
less than what is needed from the government and a mandate to serve a large post
secondary population, the community colleges in Jamaica have to be ingenious
about generating income to support their development plans. For other countries
like Antigua, Cayman Islands and BVI, where there is only one community college, the financial support is greater. However, it still does not rival the support to
the universities and therefore the growth process of the colleges is slower. Teaching
staff and physical facilities require significant resources, the former more so, as
the inclusion of new programs may require the recruitment of additional staff. The
technological demands contribute substantially to the financial considerations of
the colleges. Modern technology is required to keep up with the flow of information required to maintain relevant education. Similarly, the need for teaching aids
is becoming increasingly important. Consequently, sourcing additional funding is a
common situation among the community colleges.
In addition, financial flow is not as fluid as in the universities to facilitate the
involvement of colleges in conferences across the region and around the world.
Community colleges have to consciously plan ahead for many conferences/workshops (travel expenses), particularly those outside their country and the region,
and too often many colleges are not able to have representatives present at the
meetings. The rationale for attending some workshops is the possibility of gaining
information that can be used to enhance the educational experience at the institutions. Conferences foster working relationships with established tertiary education
institutions, which allow the sharing of best practices. The inability to participate
in many of the educational workshops is a disadvantage to the Caribbean institutions that are grappling with many serious issues, for example in programming
and resources.
Overcoming Obstacles Through Relevant Agencies

University Council of Jamaica (UCJ). What one community college cannot do on
its own, it can do with other similar institutions. Such is the case in the Caribbean,
through the UCJ, which has been instrumental in working with governments and
institutions in the region to establish regulation policies to protect their interest. At
the local level, the shared information has aided in the standardization of programs
offered in the institutions. Regionally and internationally, the UCJs involvement
with The Caribbean Area Network for Quality Assurance in Tertiary Education
(Canqate) is influencing a unified response to the protection of quality tertiary
education (Gilchrist, 2004).
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Council of Community Colleges of Jamaica (CCCJ). At the institution level, the

Jamaican experience has been a significant contributor to the success and appeal of
the community colleges. The combined effort of the community colleges has led to
the achievement of many provisions which would have otherwise proved difficult,
though not impossible, for the institutions. The CCCJ was established by an Act
of Parliament in 2001 to oversee the activities of the eight community colleges in
Jamaica and for standardizing the relations, both external and internal, among the
colleges. The jurisdiction of the CCCJ does not go beyond the borders of Jamaica
and there are no other such organizations in the region.
Prior to its official recognition in 2001, the CCCJ, organized and spearheaded
by the Principals of the colleges, had been working from 1981 to establish solidarity among the institutions through organization and collaboration efforts. The
2001 recognition of the CCCJ legitimized its responsibility for coordinating the
activities of the eight community colleges,4 which involves harmonizing the program curriculum, preparing common examination papers and marking of scripts.
The CCCJ is also mandated to supervise and promote the community colleges. Its
power is directed from the Ministry of Education and its executive body is drawn
from the private sector and other areas and confirmed by the Ministry. Membership
is mandatory and the Heads of the community colleges in Jamaica are members
of the body, but do not have direct management of the Council itself. The body
is financed by a subvention of the Ministry of Education as well as a fee budget,
which allots a percentage of the tuition fee collected from each community college
to the Council.
Presently the CCCJ is working to standardize the articulation of programs
between the colleges and the UWI. This move would afford graduates from the
eight community colleges articulation privileges in the programs for which they
are seeking partnership. In this scenario, no college is left behind unless it chooses
to ignore the lead and the developments of the administration. The standardization
of activities, no doubt, had to be worked into the system slowly, considering the
differences that existed and still exists among the colleges. A body such as the
CCCJ affords benefits to all the colleges, so that each college need not battle for
its own recognition. While the CCCJ provides a collaborative environment for
the Community Colleges, they retain their competitive edge by offering programs
that are not examined by the CCCJ, but other bodies including the CXC, and the
National Vocational Institution, Heart Trust NTA. This harmonization of activities
has led to the involvement of the colleges with associations such as the Association
of Community Colleges of Canada (ACCC), New Brunswick Community College
(BDCC) and the American Association of Community Colleges (AACC) as well
as special arrangements with City College in the United Kingdom, and by so doing,
extending their presence into the regional and international scene. By associating
with these higher education bodies, the colleges are able to share the best practices
and information to improve the tertiary education offered by the community
colleges. Through the AACC, the community colleges belonging to the CCCJ are
also members of the Community College Baccalaureate Association (CCBA),
an association which promotes the development of the baccalaureate program in
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community colleges. This dynamic relation serves to influence the development

and offer of degree programs at the institutions and to provide relevant and necessary
information and guidance to that end. Not only can the institutions benefit through
the sharing of information, but there is also the possibility for community colleges
to initiate or engage in partnerships with tertiary institutions and organizations in
other countries to broaden their reach internationally, to tap other possibilities, and
provide tertiary level alternatives to their students.
The arrangement with City College, United Kingdom facilitates collaboration
for enhancing the contributions to further education and training to the greater
benefit of the faculty and students. It proposes among other things, the examination and promotion of joint activities, development of joint curricula and evaluation mechanisms, and exchange of faculty and students as well as development of
articulation programs.
The ACCC involvement with the CCCJ led to a Strategic Outlook and Best
Practices in the Dissemination of the Community Model in the Caribbean consultation assessment in 2002. The report highlighted some of the limitations and challenges
of the institutions, including the fact that the physical infrastructure for some of the
colleges required attention, as well as the desire by some institutions to explore diverse
delivery alternatives for programs. The assessment report also suggested strategic
activities that should be considered for future development of the colleges. Since the
assessment exercise, many of the colleges have begun improvements on their physical
structure and resource acquisitions. Many community colleges have been actively
working on the recommendations of the ACCC which include upgrading the library
facilities and student services response. The Moneague College, for example, has started
and is almost at the completion stage of its new Student Services Centre, Examination
administration building and other facilities. Similarly, the Knox Community College
began its physical upgrade, with expansions to the library facilities, and administrative
and student services, as well as the acquisition of library resources. The improvements
are funded from assistance provided by the Ministry of Education and funds raised
by the institutions, as well as special donations. Since the colleges are supported by the
government, the assistance is usually shared among the institutions. Strategic planning
and direction involve both an internal and external review.
The consultation assessment also reviewed the collaborations with other post
secondary/tertiary level institutions, noting that, students and staff spoke proudly
of these (articulation and franchise arrangements with University of the West
Indies and University of Technology) relationships and the opportunity for students
to start their degrees without relocating (Lobban, 2002). These collaborations
have added more flexible conditions for tertiary education through the colleges.
Franchising, articulation (course exemption and two-plus-two) and consortium, are
some of the partnership arrangements that the colleges have added to their agenda
for institutional development.
Private Sector Collaborations. Other forms of collaborations have assisted
the community colleges in improving their image and appeal to the population.
The mission to provide access to quality tertiary education to prepare human
resource for the workforce has been aided by the ability of the intuitions to partner
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with private sector organizations and companies. Labor market research by the
community colleges informs program development and structure to meet the needs
of the private sector. In so doing, the community colleges can produce the labor
force to match the needs of the private companies. Agreements with the companies
usually afford students entry into organizations through internships. After the completion of study, they are often granted full time or part time employment. Through
this means, each stakeholder (community college, student and employer) benefits
from the agreement. The community colleges are able to develop their capacity to
identify needs and create the opportunity for students involvement. Consequently,
increasing the student enrollment and intrinsically improving the perception of
the institutions as capable of offering and delivering quality education helps to
strengthen the image of the community college. For the students, the opportunity
of pursuing post-secondary education is fundamental, but even more advantageous
is the possibility of gaining meaningful employment after study. Having been educated on the basis of the need for skills or academic certification, the idea of being
rightly placed in a working environment is fundamental to the process of improved
social condition and standard of living. The satisfaction of the employers rests in
the recruitment of educated individuals trained and adequately suited for the job.
Caribbean Knowledge and Learning Network (CKLN). Through integration of
the tertiary level institutions in the region, the CKLN proposes to strengthen the
tertiary level sector, by encouraging new approaches to learning. The plans include
the introduction of technical capacity and facilities to allow internet connectivity, e-learning and knowledge sharing (Caribbean Knowledge, 2008). Further, it
proposes to improve the relevance of education by increasing the number of accredited programs, fostering specialized learning and, importantly, ensuring the convergence of fragmented regional and international initiatives to maximize results in the
region as well as the international market.
Franchising (The UWI and Community College Experience). Franchising
arrangements are usually associated with commercial entities such as KFC, Burger
King and Taco Bell. The context of education is similar, yet different. Franchise
refers to a business arrangement in which a party purchases the right to engage
in marketing particular products or services according to a specified or suggested
plan. Brissett and Grant-Woodham (2004) explain that the agreement involves
the use of trade name and trademark, payment of a fee, and rendering of substantial assistance by the franchiser to the franchisee. As practiced by the UWI, the
University granted rights to some tertiary level institutions including Community
Colleges to deliver specific UWI programs. The programs are the property of the
UWI, and the UWI establishes strict quality assurance measures, which include the
provision of the course outlines by the UWI and approval of faculty for the delivery
of the program at the community colleges. Additionally, examination scripts are
prepared and second- marked by the university. The arrangement is extensive and
sets out the administrative details including fees and registration policies. There is
also the matter of a franchise fee which is a minimal fee charged by the University
for administrative matters. The institutions are assessed for their capacity to deliver
the program.
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Universities that are involved in franchising, such as the UWI, view the
arrangement as a major decision and in some cases costly to the University. The
UWI expects that students who participate in the programs outside of the physical
environment or University Centers (UWI 12 Non-Campus countries) should have a
comparable experience to students at the University. When the idea of franchising
emerged within the UWI circles, it was called divestment. Franchising of baccalaureate programs might not make Community Colleges degree-granting institutions in the strictest since; however, they have become degree offering institutions.
Although franchising is still a viable option for many colleges, the benefits of being
degree-granting institutions are becoming more appealing. This is in keeping with
the development trend of the community colleges in the region.
Initially, the University franchised its Certificate or non-degree programs outside the campus. These certificate programs had many benefits, particularly for
the students in the instance of matriculation. The UWI divested its programs to
off-campus institutions as early as 1986 and formally enforced the arrangement
in 1998. In Jamaica alone, with ten community colleges out of 13 institutions
offering UWI Certificate programs, the number of students enrolled stood at 620
(UWI/TLIU Divestment Report, 1998/1999). By the academic year 1999/2000 the
number had increased by 27 (UWI/TLIU Divestment Report, 2000). There were
approximately 14 institutions in Jamaica and the Bahamas and three arrangements
in the region, at Antigua State College, Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College (St. Kitts
and Nevis) and Sir Arthur Lewis Community College (St. Lucia). These arrangements were more economical for non-campus students and created greater access
for students in the region.
Students who had completed the UWI certificates offered at the community
colleges were able to matriculate into the University to pursue baccalaureate programs. The success of the franchised certificate programs encouraged and is still
encouraging the initiation of other programs, including the baccalaureate studies.
As the demand for higher levels of qualifications increases, the community colleges
have tried to respond. The request for franchise of the bachelors programs at the
UWI has increased and for the first time the UWI has franchised a full degree, the
B.Sc. Nursing (generic). The response to the franchising of the degree programs
has seen a decrease in the student enrollment for the certificate programs and an
increase in the registration for the degree programs. For the Nursing program alone,
it grew by 37.5% in the 2002/035 academic year with only one community college,
and by the 2004/05 academic year, with the introduction of another community college6 offering the program, there was a dramatic increase of 221.21%, representing
only the new students. In 2006, when a third community college7 began delivering
the program, the numbers did not increase from the 2005 figure of 109. However, in
2007 the enrollment jumped to 129 from 109 in 2006, an increase of 18.35%.
In Jamaica there are three Community Colleges offering the full degree program;
Browns Town Community College (BTCC) established in 2000, Excelsior
Community College (EXED) in 2002 and Knox Community College in 2006. The
franchise for the full degree means that the entire program is delivered at these
Community Colleges and the practical component is managed by the staff at each
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College. Students are taught the same courses as those at the UWI and they write
the same examination papers. Very few administrative arrangements warrant the
students traveling to the UWI. Similarly, other colleges have the franchise for level
I or II of other UWI programs from the Faculties of Social Sciences, Humanities
and Education and Pure and Applied Sciences. The institutions offer either the first
year or both first and second year programs and students complete their studies at
the UWI (Campus). These institutions include the Management Institute of National
Development (MIND), Jamaica, The Jamaica Constabulary Staff College, the Sir
Arthur Lewis Community College, St. Lucia, Antigua State College and the Clarence
Fitzroy Bryant College, Kitts/Nevis. At the end of the program, students are awarded
a degree from the University in collaboration with the community College.
BTCC and Knox are located outside the urban area of Jamaica. Their decision
to expand their curriculum and offer degree level programs benefited the institution as well as the people whom they serve. The decision to franchise the programs
relieves students of financial, travel and, in many cases, accommodation concerns.
Financially, students at the community colleges pay a fraction of the cost of the
degree program at the University because of the subsidy provided by the government. Franchising does not change the status of the community college; rather it
makes the colleges more relevant to the growing needs of the community. The fear
that the community college model may be destroyed because of the decision to
offer franchise programs at the baccalaureate level is dispelled by the fact that the
colleges must remain relevant to the communities to which they are mandated to,
and respond to the needs of the people. The continuation of the college is dependent
on its ability to satisfy the educational desires of the people and not to dictate the
demands of the environment.
Therefore, without adulterating their mandate, the colleges have been able to
tap into the degree-providing market through franchising, which increases their
appeal and status. Franchising also stimulates growth of the community college,
and the institutional capacity of the college must be developed to accommodate
the delivery of a baccalaureate program. Library upgrade for example, which
includes the acquisition of resource materials for the students and the lecturers, is
necessary and significant. This development in the library inevitably deepens the
resource base of the colleges and their ability to provide higher-level qualification.
Similarly, the desire of the university to maintain its quality assurance record works
to the advantage of the colleges. In the universitys bid to provide access to tertiary
education in collaboration with the colleges, the university must ensure that the certificate has the seal of quality. Through the universitys quality assurance measures,
it encourages colleges to adopt favorable policies and practices that will improve its
academic standing and service to its clients.
Articulation Arrangements. Community Colleges have also broken ground in the
Caribbean through articulation arrangements. Certificates, diplomas and secondary
school qualifications from community colleges may be used by students as entry
qualifications for the Universities. They allow students what is called normal matriculation or advanced placement into a university program. Traditionally, university
acceptance was based on the CXC, O level and A level examination passes.
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However, in their study, Roberts and Brissett (2003), examined the use of nontraditional qualification as a way to enter the university. The non-traditional qualifications include Teachers Certificates and Diplomas, Associate Degrees and Professional
Certificates and Diplomas. Consequently, with further developments in the associate
degrees, community colleges have been negotiating for greater recognition of their
programs by universities (TLIU, 2002). Admittedly, certificates and diplomas still
offer matriculation possibilities for students, that is, as an entry qualification, while
associate degrees developed and offered by the colleges have higher intrinsic values
that may afford students from community colleges exemption from equivalent courses
at the universities. These courses may qualify as the first-year of a university program.
Not only have the colleges been negotiating for greater acceptance of their programs
by the universities, but they have also adjusted their programs to match the changes
in the system.
Associate Degrees in the British Caribbean may be offered after a period of 2 or
3 years full-time or equivalent part-time study. Colleges have been following the
3-year arrangement for many years. However, the issue surrounding the length of
time it would take to earn a baccalaureate degree after completing 3 years of an
Associate Degree became a very relevant matter. Outside of partnerships, students
with Associate Degrees would have to go through the entire baccalaureate program of 3 or 4 years, depending on the program, and the university. The duration
of study may be a deterrent to many potential tertiary level students. Thus the
discussion, and in some quarters, the actual restructuring of the Associate Degree
program to 2 years was a strategic move by some community colleges, to respond
to the concern of present and potential students. Students are now considering the
duration of the study, and are also in tune with the need to make the programs
relevant to the new waves of collaboration and partnerships available. The CCCJ
for example restructured four Associate Degree programs, which were previously
3 years, to 2-year programs. These were the Associate Degrees in: Hospitality and
Entertainment and Tourism in 2002, Business Studies in 2002, Library Studies in
2003 and Management Information Systems (MIS) in 2000.
There are two notable types of articulation arrangements: Advanced placement
and Two-plus-two arrangements. Articulation with advanced placement allows for
exemption from some courses at the university level. Where the courses from the
partnering institutions are similar, it is agreed that students need not duplicate the
course at the university. This arrangement does not necessarily reduce the duration
of the program, as credit transfer is not necessarily involved, that is, the arrangement
between the community college and the university may not stipulate the transfer
of credits, and therefore, students would be expected to pursue other courses to
complete the required number of credits that are mandatory for graduation.
Only recently has the Two-plus-two arrangement been accepted by the UWI.
The agreement between the UWI and the community colleges gives acceptance
to an Associate Degree as equivalent to the first year of the degree program.
This makes the transition from the associate degree to the baccalaureate program
continuous for the students. Students would therefore spend 4 years in study,
2 years for the Associate Degree and 2 years for the Degree. In effect, this system
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is essential to the transfer of credits from one institution to another. The acceptance
of the two-plus-two arrangement is a clear indication of the transitions in our
education system. Like the community colleges model, the two-plus-two formula was adopted from the United States. Its acceptance in the United States has
influenced the relationship among institutions in the region.
The UWI has accepted a number of invitations for two-plus-two arrangements
with colleges across the region. Under these arrangements is an applied standard regulation and students who satisfactorily complete the Associate Degree at
the community colleges are able to articulate into the university, at level two of
the Degree program. At present there are three arrangements of this kind with the
UWI. They are: the T.A Marryshow Community College, Grenada, the Sir Arthur
Lewis Community College in St. Lucia and the Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College in
St. Kitts and Nevis.8 All three institutions have two-plus-two arrangements for the
Bachelors Degree in Tourism with the UWI Cave Hill Campus.
Consortium arrangements between universities and Community Colleges are not
pursued in the Caribbean. It may be argued that such arrangements do not facilitate
equality as one institution would be more powerful in size and resources than the
other. Therefore, fearing loss of identity, Community Colleges have not sought such
partnerships. However, other forms of affiliation exist.
International Institutional Collaboration. The appeal of a North American
education increases with the mounting opportunities for students to enter the
universities. With the liberalization of the education system, the universities have
been finding their way into the Caribbean and have been successful in claiming
market shares in the territories. Significantly, the Community Colleges have been
finding ways to take advantage of the offshore institutions that have an interest in
the region.
As the colleges establish partnerships with universities in the region, they
have also initiated links with international universities, primarily those in North
America and England, to facilitate the delivery of undergraduate and post-graduate
degrees. H. Lavity Stoutt Community College (HLSCC) in BVI has articulation
arrangements with University of the Virgin Islands (UVI), St. Thomas, Wright
State University (WSU), Ohio, USA, Missouri Southern State University (MSSU),
USA, Arkansas Tech University (ATU), USA, and St. Augustines College (SAC),
North Carolina, USA. They also have arrangements with other institutions for
example, Chartered Management Institute (CMI), UK, United Kingdom Maritime
and Coast Guard Agency (UKMCA), and New England Culinary Institute (NECI),
Vermont, USA. In Grenada, the T.A. Marryshow Community College is linked to
the US-based St. Georges University (SGU) in such a way as to offer the first and
second year program arts and science programs to all students.
Many of these international arrangements afford students the opportunity to
leave their country to complete their studies at the home institution. Such prospects
are appealing to those who are interested in travel and to find other opportunities
abroad, such as further studies or employment.
Community Colleges engage in and initiate as many arrangements as they
choose with foreign/overseas institutions. The number of arrangements in the case
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of BVI is representative of their willingness to seek out viable partnerships. Further,

the Community Colleges are adding more versatile programs to their array of
program offerings. These include Associate Degrees in Entertainment, Hospitality,
Agriculture and Allied Heath fields.
Strategic collaboration of any kind can guarantee many benefits, including an
improved image and educational track record. However, the benefits of collaboration
extend further than program association (franchise or articulation) to include financial advantages. Offshore institutions operating in the region often require physical
space for their operations. In many instances colleges have been able to assist these
institutions at a cost. At times, the offshore institution might offer assistance in the
form of resource materials for the libraries or generally an agreed sum for the rental
of the space. The ability to generate income, which is not the primary consideration, is however important to the colleges to augment their facilities. This can, and
in many instances does, improve the readiness of the colleges for franchise and
articulation arrangements and other possible partnerships, and enhances the image
of the institution.
New Grounds
The development for Community Colleges, and their evolution into multi-purpose
institutions, has occurred in stages. Institutions that were once stigmatized are now
developing their own degree programs in response to growing needs. The Barbados
Community College was granted power to offer and grant degrees in a number of
disciplines. It is only one of the Colleges in the region that have become degreegranting institutions. Other degree granting Community Colleges include the
College of the Bahamas, Excelsior Community College (Jamaica), Montego Bay
Community College (Jamaica), and Knox Community College (Jamaica).
The significant point here is not only that the colleges are becoming degreegranting institutions, but the fact that they are also developing their own degree
programs. Importantly this progression is only a foretaste of the academic and
research-oriented development that is taking place in the Colleges. It is, therefore,
not implausible to fathom the request for franchise of post-graduate programs
by the colleges and the eventual development of their own programs in years
to come.
E-learning and online delivery have become an important part of the Community
College efforts to bring the teachers and the system up to date with the aid of
technology. Inspired by the proliferation of online delivery needs, the Community
Colleges are not only expanding their physical space but also the virtual market.
The Jamaican experience has been gaining ground with the CCCJs initiatives,
which have been focusing on online delivery and the decision of one Community
College (Excelsior Community College) to establish a partnership with Fielding
Graduate University (United States) to train a core of teachers in course conversion and course delivery. Without resources comparable to the universities,
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the Community Colleges in their own small way have been making a breakthrough
in relevant areas to keep in line with the present realities and requirements of
tertiary education.
Benefits of the Community Colleges in the Region

Politically, the colleges satisfy the agenda of access to tertiary education, but more
importantly, to enhance democratic principles by providing literate, thinking and
rational human resource who are able to make informed decisions. Socially and
economically the intellectual resource (if active) adds value to any society. The
effort to promote this resource is particularly important to the Caribbean because
of the limited resources and potential social breakdown because of crime, violence
and drug trafficking. Education has improved the standard of living of many
Caribbean people, through the provision of personal and occupational development, to seek meaningful employment or to become entrepreneurs and create
employment for others. Economically, the intellectual contribution to the system
is evident in research and development, and the creativity to manipulate ideas and
develop new possibilities.
At the community level, the colleges have been instrumental in encouraging
good community relations as well as producing community leaders who have transformed the way in which some community organizations operate.
Conclusion
The multi-purpose model of Community Colleges in the region has influenced
their change from a means to an end, through the provision of higher level studies.
Community Colleges, because of their small scale, have developed relations with
both commercial and educational institutions as a means of establishing ground
in the society. This has proved to be a meaningful path, which has yielded notable
rewards for the colleges, as the graduates have found their place in both the
educational arena and in the wider society.
The institutions have responded in several ways to societal challenges:
(a) deepening partnerships, (b) initiating new collaborations of a varied nature,
(c) improving existing programs, (d) creating new programs and (e) providing a full
range of programs that improve self esteem and respond to the growing needs of
each society. The community colleges appreciate the benefits of partnerships, with
the understanding that the progress of the society demands some level of growth, and
that if and when required to do so, the Community Colleges should be able to stand
on their own. The colleges are engaged in several programs that address the immediate concerns of the community to enrich and empower the lives of the citizens.
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Continued improvements in the Community College model in the Caribbean

will require extensive market research to obtain information on the human resource
needs and shortfalls in the region. Education, and in this context, tertiary education,
must be relevant to the circumstances of the society. It must respond to the needs of
the market. The community colleges must be ready to engage in market research, a
necessary tool to keep the institution abreast in the education market. In line with
the need for market research is also the need for the colleges to institute frequent
self assessment studies to ensure quality tertiary education. The activity should
include the evaluation of the programs by the students, teaching staff and services
to ensure the satisfaction of the stakeholders (who are primarily the students).
Additionally, there is a need to preserve the integrity of the institutions by ensuring
quality education and service. As the Community Colleges embrace change, they
should remain accountable to all the partners involved: the students, the community
and the society.
The Caribbean Community College model is proposed to be the source of most,
if not all, post-secondary education, by being multi-purpose institutions. This is
significant because of the historical setting and cultural organization. Globalization
and government regulations have sought to endorse the direction of the Community
Colleges to expand their reach as necessary to permeate the societies and provide an
alternative to the traditional educational experience at the community level.
Notes
1. Result for the TLIU Human Resource Needs Assessment Research, conducted by the Tertiary
Level Institutions Unit at the University of the West Indies in the 12 contributing countries in
the Caribbean.
2. Community Colleges which are national tertiary level institutions, T.A Marryshow Community
College in Grenada, Community College of the Cayman Islands, Antigua State College,
H. Lavity Stoutt Community College in British Virgin Islands, Clarence Fitzroy Bryant
College in St. Kitts and Nevis, Sir. Arthur Lewis Community College in St. Lucia and St.
Vincent and the Grenadines Community College.
3. The institutions are: Eastern Connecticut State University, Florida International University,
Manchester Business School, Mount Saint Vincent University, Nova Southeastern University,
St. Stephens College, University of New Orleans, and University of South Florida. Retrieved
July 2007 from the University Council of Jamaica Website, http://www.ucjamaica.com/credit/
index.htm.
4. The Community Colleges in Jamaica are: the Portmore Community College, Excelsior
Community College, Knox Community College, Browns Town Community College,
Montego Bay Community College, Bethlehem Moravian College and College of Agriculture,
Science and Education.
5. Browns Town Community College in St. Ann Jamaica. University of the West Indies, Tertiary
Level Institutions Unit (TLIU).
6. Excelsior Community College in Jamaica started the delivery of the UWI B.Sc. Nursing
(generic).
7. Knox Community College in Jamaica started the delivery of the UWI B.Sc. Nursing (generic).
8. Articulation, Franchising and Two-Plus-Two Arrangements Facilitated by the Tertiary Level
Institutions Unit, 20032006. UWI/Tertiary Level Institutions Unit (TLIU).
320
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content&task = view&id = 14&Itemid = 28
Chevannes, Alston. 2003. Legislation of Tertiary Education in the Caribbean. IESALC/UNESCO,
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the Community Model in the Caribbean. Consultant Report for: Assessment Mission 1, Jamaica.
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Roberts, Vivienne. 2006. Accreditation and Evaluation Systems in the English Speaking
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Roberts, Vivienne and Nigel Brissett, et al. 2003. Pathways to Tertiary Education in the EnglishSpeaking Caribbean. Barbados, UWI/TLIU.
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TLIU: The Associate Degree in the Caribbean, with Particular Reference to the OECS Countries.
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Chapter 18
The Junior College System of Belize

Olda Hoare and Donald A. Dellow
Those interested in the 2-year college movement around the world will find the
junior college movement in Belize to be an interesting study. Nowhere else, to our
knowledge, have 2-year colleges, called junior colleges, had a longer history than
the countrys national university. And, interestingly, in a country with a long history
of British influence on public education, the junior colleges of Belize are modeled
on the American junior/community college model! In this chapter, we will attempt
to provide a contemporary snapshot of the structure, mission, academic programming, and current issues of the Belizean junior colleges, acknowledging that the
impact of globalization is changing them significantly as we write.
Belize: The Country

Belize is a small country (population of 309,760) located on the Caribbean coast
of Central America, bordered on the north by Mexico and on the west and south
by Guatemala. It is a parliamentary democracy based on the Westminster system.
English is the official language for both speech and written communication.
The country has a rich admixture of Caribbean, Central American, and British colonial
influence. Formerly a predominantly agrarian society with sugar and bananas being
the prime exports, Belize has recently become a major ecotourism destination,
as well as a major port of call for cruise ships sailing from the United States.
The Belize Barrier Reef, the second largest reef in the world, has long been a major
destination for skin and scuba divers. Recently, oil deposits were discovered, bringing
much speculation about the size of these deposits and their eventual contribution to
the countrys economy. The economy is very sensitive to world market fluctuations
and struggles to find ways to remain stable. The United States is the largest trading
partner of Belize.
There is a rich ethnic diversity in Belize, with large numbers of Mestizo, Creole,
Garifuna, East Indian, Ketchi, Yucatec, and Mopan Mayas. Other ethnic groups
include German and Dutch Mennonites, Chinese, Arabs, and Africans.
The mainland of Belize is approximately 180 miles long and up to 68 miles
wide, with over 200 islands (cays), ranging in size from a few hundred feet to
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O. Hoare and D.A. Dellow
25 miles long and 4 miles wide. Its land mass of approximately 8,900 square miles
is about the same size as New Hampshire with 9,200 square miles of land mass
and Cyprus with a land mass of 9,250 square miles. There are major highways
connecting most of the major areas of the country, although the highway to the
extreme southern part of the region, the Toledo area, is still a gravel highway for
much of the way, making it difficult for students to travel very far to attend tertiary
education institutions.
A visitor to Belize will find a tropical climate with a friendly multicultural population that marches to a Caribbean beat.
History of the Junior College Movement in Belize

It is important to understand the major role junior colleges play in the higher education system of Belize. In 2008, higher education in Belize is comprised of ten
junior colleges, one public university (University of Belize), one regional university
(University of West Indies School of Continuing Studies) and one private university
(Galen University). And although this number of institutions is impressive for a
small country, it is significant to note that most of the institutions are junior colleges
and most of the institutions are less than 10 years old.
Tracing the history of the junior colleges in Belize is very informative to understanding the current role of these institutions as mainly transfer institutions, not
characterized by the open access characteristic of most 2-year institutions, as
described by Raby elsewhere in this book. Much like other British colonies, higher
education in Belize has been disadvantaged by the reluctance of the colonial power
to establish institutions of higher learning in the colonies. Despite various recommendations from individuals and commissions established to study the need for
higher education in Belize, the British power refused to grant permission to establish universities or colleges in Belize.
Finally, in 1948, the British colonial power relented and approved the establishment of the University College of the West Indies (UCWI), located in Jamaica,
whose purpose was to lead the way for the political, economic, and social development of the Caribbean region, of which Belize formed a part (Aird, 2004). The
establishment of the UCWI opened the need for institutions to prepare candidates
to sit external exams to qualify for scholarships and matriculate to UCWI (Aird,
2004). Belize developed Sixth Form institutions to fill that need. The Sixth Form
provided educational preparation beyond the typical secondary school experience,
but was not considered to be college-level work with credits awarded. The Sixth
Form was an important stepping stone for the emergence of the junior college.
The first junior college was created in 1966 when St. Johns Sixth Form submitted a proposal, which was accepted by the government of Belize, to offer an associates degree modeled on the American junior college. St. Johns College Sixth
Form became St. Johns Junior College and became a member of the American
Association of Community and Junior Colleges (AACJC), although, there is no
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written record of the rationale behind St. Johns Junior College joining AACJC.
However, the consensus of Belizean educators queried on this point suggests it was
thought there would be added prestige for the college if it demonstrated membership in an American organization dedicated to these types of institutions. There is
also evidence that an educational nationalism was developing and Belizeans wanted
to have their own college and not be totally reliant on UCWI. And so the idea of the
junior college was firmly planted on Belizean soil, but would germinate slowly. It
would be 2 decades before two more junior colleges were created. There have been
seven more junior colleges created since 1992, the most recent being in 2007.
National Planning and Policy Development

The current higher education scene in Belize cannot be understood without a brief
discussion of the lack of national planning and policy development. Roberts (2001)
noted that Belizean higher education
has both suffered and benefited from benign neglect. Belize has largely allowed higher
education to flourish or flounder on its own, which has permitted institutions a high degree
of autonomy.
Evidence of this benign neglect can be seen in the absence of any tertiary/higher
education specialists working for the Belize Ministry of Education, leading to a
lack of system-wide planning and coherent policy development.
Hoare (2007) interviewed junior college administrators and found that most
believed there was a policy vacuum. She found considerable evidence that junior
college administrators in Belize believed that political interference, arbitrary decisions, a lack of an equitable-funding model, and a nonexistent policy framework
greatly affected their ability to develop and expand to accommodate a much larger
population. These observations support Barrow (2001) in his call for a national
higher education policy framework in Belize that would guide the development of
academic programs to meet national needs.
The junior colleges try to influence decisions of the Ministry of Education
through their Association of Tertiary Level Institutions in Belize (ATLIB). This
voluntary organization of all higher education institutions seeks to provide a collective voice with which to encourage new policies and/or react to the policies or
actions of the government or the Ministry of Education. As noted by Hoare (2007)
the group often finds itself reacting to issues after decisions have been made, therefore seeking to delay implementation or change the decisions. The association is
the primary advocate for the improvement of higher education in Belize.
In an informal survey of a group of deans, Dean Olda Hoare noted that as a group,
the deans recognize some of the deficiencies of the junior college system to be the
absence of a higher education act and accompanying higher education policy, limited
research and professional development opportunities for faculty, lack of a financial
aid program for students, the absence of a quality assurance framework, and transfer
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and articulation mechanisms for the University of Belize. The deans recognition
of these problems has provided impetus for the development of a national higher
education policy, and more recently, the development of the National Transfer and
Articulation Framework. Interestingly, while in other countries, the Ministry of
Education would spearhead these initiatives, in Belize, the junior college administrators have committed institutional resources and time to develop the framework.
Role and Mission of the Belizean Junior Colleges

As noted earlier, the primary rationale for developing the junior college in Belize
was to facilitate the transfer of students to the UCWI. The reality, however, was
that the American-styled associates degree made it easier for students to transfer
to the United States, where the degree fit more clearly into baccalaureate degrees
offered at American universities, rather than to UCWI. It was relatively easy for
students to transfer into universities in the United States and by anecdotal account
they did so in large numbers. This process was facilitated by an early US foreign
policy initiative in Belize that provided generous scholarship funding for students
who wanted to study in the United States. Since there is no centralized database of
students academic records, it is impossible to determine how many students took
advantage of this opportunity.
In the first chapter of this volume, Raby notes that most community colleges have
an open access philosophy that promotes societal change for the poor. Open access,
with appropriate funding, is not yet a characteristic of the Belizean junior colleges.
It was noted in the Belize National Report on Higher Education (Chan, 2005) that
when St. Johns Junior College developed an American style curriculum it presented an opportunity to an elite population to pursue an Associates Degree. This
perception of the colleges being for the elite still persists today.
Although the junior colleges cannot be considered open access, one is struck by
how similar the mission statements of the colleges are to those of US community
colleges. The missions focus on the personal and professional development of the
individual and on the development of the local community. A couple of examples
of junior college mission statements will illustrate this point:
Muffles Junior College, a Roman Catholic Junior College under the auspices of the Sister
of Mercy, commits itself to quality education that is relevant to the needs of a Belizean
society. It strives to develop the total person spiritually, morally, psychologically, intellectually, emotionally, physically, and socially (Muffles Junior College Webpage, 2009).
The mission of Sacred Heart College Junior College is to provide an opportunity for youths
and adults to pursue quality tertiary education relevant to the developmental needs of Belize.
Sacred Heart College Junior College subscribes firmly to the belief of community development through cooperation. It seeks then to build a partnership with local communities by
offering courses which stimulate the growth and development of the individual spiritually,
morally, psychologically, intellectually, emotionally, physically, and socially and ultimately,
the community. It is clear that the mission statements focus on the colleges providing an
education for the public good (Sacred Heart Junior College Catalog, 2007).
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The Colleges and Their Enrollments

The number of junior colleges in Belize continues to grow, albeit without a national
plan. In 2007, the Ministry of Education announced the creation of two new junior colleges, bringing the total to ten. One of the newest junior colleges, Escuela
Mexico Junior College, was established in very close proximity to an existing
junior college, Corozal Junior College, where there is a limited population base.
This situation raises the question of whether competition between the colleges will
undermine the economic viability of both institutions. Since there are few if any
rules and regulations for the establishment of higher education institutions, the
opening of colleges seems to be very arbitrary and often based on political intervention. The ATLIB has requested that the Ministry of Education place a moratorium
on the establishment of junior colleges until a policy on higher education could be
established (Hoare, 2007).
The Belizean junior colleges and their 2006 enrollments are listed in Table 18.1
below. In general, the colleges are located to provide countrywide access. However,
in fact, the figures in Table 18.1 raise concern about the economic viability of so
many small campuses with enrollments under 100 students. It is apparent that
operating a junior college in Belize is much less expensive than operating a similar
institution in the United States, but if there is no additional funding to accompany
the expansion and the continuation of small campuses, the entire system may suffer
the consequences.
In reviewing the statistics for the 2006/2007 academic year, there were 3,794
students enrolled in associate degree programs at the junior colleges and University
of Belize. Of that number, 64% (2,431) were enrolled in junior colleges and 36%
(1,363) were enrolled at the University of Belize. Although there have been some
improvements in access, higher education in Belize is still largely restricted for
Table 18.1 Belizean junior college enrollments (Data for this table were collected by Olda Hoare
[9/07])
Junior college and year established
2006 headcount
Fall 2007 headcount
763
774
St. Johns Junior College (1952)a
Stann Creek Ecumenical Junior College (1986)
284
301
Corozal Junior College (1986)
470
502
Muffles Junior College (1992)
362
452
Sacred Heart Junior College (1999)
498
503
Seventh Day Adventist Junior College (1999)
72
65
San Pedro Junior College (2000)
81
Wesley Junior College (2003)
70
167
Escuela Mexico Junior College (2007)
153
52
Independence Junior College (2007)
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a
St. Johns College began offering tertiary education in 1952, but was approved to offer associate
degrees in 1966. At the same time, St. Johns became a member of the American Association of
Community and Junior Colleges and changed its name to St. Johns Junior College.
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the poor. In 2000, for example, only four tenths of a percent of the poorest students
compared to 13% of the richest accessed a higher education (Career Development
Bank, 2005).
As noted earlier, it is a common public perception in Belize that higher education
is considered elitist because of the small percentage of students who are actually
enrolled. Yet, access has dramatically expanded to provide opportunities for students
in areas that were previously not being served. In the 1950s and extending to the
latter half of the 1980s, tertiary schools existed only in Belize City. Today, however,
every district in Belize has at least one higher education institution that serves that
geographic region. But there is still a large percentage of students who cannot afford
to finance their education because of the high cost of tuition and other fees.
Local Governance
Of the ten Belize junior colleges, five maintain joint status as public and churchrelated institutions, continuing a long tradition of church support of educational
development in the Caribbean. Although students do not have to be members of
the church to be enrolled, they may have to take some courses that are religious in
nature to receive a degree. At the Catholic institutions, certain religious courses,
such as theology, must be included in the general education curricula and other
religious activities, such as spiritual retreats and liturgies, are strongly encouraged.
With respect to the appointment of administrators, the church also plays a major
role through its local representative on the boards of management of the institutions. Also, the administrator of a church-sponsored institution must be a practicing
member of the religious order.
The other nonchurch-related junior colleges are each governed by a local board
of trustees or management boards representing the local area. At these institutions,
there is a general sentiment (although no clear policy statements) that administrators are appointed by their respective management boards with the consent of the
government. Boards of management for junior colleges are usually nominated by
current members and their composition complies with the model stated in the rules
and policies governing secondary schools, since there are no official regulations
for junior colleges. This composition includes participation of the local church,
business community, parent teacher association, community organizations, and the
Ministry of Education.
The Curriculum Dilemma

As noted earlier, the associate degree programs in Belize were modeled after
those of junior colleges in the United States. The programs generally included
general education requirements (3642 credit hours) that are similar to those in
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the United States, with the one exception being that they include Belizean History
and Caribbean Literature courses. The programs also required 3642 credit hours
of specialized courses, again very similar to those in the United States community colleges. A typical general studies associate degree program is presented
in Table 18.2. In reviewing this program of study, it is easy to see why students
graduating from a junior college are able to transfer to US institutions.
The junior colleges of Belize have offered a variety of programs, the names
of which will be very familiar to American educators. As would be expected, the
number of additional programs colleges can offer depends on their population base
and the nature of their local communities. Sacred Heart, one of the larger junior
colleges, offers degrees in general studies, network administration, computer technician, environmental science, marketing, international business, tourism management and biology. In each case, a review of the programs reveals requirements
similar to those one would expect to find in an American community college. These
American-styled curricular patterns are now facing serious challenges.
The Caribbean Single Market Economy (CSME), an initiative of Caribbean
community (CARICOM), is intended to benefit the people of the Caribbean region
by improving opportunities in the production and sale of goods and services to
attract investments. It is also meant to facilitate the free movement of the workforce
in the region (CARICOM) and facilitate education transfer between regional institutions. As a recent signatory to this initiative, Belize must adhere to its mandates,
principles, and regulations; thus, the adoption and promotion of the Caribbean
Advanced Proficiency Examinations (CAPE) as a requirement for receiving an
associates degree in CARICOM countries. The examination is administered by the
Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) for Sixth form and junior college students.
The exam is a precursor to the award of an associate degree (now called CAPE
Table 18.2 Associates degree in general studies (http://www.shjc.edu.bz/syllabi/genstudies_

course.html [Accessed 03/22/2008])
Sacred Heart Junior College San Ignacio, Cayo, Belize
Semester 1 (AugustDecember)
Semester 4 (AugustDecember)
College English 1
College English 3
College algebra 1
Basic Web page design
Introduction to computer
Applications Caribbean literature
Natural science
World history
Belizean literature
Introduction to tourism
Functional Spanish
Moral decision making
Semester 2 (JanuaryMay)
Semester 5 (JanuaryMay)
College English 2
Technical writing
College algebra 2
Global business 2
Communication
Psychology
Introduction to business
Introduction to gender issues
Introduction to sociology
General studies internship
Math of finance
English literature
Semester 3 (Summer)
Health education
Belizean history
Research methods
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associate degrees) in areas such as business studies, computer science, environmental science, general studies, humanities, mathematics, modern languages, natural
sciences and technical studies.
The Ministry of Education informed the junior colleges that they needed to
adopt the CAPE to enable students the opportunity to obtain a CAPE associates
degree. The requirement does not prevent the continuation of the American-styled
curriculum model, but it does make it more difficult for institutions to do so. In
order to prepare students for the CAPE exams, the junior colleges must adopt a very
structured modularized curriculum that would prepare students to sit for CAPE
examinations in seven different areas, for each degree (see Table 18.3). To prepare
for those seven exams, students must take more courses in each of the areas for which
the CAPE exams are given. In the example in Table 18.3, the program requires
Table 18.3 The CXC associate degree equivalent

A student pursuing an associate degree in arts with majors in Economics and Sociology at Muffles
Junior College can qualify for the CXC associate degree by sitting the Caribbean Advanced
Proficiency Examination (CAPE) in the following seven units:
1. Caribbean studies unit 1 (compulsory)
CRS 101 Caribbean society and culture
CRS 102 Caribbean development
2. Communication studies unit 1 (compulsory)
CS 101 College English I
CS 102 Language and community
CS 103 College English II
3. Information technology unit 1 (compulsory)
IT 101 Information systems
IT 102 Information processing and presentation
IT 103 Information and communication skills
4. Economics unit 1 (compulsory)
EC 101 Introduction to economics
EC 102 Principles of microeconomics
EC 103 Intermediate microeconomics
5. Economics unit 2 (compulsory)
EC 201 Principles of macroeconomics
EC 202 Intermediate macroeconomics
EC 203 International economics
6. Sociology unit 1 (compulsory)
SY 101 Sociology, culture, and identity
SY 102 Social institutions: family, religion, education
SY 103 Social stratification and social mobility
7. Sociology unit 2 (compulsory)
SY 201 Population studies
SY 202 Social order, social control and deviance
SY 203 Social development and poverty
(http://www.mjc.edu.bz/pdf/Catalog2007-2007.pdf [Accessed 03/22/2008])
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three economics courses for Economics Unit 1 and three more for Economics Unit
2. Each unit would have a separate CAPE exam.
This has required institutions to eliminate the breadth of their coursework and
eliminate some courses in general education. Table 18.3 presents an example of
a CAPE associate degree. It will be noted there are no mathematics or science
courses in this example program and very limited general education coursework.
Based on anecdotal evidence, there does not appear to be a unified perspective
in the junior college leadership on whether the colleges should offer both the CAPE
associate degree and the American-style associate degree. All of the junior colleges
have made some accommodations to prepare their students to sit for the CAPE
exams and some colleges are offering CAPE associate degrees. At the present time,
some colleges still offer the American-style associates degrees because there are
still many students who wish to attend 4-year institutions in the United States, Latin
America and the University of Belize, none of which recognize the CAPE exams as
entry requirements. There is an increasing probability, however, that because many
of the usual general education courses are not required in the CAPE degrees, there
will not be enough enrollment to continue offering the courses for the non-CAPE
associate degree.
Faculty Qualifications and Pedagogy

The majority of the junior college teachers have bachelors degrees. As one administrator put it: Our faculty members generally have only one degree higher than
that which the college offers. This situation is a consequence of the limited opportunities available for faculty to pursue degrees at the graduate level. Additionally,
faculty members who earn graduate degrees remain on the same salary scale as
those with bachelors degrees so that there is very little financial reward for obtaining higher degrees. In fact, the difference in salary between having a bachelors and
a masters amounts to about BZ$200 (US$100).
Although computer technology is prevalent in all of the junior colleges, the lecture method is still the predominant mode of instruction. There are few opportunities for faculty development activities to assist faculty in developing new teaching
skills and instructional designs.
Facilities
Hoare (2007) found that a major problem for many junior colleges was the sharing
of facilities with the secondary schools. Six of the junior colleges share facilities
with their local secondary schools, placing serious time constraints on how and
when computer and science labs and other instructional resources can be utilized.
Several administrators express dissatisfaction with this arrangement, citing the
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need for the junior colleges to be separated from their local high schools in order
to establish a college culture and to forge a unique identity (Hoare, 2007). There is
little support from the Ministry of Education for new facilities or new equipment,
ostensibly because the primary focus for educational improvement has been on
further improving the primary and secondary schools. There is little hope this situation will change any time soon.
Junior College Leadership

The leadership for the junior colleges is provided by the deans of the campuses.
The deans are generally hired by the local school principal or the local board, after
being selected from the teaching ranks of an institution. They serve in the same role
as presidents in American community colleges, working with a board of trustees
or a management board. They manage budgets, oversee curriculum development,
encourage and arrange for professional development activities and serve in a liaison
capacity with the Ministry of Education. Most of the deans have a masters degree,
many from United States institutions. There is an acknowledged need and demand
for professional development for the deans, but there are few opportunities for this
development in Belize.
Financing the Junior Colleges

The global economy is putting considerable pressure on most developing countries
to engage in public/private funding schemes for their higher education systems.
Belize already has a distributed funding model where funding for the junior colleges comes from the government and student tuition. A recent message from
the Minster of Education encouraged even more diversification of funding in the
future:
And institutions, themselves, must be more creative and effective in their efforts to achieve
a greater level of self-sustainability. This will require, of necessity, a review of the tuition
and fee structures, a greater emphasis on research and consultancies and a willingness to
explore new avenues for financing such as income diversification schemes. Seeking out
grants, endowments, and increased alumni support must form an integral part of your
institutions work program. (Fonseca, September 7, 2006)
In a rather unique methodology, the government of Belize provides financial subventions to all public and church-affiliated junior colleges, based not on the number
of students, but rather on the number of faculty and staff of each institution. Each
college receives salary grants totaling 70% of their salary bills each month. Each
college creates a list of employees and salaries and submits them to the Ministry
of Education. The Ministry determines whether the figures seem appropriate and
then makes funding available to the colleges. There is no apparent methodology
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by which the Ministry judges whether the number of employees is appropriate for
the number of students at the college. The government does not provide funding
for capital projects, so local support, often from the local public school system, is
required for capital projects and maintenance.
In a Minister of Education publication (Chan, 2005 ) for 2005/2006, the Ministry
reported spending BZ$1,260/US$630 per postsecondary student. Since there is little transparency in the financial system, it is not possible to compare the relative
cost of an education at each institution.
Student Support and Tuition

Student tuition is a critical component of the funding of the junior colleges. The
government provides merit scholarships for high school graduates who obtain six
or more Caribbean Examination passes. The government also provides free tuition
for all second-year students pursuing associate degrees. The tuition for the first
year, however, must be provided by the individual students themselves, if they do
not receive a merit scholarship. In 2007, the tuition at the junior colleges ranged
from BZ$29/US$14.50 to BZ$40/US$20 per credit hour for full-time students.
Major Challenges for the Future

It is clear that Belize must have a better educated workforce if it is to compete in
a global economy. And yet, as the reader will note from the previous discussion,
there are legion problems that currently beset the junior colleges. The economy, the
political situation, a lack of policy and representation in the Ministry of Education,
and the geopolitical politics of CARICOM make for an uncertain future. In closing
this chapter, the authors want to highlight some of the major challenges the junior
colleges are facing early in the twenty-first century. We will highlight a few of the
challenges we feel are most evident.
The need for a higher education policy that provides direction for the future.
A great deal has been said in this chapter about the lack of a national higher education policy and representation of higher education in the Ministry of Education.
The junior colleges have definitely benefited from benign neglect by being able to
develop their institutions without too much interference from the Ministry, and yet,
they too have been disadvantaged by that neglect, in the form of inadequate funding and a lack of understanding of their role in the overall picture of the economic
development of the country. It is clear that there must be a more coherent education
policy, with adequate funding and oversight, if the colleges are to make the changes
necessary for their students to be prepared to work in a global economy.
Access to higher education. In 2002, Belize had a tertiary enrollment rate of
5.8% of the 2024-year age group, compared with 28% for Barbados. It is clear
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there is a great need to open the Belizean higher education system to more people
by providing an effective financial aid program especially designed to benefit the
poor and disadvantaged. Whether because of the lack of funding or the history of
the British model of selecting only the brightest for higher education, or a combination of both, there has been little interest, to date, in developing remedial/developmental programs for those who have not performed well on entrance examinations
and failed to meet the admission requirements of the junior colleges. In fact, the
lack of these programs is a common reason why students do not access higher
education. Only three junior colleges in the last 2 years have committed to offering
developmental education for students who do not meet their entry requirements.
It will be critical for Belize to find ways of expanding access to the junior colleges and having the remedial/development support for those who have the ability,
but did not perform well on examinations. It seems clear that the global economy is
rewarding those countries with either cheap labor or a well-educated citizenry. The
critical question for all countries is: What percentage of the human resources of
a country can be under-educated and still allow the country to compete in a global
economy? In the knowledge economy, the notion of lifelong learning is critical
to ensuring an educated populace. However, in Belize, programs at the junior colleges are designed mainly to accommodate traditional students and fail to address
the needs of nontraditional students, relegating them to low-income jobs requiring
few skills.
Another dimension of the access issue relates to financial access. At the present
time, there is no student-aid assistance program, either through direct subsidies or
through low-cost loans, for students in their first year of college. There was previously a loan program, but financial exigencies in the government eliminated the
program. The practice of giving free tuition to second-year students was surely
meant to reward those students who performed well and persevered to their second
year. Yet the practice does so at the expense of reducing the number of students who
may want to attend a junior college but cannot afford the tuition their first year.
It is clear that a need-based financial aid program will be necessary if Belize wants
to increase enrollments in the junior colleges. Currently only one junior college is
offering financial aid to its students through a program with a local-lending institution. Hopefully this model will be extended across the country.
As the Belizean junior colleges add programming for the CAPE associate degree,
what will happen to the American-style associate degree? At the point of this
writing (2008), it seems that the Belize junior college system is caught in a major
identity crisis. On the one hand, Belize is a member of CARICOM and as such is
required by that membership to offer the CAPE curriculum at the tertiary level, with
the intention of promoting the mobility of an educated workforce and the transfer
of tertiary students within the Caribbean community. The CAPE curriculum, which
is comprised of prescribed modules and exit examinations, is very much in the
British tradition, and is perceived by many junior college deans to be restrictive and
problematic for those campuses wanting to preserve the American-style community
college curriculum model. Many junior college administrators, if not most, believe
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that the US model provides a more effective response to providing a workforce to

meet the demands of a global economy (Hoare, 2007). So it is not too surprising
that many junior college administrators (Hoare, 2007) are frustrated and undecided
about how to respond to this situation; adopt the CAPE curriculum completely, or
adopt the CAPE curriculum in some form and maintain the North American curriculum format.
It is generally assumed that regional alliances or free-trade blocks are the
best way to respond to the global economy. In the case of the CARICOM agreements, however, the requirements for a unified higher education curriculum within
CARICOM may enhance mobility within the region and create a regional nationalism but impede educational mobility to other parts of the world. The critical issue
for Belize junior colleges is whether they will be able to have curricula that can
satisfy both the CAPE requirements and still maintain curriculum models based on
the North American higher education system, so that there is educational mobility to the north and the rest of the world. As the Bologna Agreement changes the
European system of higher education and China becomes a much greater educational powerhouse, will the CAPE associate degree prepare students to transfer and/
or prepare them for the global marketplace?
Will Belizean junior colleges become more like comprehensive community colleges to better serve their local communities? It is clear there is an emerging awareness of the need for junior colleges to have a more comprehensive service to their
communities. Regardless of which way the associate degrees develop in Belize,
there will need to be greater outreach into the communities the colleges serve.
While a few of the colleges now offer more technical and vocational programming,
there will need to be more programs developed that are tailored to local needs if
the local communities are to prosper in the global economy. It is clear the general
associate degrees in either the CAPE or US models will not suffice to provide the
skill sets and knowledge base required for any emerging industries. An emerging
industry in Belize is Ecological Tourism. There are a number of programs that
might prepare more young people and older nontraditional students for employment in this sector. Of course, in a small country like Belize, with limited resources,
it would behoove everyone to have national coordination for curriculum development so resources are not wasted.
Greater financial resources will be needed. Belize, like many developing countries, followed United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organizations
(UNESCO) early recommendations to emphasize primary and secondary education
over higher education. This explains, in part, why today there is no recognition of
the need for greater funding and support for higher education. More funding for
needy but capable students, more funding for facilities so campuses can become
collegial, and more funding for salaries and professional development are all necessary to build a stronger junior college system in Belize. The economy has been rife
with corruption and miss-steps during its initial movement into independence, but
a more efficient and ethical government will be required if these financial resources
can be provided.
334
The Belizean Junior Colleges: A Beacon of Hope

for the Future
Belizean junior college educators are deeply committed to their role of educating
students for a global community. And anecdotal evidence offered by many US
college/university educators attests to the success of former Belizean students who
transferred from the junior colleges to US institutions. One cannot visit their country or their institutions and be a stranger for very long. As a result of their small
country and close connections, they work together to better their institutions with
an enthusiasm that is refreshing and infectious to fellow educators who visit their
beautiful country.
The Belizean junior colleges will continue to play a vibrant role in the educational development of Belizes citizens as they struggle to prepare for a global
economy. The system has many challenges ahead, but the short but exciting history
of these institutions portends a creativity and resiliency that will make their future
one for higher education colleagues to follow.
References
Aird, C.E. (2004) The origins and evolution of Belizean higher education and factors influencing
its development. An unpublished doctoral dissertation: Boston College.
Barrow, D. (2001) Issues and concerns in the management of tertiary institutions in Belize:
A national higher education policy. Journal of Belizean Affairs, 3, 613.
Caribbean Development Bank (2005) Annual Economic Review-Belize, 2005. Retrieved 9/12/06
from http:/www/caribank.org.
Chan, M.A. (2005) The Belize national report on higher education. UNESCO. Available at www.
iesalc.unesco.org.ve
Fonseca, F. (2006). Remarks delivered by Hon. Francis Fonseca, Attroney General and
Minister of Education, at opening of the National Tertiary Education Conference, Belize
Biltmore Hotel (September 8, 2006). Accessed on 9/4/2007 from http://www.moes.gov.bz/
Address/2006.09.07.NTEC Hon.Francis.htm.
Hoare, O. (2007) A case study of governance of higher education in Belize: Implications for
finance and curricula in higher education. An unpublished dissertation: University of South
Florida.
Muffles Junior College Homepage, Orange Walk, Belize (2009). Acessed on 1/24/2009 http://
www/mufflescollege.edu.bz/login.htm.
Roberts, F.D. (2001) Belize: A new university and a new direction. International higher
education newsletter, Summer. Accessed 9/3/2007 from http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/
cihe/newsletter/News24/text010.htm.
Sacred Heart Junior College Catalog, St. Ignacio, Belize (2007).
Chapter 19
Higher Education in Uganda:

The Role of Community Colleges
in Educational Delivery and Reform
W. James Jacob, Yusuf K. Nsubuga, and Christopher B. Mugimu
Introduction
Uganda is a landlocked country in Eastern Africa with a total population in 2006 of
29.9 million1 and one of the highest annual population growth rates in the world at
3.2% (World Bank, 2008). Over 80% of Ugandans derive their livelihood from the
agricultural sector. Uganda has obtained recent milestones in its national education
development, including universal primary education, and in 2007, universal secondary education. Expansion is beginning to trickle into the higher education subsector and the future expansion of higher education institutions (HEIs) at all levels
will be required to meet the growing demands. Many factors have made higher
education expansion in Uganda possible, including improved security, especially in
the Northern Region, restoration of macroeconomic stability, removal of economic
distortions, and an improvement in terms of trade (MOFPED, 2006). There are
hundreds of colleges in Uganda that make up a major part of the human resource
development in all regions of the country. Community colleges range in size from
private colleges with nothing more than one or two rented classrooms in an office
building to HEIs that comprise large campuses with thousands of enrolled students.
In this chapter, we will discuss the historical development of higher education with
a specific focus on community colleges. Sections include an in-depth analysis of
the types of Ugandan HEIs, unique features of Ugandan community colleges, case
studies of example community colleges, and current and future trends in Ugandan
higher education and community colleges.
Musisi (2003) identifies four phases in the historical development of Ugandan
higher education. Prior to the first phase, which began in the 1920s, schools were
predominantly owned and operated by Christian missionaries. During the 1920s,
the British government assumed direct responsibility and Makerere University
was founded in 1922 as a technical college to serve students from the British East
African territories of Kenya, Tanganyika, and Uganda. Following the Asquith
Report in 1949, the college obtained a semiautonomous status and was affiliated
to London University. Human resource development entitled the Africanization of
the Civil Service Structure was the primary focus of the second phase in which
significant higher education developments occurred, including granting of London

335
336
W.J. Jacob et al.
degrees to students of Makerere College (1953) and later the establishment of

the Royal Technical College in Nairobi (1956). In 1961, the establishment of the
University College of Dar es Salaam ended Makereres predominance as the soul
higher education provider in this region.
In 1963, these three colleges merged ushering in the third phase by forming
the University of East Africa. Musisi (2003) notes that Makerere undergraduate enrollment increased from 1,331 in 1964/1965 to 1,805 in 1967/1968. By
1967/1968, Makerere achieved 20% East Africanization of its academic staff. By
1970/1971, the number of Ugandans studying at Makerere grew to 2,638. Various
factors, including the looming independence from Britain, led to the breakup of the
University of East Africa in 1970, thus forming autonomous universities at Dar es
Salaam, Nairobi, and Makerere. The 1970s and 1980s constituted the fourth phase
of higher education development, a period of history in Uganda that was ravaged by
civil war. The education sector suffered from neglect and severe underfunding.
Currently there are five public universities in Uganda,2 one university college,
and 27 licensed private universities which award different degrees. Following the
liberalization of the Government Macro Policy, and realizing that the demand for
trained professionals is growing as the social economic sector grows, the government now sponsors over 4,000 students each year offering different courses at
different public HEIs (Bitamazire, 2005). It is also noted that there is significant
investment by the private sector including nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
in higher education.
The National Curriculum Development Centre (NCDC) established in 1973
develops all curricula for all educational subsectors in Uganda including primary,
secondary, technical, and other tertiary education levels (NCDC Act, Chapter 135,
Laws of Uganda, Revised Edition 2000). The National Council for Higher
Education (NCHE) was established in 2001 to coordinate all activities of higher
education that included awarding degrees, diplomas, and postprimary certificates.
The government enacted the Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions Act (UOTI
Act) in 20013 to provide a framework for management and administration of HEIs
in the country and give legal backup to the expansion of the quality of higher education. As provided for in the UOTI Act, NCHE is responsible for licensing private
universities and it sets academic and management standards for all universities in
the country. The UOTI Act also mandates the management, creation, and running
of both private and public universities and other tertiary institutions as core functions of NCHE. In the new Business, Technical, Vocational Education and Training
Bill 2008, recently passed by the parliament of Uganda, the mandate of NCHE has
been changed to only degree-awarding institutions, while previously it coordinated
all higher institutions and all tertiary institutions. This administrative oversight is
quite a hefty load for NCHE, however, especially at the rate in which HEIs have
expanded in this country. Government leaders agree that NCHE will be better off
and more focused if they address university issues delegating some of its administrative role to other government regulating bodies like the Department of Business,
Technical, Vocational Education and Training (BTVET), especially in relation to
tertiary institutions and colleges (Okinyal, 2008).
19 Higher Education in Uganda
337
Types of Higher Education Institutions

In Uganda, only students who have successfully passed their post-Advanced or
A-level and Uganda Advanced Certificate of Education are eligible to enter postsecondary or higher education.4 However, Uganda also has postprimary education
opportunities offered by means of tertiary institutions, which cover primary, lower
secondary5 and upper secondary leavers (Government of Uganda (GOU), 1992).
Education beyond the secondary level, especially education at the college or university level, is an institution for higher learning with teaching and research facilities
constituting a graduate school and professional schools that award masters degrees
plus doctorates and an undergraduate division that awards bachelors degrees.
Tertiary education in Uganda includes both postprimary and postsecondary
(O-level) types of education and encompasses training high-level, technical,
managerial, and professional personnel with practical skills that will enable them
to manage the world of work (see Table 19.1). The Government White Paper on
the Education Policy Commission Report (GOU, 1992) identifies a need for a firm
foundation of vocational and intermediate technology education and training for
economic development in Uganda. To cater for this demand, the BTVET was established in the Ministry of Education and Sports (MOES) to coordinate all activities
in the subsector and formulate policies for technical and vocational institutions.
Table 19.1 Types of Ugandan Non-university HEIs
Admissions
Level
Type of HEI
Specific
Tertiary
Technical
Colleges
Colleges of
Commerce
Specialized
Institutions
(i.e., Agriculture,
Forestry)
A-level
UPPET (Universal
Post-Primary
Education and
Training)
UPPET (Universal
Post-Primary
Education and
Training)
UPPET (Universal
Post-Primary
Education and
Training)
O-level
Technical
Institutes
Technical
Schools
Community
Polytechnics
A-level
A-level
Primary
Leaving
Certificate
(PLC)
PLC
Award
No. of Years
for Course
Completion
Ordinary Diploma
(Technical)
Ordinary Diploma
(Business)
Ordinary Diploma
(various
professions)
Advanced
Diploma (AD)
Craft Certificate
(in various
technical
skills)
Junior Technical
Certificate
Community
Polytechnic
Certificate
2
2
2yrs + 1 for
Advanced
Certificates
3
338
W.J. Jacob et al.
BTVET institutions are categorized according to the admission policies and award
either diplomas, certificates or both.
In 1994, there were significant restructuring throughout the line ministries training institutions. Various ministries used to have their own training wings and this
responsibility did not always reside with the MOES. For instance, the Agricultural
Training College was located in the Ministry of Agriculture along with fisheries
training. The 1994 reforms altered this formula.
There are also publicly funded institutions of tertiary education which are used
as departmental training environments for public servants as a way of improving
the world of work. These institutions were established to improve the work ethics
and also to improve the productivity of the public servants. The public government BTVET institutions services are supplemented by the Uganda Association
of Private Vocational Institutions (UGAPRIVI) which is an umbrella organization
for private training institutions. Its mission is to enhance unity, development, and
ensure facilities of collaborations and networks within private vocational training
institutions and other actors in partnership. UGAPRVI has 281 registered institutions, but, only a small percentage is officially registered with the MOES. These
private HEIs offer a number of skills which include, but are not limited to, tourism
management, catering and hotel management, computer training, tourism and
travel, housekeeping, customer care, secretarial studies, business training, medical equipment maintenance, bicycle repair, painting and decoration, beekeeping,
typing, accountancy, business/office administration, beauty consultancy, cosmetology,
hairdressing, home economics, animal/crop husbandry, public health, handicrafts,
general fitting, agriculture, mechanics, painting, and decorating.
Unique Features of Ugandan Community Colleges

The private sector is by far the predominant sector for community college delivery
in Uganda (Table 19.2). There are thousands of private firms and institutions that
offer informal technical training skills to individuals who have no education at all
or may be school dropouts.
Private vocational technical schools target primary school graduates those
who have completed their Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE) as well as adults
with no education or primary school dropouts. Successful graduates of Private
Vocational Technical Schools may receive certificates of completion, but these
certificates are not recognized by the MOES.
Multipurpose private technical schools operate in normal work settings and
therefore offer on-job or on-spot-training to workers and individuals who join
without any prior knowledge of their area of study and offer specialized training
for workers to learn how to use specialized equipment or machinery. Bananuka and
Katahoire (2008) indicate that most students acquire expertise and technical skills
in food processing, fabrication, welding, manufacturing tools and equipment, motor
vehicle mechanics, and motor parts manufacturing from small-scale industries and
Public
Private
Public
Private
Vocational Technical
Schools (3 yrs)
Farm Schools (2-3 yrs)
PLE
Community Polytech-nics
(3 yrs)
Public
Private
Vocational Technical
Institutes (2-3 yrs)
UCE
JTC
Public
Private
Public
Vocational Training
Institutes (3 yrs)
UCE
JTC
Public
Private
Public
Private
College of Commerce
(2 yrs)
Technical Colleges
(2 yrs)
Public
Private
Universities (2-5 yrs)

(Kyambogo Univ,
MUBS)
UACE
FTC
ACTC
UACE
OD
ATC
UACE
4
NA
17
NA
Civil Engineering, Electrical Engineering, Motor Vehicle

Engineering, Technical Teacher Education, Business
Studies
Areas of Focus
Business Administration & Management, Secretarial

Studies, Hotel Management, Human Resource
management, Marketing, Catering, Accounting, Stores
management, and Project Planning & management
Ordinary Diploma (OD)
Draftsmanship, Civil & Building Engineering, Electrical
Engineering, Industrial Ceramics, Mechanics,
Advanced Diploma (AD)
Refrigeration & Air Conditioning, and Water
Engineering
Basic Craft Certificate
Carpentry & Joinery, Blocklaying & Concrete Practice,
(BCTC)
Tailoring & Cutting garments, Motor Vehicle
Mechanics, Electrical Installation, Agriculture, and
Advanced Craft Technical
Leather & Tanning
Certificate (ACTC)
Basic Technical
Certificate (BTC)
Tailoring & Cutting garments, Motor Vehicle
Advanced Technical
Leather & Tanning
Certificate (ATC)
Junior Technical
Certificate (JTC)
Tailoring & Cutting Garments, Motor Vehicle
Full Technical
Technical Teacher Education
Certificate (FTC)
Degree
Certificate
Advanced Diploma (AD)
Award
25
600-800
4
29
4
NA
6
42
4
17
Table 19.2 Unique Features of Ugandan Community Colleges

Minimum
Qualification
Required
Institution
Ownership Total

339
340
W.J. Jacob et al.
firms, without having any certification or recognized credentials. Many people in

Uganda (if not the majority) gain useful practical knowledge and skills through
nonformal education means.
Community colleges in Uganda now offer opportunities for highly-gifted graduates
holding a Junior Technical Certificate (JTC) to further their education by attending a
university, which have potential for mobility opportunities. From a Vocational Technical
School, Farm School, or Community Polytechnic, one can enter a Vocational Technical
Institute or a Vocational Training Institute. After completing the institute, the individual can proceed to a Technical College to pursue an Ordinary Diploma in technical
courses. Upon receiving an Ordinary Diploma, individuals can either continue with
their education in pursuit of an Advanced Diploma for 2 years or can join Kyambogo
University to work toward a course in bachelors degree in electrical engineering,
motor vehicle engineering, civil engineering, etc. While Advanced Diplomas may
have been a popular choice in the past, the majority of current students prefer to enroll
in a degree course rather than pursuing an Advanced Diploma in technical education
(NCHE, 2007). A gifted technician, who completes a Technical Institute or Vocational
Training Institute program with an Advanced Technical Certificate or Advanced
Craft Technical Certificate and is interested in teaching as a career, can enroll in and
complete a 1-year certificate in teaching of technical education currently being offered
by Kyambogo University.
Types of BTVET Community Colleges

Under BTVET, there are a number of community college options, and students can
choose from a number of public or government-aided or private institutions.
Technical schools are postsecondary vocational schools that train students in a
variety of practical skills. In Uganda, these schools teach mechanical and industrial
arts and applied sciences. These institutions are meant for primary leavers and
award Uganda JTCs. There are 25 public technical schools in Uganda that offer
carpentry and joinery, block laying and concrete practice, tailoring and cutting garments, and motor vehicle mechanics.
Farm schools are technical schools that offer agriculture on top of the stated
skills above. In Uganda, there are four farm schools and at the end of the 3 years,
successful students who satisfy the requirements at one of these farm technical
schools are awarded a JTC in Tropical Agriculture.
Community polytechnics are low-cost vocational training institutions which
provide education and training for primary leavers and other targeted groups such
as out-of-school children, unemployed, and underemployed persons. Community
polytechnics were first proposed in the Government White Paper on Education in
1992, to offer a more flexible learning mode of vocational training through a modular approach. Initially 900 were proposed, with each subcounty having one. This
robust HEI expansion proposal has not materialized as well as the government had
hoped due to logistical, infrastructural, and procedural arrangements. In addition and
largely due to stringent budget restrictions, in 2003, only 16 community polytechnics
341
and one polytechnic instructors college was established (MOES, 2003) and these
figures have not changed through June 2008. Existing community polytechnics offer
carpentry and joinery, block laying and concrete practice, tailoring and cutting garments, motor vehicle mechanics, electrical installation, agriculture, and some other
specializations. The instructors college awards a Diploma in Technical Teacher
Education and a Certificate in Technical Teacher Education depending on the level
of education at admission. Initially BTVET officials thought the community would
participate more in community polytechnics. But in Uganda, community participation has been minimal at the higher education level, including involvement in community polytechnics which are located at the subcounty level and are in principle
supposed to offer programs based on local needs and job relevance. Community
members do contribute to higher education regarding student fees. Community
polytechnics have management committees established within their respective communities, but even here community participation has been at best minimal.
Technical institutes provide integrated business technical vocational education
and training. The curriculum is geared to developing a variety of skills needed in
industries as well as in other economic and social spheres. There are 34 technical
institutes that offer the following technical skills: carpentry and joinery, block laying and concrete practice, tailoring and cutting garment, motor vehicle mechanics,
electrical installation, agriculture, and leather and tanning. Technical institutes
award both the Craft Certificate Part I (2-year program) and the Craft Certificate
Part II (an additional 1-year program).
Technical colleges offer specialized training in specific fields; emphasis is placed
on scientific-based skills and craftsmanship. In Uganda, there are five technical colleges that award diplomas in the subjects: Architect Diploma in Draftsmanship,
Ordinary Diploma in Civil and Building Engineering, Ordinary Diploma in Electric
Engineering, Diploma in Industrial Ceramics, Ordinary Diploma in Mechanics,
Ordinary Diploma in Refrigeration and Air Conditioning, and Ordinary Diploma
in Water Engineering.
Uganda Colleges of Commerce include five public colleges: Aduku, Kabale,
Pakwach, Soroti, and Tororo. Nakawa College of Commerce merged with the
Makerere University Business School (MUBS) 10 years ago and since that time
offer diploma and advanced certificate courses in addition to other university
courses.6 However, all students admitted for diploma courses by MUBS are on
private sponsorship unlike the other five colleges whose majority of students are
funded by the government. Colleges of Commerce enroll over 4,000 students each
year. Although these colleges have high completion rates, there are generally scanty
job opportunities for individuals graduating from the system.
Governance of Community Colleges and Other

Tertiary Institutions
Public universities are governed by a Council with a Chancellor as the titular
head and under the provision of the UOTI Act. The Vice Chancellor is the chief
342
W.J. Jacob et al.
executive officer of public universities and is assisted by Deputy Vice Chancellors,

University Secretary, and Bursar. Many private institutions and colleges are headed
by rectors, including the Islamic University in Uganda and the Catholic National
Seminaries. Directors may preside over institutes in university settings while
schools and faculties are presided over by Deans who are elected by their faculty
in respective units and are approved by the University Approvals Board. Schools,
institutes, and faculties consist of smaller units (departments) that are presided over
by Department Heads. Each department pursues specific aims and missions that
are in alignment with their respective disciplines. Faculty boards or councils are
the highest governing bodies in the administration of schools, institutes, or faculties. The boards set standards for teaching, research, curriculum development, and
student admissions.
Other tertiary institutions and community colleges such as technical colleges,
colleges of commerce, and technical institutes organizational structures are slightly
different from that of universities. For these HEIs, the Principal presides over the
college or institute, assisted by Deputy Principals, Academic Registrar, Bursar,
Department Heads, Instructors, and Student Body Administrators. Nonuniversity
institutions and colleges are managed in accordance with policy guidelines formulated by their board of governors.
Community members play a minimal role in the administration and development
of all types of Ugandan community colleges. What is needed is a significant culture
shift regarding what role community members should play in the ownership and
development of HEIs and community polytechnic programs. To date, most administration and participation have been left to MOES. And except for primary schools,
community polytechnics, vocational institutes, and other colleges are highly centralized and regulated by MOES. As a result, there is limited participation from
local communities. Ilahi Mansoor (2008), Assistant Commissioner for BTVET,
hopes to have more participation from the community in terms of curriculum
design, relevance to the local demands, training, but this has not yet happened. So
MOES still develops and implements a national curriculum at the higher education
level as well as for community polytechnics. Strategies to stimulate and encourage
community participation include: (1) sensitize the public about the importance and
value of developing trade skills particularly those that would lead to self employment (i.e., many students of information, communication, and technology (ICT)
programs have opened private Internet cafes around the country); (2) involve the
local communities in the governance and monitoring of these colleges for accountability, information flow, transparency, and coordination; (3) recognize certification to college graduates, whereby colleges are able to award credible certificates
recognized by Uganda National Examinations Board (UNEB); and (4) extend seed
funds for ambitious individuals completing college and who opt to start their own
businesses but lack the capital to do so.
The governance of a community college in Uganda depends mainly on the ownership and founding body of a particular institution. There are three categories of
community colleges namely: public, partially government-aided, and private. The
governance in each of these different categories of institutions varies substantially.
343
Governance of public colleges is owned and operated by the government through

MOES. The government appoints all administrators, faculty members, and support
staff and pays for their salaries. Therefore, each of these cadres of higher education
personnel is accountable to the government. The government also funds all other
activities of these colleges and a majority of students are government-sponsored.
These colleges are headed by Principals who are assisted by Deputy Principals,
Academic Registrars, Bursars, Department Heads and other support staff personnel.
Governance of government-aided colleges includes a more reduced role in the
governance and day-to-day operation. Although, the government may appoint
the majority of staff and pay their salaries, the founding organizations of these
institutions play a significant role in decision making. Founding organizations of
government-aided colleges are largely religious organizations, but also include
local communities, private individuals, and NGOs. For instance, religious organizations as founding bodies will not only influence the appointment of staff, but
also the curriculum being offered in those institutions. The administrative structure in government-aided colleges is similar to that of public colleges. However,
it is the expectation of the government that government-aided colleges adhere
to MOES guidelines and regulations. Government-aided colleges are headed by
Principals, assisted by Deputy Principals, Academic Registrars, Bursars, Heads of
Departments, and Student Leaders. Principals report directly to the MOES as well
as to the founding bodies.
Governance of private community colleges includes a great deal of autonomy.
Founding bodies and boards of directors play a predominant role in decision
making, hiring of personnel, and in determining how their institutions are to be
governed. Private community colleges are organized in many respects like their
government-aided counterparts (i.e., private community colleges are also headed
by Principals, assisted by Deputy Principals, Academic Registrars, Bursars, Heads
of Departments, and Student Leaders). However, it is not uncommon to find some
positions in private community college administrations vacant, missing, or having one
official playing multiple administrative roles. For instance, some private community colleges have Principals serving alone without Deputies. At others, Academic
Registrars may also work as a Bursar. By having administrators take on dual or
multiple roles, the HEI spends less on maintaining a small work force and is able
to meet other budgetary expenses with the meager financial resources available.
This is especially true for private community colleges not registered by MOES
Department of BTVET. Although, all HEIs in Uganda are required to follow the
MOES guidelines, these guidelines are often sidelined by colleges that either
choose not to, or cannot, meet the government standards. The fact that there is no
tight control over the standards of governance in the three community college
categories described above presents a gargantuan challenge in regulating the
academic and professional quality of all programs being offered by these HEIs.
However, BTVET, a department in the MOES, and UGAPRIVI attempt to fill in
this gap, particularly for their member institutions.
BTVET is a department in MOES that coordinates and offers technical support in the management of all public and registered private training institutions
344
W.J. Jacob et al.
(Bananuka and Katahoire, 2008). BTVET also helps in the training of instructors
and managements of institutions. These training sessions are usually conducted at
both Primary Teacher Training Centers and National Teacher Training Centers. Yet
the BTVET department is overstretched in its administrative role and is unable to
regulate all of the nations hundreds of community colleges. Every BTVET institution has a board of governors which includes parents, alumni, private sector members, staff, and students. The MOES would like to see that management system
of BTVET institutions improved thereby providing more efficient development of
education training. Increased efficiency and improved management are major challenges currently facing the BTVET Department (Okinyal, 2008).
The UGAPRIVI operates as an umbrella organization in enhancing the academic quality and the image of private vocational institutions. Headquartered in
Kampala, UGAPRIVI is a national organization with regional offices that support
nine strategic regions: Central, East A, East B, North, South, Southwest, West A,
West B, and West Nile. Each of these regional offices operates under a grassroots
approach that strives to meet local vocational needs of the respective geographic
regions. UGAPRIVI contributes to the governance of private vocational institutions
by conducting management, quality, and other specialized courses of instruction for
community college administrators and training instructors. UGAPRIVI also collaborates with the MOES BTVET Department to enhance coordination, unity, and
sustained development in the higher education subsector.
Strategic Focus of Community Colleges

Despite the vast number of Ugandan community colleges, each HEI is unified
with a goal toward equipping their clientele with marketable skills tailored to the
needs of both private and public sectors in order to contribute towards social and
economic development; to eradicate poverty as well as to improve the quality of life
of Ugandan citizens. This economic-oriented strategy resonates across campuses
nationwide and among a large range of student participants.
Some community colleges, such as the Uganda Management Institute (UMI)7
in Kampala, have organized outreach short training programs aimed at serving the
busy officers working in the upcountry regions of Uganda. These short courses
could lead to the awarding of certificates, diplomas, postgraduate diplomas, and
masters degrees. Courses are organized in a flexible manner. Many of these
courses are organized over weekends and public holidays when it is convenient to
their clientele.
Evening, weekend, and short-term courses are offered at most community colleges to accommodate working class students with nontraditional student hours
of availability. This flexible course schedule offers many students the opportunity
to self-sponsor their own higher education. The flexibility of community college
courses has also opened doors to a large number of working class adults, so that
they can attend higher education and upgrade their skills while continuing to hold
345
jobs and provide for their families. In previous decades, this flexible higher education opportunity was not available to most Ugandans.
Gaba Teachers Training College (TTC) targets both O- and A-level candidates
from MOES for Grade III and diploma certificate in primary teaching, respectively.
Gaba TTC also runs holiday programs for licensed teachers and Grade III teachers
who want to upgrade to a Grade V diploma level.8 The college remains in operation
almost throughout the year, thus maximizing the utilization of resources.
Cost sharing and private-sponsored students, as recommended by the Government
White Paper on Education and Educational Strategic Investment Plan (ESIP), are
additional strategies implemented by partner college campuses. Cost sharing was
recommended by the government so that HEIs could find alternative sources for
financing their institutions in an era of decreasing government support (Musisi, 2003;
Ssebuwufu, 2002). Many colleges thus implement a number of cost-sharing initiatives
like entrepreneurship ventures, private sponsorships, and tuition increases to name
a few. For instance, Musisi and Muwanga (2003) indicated that Makerere University
outsourced its university guest house, bakery, maize mill, and press units/business
enterprises that were previously operated by the university, to private management
with the aim of generating higher profits from these joint ventures. These authors
further indicated that the university administration also had established a consultancy
firm known as the Makerere University Consultancy Bureau (MUCOBU) to generate
income through research, training, and consultancy services (Musisi and Muwanga,
2003, p. 24). While government funding has remained constant for public community colleges, enrollments have significantly increased. As such, even traditional
public community colleges are forced to implement cost-sharing strategies to supplement their increased costs. Besides private-sponsored students, even governmentsponsored students are increasingly expected to participate in cost sharing by paying
for their accommodations, books, food, and transportation. The rationale behind this
government shift in funding is to spread its already limited government resources to
a greater number of students than in the past.
Colleges are increasingly making attempts to reach out to a large number of
clientele through distance education (i.e., UMI). UMI has established a Distance
Learning Centre to improve its services with both public and private sectors in
Uganda. This program targets government officials, academicians, and NGO
development workers at all levels. College admission officers are also more open to
accepting learners of all categories irrespective of age, sex, or academic background
than they were in the past. Bowa Polytechnic in Luwero district is a good example
of this practice (Bananuka and Katahoire, 2008). Bananuka and Katahoire report
that Bowa Polytechnic introduced a flexibility window to admit all types of learners
in order to meet the immediate local needs of the community in terms of developing needed skills for self-employment. This initiative was instituted to promote
relevant self-employment skills within the local community; Bowa Polytechnic
offers the following subjects: tailoring, welding and hairdressing. Local leadership
has also assisted in the sensitization and mobilization of surrounding communities
to participate in these programs of study and in encouraging students to learn skills
of their own choice. On completion of the program, learners are for the most part
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W.J. Jacob et al.
able to engage in self-employment activities. However, a major challenge for new

graduates is lack of start-up capital to open up their own businesses.
Case Studies
This section includes case studies of four types of Ugandan community colleges:
(1) Primary Teachers Colleges (PTCs) at the primary level and National Teachers
Colleges (NTCs) at the secondary level, (2) health training institutes, (3) vocational
technical institutes, and (4) colleges of commerce. These case studies provide concrete examples of how different types of HEIs in Uganda currently operate.
Teacher training colleges. Teacher training in Uganda is structured at three
levels of education preparation: the primary, secondary and tertiary levels (see
Table 19.3). Pre-service primary-level teachers are prepared at one of three types
of teacher training institutions: a 2-year program at Primary Teachers Colleges
(PTCs), 2-to-3 years at National Teachers Colleges (NTCs), and a 4-year program
at university institutions especially for those student teachers who have professional, 3-year degrees but in order to opt for teaching credentials they may take an
additional year of teacher training through a Postgraduate Diploma in Education
(PGDE) course. There are currently five NTCs and 45 PTCs. Primary teachers
are awarded Grade III Teaching Certificates, a Diploma in Education (Primary),
or a Bachelor of Education degree if teachers are upgrading from a previous level
of certification. Graduates are then posted to teach in primary schools throughout
the country. Teachers in the secondary subsector are prepared and trained in a
13-year program at NTCs and universities. Secondary school teachers are awarded
a Grade V Diploma, Postgraduate Diploma in Education (PGDE), Bachelor of
Science in Education (BScEd), or Bachelor of Education (BEd). Successful graduates are then qualified and posted to teach in secondary schools, PTCs, NTCs, or
in some cases at the University. For purposes of quality assurance, the teacher
training institutions are connected to other bodies like the Education Standards
Agencies (ESA), NCDC, UNEB, and the Teaching Service Commission (TSC).
Each of these is a government agency directly connected to MOES; each organizaTable 19.3 Teacher Training Institutions in Uganda
Training
Admission
Course
Level
Institution
Requirement
Duration
Primary
PTCs
S4 & S6 leavers 2 years
Secondary NTCs
Tertiary
Grade III & S6

leavers
Universities Grade V, S6
leavers &
Graduates
2 years
Award
Grade III
Certificate
Grade V Diploma
Teaching Posting
Primary schools
Primary schools,
Secondary schools,
PTCs
1-3 years PGDE, Degree Primary schools,
Secondary schools,
PTCs, NTCs &
University
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tion also has an independent mandate. For instance, ESA is involved in monitoring and maintaining educational standards of institutions. ESA may recommend
either new institutions for accreditation or disqualification of rundown/dilapidated
institutions. NCDC initiates, develops, and monitors new and existing curricula at
all levels of education (i.e., at the primary, secondary, technical, vocational, and
tertiary levels). UNEB is a body that produces examinations for various levels of
education and awards certificates. UNEB also accredits institutions/schools to serve
as government-recognized examination centers in order to enable institutions to
conduct external examinations. TSC is responsible for the recruitment of teachers
and also deals with the disciplining of teachers in Uganda.
Teacher training institutions also offer in-service training programs for teachers and
other government cadres. These in-service programs are delivered through a variety of
teaching mediums including distance education modules, CD-ROM, on-site instruction, or a mixture of two or more of these mediums. Kyambogo University coordinates
its teacher training throughout the country at local PTCs and NTCs, and provides curriculum development and coursework for preservice and in-service teachers.
Health training Institutes. In Uganda, nursing, paramedics, and radiography
are more pronounced than any other specialized group of community colleges.
Table 19.4 provides detailed information about the 28 health training institution
programs including admission requirements and duration of program. Uganda has
certificate and diploma programs in nursing and paramedics. Students who have
completed high school generally with completion of the core science subjects (i.e.,
biology and chemistry in particular) enter registered nursing diploma courses. But,
there is also mobility for individuals who complete nursing programs. From the
first certificate, you could go to the next level. Just like in technical schools, you
could leave a JTC technical school and enroll in a craft certificate program, and
then go on to a diploma program. If a student is ambitious he/she could also go on
for a degree at a university. This mobility in the health sector is available to those
who are interested and qualified.
Since the 1994 higher education restructuring reforms, tensions have existed
between the training of health professionals and cadres by MOES and providing
certification/registration of these health professionals after training by the Ministry
of Health (MOH). The MOH was one of the few line ministries that did not want
to give up the training, quality assurance, testing, and registration of the nations
health professionals. Reasons for this dissonance over the past 14 years between
MOH and MOES vary but stem from the fact that MOH officials feared that the
MOES training removes health professionals too far from practical health settings
so necessary for training preparation in this sector. Yet, when MOES officials
assumed training responsibility for health training institutions, they noticed that
much of the curriculum needed updating, and while practical health training is
essential, health training institutes could benefit from professional curriculum
development expert input. This dissonance has left many trained health professionals in Uganda without jobs, not because jobs are unavailable or the graduating
health professionals are unprepared, but because they have not been certified by the
Council of Nurses. Attempts to alleviate this discord between the two ministries
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W.J. Jacob et al.
Table 19.4 Courses Offered at Health Training Institutions in Uganda

Programs Offered
Minimum Admissions Requirements
Enrolled Comprehensive
Nursing
Registered Comprehensive
Nursing
Mental Health
Enrolled Psychiatric
Nursing
At least passes in the following O-level

subjects: English, Mathematics, Biology,
Physics, and Chemistry
Upgrading Course*
3
4
Registered Psychiatric
Nursing
Clinical Medicine and

Community Health
Pediatrics
8
9
10
12
Registered Midwifery
Ophthalmology
Environmental Hygiene
(Certificate)
Environmental Hygiene
(Diploma)
Laboratory Technician
13
Laboratory Assistant
14
Nursing and Allied

Professionals
Community Health Nursing
Medical Entomology
11
15
16
17
18
19
Anesthesia (Diploma)
Ear, Nose, and Throat
Skills (Diploma)
Environmental Health
Assistants
20
Medical Lab Technology
21
Occupational Therapy
22
Orthopedic Appliances
23
Pharmacy Technicians
Program
Duration
3
Upgrading Course
At least passes in (1) and credits in (2) of the
following subjects at the O-level: English,
Mathematics, Biology, Physics, Chemistry
At least passes in (1) and credits in (2) of the
following subjects at the O-level: English,
Mathematics, Biology, Physics, Chemistry
Principal passes at A-level in Biology and
Chemistry
At least passes in the following O-level
Upgrading Course
Upgrading Course
O-level Certificate and 2 Passes at the A-level
in Biology and Chemistry
Two Principal Passes at the A-level in Biology
and Chemistry
Principal Passes at the A-level in: Biology and
Chemistry (for Diploma) and 5 Credits in
Sciences and English at the O-level
Principal Passes at the A-level in: Biology and
Chemistry (for Diploma) and 5 Credits in
Sciences and English at the O-level
Upgrading (Prerequisite: one must hold at least
a Diploma in relevant medical courses)
Upgrading Course
At least Credits in the following O-level
Upgrading Course
Upgrading Course
2
3
At least Passes in the following O-level

2 Principal Passes at the A-level in Biology
and Chemistry
2 Principal Passes at the A-level in Biology
and Chemistry
2 Principal Passes at the A-level in Biology and
Chemistry
2
3
3
1
2
2
2
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
(continued)
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Programs Offered
Minimum Admissions Requirements
24
Physiotherapy
25
Dental Techniques
26
Radiology

Physics
Physics
Program
Duration
2
2
An Upgrading Course is one that upgrades a health professionals credentials from certificate
level to a diploma level.
have resulted in several successful efforts, including a recent interministerial consultation between the two participating ministries.
Nakawa Vocational Technical Institute. Nakawa VTI is headed by a Principal,
assisted by Deputy Principal, Academic Registrar and Bursar. Nakawa VTI has
a student enrollment between 300 and 400. Supported by the Japan International
Cooperation Agency (JICA), Nakawa VTI was established in 1971 with the aim of
upgrading skills of craftsmen/craftswomen that were required in the growing industries in Uganda (JICA, 2007). Nakawa VTI organizes local and regional workshops
for instructors to enhance and strengthen their skills in how to (1) create training
materials, (2) deliver instructions for practical skills effectively, and (3) maintain
equipment. These training programs support the institutes motto to strive for attitudes, skills and knowledge. Nakawa VTI corroborates and receives support from
a network of other institutions and industries such as Nile Breweries; Kyambogo
University; Ministry of Works, Transport and Communication; Kinyara Sugars
Works; and Century Bottling Company, to name a few. These institutions also offer
potential practicum and employment opportunities for Nakawa VTI graduates.
The Nakawa VTI curriculum is diverse and encompasses a number of industrial
trades. Semester courses are offered in electronics, electrical installation and fitting,
machining and fitting, automotive repairs and maintenance, carpentry and joinery,
sheet metal and plumbing, welding and fabrication, brick laying and concrete practice (BCP). The institute also offers specialized training in the following fields:
computer hardware and software; programmable logic circuits (PLC); refrigeration
and air conditioning; electronic fuel injection for motor mechanics; tungsten inert
gas (TIG), metal inert gas (MIG), and carbon dioxide (CO2) for welders; upholstery carpenters; and training of trainers. The institute offers advanced programs
during evening hours in all courses, which allows working individuals opportunities to attend and upgrade their skills. Course work includes a 22.5-year program
depending on the subject, and advanced craft courses run for a period of 1 year.
The period for short-term upgrading courses may run from a few days to 6 weeks
depending on the course.
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Students must have completed the Ordinary or O-level examination; some

courses require completion of the Advanced or A-level examination. Nakawa VTI
attracts students from most neighboring countries (Sudan, Kenya, and Tanzania)
and other countries in Africa. The institute serves both government- and privatesponsored students. Full-time students pay between US$250350 per semester and
part-time students pay between US$150250 per semester. These tuition fees are
prohibitive to the majority of students in Uganda.
The Nakawa VTI campus is strategically located along the Jinja Road just outside of Kampala and is furnished with workshops, library, classrooms, students
hostels, and an assembly hall. With its strong ties to JICAs financial and technical
support that spanned several decades, Nakawa VTI seems to be better facilitated
than most of its counterparts.
Successful completion of coursework earns students a Craft Trade Test
Certificate awarded by the Directorate of Industrial Training (DIT). Graduates may
also take other BTVET competence examinations. Nakawa VTI is certified with
UNEB as an examination center and with City and Guilds International for technical examinations. Nakawa VTI graduates upon completion of their programs find
employment in a number of firms and many become self-employed by establishing
their own businesses. Those interested in teaching may join Kyambogo University
for a 1-year teaching certificate in technical education. Others may join technical
college.
Colleges of commerce. There are five colleges of commerce that offer businessrelated courses and award diplomas. MUBS also offers similar courses but on a
private arrangement and awards diplomas. Colleges of commerce target A-level
candidates with a minimum qualification of two principal passes and O-level certificate holders. To be admitted for a Diploma in Business Studies program with
options in marketing, purchasing, supplies, store management, and accounting
requires two principal A-level examination passes and an O-level certificate, and
students must obtain at least one principal at the A-level in economics or mathematics. All five colleges of commerce offer similar courses, including 2-year
diploma courses in Business Studies in Administration and Management, Hotel
Management, Secretarial Studies, Human Resource Management, Marketing, and
Store Management. They also offer 1-year certificate programs in accounting, business administration, catering, purchasing, project planning and management.
The five colleges of commerce work collaboratively with MUBS in curriculum
implementation and assessment/evaluation of students through joint examinations.
Tororo College of Commerce has an enrollment of 1,000 students. The main challenge highlighted by administrators at the Tororo campus is limited resources, in
terms of infrastructure, classroom space, textbooks, etc. The library is currently
under construction, which limits students ability to draw from regional and international business literature. The other four colleges are experiencing similar challenges as Tororo. To adapt to some of these challenges, the colleges of commerce
have adapted the semester system where they also implement evening and holiday
programs. These colleges also run short courses targeting local government and
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NGO officials in order to generate income to meet some of the increasing operating
costs of higher education.
Because colleges of commerce focus mainly on business studies in administration and management, they do not ordinarily take on upgrading students from
other technical vocational institutes. The individuals who successfully complete
the Ordinary Diploma (OD) at one of these colleges of commerce may continue
with their education by joining a university. In fact, the majority of student graduates prefer to continue with their schooling primarily because of the shortage of
employment opportunities particularly for diploma holders. Without further education, many of these colleges of commerce graduates remain unemployed for several
years after completing their diploma courses. However, students increase their
employment chances when they enroll in degree courses at universities in order to
upgrade their skills.
Trends in Ugandan Higher Education

and Community Colleges
This section provides an overview of eight trends in Ugandan higher education and
community colleges: (1) expanding the private sector; (2) establishing a stronger,
market-driven curriculum; (3) increasing emphasis on ICT; (4) orienting higher
education toward sustainability; (5) shifting toward a semester system; (6) transforming other tertiary institutions into universities; (7) closing some tertiary
institutions; and (8) low enrollment in science and technical-oriented community
colleges. These trends have been identified through extensive consultations with
higher education experts, education providers, and policymakers across Uganda.
Expanding private sector in higher education. Higher education has experienced
a rapid expansion of private provision in higher education at global and local levels,
including in the delivery of tertiary training (NCHE, 2007). The Government of
Uganda is implementing a liberalized education system plus an economic development policy; thus, the government strives to establish conducive environments to
encourage the private sector to invest in higher education to meet the increasing
needs of human resource development at all levels. Currently, the majority of the
community colleges and Technical and Vocational Education Training welcomed
institutions are being run by private sector (religious organizations, individuals,
NGOs, etc.). Uganda still lacks human resources with basic technical and vocational skills needed to run its economy. Artisan, electrician, carpenter, and other
skilled worker jobs are often outsourced to qualified foreigners from neighboring
countries particularly Kenya (Wirak et al., 2003). Thus, private higher education is
viewed as an essential delivery medium for meeting the national human resource
capacity development. Studies have shown the unique strengths private schools
have in terms of management efficiency and many institutions offer equal or greater
instruction to students (Jacob et al., 2008).
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The government would like to develop better publicprivate partnerships in

higher education in general and community colleges in particular. We would like
to see the private providers participating even more in education and training, not
only by the establishment of institutions but also with issues regarding curriculum, development, and job placement, Okinyal (2008) said in a recent interview.
Especially regarding job placement and practical training of college students,
efforts are being made to better align colleges with the private sector.
Market-driven curriculum. Higher education and tertiary institutions are changing curriculum and educational programs to better meet the needs of society. Some
new courses offered at community colleges include cosmetology, computer science,
and beekeeping. The introduction of marketable programs/courses helps attract
more privately sponsored students. The Institute of Computer Science at Makerere
University, for example, offers short courses in standard application packages
commonly used by government ministries, banks, and NGOs to generate income
(Musisi and Muwanga, 2003, p. 25). This market-driven curriculum undergirds
many programs in Ugandan community colleges, particularly among colleges of
commerce and community polytechnics. Yet, as has been mentioned, it will be
essential to have greater community participation to better identify local needs and
relevance in the employment sector for community colleges to have a lasting effect
at the local levels nationwide.
Increased emphasis on ICT. Currently, there is increasing emphasis on ICT in
sub-Saharan African HEIs and in Uganda, and more colleges offer ICT and computer science-related courses today than in the past (Partnership for Higher Education
in Africa, 2003; Till, 2003). However, according to a recent NCHE report (2007),
computer access ratios for students and staff are still very low in all tertiary institutions. The Faculty of Law at Makerere University has made a significant effort to
utilize/incorporate information technology (IT) into its educational programs such
as accessing legal information on CD-ROM and using basic tools of the Internet
(Musisi and Muwanga, 2003, p. 28). Makereres School of Education, through its
E-learning and Teacher Education (ELATE) Project,9 supports teacher trainees
and practicing teachers with exemplar e-curriculum materials via the Web and
CD-ROMs. Many other tertiary institutions are following these ICT examples at
all levels of community college training. Kyambogo University also works with
the nations primary and secondary TTCs in offering distance education courses in
preservice and in-service modular courses.
Orienting higher education towards sustainable development. In response to
Poverty Eradication Programmes Policy, many community colleges are forced by
the market economy to introduce new subjects to promote sustainable development
and address contemporary issues. This is a global trend as the world of international
higher education is in many cases being shaped by economic trends and dynamic
needs (Dabalen et al., 2001; Jacob, 2006; Jansen, 2001; Oketch, 2003; Sall, 2004).
Many Ugandan HEIs therefore include new subjects such as environmental studies,
HIV and AIDS, entrepreneurship education, and educational technology.
Shift from a traditional term system to a semester system. Patterned after the
British model of education, the term system was characterized by long vocation
353
periods during which HEIs would be in recess for up to several months aggregated
over a year. Many colleges recognize advantages of two long semesters over a
three-term academic year. The majority of college students also find the semester
system to be favorable because of its flexible structure and efficient use of calendar
days. The semester system allows a maximization of available resources since institutions can offer extra services, holiday programs, short terms during the summer
months, and flexible courses on weekends and evenings. The mode of examination
in a semester system is also convenient. Students are examined on recent materials and the semester system offers flexible timetable to permit working students to
attend evening and week-end classes (Musisi and Muwanga, 2003; NCHE, 2007).
The move to a semester system has therefore enhanced the capacity of HEIs to
accommodate the increasing numbers of clientele. For instance, Gaba TTC, UMI,
and MUBS offer classes throughout the year because of restructuring their respective schedules to a semester system.
Transformation of other tertiary institutions into universities. According to
the NCHE Report (2007), a large number of other tertiary institutions have risen
to university status or merged with other institutions to form universities, without necessarily changing or upgrading their infrastructure and human resource
capacity. Mukono Vocational Training Institute recently merged with the Uganda
Christian University (UCU). All the equipment that belonged to the institute was
removed and relocated and its building structures were converted into a Technology
Park where computer studies are taught to UCU students. Uganda Polytechnic
Kyambogo merged with the Uganda National Institute of Special Education
(UNISE), and the Institute for Teacher Education at Kyambogo (ITEK) to form
Kyambogo University (Cula, 2005). Nakawa College of Commerce became part
of MUBS and Uganda National Technical College was renamed Muteesa 1 Royal
University. Busitema Agricultural Institute transformed into Busitema University,
Nagongera NTC is now part of Busitema University, Ngetta NTC became Uganda
Martyrs University Study Center, Ombachi Management Vocational Institute was
taken over by Nile University, and NTC Kakoba became Bishop Stuart University.
Potential dangers for this trend toward transforming community colleges into
universities is that the original practical orientation of these HEIs can easily be
compromised by increased pressures frequently associated with universities to
become more academic and theoretical in focus. Quality assurance, governance,
and brand-name recognition are other obstacles that these newly formed universities
face, especially when they are forced to compete with the nations top universities.
An unsaturated and growing demand for higher education continues to support
these newer HEIs despite these obstacles.
Closure of some tertiary institutions. According to NCHE report (2007,
pp. 1011), some tertiary institutions have recently been closed due to a lack of sufficient funding and mismanagement. The following institutions have recently closed:
Nabumali University, Makerere Institute of Management, Transcontinental Institute
of Management, Nkozi NTC, Masindi NTC, and Nakanyonyi Teachers College.
In a time when operational costs continue to increase, several of these institutions
faced declining student enrollments because many the programs of study offered at
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W.J. Jacob et al.
this level were becoming increasingly viewed as no longer sufficient for employment acquisition upon graduation. Low tuition revenue compounded with the mismanagement of the meager financial resources available pushed several institutions
beyond the brink toward closure. When these institutions closed, students had to
relocate to other functioning institutions. This meant that many students had to
pay additional tuition fees to the new colleges in which they transferred. Students
who could not meet this additional cost dropped out of college. Given that private
community colleges are generally smaller than public colleges, in terms of student
enrollments and campus size, overhead, other operational costs associated with
infrastructure development, instructional materials, textbooks, and equipment are
often beyond the operating budgets of these private HEIs. Thus, private universities and tertiary institutions generally avoid offering higher-cost programs such as
science and technology courses, which require substantial funding and the need
for science laboratories and equipment. Many smaller private community colleges
also suffer from a shortage of student enrollments and do not enjoy the benefits
that come as a result of economies of scale that is available to many of the larger
colleges. These market-driven factors often force some colleges to close amidst an
increasingly competitive higher education environment.
Low student enrollments in technical and science-oriented community colleges.
Kasozi (2005) notes that enrollments in science and technology disciplines have
seen moderate increases, but enrollments remain low compared with other subjects.
Some business-oriented community colleges are experiencing a dramatic increase
of enrollments on a national level; but this is not the case for technical and scienceoriented community colleges. Student enrollments at these institutes (i.e., technical
schools, technical institutes, and technical colleges) remain low. The primary reason for low science and technology enrollment may be due to the stringent entrance
requirements for such programs in HEIs; a candidate must have good grades in
mathematics and science subjects in order to be admitted. However, only a relatively small number of Ugandan students have traditionally performed well enough
in mathematics and science subjects at both O- and A-levels to enter university or
technical and science-oriented community colleges. This scarcity of qualified students in the hard sciences is particularly true among female candidates. Thus, the
viability and cost-effectiveness of operating technical and science-oriented community colleges are increasingly deemed unrealistic. Another problem for these
relatively low enrollments is at the technical schools which take PLC learners.
Most parents do not want their children to join technical schools immediately after
completing primary school because parents feel that their children are too young
and without sufficient grounding in literacy, numeracy, and science to be successful. Large overhead costs necessary to run quality community college programs are
beyond the fiscal means of many HEIs, especially when student enrollment economies of scale approach cannot offset the high costs of operating a college. Some of
these HEIs may have as few as 11 students enrolled and on average the majority
of Ugandan community colleges enroll about 200 students each year. HEIs may
have to look at including additional curriculum and courses that are in better alignment with the private sector and economic employment realities. However, Kasozi
355
(2005) points out that the recent introduction of compulsory science at the O-level
might change this trend in coming years.
Gendered choice of courses in higher education institutions. Although currently
more female students are gaining access to college and university education than
in the past years, the choice of courses seems to be largely gender-oriented. The
NCHE report noted that most female higher education students enroll in universities, commercial/business institutions, and teachers colleges, while very few enroll
in technical colleges, the hard sciences, and technology-related disciplines (NCHE,
2007; Wirak et al., 2003). UNESCOs (2007, p, 91) EFA Global Monitoring Report
2008 indicated:
women students still tend to be concentrated in traditionally feminine fields. In most
countries for which data are available, women represent less than one-third of tertiary
students in science-realted fields (enigineering, manufacturing and construction, life sciences, physical sciences, mathematics and computing, agriculture) but over two-thirds in
humanities, arts, education, social sciences, business and law, services, and health and
welfare.
Consequently, women tend to experience inequality in employment opportunities

as they choose to enroll in courses that in many cases do not enable them gain
practical marketable skills to make them competitive in the world of work. It is not
surprising that a majority of female graduates are and remain unemployed or at best
underemployed. To some extent, cultural, social, and political influences contribute
to the gendered choice of courses in colleges. Women have always been encouraged to enroll in courses that enhance and promote their feminine roles in society
(i.e., hairdressing, sewing, baking, etc.). For instance, if a woman participates in the
construction of a house/building, mainly seen as a male responsibility, this is taboo
and unacceptable practice for females in many African cultures. It is therefore not
surprising that parents tend to discourage their girls from undertaking practical/
technical-oriented courses. However, in order to eradicate poverty and to meet the
United Nations Millennium Development Goals, women attending HEIs must be
exposed to marketable trade skills to enhance their competence on the global job
market. Of great importance is the need to overcome all cultural, social, and political
barriers of gender discrimination through sensitization of communities to bring
about gender parity and equality in higher education.
Conclusion
In this chapter, we examine Ugandan higher education from a historical lens as well
as through an in-depth look at some of the unique features community colleges have
in this East African country. Uganda is part of a rapidly growing global economy
that increasingly requires higher education certification and skills development.
Community colleges are providing much of this human resource development in
Uganda at all levels and in most regions of the country. People who successfully
complete BTVET training at a Ugandan HEI are well prepared to enter this global
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economy be it at home or abroad. Graduates are trainable and have skills. Still,
international standards will need to be better incorporated into BTVET curricula.
But one thing is for sure, argues Ilahi Mansoor (2008), our graduates go out and
they are able to find jobs and they are able to perform.
But more needs to be done to help make community colleges meet the growing
demands and needs of higher education in Uganda. In particular, private providers
could do more to help fund BTVET institutions. Greater private involvement is
necessary because there is no way that the public sector can provide these education
training services adequately for all Ugandans. A key area for future development
and expansion is in publicprivate partnerships.
There cannot be sustainable higher education programs in Uganda without
community participation. Absolutely in educational matters, the community must
participate. Increased community participation is a much-needed cultural shift from
the traditional passive involvement in the higher education subsector to greater
community participation in, and management of, BTVET institutions.
Notes
1. This figure is a mid-2006 estimate from census reports, the United Nations Population
Divisions World Population Prospects, national statistical offices, household surveys conducted by national agencies, and Macro International.
2. Makerere University, Mbarara University of Science and Technology (MUST), Kyambogo
University, Northern Uganda University of Agriculture (Gulu), and Busitema University;
in 1970, an act of Parliament established Makerere as Ugandas first university. MUST was
later established in 1989, Kyambogo University as part of the Universities and Other Tertiary
Institutions (UOIT) Act 2001, Northern Uganda University of Agriculture under the Statutory
Instrument No. 16 in 2003, and Busitema University under the Statutory Instrument No. 22
in 2007. As per MUSTs statute of 1989, the universitys mandate is to impact university
education within Uganda with particular emphasis on scientific and technological education and their application to rural development. Uganda Northern University was established
to promote rural transformation and industrialization for sustainable development in the
Northern Region. Busitema University was established following the recommendations of the
Government White Paper on Education of 1992 that mandated the establishment of a public
university in Eastern Uganda to increase equitable access to university education in that region
of the country.
3. The UOTI Act was first amended on June 6, 2003 and later on March 24, 2006.
4. A-level secondary education consists of Senior 5 and 6 grade levels (comparable to US
grades 11 and 12).
5. Lower secondary education is the same as the Ordinary or O-level secondary education.
Students who successfully complete their O-level education are qualified to sit for the Uganda
Ordinary Certificate of Education. Lower secondary education consists of Senior 14 grade
levels, which are comparable to Grades 710 in US schools.
6. MUBS is the nations central business school and serves as the leading institution in providing business and management education at the certificate, diploma, undergraduate, and postgraduate levels and a benchmark for other colleges of commerce and business institutions both
nationally and regionally. MUBS has branch campuses in Arua, Jinja, and Mbarara.
7. UMI has an outreach training center in Mbarara to bring its services nearer to students in the
Western Region.
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8. Teacher training colleges (TTCs) provide preservice and in-service teacher training toward a
Grade III Certificate. The prerequisite for the Grade III Certificate is completion of O-level
secondary education certificate and training and the duration is for 2 years. National Teachers
Colleges (NTCs) provide preservice and in-service teacher training toward a Grade V Diploma,
in which training lasts for 2 years. The prerequisite for a Grade V diploma is either an A-level
certificate or if a person wishes to upgrade from a Grade III Certificate level. Grade V training programs are also available at Kyambogo University and Uganda Martyrs University in
Nkozi.
9. The ELATE Project is a collaborative effort between Makerere Universitys School of
Education and the Open University in the United Kingdom. This project was supported by
the British Councils EnglandAfrica Partnerships in Higher Education Project, which was
initially funded by the United Kingdoms Department for Education and Skills (DfES) for the
benefit of the African Higher Education Sector. ELATE Project was intended to enhance the
work of newly hired and experienced practicing teachers in the field by producing useful basic
exemplar instruction materials for various subjects of the secondary school curriculum. The
exemplar instructional materials were created by a team of subject matter experts from NCDC,
UNEB, various publishers, teacher educators, and distinguished practicing teachers who were
invited to participate in the process of designing and developing the content-based instructional materials. Recognizing that most secondary schools in Uganda are poorly resourced,
ELATE attempted to bridge this gap by making available useful basic instructional materials
on the Web as well as by means of CD-ROMs.
References
Bananuka, Twine & Katahoire, Anne Ruhweza. Mapping Non-formal Education at Post-primary
Educational Level in Uganda. Paper presented at the Biennale on Education in Africa Maputo,
Mozambique, 59 May 2008.
Bitamazire, Namirembe. Status of Education for Rural People in Uganda. Paper presented at
the Ministerial Seminar on Education for Rural People in Africa, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia,
September 79, 2005.
Cula, Andres. Kyambogo University: Establishment of the University. The Uganda Higher
Education Review 2, no. 2 (2005): 2326.
Dabalen, Andrew, Oni, Bankole & Adekola, Olatunde A. Labor Market Prospects for University
Graduates in Nigeria. Higher Education Policy 14, no. 2 (2001): 141159.
Government of Uganda. Government White Paper on the Education Policy Review Commission
Report Entitled Education for National Integration and Development. Kampala: Government
of Uganda (1992).
Government of Uganda. The NCDC Act. Kampala: Government of Uganda (2000).
Government of Uganda. Universities and Other Tertiary Institutions Act 2001. Kampala:
Government of Uganda (2001).
Jacob, W. James. Social Justice in Chinese Higher Education: Issues of Equity and Access.
International Review of Education 52, no. 1 (2006): 149169.
Jacob, W. James, Holsinger, Donald B. & Mugimu, Christopher B. Private Secondary Education
in Uganda: Implications for Planning. Teachers College Record 110, no. 4 (2008): 867893.
Jansen, Jonathan. Globalisation, Markets and the Third World University: Preliminary Notes
on the Role of the State in South African higher education. In Yusuf Sayed & Jonathan
Jansen (eds.). Implementing Education Policies: The South African Experience. Cape Town:
University of Cape Town Press (2001).
JICA. JICAs Cooperation on Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET). Tokyo:
JICA (2007). www.jica.go.ip/infosite/issues/education/pdf/TechnicalE_E.pdf.
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Kasozi, A.B.K. The State of Higher Education 2005: Executive Summary. The Uganda Higher
Education Review 3, no. 1 (2005): 36.
Mansoor, Ilahi. Interview at the MOES, Kampala, Uganda on (2 June 2008). Mansoor is the
Assistant Commissioner of the Department of Business, Technical, Vocational Education and
Training.
Ministry of Education and Sports (MOES). Education Strategic Investment Plan. Kampala:
MOES (2003).
Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (MOFPED). Uganda National Report:
For the Implementation of the Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the
Decade 20012010. Kampala: MOFPED (2006).
Musisi, Nakanyike B. Uganda. In Teferra Damtew & Altbach Philip (eds.). African Higher
Education: An International Reference Handbook. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press
(2003): 611623.
Musisi, Nakanyike B. & Muwanga, Nansozi K. Makerere University in Transition: 19932000.
Oxford: James Currey (2003).
National Council for Higher Education (NCHE). The State of Higher Education and Training in
Uganda 2006. Kampala: NCHE (2007).
Oketch, Moses O. Market Model of Financing Higher Education in Sub-Saharan Africa:
Examples from Kenya. Higher Education Policy 16, no. 3 (August 2003): 313332.
Okinyal, Henry Francis. Interview. At the MOES, Kampala, Uganda on 2 June 2008. Okinyal is
Commissioner of the Department of Business, Technical, Vocational Education and Training
(2008).
Partnership for Higher Education in Africa. Securing the Linchpin ICT for Teaching, Learning
and Research A Workshop for African Universities. In collaboration with the United Nations
Economic Commission for Africa. Addis Ababa: Partnership for Higher Education in Africa
(2003).
Sall, Ebrima. Alternative Models to Traditional Higher Education: Market Demand, Networks,
and Private Sector Challenges. Journal of Higher Education in Africa 2, no. 1 (2004):
177212.
Ssebuwufu, John P.M. University Financing and Management Reforms: The Experience of
Makerere University. In Mwamila Burton et al. (eds.). Proceedings of Financing of Higher
Education in Eastern and Southern Africa: Diversifying Revenue and Expanding Accessibility.
International Conference on Financing of Higher Education, 2436 March 2002, Dar es
Salaam, Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: University of Dar es Salaam Press (2002): 8685.
Till, Graham. Harnessing Distance Learning and ICT for Higher Education in Sub-Saharan
Africa. United Kingdom: Burnham Business College (2003).
UNESCO. Education for All by 2015: Will We Make It? EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008:
Paris: UNESCO (2007).
Wirak, Anders, Heen, Betsy, Moen, Eli & Vusia, Santa. Business, Technical and Vocational
Education and Training (BTVET) for Employment and Private Sector Development in
Uganda. Oslo: Center for International Education, Oslo University College (2003).
World Bank, The. World Development Indicators Database, April 2008: Uganda. Washington,
DC: The World Bank (2008).
Chapter 20
Community College Model: Desideratum in

the South African Higher Education Landscape
Charste Coetzee Wolhuter
Introduction
The community college prototype which originated in the United States is spreading
worldwide. It has been embraced by many countries because of its characteristics
such as opening and equalization of access to tertiary education, especially for sectors of the population hitherto underrepresented at higher education institutions,
its value in the democratization of higher education and promotion of democratic
society, and because of its exemplary educationemployment nexus and education
community nexus.
South Africa is currently in the throes of a fundamental societal reconstruction
project, in which education has been assigned a major role to accomplish. In this
reconceptualization and redesign of education the community college model thus
far absent from the South African higher education scene has been frequently
mooted, by scholars and in official government documents alike, as being exemplary, for example, Strydom et al. (1995); Creative Associates International Inc. for
TEPS, a Project of USAID (1996); and Zuma (1996). These citations all date from
the mid-1990s, when the post-1994 education reform project commenced. As far
as could be ascertained, this call has since then subsided, and does not occur much
in public policy debate or in the scientific literature anymore. The recommendation was definitely never implemented, as the eventual post-1994 restructuring of
higher education went in the opposite direction the institutions approximating the
community college model (the South African technikons) have been upgraded to
become fully fledged universities.
The aim of this chapter is to assess the desirability and potential of inserting the
community college model in the South African higher education landscape a model
much discussed a decade ago, but never realized by the extensive higher education
reforms spearheaded by the African National Congress (ANC) government. The
possibility, desirability, and necessity of inserting the community college model in
the South African higher educational landscape are determined in view of contextual
forces, namely the geography, the demography, the social context, and the economy.
The definition of the community college model will not be elaborated upon, as
this has been discussed elsewhere (Raby, 2001, p. 3), as has been the community

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colleges precursor the nineteenth-century German Volkshochschule (Raby, 2001,

p. 2; Kubly, 1983, p. 4), its US prototype (Raby, 2001, p. 2; Strydom et al., 1995,
p. 6; Raby and Tarrow, 1996; Cook, 1996), and its spread from the United States to
the rest of the world (Elmalia et al., 1996; Iram, 1996; Yamano and Hawkins, 1996;
Raby, 2001). The chapter commences with an outline of the historical evolution
of higher education in South Africa. Subsequently the context of higher education in South Africa is analyzed the geography, demography, social system, the
economy, political exigencies, and the academiceducational context. In conclusion, the possibility, desirability, and necessity of inserting the community college
model in the South African higher educational landscape are determined in view
of contextual forces. As the equivalents of the community college model have suffered the same fate in the rest of the sub-Saharan region, and given the contextual
similarities between South Africa and the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, the potential
of the community college model in sub-Saharan Africa will also be touched upon.
The South African Context

The surface area of South African is 761,931 square miles. This represents a large
tract of land, very sparsely served by 24 institutions of higher education, i.e., on average one institution of higher education per 31,747 square miles. Research in South
Africa has shown a negative correlation between geographical distance from higher
education institutions and enrollments (Van Wyk, 1977). Research conducted by the
Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) and the Council for Higher Education
(CHE) on the high dropout rate at South African universities surveyed 3,328 students who dropped out of seven universities between 2000 and 2004. One of the
reasons often cited by students was I had to travel too far to get to the institution
(Macfarlane, 2007b, p. 15). This reason was finance-related 80% of respondents
did not have sufficient funds for higher education and, typically of a developing
country, South Africa lacks a system of public transport. South Africa has a relatively
low number of institutions of higher education per unit population. In the last comparative study, done before the latest spate of mergers discussed below, it was found
that South Africas one university per 1.53 million population was significant lower
for other countries in the higher-middle income range (Wolhuter, 1997, p. 191).
Between 1994 and 2005 higher education enrollments of Indians, Coloreds, and
Blacks rose by respectively 60.6%, 68.7%, and 111.9% (see De Wet and Wolhuter,
2008). However, the enrollment breakdown by far still does not reflect the demographic profile. Black, Colored, Indian, and White enrollments form respectively
61.0%, 6.3%, 7.4%, and 25.3% of all tertiary enrollments in South Africa, while
their respective shares of the South African population are 79.4%, 8.8%, 2.5%, and
9.3% (see De Wet and Wolhuter, 2008).
Amidst sustained positive economic growth in the past 15 years, South Africa
finds itself currently in the peculiar, anomalous situation that, whereas the unemployment rate in the country is at an alarming high rate of 43%, and unemployment
20
Desideratum in the South African Higher Education Landscape
361
among university graduates is a growing phenomenon, at the same time the country
is experiencing a huge skills shortage. This shortage is not race/ethnically related,
as employers are constitutionally and legally forbidden to appoint or promote
staff on the basis of race/ethnicity. The following example will suffice: only 700
engineers join the profession each year, whereas more than 11,000 need to join the
economy by 2010 (Anon, 2007, p. 12). What makes the situation even more anomalous is that currently Rand (R) 3.8 billion (R7 equals US$1) funds that government
has from the skills levy (since 2000 all employers are by law compelled to pay a
levy of 1% of their wage bill into a national fund intended for the development of
human resources) lie unused (De Lange, 2007, p. 1). Hence geographically, demographically, socially, and economically the stage is set for more higher education
educational institutions, particularly along the lines of the community college
model. This model had never materialized, as a product of the history of South
African higher education, to be elaborated upon in the next section.
The South African Higher Education Landscape

Beginnings of Higher Education for Whites
The first university in South Africa was the University of Good Hope, founded in 1873
(changed in 1916 to become the University of Cape Town), under the auspices of the
then British colonial administration. In time other universities were established: the
University of South Africa in Pretoria (1916, this university later, in 1946, became a distance education university); Stellenbosch University (1916); University of Cape Town
(1916); Witwatersrand University (1922); University of Pretoria (1930); University of
Natal (1949); University of the Orange Free State (1950); Rhodes University (1951);
and Potchefstroom University (1951). All these institutions were meant to cater for
the White population. All were funded solely by government. They all simulated the
model of liberal-academic education bequeathed to them from metropolitan Britain.
Beginnings of Higher Education for Blacks

Tertiary education for Black South Africans commenced in 1916, when the South
African Native College was established at Fort Hare. This institution became
autonomous in 1949 under the name of the University of Fort Hare.
1948
The year 1948 is a key period in the history of South Africa. In that year the National
Party came to power. It implemented a program of rigorous de jure and de facto racial
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segregation policies (apartheid; a typical colonial set-up, de facto racial segregation

had always been a characteristic of South African society). This segregation would
include educational segregation. Consequently universities were created, each exclusively for students of a particular Black ethnic group: University of Zululand (1959),
University of the North (1959), University of the Western Cape (1959), University
of Durban-Westville (1959), University of the Transkei (1976), University of
Bophutatswana (1977), University of Venda (1982), University of Qua-Qua (1982),
and Vista University (1983). They emulated the White South African universities.
They too offered a liberal academic education, albeit with an infrastructure and
quality of faculty perceptibly inferior to that of the historic White universities. The
main de facto brief of these Black universities was the education of teachers, a feature
which strengthened the liberal education character of these institutions.
While the establishment of Black universities led to a sharp rise in Black
university enrollments (albeit from a very low base), the idea of separate, segregated education systems and universities were widely condemned by Black South
Africans as inferior education meant to perpetuate inequality and White domination (vide Tabata, 1960; UNESCO, 1972; Karis and Gerhart, 1977; Nkomo, 1990;
Christie, 1991, pp. 229265).
Technical and Vocational Education

and TechnicalVocational Higher Education
Before the discovery of diamonds and gold, the labor market of South Africa was
uncomplicated, and craftspeople were trained for only a few trades (Kruger, 1986,
p. 182). The discovery of diamonds (1869) and of gold (1886) and the ensuing
demographic explosion, urbanization, growing of markets and of a market economy, laying of railway lines, and nascent industrialization changed the situation.
A demand for schooled labor was created. The end of the nineteenth century and
the beginning of the twentieth century saw the beginnings of apprenticeship training as well as of technical colleges, providing technical education on secondary
level. In 1939 these schools became technical high schools. These were meant for
Whites. The so-called color bar labor laws excluded Blacks from occupying positions of skilled labor (Davenport, 1991, pp. 503512).
In 1922 the Financial Relations Fourth Extension Act (Act 5 of 1922) stated that
besides universities, tertiary educational institutions could also include those technical institutes which the Minister of Education chose to declare institutes of higher
education. In terms of this law, two technical colleges, in Cape Town and in Natal,
were declared institutes providing higher education. Later, the Witwatersrand
College (Johannesburg) and the college in Pretoria were added to these two. These
colleges offered the National Diploma for Technicians (which generally
took 4 years of study on secondary level) and the Higher National Diploma for
Technicians (which generally required 6 years of study, 4 years on secondary level
followed by 2 years on postsecondary level). While these colleges were technically
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open to all South Africans, it is doubtful whether they were attended by any Black
South Africans, as the early twentieth-century government color bar labor policy
(see Davenport, 1991, pp. 505512) reserved all jobs requiring technical skills
and training for Whites. These institutions were all located in the central business districts of cities, i.e., very far from the Black neighborhoods. (In contrast
to comparable social set-ups in North America and Europe, where ghettoes are
located rather centrally in urban conglomerates, a unique feature of the South
African urban geography is that historically the Black neighborhoods were legally
proclaimed very far a few miles from central cities and White neighborhoods,
in an effort to isolate White neighborhoods from a perceived Black threat and to
create a feeling of security in White neighborhoods).
The Advanced Technical Education Act of 1967 (Act 40 of 1967) created a new
type of institution, meant to be between the existing colleges and universities. They
were called Technikons and were meant to offer advanced technical education to
supply South Africas urgent need for technicians (Kruger, 1986, p. 193). In terms
of the Act the four existing technical colleges (mentioned above) were declared
Technikons.
In the course of time, more Technikons came into being, also along the racially
segregated lines which characterized other sectors of the education system. By the
end of the 1980s there were 13 Technikons (Kruger, 1986, p. 194):
For Whites the Cape, Natal, Port Elizabeth, Pretoria, Vaal Triangle, Witwatersrand,
and Orange Free State Technikons
For Blacks the Northern Transvaal, Mangosuthu, and Setlogelo Technikons
The ML Sultan Technikon for Indians (South Africans of Indian descent)
The Technikon Peninsula for Coloreds (South Africans of mixed-race descent).
Technikon RSA providing distance education to all population groups
As is the case elsewhere where systems of academic education and of vocational
technical education exist side by side, technikon education in South Africa was
regarded as being inferior to university education. This was compounded by the
fact that universities could bestow degrees, but technikons diplomas only. The
technikon is the closest the South African higher education institution landscape
ever got to community colleges. The technikon concept shared some similarities to
the community college model, but also some differences. Similar to the community
colleges, they offered postsecondary education, and of a vocationaltechnical kind.
They however differed from the community colleges, in that they lacked the community nexus and the possibility of serving as a stepping-stone to higher echelons
of higher education (i.e., universities). The technikons too were not geared for the
diversity of students and did not have the student support services characteristic of
community colleges. Therefore they could never be as strong an equalization force
in higher education opportunities as their community colleges counterparts internationally. In the pre-1994 era, the ruling notion of student services in South Africa
was shaped by three factors: the inherited system of higher education as explained
above, the policy of supplying desegregated institutions for the various population
groups, and thirdly (especially in the case of the technikons) supplying the needs
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of the economy rather than the needs of students. Participation in higher education
was very unequal. For example, in 1974 there were only 16,519 Black university
students, compared to 95,589 White students (Christie, 1991, p. 131). The system
of racially segregated education was a major focus in mobilizing Black resistance,
and educational institutions became one of the sites of the sociopolitical turmoil in
the era preceding 1994 (see Johnson, 2004, pp. 185186).
1994
In 1994 a new constitution came into operation and a new sociopolitical dispensation
commenced. The constitution, which turned South Africa into a liberal democracy
on the western European model, and its Bill of Rights are among the most progressive in the world.
One of the main causes of the sociopolitical turmoil which preceded 1994, and
the agitation for a new dispensation was the segregated and unequal education of
the pre-1994 era (cf. Christie, 1991, pp. 221266; Mphahlele and Mminele, 1997,
pp. 104119; Nkomo, 1990, p. 2). The movement gained momentum from the
famous 1954 Brown v. Topeka supreme court ruling in the United States, which
stated that separate (education) could never be equal and led to school desegregation in the United States (see Russo et al., 2007). Equalization and desegregation
would eventually, after 1994, became the main principles of (the post-1994) postsecondary education policy.
Differences in per capita governmental spending on White, Indian, Colored,
and Black education were frequently cited as an example of inequity. For example,
in 1993 per student governmental expenditure on K12 education was R1,659 in
the case of Black pupils; R2,902 in the case of Colored pupils; R3,702 in the case
of Indian pupils; and R4,372 in the case of White education (Nkabinde, 1997,
p. 44) (1993: R3.67 = US$1). Similar discrepancies existed in the higher education
sector the historically Black institutions were, compared to the historically White
institutions, visibly more poorly resourced and endowed (see Welch et al., 2004,
p. 323), although hard comparable data are not readily available, as the central government Ministry of Education did not keep aggregate statistics of higher education
(where every institution was autonomous to govern itself).
In the total post-1994 societal reconstruction project, education is regarded
pivotal. Education is namely looked up to as an instrument in realizing objectives
such as economic growth, national development, the molding of national unity, the
nurturing of interracial tolerance, and the creation of a democratic culture.
After the 1994 elections, the baton of government was passed from the National
Party to the ANC which formulated a new education policy, which was based upon
the following four principles (cf. Wolhuter, 1999):
Democratization: education and training should be built on the principle of
democracy, characterized by active participation by all parties, in particular
teachers, pupil/students, parents, and the community.
Equity: equal education opportunities for all.
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Desegregation: one of the first steps that the ANC took in the field of education,
for example, was to collapse all the homeland ministries of education, as well
as the White, Indian, and Colored ministries of education, into one Natural
Department of Education.
Multicultural education.
The entire education system should be geared toward the realization of the potential
of the entire population, with the societal objectives of economic development and
the molding of national unity as final goals. In order to accomplish this, two major
reforms were to take place:
Firstly the introduction of outcomes-based education, to replace the pre-1994
content-based education, which was condemned as promoting rote-learning and
a culture of submissiveness.
Secondly a National Qualifications Framework was set in place, in order to
create a network of lifelong learning and training for all South Africans.
In the realm of higher education these reforms meant equalizing access to higher
education, i.e., a drastic increase in Black enrollments. It also required a shift from
the academic haven university model (the traditional South African university
type see Wolhuter and Higgs, 2006, pp. 6465) with an institution closely linked to
the surrounding community and more strongly linked to the needs of the economy.
For these, the community college model would have been ideally suited.
Higher Education Reforms

During the years after 1994, reform of the higher education system was much
discussed in order to align the higher education system with the new societal imperatives. Government, scholars, and sectors of civil society (such as leaders in industry
and in communities and nongovernmental organizations) all voiced their concerns
and desires. As mentioned above, the possibility of community colleges being part
of the institutional fabric of the South African higher education system was frequently mooted. Out of their interest in higher education in South Africa, USAID
commissioned an examination of the community college system and its relevance
for South Africa. In the ensuing report (Creative Associates International, Inc. for
TEPS, a Project of USAID, 1996) the conclusion was drawn that community colleges would broaden access and increase participation in higher education. In the
reform of higher education in South Africa (discussed below) which started in all
earnest in 1997, the initiatives of the Ministry of Education (which did not include
the community college model) prescribed the direction of the higher education
debate and discussion on the community college model fell silent. Higher education
reforms followed the pattern of education reform in general, (whereby the ANC
despite its declared intent to democratize educational governance) forced through
its views, regardless of any merit opposition suggestions might have. An example is
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C.C. Wolhuter
the foisting down of outcomes-based education, despite vehement opposition from

a spectrum of quarters, from left to right (see Jansen, 1999, pp. 712).
In 2001 the Minister of Education effected a transformation of the higher
education system in South Africa. The major motivation given by the Ministry
for these reforms was to end the expensive duplication of institutions which were
still a relic of the erstwhile policy of educational segregation i.e., there were
several places where more than one institution of higher education existed in close
proximity. At the time when they were established, they were meant to cater for
different racial groups. Two major reforms were involved. The first had to do with
the change from a binary to a unitary higher education system. Traditionally, South
Africa had two types of higher education institutions, namely universities and technikons. As explained above, the mandate for universities was advanced teaching and
research, while that of the technikons was the training of high-level technical human
resources. However, with the Minister of Educations 2001 reforms, technikons
were transformed into technical universities, thereby elevating them to the status of
universities, with the same missions as universities, even if their courses were of a
slight technicalvocational bent.
The second major reform involved reducing the number of higher education
institutions from 36 to 24. Pursuing the ideal of the desegregation of education South Africa, this was done by merging institutions, especially historically
Black with historically White institutions (see Republic of South Africa, 2001).
However, this exercise also entailed the merger of a number of the technikons
with universities, i.e., the number of technical universities is now smaller than the
number of technikons which existed prior to 1994. From 1994 to 2005 the total
number of higher education enrollments has increased by 48.6% (De Wet and
Wolhuter, 2008). While White enrollments have decreased by 16.2%, those of
Blacks have increased spectacularly by 111.9% (De Wet and Wolhuter, 2008). In
real numbers, between 1994 and 2005, White tertiary enrollments have decreased
from 221,829 to 185,889, while Black enrollments have increased from 212,047
to 449,241 (De Wet and Wolhuter, 2008). While an equalization with respect to
the racial groups have taken place, the enrollment breakdown still does not, by
far, reflect the demographics of South Africa: while Blacks make up 79.4% of the
population of South Africa, they constitute only 61.0% of university enrollments
(De Wet and Wolhuter, 2008). The effect of the reforms of the past 15 years on the
employment of graduates has not yet been determined, and further research on this
would be valuable. To return to the topic of community colleges, it seems as if the
governments agenda for higher education reform was dictated by the imperatives of
desegregation, equalization, and expanding access, to the extent that only more of
the same (more enrollments at the same institutions and elite institutional types)
was considered and vision was not expanded to alternative and new institutional
types. This strategy of more of the same (i.e., expanding enrollments in elite-type
institutions) is common in postcolonial governments (see Coombs, 1985, p. 6). This
agenda is clear from the latest policy document of the Ministry of Education on
The Higher Education Qualifications Framework (Republic of South Africa, 2007).
During the decades after 1950, education worldwide experienced an unprecedented
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expansion. The drive toward equal educational opportunities, coupled with the very
high expectations regarding the societal elevating potential of education, were the
main motivations behind this drive. Virtually all countries followed a simplistic
strategy of a linear extension of existing education systems a strategy of what
Coombs (1985, p. 6) called more of the same. Upon gaining independence in the
late 1950s or early 1960s, most developing countries started with what Coombs
(1985, p. 70) called a pocket book size of the education systems of the erstwhile
colonial powers, not at all suited for the contexts or needs of the new states. The
governments of these states stood before a difficult choice: They could either retain
and expand the imported model, or develop their own model. In the early 1960s it
was believed that the quantitative expansion of the then existing education system
was the obvious mechanism to bring the advantages of schooling to previously
disadvantaged groups (Kelly, 1987, p. 482). According to Todaro (1989, p. 330)
most developing countries believed that a fast quantitative (Todaros emphasis)
expansion of education would be the quickest way to bring about development.
In the years after 1994, South Africa was in a comparable position to that of the
other developing countries in the 1960s. The post-1994 higher education reforms in
South Africa might be a repetition of the strategy of a linear expansion of existing
education systems, as in other developing countries in the early 1960s.
To summarize, the history of higher education in South Africa presents a picture
of a (liberal-academic) university representing the ideal. Technicalvocational
higher education started late and has always been the second and inferior tier of
higher education. The latest (post-1994) of higher education reform once again
reduced the technicalvocational sector and intended to reform whatever institutions catered for this sector to universities. A striking illustration of this is that when
it was announced that Rand Afrikaans University had to merge with the Technikon
Witwatersrand, to become the University of Johannesburg, Rand Afrikaans
University denounced the plan, stating that academic standards would plummet
(Macfarlane, 2007a, p. 13). Subsequent merger deliberations were totally in the
mold of changing the Technikon Witwatersrand, for example, the research profile
and output of their academic staff to the level of a university.
Currently higher education institutions, i.e., the universities, are experiencing a major problem with students inadequately prepared for university study,
because of poor secondary school education. For example, a recent study revealed
that only 1% of prospective non-English mother-tongue speakers have a Grade
12 school mastery level of English (and English is the medium of instruction at
university level) (Rademeyer, 2007, p. 6). The result is a high level of internal
inefficiency at universities which, by their very nature, are not geared to provide
students poorly equipped for the rigors of university study with the necessary
support infrastructure. Only one in every five students enrolled at South African
universities complete their courses in the minimum time, i.e., without failing at
least 1 year (Rademeyer, 2006, p. 4). In the survey of the HSRCCHE (referred to
above) students gave the following reasons for their lack of success in university
study: My lecturers were so inaccessible that I did not think I could approach
them for help (Macfarlane, 2007b, p. 15). There is currently no clear plan to
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address this problem neither from government nor from the higher education
sector, apart from a study on student attrition commissioned by Higher Education
South Africa (HESA an association of the presidents of all South African universities) which is currently taking place and the HSRCCHE study by Letseka
and Breier (2008). There is clearly a need for additional models of higher education particularly the community college model, in view of its track record in
providing education to students from groups underrepresented at other higher
education institutions.
Development of Postsecondary Education

in Sub-Saharan Africa
(The generic name sub-Saharan Africa includes the following 45 countries:
Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central
African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo, Cte dIvoire, Democratic Republic of
the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea,
Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritius,
Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal,
Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Swaziland, Togo, Uganda, United
Republic of Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe.)
The foundation of formal education in sub-Saharan Africa was laid by the
nineteenth-century missionaries from Europe (and to a less extent, from the United
States) (Cowan et al., 1966, p. 4). Such education was later supplemented by education provided by the colonial authorities. Nonetheless, both missionary and colonial
education was mainly at the elementary school level, of poor quality, and reached
only a very small proportion of the population. In 1960, at the eve of Africas
independence, primary, secondary, and tertiary enrollment rations stood at respectively 44%, 5%, and 1%. Tertiary education institutions were mostly universities,
and were established a few years prior to independence in instances where they
did exist. For example, in Tanzania, the first university, the University of Dar Es
Salaam, was founded in 1961, the year of independence. In Swaziland, Lesotho, and
Botswana, the universities of Swaziland, Botswana, and Lesotho came into being in
1964, a few years prior to independence (1966 for Botswana and Lesotho and 1968
for Swaziland); while in Zambia, the University of Zambia was created in 1967, a
few years after independence (1964). In most African countries, the first university
was established during the first few years after independence. The prestigious value
of universities, the aversion of vocational education widely perceived in Africa
as inferior to academic education and an aversion, at east in intellectual circles
strengthened by influential academic analyses of vocational versus academic education, such as Philip Fosters (1965) classical study in Ghana resulted in vocational
postsecondary education, something akin to the community college, never being
developed. In higher education the postindependence sub-Saharan governments too
followed the strategy of linear expansion (outlined above).
20
369
Consequently the position is that the sub-Saharan African countries today have
tertiary education systems consisting exclusively or mainly of universities. A problem rife in sub-Saharan education is tying the world of education with the world
of work (see Wolhuter, 2007, pp. 346347). This policy was set out at the 1961
Addis Ababa conference of Ministers of Education of African states (MIEDAF),
and was repeated at all the subsequent MIEDAF meetings ever since. Despite
being unfortunately more rhetoric than action, attempts were made to get employment and education in tandem. Sub-Saharan African governments have attempted
the following four strategies. First, most states introduced vocational subjects in
the primary and secondary curriculum, some, for example Zimbabwe, made them
obligatory for all students. A second type of initiative was the introduction of
poly-technical education (whereby students spend part of their school day on farms
or in workshops), for example, in Mali (in 1962) or, on a more limited scale, the
BEPAZ project in Zimbabwe. A more extreme form was the turning of schools
into production units, such as Benin (1971), the Education for Self-Reliance (1967)
in Tanzania, or the Brigades (a private initiative) in Botswana. These initiatives
generally were ephemeral. Finally National Youth Community Services Schemes
were introduced in countries such as Malawi, Ghana, Botswana, Nigeria, and the
ZENTCHA project in Ethiopia. These initiatives were not very successful, many of
which governments found impossible to implement, given the poor capacity of state
sectors (see Durt, 1992, pp. 57, 168170, 182220). At tertiary level this is evident
in a growing schooled unemployment under university graduates (see Blaug, 1973,
p. 9). Another problem with universities is that, partly because they are expensive
institutions funded and heavily controlled by central governments, they are perceived as foreign institutions cut off from the community, failing in their call to
be a dominant guiding light to the continent and to the societies in which they are
located (see Vilakazi, 1999: p. 205; Van Wyk and Higgs, 2007). It seems as if there
is considerable scope for sub-Saharan Africa to experiment with the community
college model (which is characterized by a strong collegecommunity nexus) in
order to address these two problems. At present, policy is simply a linear extension
of the inherited model, i.e., to increase the number of universities.
Conclusion
As mentioned above, the current South African education system is constructed on
the principles of equalization, desegregation, democratization, multiculturalism,
and decentralization. The total education project should also be geared at the
development of the country and its human resources. The current higher education sector is too small and too much molded exclusively on the liberal-academic
model. The imperatives of increased and equity access to higher education as well
as the economic needs of the country clearly present a case for experimenting with
the community college model. It seems as if government is so much occupied
with the objectives to increase and equalize access to higher education that it is
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C.C. Wolhuter
neither sensitive to the voices of students nor interested in experimenting with new
models of higher education institutions. From the contextual analysis presented in
this chapter as well as from the concerns expressed by students there seems to be
much merit in putting the community college model on trial run in South Africa.
A meaningful start would therefore be the involvement of community colleges
of the United States, which have a successful track record of exporting the community colleges to other countries across the world, in facilitating the creation of
comparable institutions in South Africa. What makes such an exercise even more
significant beyond the borders of South Africa is that the equivalents of community
colleges have suffered the same fate in the entire sub-Saharan African region
these institutions have been fully absorbed into the university sector and in contexts
comparable to that of South Africa. The fate of community colleges established
on South African soil could therefore be instructive for the entire sub-Saharan
African region. With the government of the day seemingly not interested in such
an exercise, a philanthropic model (with the United States as the fountainhead of
the community college model) could be useful in funding such an initiative as well
as assisting in providing the required (academic, administrative, and management)
human resources expertise.
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Chapter 21
CollegeUniversity Dialogue: From

Confrontation to Cooperation
Nitza Davidovitch and Yaacov Iram
Introduction
A historical review of the development of Israeli institutions of higher education
from statehood to the present attests to the dialogue between universities, on one
hand, and the colleges that were established and developed under their influence.
Development trends, reflecting diversification, and distinctiveness on the one hand,
and uniformity and imitation on the other, indicate that the Israeli higher education
system is progressing toward a monistic structure in which academic institutions of
both types are converging, drawing closer to each other, and becoming more closely
integrated in a single system of higher education (Davidovitch and Iram, 2005).
Herein we examine the openness of the higher education system, its willingness,
and ability to contain a university institution that was originally established as a
regional college.
At the establishment of statehood in 1948, the higher education system was a
dual system: several non-university institutions operated alongside the two university institutions (Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Technion). Mass immigration and socioeconomic developments in the 1960s and 1970s led to an increasing
demand for higher education, and demands to expand access of new population sectors to higher education emerged, specifically to make higher education accessible
to underrepresented sectors of the population in peripheral areas (mainly Jews of
North African or Asian origin, as well as Arabs and other minority groups) (Iram,
1996). These nascent needs were addressed on two levels. On the university level,
Haifa University, Ben Gurion University, and the Open University were established
in 1970, 1972, and 1976, respectively. Although Haifa University and Ben Gurion
University were founded as regional universities and were therefore expected to
serve the special needs of the peripheral areas of the north and south, respectively,
they effectively embraced the elitist ethos of the veteran research universities (Ben
David, 1986, cited in Iram, 1996).
In the 1960s, relatively few students graduated from high school and obtained a
matriculation certificate, and thus few programs and faculties required a selective
admission process. The introduction of free compulsory high school increased the
matriculating student population and the number of potential university candidates.

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N. Davidovitch and Y. Iram
This change, however, was not accompanied by a corresponding increase in the

places available in institutions of higher education. The number of university
institutions remained stable, and some universities even reached their maximum
capacity. Universities consequently raised their admission requirements as demand
outgrew supply in many areas of study.
Based on international experience, the Israeli higher education system had several potential strategies for introducing such changes in higher education. Forgoing
the first strategy, diversification within existing higher education institutions, policymakers preferred to adopt a version of the American community college model,
and supported the establishment of separate non-university institutions with distinct
characteristics and purposes (Iram, 1996), as well as the expansion of existing
non-university institutions. These, known as regional colleges, had been originally
established in the 1960s, and until the 1970s had limited themselves to adult education courses, vocational training courses, general education, and enrichment course
offerings for members of rural areas including agricultural settlements, kibbutz
settlements, and peripheral towns (Iram, 1996). Following the Lipson Committee
(1971), established to examine the learning standards of postsecondary educational
institutions, the colleges began offering university-level courses and received official recognition by the Commission of Higher Education (CHE) as institutions of
higher education in 1972 (Horovitz and Wolensky, 1997). Generally these courses
were offered as a result of the initiative of several universities to provide academic
sponsorship to the colleges. Under these collaborative ventures, the curricula of the
colleges were under the academic supervision and responsibility of the parent universities. Curricula of the parent university were adopted with few attempts to adapt
the curricula to regional needs or to the specific needs of the regional student population and faculty at the colleges (Hadari and Tal, 1979). College directors assumed
that the affiliation of a college to a parent university was important for the prestige
and status of newly established academic institutions. Aside from the academic
prestige, this connection bolstered the students confidence concerning the quality
of the academic degree awarded at the college and thus indirectly helped colleges
develop toward independence. In this manner, a unique type of higher education
was formed to meet local needs for higher education and redress the social imbalance between the center and the periphery.
In the 1970s, both arms of the Israeli network of higher education continued
to expand, with the establishment of the Open University in Tel Aviv and the
extension of university activities to numerous locations. This was followed by a
process of academization of teacher training institutions in the late 1970s when
teacher training seminaries gained recognition as colleges and were accredited to
grant bachelors degrees. Stimulated by government policy to increase educational
opportunities for all population sections, the Israeli system of higher education has
since expanded even further, reflecting major changes and signs of diversification
as well as indications of convergence, discussed in further details below.
As a result, the national system of higher education became divided into five
distinct subsystems: (a) universities, including an Open University, constructed
on the British concept, combining open admission (access regardless of prior
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CollegeUniversity Dialogue: From Confrontation to Cooperation
375
formal qualifications) and correspondence sources as the main method of teaching;

(b) professional colleges; (c) vocational colleges; (d) government-funded accredited
academic colleges, which include teacher training institutions that have received or
are in the process of obtaining academic status, general education colleges, and
technological colleges; and (e) private colleges that receive no public funding,
including extensions of academic institutions from abroad. With the exception of
the universities, all are considered regional colleges or academic colleges, variations on the community college model. However, despite the diversity, the system
developed as a binary system in which universities were geographically located in
major cities and urban centers, while regional colleges were located in peripheral
regions, offering alternative higher education at a standard and with a mission that
were distinct from both the long-standing and the younger universities. The colleges
(or regional colleges or academic colleges these terms are used interchangeably
in Israels educational system) were established specifically on the American community college model, to enhance access of population groups outside the countrys
major cities, including development towns and rural towns, to vocational education,
high-school-equivalency programs, and postsecondary education, based on specific
consideration of the typical characteristics of the population in each region.
As a result of momentous social-demographic changes, the 1990s marked the
turning point in this binary development of higher education in Israel. An increased
number of immigrants to Israel from former Soviet Union states in the 1990s and
a general rise in the demand for higher education from all population groups,
including groups who lacked formal qualifications for admission into the countrys
universities, required a more extensive solution for expanded access to higher education. New colleges which awarded bachelor degrees were established, and the
older regional colleges either entered into an accreditation process that would allow
them to grant academic degrees to their graduates, or joined sponsorship programs
with parent universities. Concurrently, the Commission of Higher Education Law
(1958) was amended and the colleges were recognized as institutions whose academic degrees were equal in status to degrees granted by the countrys universities.
Over the last decade, the CHE has further cultivated the higher education system
in Israel by directing systemic growth to colleges rather than approve the establishment of new universities or the extension of existing universities.
In 2007, the Israeli system of higher education comprised 70 institutions: With
the exception of the countrys eight universities, the remainder (27 recognized academic colleges, 27 academic teacher training colleges, and 8 public colleges funded
by government through the Planning & Budgeting Committee (PBC) ) are local
variations on the community college model. In addition, 17 extensions of foreign
institutions of higher education are licensed to operate by the CHE. The result of
these policies was that while approximately 90% of all students in Israel in the late
1980s studied in universities, over one half of all students in 2003 attended academic colleges (CSB, August 8, 2004). In 2007, 58% of the national student body
attends colleges, while only 42% attend universities.
Notably, the distinction between the terms university and college in the Israeli
context has not, until very recently, been explored by educational policymakers in Israel.
376
Usage has preceded a clear definition of these terms, and their assignment to
different educational institutions has been mainly a result of political interests and
designations used as the basis for differential budget allocations to different institutions. The initial institutions of higher education established in Israel were based on
European influence and were therefore defined as universities. In the 1960s, when
a need was recognized for a new type of institution to meet the emerging national
and social goals of the growing state, universities insisted on a clear differentiation
to retain their superior status in the system. Consequently, the new institutions established in the peripheries were termed colleges. While the use of these two terms
has remained in place to this day, the characteristics of these two types of institutions have changed significantly. As this chapter illustrates, colleges and universities
originated in response to distinct strategic goals, and subsequently development
distinct program offerings which attracted different population groups. Over time,
however, the distinctions, as did the goals of these institutions, became blurred, both
from the perspective of the CHE, as well as in the minds of the general public.
The evolving discourse between different types of Israeli academic institutions
calls for an examination of the dialogue between universities and colleges from a
historicalcomparative perspective of fulfilling needs (Miller, 1990) over a period
extending over more than 4 decades. Many issues regarding the relationship of the
two types of institutions emerge from this perspective, such as, Did the universities
which originally functioned as the sponsors of the regional colleges, intentionally
or unintentionally influence the development of the regional colleges, and to what
extent? and Were the universities affected by the development of the colleges,
and responsive to the changing environment in which they operated?
A historicalcomparative analysis of the evolving dialogue between various
types of Israeli institutions of higher education offers an important perspective from
which we can assess and possibly predict the direction of development of Israeli
higher education in the future.
Unplanned Development
The proliferation of the colleges developed as sequential responses to regional,
professional, or private needs that had not been satisfied by the university system.
The development of regional colleges was thus supported by two major considerations: (1) political-organizational considerations the major goal for the higher
education system remained to support the unique status of the universities and
ensure their autonomy and their unique identity; and (2) financial considerations
college studies were assumed to be less of a financial burden on the public budget
than university studies due to the initial absence of research demands imposed on
college faculty.
Complicating the colleges development further, the higher education system in
Israel lacked a unified national or regional institutional academic system until the
1990s (Sherman, 1995). There was no professional organizational framework for
21
377
communications or practical collaboration among colleges to develop academic

plans. The newly established regional colleges lacked comprehensive sources of
information regarding the problems and needs of their local area, and appropriate
forums in which they could advocate and garner the support of other regional
elements in their struggle to gain academic recognition and share in national
budgets. Colleges developed in response to the growing public demand for academic studies, exacerbated by regional and national demographic growth and
economic factors, despite the lack of adequate tools for planning, coordinating, and
cooperating mechanisms.
This is not to say that growth of the colleges was completely spontaneous.
Actions undertaken to institutionalize higher education include structural changes
facilitated by establishing the CHE (late 1960s) and the PBC (1974) on the institutional level, and establishing the Association of Colleges on the national level.
However, until the 10th Council elected in February 2002, at least two thirds of its
members were university faculty members, the rest were public figures.
The array of colleges was first planned by the Association of Colleges, an agency
established in 1989 in recognition of the role of higher education as an instrument
for social development in Israel, including reducing social gaps, ensuring equal
opportunities, and developing curricula aimed at resolving the growing discrepancy between the knowledge required by society and the national economy and
the knowledge provided by the educational institutions. Nonetheless, only in the
late 1990s did the higher education system begin planning in earnest for the years
19982003 (Israeli, 1997), based on the following principles and projections:
Number of students It was assumed that the number of potential regional college students would gradually increase. The colleges would admit a growing
number of graduates in pre-academic preparatory courses, local applicants who
were not admitted to the universities, and professional groups of workers interested in completing the requirements for an academic degree. Regional colleges
would be required to train academics and professionals to meet regional and the
national economy, while utilizing relative local resources.
Teaching faculty To approach the academic standards of corresponding university courses, regional colleges were expected to restrict employment of external
teachers and increase employment of permanent senior faculty members. To
improve stabilization and standards of instruction, faculty members would have
to participate in extra training and advanced studies.
Curricula The regional colleges should develop new curricula in applied academic
fields in response to regional needs and the requirements of the modern economy.
Budget, financial resources, and physical infrastructure Regular and designated expenditures and revenues, including salary terms and lecturers employment terms, would be based on customary college budgetary norms. Public
support of the regional colleges and tuition would be based on criteria determined by the PBC for the entire academic system. Construction needs would be
determined according to the projected increase in students in academic tracks
and other programs.
378
In November 2000, three CHE subcommittees were established in charge

of university and college affairs, teaching faculty training, and non-university
institutions, e.g., technological colleges. In addition, four supreme committees
were established for appointing professors in institutions of higher education that
are not universities. Ad hoc committees comprised of university faculty members
were also established to review applications for accreditation by various institutions. Another planning trend was manifested in the PBCs wish to establish a central information system to respond to requests for information on academic studies
and provide potential applicants a comprehensive picture of the available range of
study options (Hershkowitz, 2000). CHE planning necessitated the formulation of
policy on diverse issues, including financial aid, preparatory courses, and research
infrastructure.
Financial aid for students and tuition policies were perceived to be an influential
factor in extending access to higher education. Since the 1950s, public commissions
and committees (1959, 1977, 1991, and 1996) have determined tuition fees for
graduate and postgraduate degrees in institutions of higher education and their decisions were binding for state-funded institutions. The policy of uniform university
tuition became an expression of governmental national-social objectives, reflecting the basic right of equal access to higher education. However, as the system
expanded to include new populations which previously had not been represented in
higher education, including low socioeconomic sectors which had stronger needs
for support and assistance in the transition from high school to an academic setting. In response, the range of assistance and support offered to students was also
extended and became institutionalized. The student support system now includes
loans, scholarships, and grants, and has become subsumed under a single roof, with
supervision and unified resources. Assistance from external sources comes mainly
from government budgets in the form of student loans or scholarships awarded
according to defined criteria, representing the governments commitment to promote social equality. Mentoring enterprises, such as Perach, are also funded by the
PBC which grants scholarships to students in this program that cover 43% of their
total tuition costs. In the recent decade, the PBC increased the scope of the Perach
program by 126%, exceeding even the growth in the national student population
(113%), and gradually transferred the focus of the Perach programs from universities to other academic institutions. In 2000, 47% of Perach participants studied at
colleges and other non-university institutions, confirming that the system provides
support to the new populations that have recently joined the ranks of higher education by alleviating the financial burden of academic studies.
Another planned element was reflected in the CHEs decision to recognize and
reinforce pre-academic preparatory courses as part of the higher education system
under its supervision (Hershkowitz, 2000). According to CHE policy, final scores
on preparatory programs could replace matriculation scores in students applications
and further facilitate admission to all institutions of higher education.
The PBC took additional actions to institutionalize and introduce systemic planning, including setting up the infrastructure necessary to allocate funds designed
to promote academic research, such as the National Science Fund which awards
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funds to university researchers; encouraging research in technology-related fields

through scholarships, such as the Hammer Scholarships for students who graduate
with distinction from one of the non-university institutions of higher education and
continue to postgraduate degrees (in research programs) at one of the seven Israeli
universities. This program reflects PBC policy which encourages the growth of
Israeli higher education by developing existing colleges and establishing new colleges, while maintaining adequate academic standards. The program is based on
encouraging outstanding achievements of college students according to the same
criteria as university graduates, and fosters mobility between colleges and universities. In essence, these events elevated the regional colleges to almost university
status, although differences between universities and colleges remain.
Thus, the PBC has gradually consolidated a policy of excellence and accessibility
(Hershkowitz, 2000) by forming a heterogeneous academic system, corresponding
to the diversity of learners.
In summary, the development of colleges in Israel has been influenced by social,
pedagogical, and policy considerations which have been at the base of the planned
development of higher education in Israel, as well as unplanned changes based on
responsiveness to these factors, even in advance of official policy. Regional colleges have, in a short time span, transformed from small colleges operating independently, into academic colleges, and are aligning their structures in response to
such transition. On its part, the CHE continues to increase its supervision and control of all Israeli providers of higher education, whether funded by the PBC, local
Israeli institutions, or others (Hershkowitz, 2000). Planning in the higher education
system has turned into a most complex subject, particularly due to the fact that most
of the customary analysis tools for evaluating the effectiveness of large systems are
not applicable in higher education (Sinuany-Stern, 1991). In addition, it is difficult
to assess the effectiveness of higher education in such a period of social change
and transformation. Thus, to support further development of the higher education
system in Israel, more work in the field of assessment and comparison is needed to
clarify the actual results of higher education policies.
Changing Goals and Emphases in Higher

Education Institutions
Development of the system of Israeli higher education was influenced by three
dominant outlooks: those of Germany, England, and the United States (Iram, 1978),
each of which contributed a different emphasis on the three shared goals of the
system: research, teaching, and public service. Despite the influence of the American
approach which conceptualized the establishment of regional colleges as a basically
social response (Israeli, 1997), the traditional conception of a research university
dictated the (planned and unplanned) developments of the system (Iram, 1978) from
the onset, and defined the higher education system as a system of research universities. Only subsequently was the system augmented by professional training institu-
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tions such as teaching training colleges, which evolved mainly in response to the
social and national demands of the budding state and its immigrant population. In
this sense, the higher education system of Israel has always been responsive to the
changing needs of society. In the systems initial stage of development, responsiveness was contained within the research universities, while as the system developed,
new functions were placed in entirely new types of institutions.
From a different perspective, two main schools of thought underlying the
development of the Israeli higher education system correspond to these distinct
emphases on the autonomous and popular functions of higher education, succinctly
summarized by Trow (1970) who developed a thesis on differentiation in higher
education, drawing on Durkheim. The autonomous approaches to the functions
of higher education attribute major significance to the obligation to disseminate
the higher culture located at the core of the traditional university, and create new
knowledge through pure scholarship and basic scientific research (Trow, 1970).
According to this approach, the university is a means of categorizing, shaping, and
qualifying elite groups. In effect, until World War II, higher education systems had
functioned as a hothouse for elites (Morrison, 1998).
In contrast, the popular function of higher education, which developed in the
United States, is best distinguished as providing services to the community in
addition to instruction and research (Mizrahi, 1994; Trow, 1970). Support for the
popular function led to the rapid expansion of higher education in the second half
of the twentieth century, in many Western countries (OECD, 2003, table A.2.4) and
developing countries (UNESCO, 2003) following the lead of the United States.
The terms used to describe this trend are higher education for the masses or
massification of higher education (Trow, 1972). The bachelors degree became
a customary norm in western countries, similar to the status of the matriculation certificate in the first half of the twentieth century (Allen and Allen, 2003).
According to this concept, the role of higher education is to create a large number
of sites of learning, facilitate individual participation in the labor market, and
provide useful knowledge and services to all groups and institutions.
Discussing the interrelationship of these two functions from a global perspective, Trow (1970) notes that by opening the gates of the university, previously
known as an academic ivory tower, to external influences, the increasing acceptance of the popular approach to higher education threatened to upset the balance
that had characterized the traditional relationship between universities and society
for many years.
In Israel, the Humboldtian view of the unity of research and teaching reinforced
the status of research as the supreme goal of the entire higher education system until
the 1970s, and largely determined the character of the Israeli academic institutions,
influenced academic curricula and the system of degrees, and limited diversity.
From the 1970s, however, the Israeli system of higher education has increasingly
reflected the influence of the binary model of American universities, and specifically
the emergent paradigm that calls for universities to devote increasing attention
to develop applied research, cultivate innovative and relevant teaching methods,
and provide services to the private, public, political, and national sectors, with an
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emphasis on applications and research motivated by financial developments, and

the transfer of technology from the universities to the public and private sectors, as
well as global competitiveness and collaboration. The community college model
took this paradigm several steps further by emphasizing the colleges integration
in, and commitment to, its community.
In this system, regional colleges had originally established in the 1960s in the
peripheries to meet regional needs, especially in view of mass immigration to Israel
from former Soviet Union countries, north Africa, and other developing countries
which settled in the countrys peripheral regions. The decision to establish regional/
local institutions of postsecondary education was grounded in the belief that the
social goal of expanded access and equal opportunities in education could not be
achieved by universities whose infrastructure was insufficient for admitting tens
of thousands of students, most of whom did not intend to continue an academic
research career. The regional colleges were established to serve the immediate
needs of the small localities in their respective regions, and therefore originally
offered educational programs in association with existing universities. Similarly to
American community colleges, these colleges provided the first two years of a BA
in addition to remedial studies, vocational programs, and cultural and recreational
courses (Iram, 1996).
The influence of these approaches initially led to what appeared to be a division
of labor between different institutions of higher education. Universities traditionally
concentrated on autonomous functions, and defined their role in imparting what the
social sciences term higher culture, advancing science through research, and shaping and qualifying elite groups, while colleges focused on popular functions. These
functions included creating awareness of higher culture among new sectors of the
population, awarding certification required to gain reputable employment, and providing the community with useful knowledge- and information-based services.
However, since academic institutions have opened their gates to external influences, higher education increasingly has served more as a ladder for social mobility
and professional promotion (Soen, 2005) than as a path toward research and the
promotion of science (Floud and Hasley, 1958). Luria and Luria (1970) argue that
in todays technological society, the popular functions of the university, designed to
serve the community and society, have developed with great momentum and have
drawn closer to the autonomous functions. In their assessment, it is no longer possible for academic institutions to adopt a purely autonomous character, and therefore
any attempt to differentiate between autonomous universities and popular colleges
along these lines seems unrealistic.
In fact, over time (not the least through their involvement as sponsors of the
nascent colleges), Israeli universities gained experience with, and a greater awareness of, the strong demand for professionalvocationalacademic training courses.
As a result, the universities adopted a more comprehensive definition of their role
in the higher education system. The universities took on behaviors more akin to the
roles of the American community college model, in order to respond to the needs
of the nation, and the demand of potential consumers of higher education. At the
same time, the colleges developed into more comprehensive undergraduate institu-
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tions serving a variety of academic vocationaltechnical and artistic needs. Thus,

while the American community colleges were a prototype for the regional colleges
in Israel, the latter evolved significantly and assumed tasks and missions of a more
academic nature, corresponding to the increasing demand for academic studies both
in Israel and worldwide.
Center and Periphery in Israels Higher Education System

The use of the terms center and periphery are categories used in the analysis
and comparison of higher education systems and institutions. For example, Altbach
(1988) presents an international comparative analysis of higher education system
using centerperiphery relations, and a distinction between universities at the
center and universities at the periphery. This distinction does not imply geographic or cultural differences, but rather reflects the functions that an institution
of higher learning fills in the national and international educational system. At the
center are the institutions which are at the forefront of knowledge, and constitute
intellectual centers that define trends and models, are equipped with large libraries,
and have access to government-supported research funds. In contrast, peripheral
institutions imitate the trends established by the center institutions, they distribute
and disseminate rather than create knowledge, and they do not strive toward academic excellence. Altbach discusses the paradox in that peripheral institutions fill a
secondary role in national and international academic systems, yet fill a major role
in local education systems due to their superior ability to identify, respond to, and
satisfy local social needs.
Adopting a slightly different perspective, proponents of the stratification
approach claim that the expansion of higher education creates a primarily two-tiered
hierarchical structure of institutions and the populations they serve, representing two
major strata: the first strata of universities, and the second strata of colleges, with
each stratum containing subtypes (Yogev, 2000). The first stratum contains a distinction between elite institutions (research universities, such as the Technion, Hebrew
University, and Tel Aviv University) and newer special purpose institutions (such as
Bar Ilan University with its orientation toward Judaism and religious studies; or Ben
Gurion University, with its social orientation to the needs of the peripheral, underprivileged Negev region). Elite universities strive toward academic excellence, include all
areas of research and teaching, and a significant portion of the student body studies
toward graduate and postgraduate degrees. In contrast, special purpose universities
were established with the specific mission of addressing the academic needs of their
respective populations in the north and south, and are more strongly oriented toward
professional training. The second group the colleges is also characterized by
diversity in terms of the student bodies, academic programs, scope of research work
and research infrastructure, quality of libraries, and size of classes.
The systematic division of labor in the higher education system in Israel has
been reinforced by public policy statements and decisions in the last decade, which
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effectively implied that the higher education system in Israel would henceforth be
composed of two levels: the universities which are expected to engage in research
and train students for postgraduate work, and the colleges which are expected to
focus on undergraduate education and expanding access to higher education of
students from the periphery in order to increase equal opportunities to underprivileged sectors.
Public policy has cultivated the development of two different languages of
education which emphasize the differences between the two types of schools. In
practice, the CHE approves no research budgets to regional colleges, in contrast
to public funding for university research budgets. (The research activities at colleges are funded entirely by competitive grants awarded to faculty.) As a result,
colleges remain distinguished from universities in four main areas and retain a
strong core of community college features and functions: (a) studies for most
master and doctorate degrees take place in universities; (b) extensive research
activities take place in universities; (c) colleges usually focus on academic
instruction in a limited number of disciplinary faculties compared to universities; (d) universities utilize a core of regular faculty who concentrate on research
and teaching, while a very large part of the instruction at colleges is performed
by external teachers whose college employment supplements their academic and
other work elsewhere.
However, this is undoubtedly a dynamic system. Ayalon and Yogev (2002)
highlight the competitive aspects of the higher education system in Israel, between
elite institutions which attempt to retain their superior status in the system, and
the other institutions which continuously strive to improve their status. The state,
through the CHE, regulates the dynamics of this competition by controlling the
fluidity of shifts from one stratum to another.
This has led, as pointed out by other researchers, to the systemic convergence
of the higher education system in Israel (Guri-Rosenblit, 1996, 1999) and the prolific interaction between the two types of institutions universities and (regional)
colleges on the nature and functions of higher education. College administrations
opposed structural inequality which they believed would ultimately undermine
progress toward genuine equal access and social mobility. College administrations
expressed their dissatisfaction over the designation of their institutions as the lower
tier in the higher education hierarchy, one designed for peripheral regions, and they
responded to the need to provide increased access to different and new populations
by duplicating the elitist research university model, rather than establishing a pure
community college model. As a result of the incessant aspiration for status, the colleges have adopted many features of the universities, although this has not always
been at the expense of retaining their unique community college features. While
universities have progressed from autonomous function toward popular function,
academic colleges are progressing from dependence to independence and from
popular function to autonomous function.
Nonetheless, despite the significant increase in the numbers of college students,
the character and role of the colleges remains unclear, since they have not yet
reached the end of their formative stage of development. Still today the colleges are
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working to carve out an image for themselves. Obligated to fulfill the social needs
of their respective local regions and offer their students the benefits of outstanding instruction and learning, the colleges simultaneously encourage and support
research efforts by their senior faculty, in order to gain the academic prestige which
students seek.
The Discourse on the Profile of Academic Students:

The Issue of Access
The debate concerning higher education is not over its aims, but rather over the
need and means of increasing accessibility as part of social justice (Tonks, 1999).
The significant global social changes toward equalization and democratization of
higher education also affected Israel (Yaoz and Iram, 1987), and opened the gates
of universities to social classes which previously were not considered as a source
of potential university students. Postsecondary reform proposals aimed to extend
access to underrepresented groups according to the following categories: (1) age
(more older students); (2) sex (more females); (3) ethnicity (more individuals of
Oriental Sephardi origin and Arabs); (4) educational and geographical background
(more graduates of poorer schools in development town in the northern and southern peripheries of Israel, whose high school attainments were inadequate for admission into the countries elitist universities); (5) linguistic ability (more graduates of
Arab high schools, who were less proficient in Hebrew, the language of university
instruction); and (6) local empowerment (more responsiveness to regional and local
community needs) (Iram, 1996).
This shift of focus from the elites to the masses resulted in a conflict between
two sociological schools with regard to the issue of the proper academic home
for various populations. The diversity approach perceives the expansion of
higher education to the masses as a process that contributes to social equality, by
providing opportunities to a wide and varied array of institutions beside classical
research universities and appealing to various and unique student sectors (Dey
and Hurtado, 1999; Meek et al., 1996). On the other hand, it has been argued that
the massification of higher education is no more than an illusionary opportunity
for marginalized populations, and the competition between various institutions
has led to different levels of education for different social classes. Although the
policy of higher education for the masses was intended to apply the principle of
nation of knowledge (Breen, 2002), elite groups have a clear advantage over
those from the periphery in gaining admission to prestigious schools. As a result,
the center remains the center and the periphery remains marginalized (Archer
et al., 2003; Dougherty, 1994).
In Israel, colleges were established specifically to focus on bachelors degrees
and serve as a vehicle for equality and social justice, by opening the gates of higher
education to students from the peripheries that were disadvantaged in terms of
lower SES background, lower high school achievements, and culturallinguistic
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disadvantages, all which impeded access to prestigious university education. Yet,

interestingly, study findings from Israeli clearly show that implementation of the
official policy to extend equal opportunities in the field of education to all citizens,
has led to expanded access to higher education through both types of institutions. Both colleges and universities have contributed to greater social equality in
access to higher education. At the same time, studies show that different student
populations are attracted to different institution types, and students in colleges and
universities differed on several dimensions (Davidovitch, 2004; Davidovitch and
Iram, 2005). Data confirm that the profile of college students differs from that of
their university peers in several respects (CBS, 2002, 2003, 2004).
First, the group of older students, over age 30, is almost twice as a large at colleges than at universities (14.0% and 7.5%, respectively) (CBS, 2004). Younger
students, aged 1924, comprise 67.0% of all university students but only 38.0%
of college students. College students apparently include a significant group of students who have receive a second chance at higher education, after missing out
at a younger, more customary age. The second chance is made possible by more
lenient terms of admission and more convenient program schedules that colleges
offer (CBS, 2002, 19th publication). Second, the number of students of Sephardi
origin studying at colleges is greater than the number of Ashkenazi students (CBS,
2002, 19th publication), which confirms that ethnic peripheral groups have utilized
the window of opportunity provided by the colleges located in the peripheries.
Third, approximately three quarters of all students in prestigious high-demand professional programs, such as business management, law, architecture, and engineering, study at colleges rather than universities. Finally, in colleges, the percentage of
students from low socioeconomic strata has increased steadily since 1996.
These data are consistent with what is termed in the sociology of higher education maximally maintained inequality (MMI) (Raftery and Hout, 1993). This
theory rejects the premise that the development of educational systems reduces
social gaps. Various studies have confirmed that moves to expand higher education
have led to increased registration of center groups in more prestigious high-demand
schools and subjects, and not of underprivileged groups (Davies and Guppy, 1997;
Karen, 2002). This tendency has also been confirmed in Israel, where higher
education opportunities are more broadly utilized by center rather than periphery
groups, even after the growth of academic colleges (Ayalon and Addi-Roccah,
2003). Unlike rejected university applicants from periphery groups, applicants from
center groups have the financial resources to apply to expensive private colleges
(Shavit et al., 2003). Students of middle and upper-middle socioeconomic groups
were also found to comprise an absolute majority at academic colleges. In 2000
they comprised 87.6% of all college students (Davidovitch, 2004). Thus, members
of center groups better utilize the new opportunities provided by expansion of the
network of higher education.
The emerging situation indicates increasing representation of all population
sectors in all academic institutions. However the policy of decelerating university
growth and referral of most of the increase to regional colleges amplifies the competition for the limited number of places at universities in general, and in the more
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sought-after programs in particular (Lev Zion, 2000). In the absence of planned

policy, for example, through accelerated scholastic programs at the high-school
level in peripheral regions, most of the student population in these programs will
continue to come from more well-established Israeli social classes, a situation
which might exacerbate existing social gaps, despite the CHEs perception of
higher education as a tool for its elimination.
Dominant Paradigms of Convergence

Institutions of higher education have adapted their curricula to the changing needs
and demands of the population (Yaoz and Iram, 1987), reflecting developments in
the philosophy of education in general and changes in Israeli society in particular,
as well as changing conceptions of science, society, and the role of the individual.
The discourse between universities and colleges on curriculum development is
illuminated by a review of some of the developments of institutions of higher education over time, which show increasing convergence over time.
Disciplinary Instruction and Multidisciplinary Instruction

With the establishment of the colleges, multidisciplinary courses were founded
for their students, but these liberal arts programs became stigmatized as programs
targeting students who were unqualified to specialize in a specific discipline, consistent with the traditional prevalent research orientation. At Bar-Ilan University,
for example, students studying at university-sponsored colleges were admitted to a
General BA program; for marketing reasons, in order to recruit more students interested in specializing, this program became known as a multidisciplinary program.
This was an attempt to satisfy students demand for a general liberal arts program
without detracting from the prestige of the parent university.
For the universities, developing extensive interdisciplinary studies and adopting a variety of new study approaches was motivated by a change in educational
concept that was contrary to their traditional orientation toward disciplinary studies
and specialization (Zilberstein and Sabar Ben-Yehoshua, 1999). Thus, the universities also adopted the multidisciplinary approach partly in response to social and
cultural processes that occurred in Israeli society and affected higher education, and
embraced the multidisciplinary concept of studies as a response to keep apace with
new perceptions of society and the role of the individual in society. These multidisciplinary programs responded to the social and cultural processes that occurred
in Israeli society by integrating compulsory program components, dictated by the
CHE, with more discretionary components, leading to increasing diversity in higher
education. Rubinstein (2001) discusses this issue and notes several arguments in
support of his claim that the transition from monistic perceptions of disciplinary
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instruction to multidisciplinary studies enables the educational system to respond

to social changes, to consider their nature and re-clarify its place as an agent of
socialization. In fact, Lev Zion (2000) claims that universal accessibility implies
curricular diversity. Interestingly, the universities transformed interdisciplinary
programs, which were originally considered inferior programs for students who
lacked the qualifications to be admitted in a specialization program, into a contemporary component of their elitist offering, corresponding to global trends in higher
education. In response, colleges also elevated the admission requirements for these
interdisciplinary programs, which were now seen as contributing to the institutions
prestige.
In addition to multidisciplinary degrees which were similar in nature to a liberal
arts degree in US colleges, universities also developed genuine interdisciplinary
research collaborations and programs maintained by the universities. Thus, for
example, Ben-Gurion University opened courses combining studies from different
disciplines. In fields that had no teaching activity, the tendency was to create a team
of researchers from different departments to promote joint goals. The faculty created interdisciplinary research and teaching centers, such as the Center for Labor
Relations and the Center for Research of Single-Parent Families.
To maintain their elitist status and their distinction from colleges, universities
have continued to develop new research areas such as the human brain, artificial
intelligence, or cultural studies, reflecting a multidisciplinary approach that utilizes
the specialization and skills of many researchers, whose knowledge and personal
experience are joined together in an effort to achieve a breakthrough in development, teaching, and research of new fields. These new fields have become the
universities most prestigious programs, commanding extremely high admission
standards.
The Role of Theory and Practice

in Academic Institutions
Higher education in general has shifted from imparting higher education per se to
imparting a profession; from perceiving an education as an end, to perceiving an
education as a means; from supporting study for the sake of learning expanding
the mind and the value of inquiry and discovery to technological studies and
utilitarian/applied science (Pazi, 2002); from studies that value excellence to an
educational system in which social equality reigns supreme (Schmida, 1987).
Today higher education institutions are expected to be involved in solving the
problems of society, and also support research and practices that are relevant to
contemporary social issues. Society expects a system of higher education that is
responsive to national needs, and able to train professionals who will promote
national interests and establish the necessary professional, technological, and
intellectual foundation necessary for development, optimization, and modernization. Society expects institutions of higher education and academic faculty to be
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profoundly involved in the problems of society, and ensure that higher education
and research remain relevant to the needs of society.
Dror (1996), discussing the establishment of Haifa University, addresses the
debate over the ultimate role of universities. Some see the great victory of education in its process of becoming utilitarian and in societys recognition of it as
such, while others cling to the view that education for the sake of knowledge has
permanent significance. According to this view, the university represents a value
that is not only social or professional in essence. For others, the word university
symbolizes something lofty and special, specifically the freedom from the obligation to use knowledge for practical needs, the ability to see beyond the horizon, and
an unreserved loyalty to theory per se (Dror, 1996).
In Israel, both universities and colleges accepted expectations of social relevance
by shifting from a concept of knowledge for the sake of knowledge to a concept
of knowledge for the sake of action. To satisfy the demands of their applicants,
colleges focused on instruction in applied sciences and professions while leaving
sciences and scientific research to the universities. Colleges developed engineering
studies, programs in the natural sciences, nursing, paramedical professions, social
work, advanced studies, and interdisciplinary fields, in response to demand among
populations which in the past were not part of higher education. Colleges receive
funding from the CHE for new programs on the basis of the (projected) number of
students in each program.
Accelerated by developments in colleges, universities also embraced two types
of changes toward a more practical orientation to curricula. First, universities transformed certain study programs into professional training schools (Dror, 1996); and
second, more fields of knowledge acquired the status of university study subjects.
The roots of this process can be traced to 1963, when universities amended their
study programs and transformed the nature of the Israeli bachelors degree from a
research-oriented degree to a degree aimed at general education and the acquisition
of a profession.
Universities responded to societys need for a more practical orientation by
developing practical-oriented programs, mainly in the humanistic and social sciences such as education, social work, and business administration, as well as
paramedical professions such as pharmacology, communication disorders, and
nursing. The applied aspect of these programs became attractive for students,
and contributed to the professional schools reputation perceived by the students
(Mizrahi, 1994).
The academic institutionalization of these courses fulfilled an urgent local need
and the social preference for this field in the university curriculum. As a result
of the tendency toward professions with an immediate benefit, applied research
became also an important element in universities activities, and has remained so
to this day.
The academization of practical-oriented study courses illustrates the integration of practice and theory, of the field and academia, in response to social and
national needs that characterized the national higher system from the outset. Once
universities harnessed themselves to the needs of society, the conflict between uni-
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versities, which represent freedom from the obligation to use knowledge for practical needs, and society, which searches for solutions to its urgent problems, became
blurred. Furthermore, the integration of professional schools within research universities (such as the School of Education which trained teachers, or the School
of Pharmacy) blurred the boundaries between theoretically oriented academic
programs and practical training in these institutions.
The orientation toward utilitarian studies at universities also reinforced ties
between study programs and national aims and interests. For example, departments
of natural science and engineering established contacts with representatives of
industries and national industrial development interest and projects. Many universities felt that they were on a mission in integrating practice and research, and this
led to a desire to strengthen their ties with their immediate geographic regions.
For example, the heads of the Ben Gurion University of the Negev perceived the
significance of establishing a school for engineering sciences that would strongly
connect the students to the needs of Israeli industry in the area and encourage their
interest in the problems of minerals and their utilization, in the development of the
chemical industry, and the introduction of new methods to promote local industry.
This was also true of the departments of the humanities and the social sciences,
particularly the departments of education and social work, which were integrated
and involved in the problems of society in general and the problems of Beer-Sheva
in particular (Hadari and Tal, 1979).
Today, universities in Israel engage simultaneously in all fields. On the one hand
they offer popular higher education, including professional training in semi-professional
fields. On the other hand they serve as centers of scholarship and research in all academic domains. Initially universities used extra-academic units, such as advanced
studies sections and diploma studies, for this purpose.
Thus both types of institutions universities and colleges have developed
an increasingly professional orientation, and both types of institutions may be
characterized by their overall balance between theory and practice. Universities
and colleges currently serve a population of students with varied educational and
occupational plans. Some have research designs, some have specific professional
goals, and some seek a general education. In contrast to the higher education trends
in the 1950s in Israel, today both universities and colleges offer studies in theoretical sciences and practical professions although with different relative emphases on
science and professional training. These emphases define the individual nature of
each institution, rather than each type of institution.
Similarly to the universities, the colleges have been always responsive to
national employment opportunities and needs. The colleges also devoted significant
resources to develop programs of study on par with those offered at universities,
and ensure a similar standard of instruction.
In response to pressure by the colleges, the CHE has approved a series of
changes which ultimately work toward the obliteration of the divide between
universities and colleges and create equivalence between college and universities
degrees. For example, in the 1980s, colleges upgraded B.Tech. degrees, which they
were originally certified to award, to B.Sc. degrees, which correspond to degrees in
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the sciences awarded by universities. The CHE also announced, in the late 1990s,
that colleges could offer graduate degree programs, defining the conditions for
accreditation of such programs. After several years of intensive investments, various
colleges initiated graduate programs, including master degree programs in psychology (Tel Aviv Jaffa College and Judea and Samaria), electronics and electrical
engineering, social work, and business administration (Judea and Samaria). Initially
the graduate programs in the colleges were in no-thesis tracks, although thesis
tracks were introduced in 2004, further blurring the differences between the degrees
awarded by colleges and universities, and between the institutions themselves.
Through its actions to obtain national accreditation and equality for all academic
degrees awarded by colleges and universities, the colleges mission was to create
genuine equality of education and facilitate social mobility. Preliminary studies of
student profiles at colleges and universities (Guri-Rosenblit, 1996, 1999; Israeli,
1997; Lev Zion, 2000, 2002) confirm that colleges have expanded access to higher
education, although it is yet early to assess the long-term effects of this change.
Teaching-Focused and Research-Focused Institutions

PBC funding policy for the various types of institutions of higher education implemented the CHEs designation of regional colleges as teaching-focused institutions.
Over time, financing became the main instrument for implementing the distinction
between research-oriented institutions (universities) and teaching-oriented institutions (colleges), primarily because the most significant budgetary expenditure for
higher education is the employment of senior faculty members with university
rankings (Rubinstein, 1994). Research-oriented institutions allegedly require a
larger employment budget because the main demand of their academic faculty
is research distinction, manifested by scientific publications. In order to enable
university faculty members to focus on research, their teaching loads are reduced
and they are eligible for research funds and sabbaticals, which leads to the need
for a greater number of faculty members. While the CHE allots the same budget to
instructors in colleges and universities, in practice, college instructors are required
to devote more time to frontal teaching. University instructors also receive preferential sabbatical and vacation terms.
Parenthetically we note that the colleges attracted a different type of instructor.
In the colleges, the kernel of faculty members and professionals from the region
with a pioneering spirit who sought to leave universities hothouses and practice a
different kind of academic education retirees of university faculties, new immigrants, scientists from former Soviet Union countries (the Ministry of Absorption
offered grants and funds to accept and employ new immigrants in colleges), and
recent doctoral program graduates (the universities did not have enough positions
for all their graduates). The colleges mainly comprise instructors who seek to
become part of a young faculty and department, and develop with the department.
Many felt they had a greater chance of making a difference in a younger, more flexible institution as a college rather than by joining a university faculty.
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This policy reflects the CHEs preferential treatment of universities, conceptualized as the foundation of the system of higher education and the producers
of scientific knowledge according to criteria recognized by the global scientific
community. According to public policy, universities are thus imposed with the
task of disseminating this knowledge to the other institutions of higher education,
and training faculty and students intending to engage in research and researchdependent teaching on various levels and in various settings.
However, the first change in this public policy is reflected in the Report of
the commission for determining employment terms of academic teaching faculty
at regional colleges (CHE, 1992). This report blurred the distinctions between
research-oriented universities and teaching-oriented colleges by determining that
although the teaching burden of faculty members is expected to be higher at colleges
in comparison to universities, their scientific achievements and contributions to the
profession would also be considered in their promotion decisions. Colleges would
strive to perform research activities within their own facilities, as far as possible.
This report represented a breakthrough for college faculty and a departure from the
initial intentions of the CHE to cultivate regional colleges as academicprofessional
institutions that give highest priority to teaching while drawing research knowledge
from the universities (Hershkowitz, 1997).
Notably, to reduce the debate over which academic institutions would be considered research-focused and which would be considered non-research, in 1999
the Israeli Institute of Democracy proposed the establishment of a general research
authority that would be composed of domain-specific research councils, each
responsible for research proposals from all institutions, based on similar bodies
existing in Britain, the United States, and France. Under this arrangement, institutions would be distinguished on the basis of the size of their research budget rather
than their designation as a university of college.
Also in response to the Report, colleges have developed their own research
orientation in the last decade. Affiliations between several regional colleges and
universities and research institutes have led to economic enterprises and publicly
funded institutions that serve as sources of innovative information and knowledge.
The colleges now maintain their own research authorities which provide support
to faculty seeking to increase their involvement in teaching and research. Colleges
have fostered the development of researchers with an applied orientation and support programs that contribute to regional development, such as joint economic ventures, technological incubators, and centers for entrepreneurs.
Nonetheless, although the CHE succeeded in changing the dominant paradigm regarding separation of research and teaching, public policy on this subject
regarding colleges has not been consistent. The sub-committee for examining the
colleges, which examined the situation at the College of Ashkelon, stated that colleges should not be allowed to maintain research foundations. According to Kaveh
(2000) the objection to colleges plans to establish research centers is budgetary
rather than a matter of principle.
Today, despite the lack of national funding for research in colleges, most colleges
engage in research. Colleges have recognized that it is impossible to offer academic
programs and degrees that are truly equal to those in universities without the foundation
392
of research. For example, college faculty compete for national and international
research grants; colleges organize and participate in national and international
conferences and have participated and established collaboration with national
R&D centers, especially in their respective regions. Examples of regional-based
collaborations include joint work by the College of Judea and Samaria and Center
of R&D for Judea and Samaria; and the collaboration of Western Galilee College
and Research Authority of Western Galilee. Furthermore, college administrations
encourage their faculty to invest efforts in research by using research achievements
as a criteria for faculty assessment and remuneration.
In summary, the dramatic changes in the system are reflected primarily in the universities which came with a long-standing tradition of research, and institutional paradigms.
Colleges were established in response to social demographic changes, with the intention
that the colleges would exclusively meet the needs of the changing demographics. The
fascinating feature of the developments in the system of higher education in Israel is that
the changes were not contained exclusively within the new college institutions. Instead,
triggered by these local demographic changes, an unexpected dialogue evolved between
the long-standing traditional research universities, and the younger colleges.
Academic and Nonacademic Functions

Traditionally, colleges offered diverse combinations of academic and nonacademic
programs, initially focusing on pre-academic preparatory courses, schools for practical engineers, and professional training settings; different weights are allocated
to the academic versus nonacademic activities that each college offers. Colleges
developed academic programs at a latter stage, under the auspices of universities
and finally opened independent programs (Iram, 1996). This three-staged development created in the colleges organizational, academic patterns, and procedures that
became embedded as an integral part of college administration.
With government support of academization of colleges in the 1990s, the prestige
of the regional colleges as academic institutions rose. Gradually, academic studies
overshadowed nonacademic courses in several colleges. Israeli (1997) noted several reasons for this development: (1) the increasing prestige of the academic study
programs; (2) the increasing demand for academic studies at the colleges; (3) CHE
policy of expanding access by modifying admission requirements in all fields of study,
with few exceptions including medicine and veterinary studies (Israel Government,
Decision no. 3964, September 28, 1994, section A); (4) the desire to cultivate a
unique core of senior teaching faculty and a supportive administrative staff at each
college. CHE regulations, such as Amendment 10 (1995), called for all types of academic institutions to comply with identical requirements (such as the requirement to
employ lecturers who have Ph.D.s and who do research) and led to greater similarity
in the organizational and administrative structure of two types of institutions.
CHE policy (March 29, 2001), however, also acknowledged the unique needs
of various target populations and the need to pay special attention to students in
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general and to provide assistance to underprivileged sectors to enable them to

benefit maximally from the various options offered by higher education. In effect,
prioritization of academic development at the expense of local or nonacademic
activities is based on the unique policy of each college, rather than a result of specific public policy. In fact, in some colleges the number of students in nonacademic
tracks remains higher than the number of students in academic courses, which is
not surprising in view of the fact that the colleges developed from their nonacademic track and progressed on to the academic axis.
Colleges Step Toward Academic Independence

Originally established under the patronage and responsibility of universities, today
colleges are striding toward full academic independence. While patron universities
sought to maintain strict control of the sponsored programs, the newly established
colleges gradually sought to modify these programs in response to the special needs
of the regional student population and their faculty. As colleges grew stronger,
its leaders felt that the academic prestige provided by the parent university acted
as a double-edged sword: the universities tightened their control and dictated the
direction and rate of growth of the colleges, expecting colleges to remain as their
offshoots and develop strictly in the original intentions of their university sponsors.
Over time, after the initial sponsorship effectively contributed to the prestige of
the regional colleges, these colleges broke free of the university sponsorship and
developed independent study programs in which students earned college degrees
rather than degrees from the sponsor university. Thus, while the original aim of the
sponsor universities was to respond to regional needs for higher education through
the colleges, the colleges themselves set their sights on a grander goal: full independence and equal status with the universities.
From the late 1970s, the idea of granting autonomous status to all institutions
of higher education became the declared policy of the Ministry of Education
(Zilberstein and Sabar Ben-Yehoshua, 1999). This came in response to major
developments in the Israeli society, including waves of immigration from
North Africa, the Soviet Union, and Ethiopia, and a growing awareness of the
significance of cultivating social and cultural diversity. By awarding autonomy,
the system sought to reinforce the independence of the institutions of higher
education, while providing them with the responsibility to realize their social
goals (Gordon , 1990).
The orientation toward institutional autonomy was supported by several factors
including the democratization of western society in general and in Israel in
particular reinforcement of the educational concept that the institution or organization is the main focus and the major factor in any process of change (Friedman,
1990), increasing awareness that a centralized educational system cannot provide
all the different needs of social groups (Heiman et al., 1994; Sabar Ben-Yehoshua,
2002), and concern for the status of faculty members.
394
Most colleges view the transition to full independence as an inevitable process,

consistent with CHE policy to accelerate colleges development toward independence, revoking the academic sponsorship and responsibility of the parent universities
(CHE, 2000, 2003; Israeli, 1997). Still, several different college models currently
exist in Israel, reflecting varying degrees of academic independence.
Independent colleges offering independent study courses without university
patronage. They award their own degrees.
Colleges under the academic patronage and responsibility of a parent university
which acts as a physical and budgetary sponsor for academic studies.
Colleges integrating study courses under university patronage and responsibility, with independent study courses. Alongside their own independent programs,
such colleges offer academic programs that the patron university has no interest
or ability to cultivate.
In July 2007, a new model was officially added to this list when the College of
Judea & Samaria was recognized as the Ariel University Center, Samaria. The
Ariel University Center is the first, and currently the sole, institution to receive such
designation. This status reflects an intermediate phase of development toward full
independence and university status, which will be awarded when a number of conditions are met, such as increase number of faculty, expand library, and expand the
scope of publications by faculty. Interestingly, these college models do note strictly
differ in terms of the intensity of their community-orientation. Decisions regarding
community collaboration, offering educational opportunities to all sectors of the
community, and integration in local community affairs are at the discretion of each
individual institution.
The continued development of Israeli regional colleges in particular and of institutions of higher education in general has now reached a crossroad. The colleges
provide a response to national in addition to regional needs. Although a renewed
examination of the various institutions unique characters and funding needs is
necessary, the final decision on the future of the higher education system in Israel
will probably take time. Any restructuring of Israels system higher education must
take into account the role of public colleges as a fair and equal alternative to the
universities.
Conclusions: At the Crossroads Between Universities

and Colleges
Academic systems involve three types of battles the struggle for entry into the
system, or accreditation; the struggle for ranking, that is for a place on the continuity between leading and marginal institutions, or between center and peripheral
institutions; and finally, the struggle for functionality in the system.
In Israel of the first decade of the twenty-first century, the monopoly of universities on these battlefields of higher education is now being challenged. The
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395
Interdisciplinary Center in Herzliya and the Academic College of Netanya are currently demanding to be recognized as universities; the College of Judea & Samaria
in Ariel has recently received recognition as a university center an entirely new
type of higher education institution.
The demand of the colleges for equal academic status raises several fundamental
questions for the system such as, what is a university. Can and should a college
transform into a university? The colleges claim that the original goal in establishing colleges was not to establish inferior institutions focused on teaching, but rather
create institutions that would eventually engage in research at the highest standard.
Not only do most of the college heads and their founding faculty come from the
universities, colleges currently conduct intensive research activities. College leaders further claim that a university reality has effectively developed on their college campuses. The colleges claim that CHEs refusal to grant university status
is arbitrary, pointing to the case of Bar-Ilan University which was established in
1956 with 200 students as a university from its first day despite its lack of proper
faculty or facilities.
University leaders, however, are reluctant to relinquish their hegemony in the
higher education system. They claim that opening additional universities not only
does not fulfill a real need, it might even cause a downgrading in the quality of
scientific research due to the budgetary scarcity of higher education that would be
allocated among a greater number of institutions. The proponents of this view are
concerned that as a result of the limited national resources available, ultimately no
institution will receive sufficient support to maintain excellence in research and
teaching.
The budgetary argument is however rejected by the colleges, especially since
several colleges have neither sought nor received state funds for their independence. In fact, when the CHE promised that colleges would be established in the
1990s, the CHE determined that the colleges would not receive research funding,
and investments in research would be limited to the universities.
Recently, a CHE subcommittee comprised of university faculty members, recommended elevating certain colleges to the status of university centers, a type
of institution that hitherto did not exist in Israel, and which would function as an
intermediate level between colleges and universities. Following this recommendation, the CHE, with the intervention of the Minister of Education, who was also
chairperson of the CHE subcommittee, appointed a commission to draft procedures for the transition of an institution from a college to a university status. These
actions reflected CHE recognition of the need to finally develop an official definition of universities a concept never before legally defined in Israel, and as such
the subcommittees recommendation may be viewed as the culmination of several
decades of the collegeuniversity dialogue in Israel. It will be interesting to see
whether and to what extent will the CHE accept and apply the recommendations
of its subcommittee, in view of CHEs consistent insistence on a division between
colleges and universities.
This chapter explored the ongoing dialogue between institutions of higher
education in Israel, specifically between universities and colleges, from a
396
historicalcomparative perspective on these institutions aim of meeting needs

of students and society, their objectives, the attributes of the students studying
there, the curricula, and their organizational structure (Miller, 1990). The dialogue
between universities and colleges indicates that higher education is closely aligned
with the social and national developments in Israel over time (Eisenstadt, 1989).
Did these changes intensify the discourse between the various institutions or
was dialogue reduced as leaders of higher education entrenched themselves in
their separate institutions? Guri-Rosenblit (1996, 1999) claims that developments
in Israeli higher education since the 1990s have created a more extensive and collaborative dialogue between the universities and the colleges. While some scholars
claim that the differences between these two types of institutions are reflected in
a second-rate higher education allegedly being provided by the colleges (Swirski
and Swirski, 1998), and that colleges have become stigmatized as second-rate
universities, with limited resources and a lower status than universities (Sherman,
1995), our study shows that the development trends of Israeli universities and
regional colleges reflect a prolific reciprocal discourse and cross-pollination
between these two types of institutions. While universities have progressed from
autonomous toward popular functions, academic colleges are progressing from
dependence to independence and from popular function to autonomous function.
Although the three goals of higher education, research, instruction, and community
service have remained in place, different institutions are placing different emphases
on each, creating a diverse range of variants of higher education institutions, though
not a system that can be recognized as being strictly divided into two categories
colleges and universities.
The open system approach (Bertalanffy, 1968) may contribute to an exploration
of dilemmas involved in this development process. This approach states that all
organic systems exchange information and energy with their environments (Kast
and Rosenzweig, 1985). Organizational systems differ in their readiness to interact
with their surroundings and in their ability to adapt to changing circumstances.
According to this approach, it is possible to describe the changes encountered by
universities as a transition from a relatively closed system to a more open system,
notable for the greater permeability of organizational boundaries. Based on such an
interpretation, this transition might provide opportunities for growth and development but also entails risks of loss of identity and uniqueness of institutions.
Although our analysis illustrates that the original differences between colleges and universities, and the exclusivity of universities has become blurred in
several areas, the systems mechanisms support retention of the unique character
in individual institutions, just as it is gradually developing as a monistic structure. Unification does not imply that the unique attributes of these institutions are
becoming obliterated rather, the uniqueness of the colleges and universities lies in
their offering diverse and meaningful answers to societys diverse needs.
The historicalcomparative analysis that explores the trends in the development
of the dialogue between the various institutions of higher education in Israel is
important for assessing future scenarios in the development of higher education in
Israel. We hope that the developments analyzed in this chapter will stimulate further
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studies comparing the types of academic institutions in additional areas such as:
comparisons of specific program and curricula in universities and colleges, university and college graduates, students achievements in two institutions following
the same programs. Insights on such issues are important for understanding how to
map the different institutions of higher learning onto the market of higher education, based on an in-depth understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of each
institution and the basis for competition among them.
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Chapter 22
Reverse Transfer Constraints upon Planning

Post secondary Programs in Ontario, Canada
David N. Wilson
Introduction
Last year,1 thought that I had discovered a new phenomenon in Ontario Colleges
of Applied Arts and Technology (CAATs) enrollment: university graduates who
had enrolled in CAATs programs which they perceived would give them better
access to employment. In my research, I discovered that reverse transfer phenomenon was not a new problem and that there were numerous publications albeit
rather obscure on the topic. The most critical lack is of data adequately describing
the extent and direction of the phenomenon. Anecdotal responses to enquiries made
by the author on several computer listservers dealing with occupational training
have indicated that this phenomenon is a world wide trend, rather than uniquely
Ontario, or Canadian, and yet remains not very well documented. In fact, most of the
existing studies have been undertaken in the United States, with only a few studies
in Canada and virtually none elsewhere.
Reverse transfers are (often unemployed) university graduates (largely in liberal
arts) who enroll in community college programs which they perceive as leading
to employment. Bethune (1977, p. 36) defined reverse transfers as baccalaureate
graduates who now desire to learn a specific trade. She noted that in many cases
they are returning because they simply cannot find a job with their undergraduate
degrees and that almost all of the students in the re tooling process have their undergraduate degrees in the liberal arts. Morrill indicated that at the 1998 American
Vocational Association conference some participants called this phenomenon
reverse graduate school. The implications for the planning of post secondary programs suggest that better data describing the reverse transfer phenomenon would
facilitate more accurate planning.
This chapter examines previous research, and newly acquired data from The
Ontario College Application Service (OCAS), to study the implications of the
phenomenon upon the planning of post secondary programs at CAATs, as well as
upon community colleges elsewhere. After over 1 year of trying to obtain data on the
reverse-transfer phenomenon, the author now has access to a special data cube
1
This chapter was written on April 30, 2006.

401
402
D.N. Wilson
provided by OCAS. While the data provided are not as definitive as desired, they
do shed new light upon the phenomenon and may enable the delineation of some
planning guidelines. The questions for which I sought data which would be useful
in planning were:
1. What percent of community college enrollment comprises students holding previous university degrees?
2. What percent of community college enrollment comprises students with some
prior university courses?
3. Do the career motivations of those community college students with previous
university degrees or experience differ from other community college students?
4. Have the career motivations of those community college students with previous university degrees or experience changed from their previous university programs?
5. Do the educational objectives of those community college students with previous
university degrees or experience differ from other community college students?
6. Are there differences in performance between community college students with
previous university degrees and experience and other community college students?
7. Are there programs in place to assist transfer students with adjustment, credit
articulation, etc. at community colleges?
8. Are there differences in reasons for attending community colleges between regular entrants and reverse-transfer students?
This phenomenon assumes increased importance at a time when articulation
of programs and courses between both sectors of a binary post secondary educational system is receiving increased attention. It is easy to speculate that this issue
has been under studied and under reported because its student clientele has been
double-dipping into public resources that fund either fully or partially post
secondary education. In that regard, it is not surprising that the phenomenon has
been ignored by policymakers and politicians. However, it should not be ignored
by planners because of its space, financial, and system utilization considerations.
The problem of articulation between the two sectors of post secondary education in
Ontario the CAATs and universities remains problematic; particularly, over the
issue of according advanced standing to prior learning in either sector.
Previous US Studies
As I noted above, regardless of the name, this phenomenon is not new. According
to Kintzer (1983), this trend apparently became increasingly visible in the 1970s
and noted that there has been a critical lack of attention given to the drop-downs
once they are enrolled.2 Moreover, he also noted that advanced standing credit is
2
In a 1976 ERIC Review, Lee quoted an unpublished study by Heinze and Daniels (1970) who
wrote that 9.44% of the community college students nationwide were reverse-transfer students. Lee
also cited a 1974 study by Kuznik, Maxey, and Anderson (1974) who revealed that 2-year colleges
were receiving as many transfer students from 4-year institutions as they were sending to them.
22
Reverse Transfer Constraints upon Planning Post secondary Programs
403
rarely provided for the baccalaureate degree holder who turns to a community college
for training in a more sailable career area. Indeed, Lee (1976) noted that the salvage
function of the 2-year college has long been a part of the literature of the community college and it is from this perspective that the Reverse-Transfer Student (RTS)
was first identified as a sub group of the community college student population.3 While
reverse transfers constitute only a minority of the community college population,
their presence is further evidence of the growing complexity of the community
college environment. Mitchell and Grafton (1985) reported that reverse transfers
comprised 12% who had not completed a university degree (NCRT) and 7.6% who
held a university degree (CRT).
Reverse and lateral transfer students report coming to the community college for
reasons which are related to traditional characteristics of the colleges low cost,
no admissions requirements, and convenience. Mitchell and Grafton (1985) found
that when compared with the 54.7% of the sampled population who were first-time
students (FTS), the reverse-transfer group was found to be older, more likely to be
married or divorced, and have dependents. They are more likely to be male, enrolled
part-time, and tend to support their education through work or savings rather than
through support from someone else or financial aid, and few enroll in remedial
courses. Most of the earlier studies found that aside from a slightly higher GPA and
university entrance examination scores, there were no substantial difference between
various sub classifications (Hogan, 1986; Ross, 1982; Lee, 1975; Rose, 1975).
Finally, their reasons for attending the community college are well defined. The primary reasons were improving occupational skills, training to get a job, discovering
career interests, wanting to be close to home, low tuition, and convenient class times.
Renkiewicz et al. (1982) noted that many pointed to their inability to get a job of
their choice after receiving their baccalaureate degree. It must be noted that in many
of these earlier studies, it appears likely that continuing education students may have
been lumped together with reverse transfers further clouding this already murky
picture. In all the studies examined, the percentage of return transfers to the overall
population correlates with the geographic differences and proximity of 2- and 4-year
colleges noted anecdotally. While it is possible that the reverse-transfer phenomenon
constitutes a growing trend, the variance in findings among available studies renders
a comprehensive study somewhat difficult.
A 1997 statistical analysis report by the US National Center for Education
Statistics on Transfer Behavior indicated that there has been relatively little systematic
analysis of transfer from 4-year institutions on a national scale, at least in part due
to a lack of adequate data that track a nationally representative sample of entering
students across institution a deficiency that the BPS [Beginning Postsecondary
Students (198994] data collection effort was designed to address? The report found
3
Kajstura and Keim (1992) noted that early researchers assumed that the reverse-transfer phenomenon was a result of academic problems at 4-year institutions. Lee also noted that the paucity of
data available and the generally small samples that have been studied as well as the fact that the
student population of the community colleges is changing rapidly means that researchers need to
isolate additional variables that may be significant in studying this group.
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D.N. Wilson
that there was an overall 25% transfer rate from 4- to 2-year institutions and that
11.8% attained a bachelors degree. The report also noted that:
Reverse transfer was less common among both low- and high-SES students than among
middle-SES students; less common among students who expected to attain an advanced
degree than among those who thought their highest degree would be a bachelors; and less
common among students who received financial aid than among unaided students. Reverse
transfer was about twice as likely among students who earned low grades in their first year.
Concerning reverse transfers without degrees, the report also added that reverse
transfer from a 4-year institution does not always signal a permanent abandonment
of bachelors degree plans: 22 % of reverse transfers had either completed a bachelors
degree by 1994 or were enrolled at a 4-year institution.
Canadian Studies
Ontario Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology (CAATs)
The significant differences in Canadian post secondary systems between the ten
provinces and three territories impact all aspects of educational structure. Several
provinces Alberta, Saskatchewan, and British Columbia have university transfer
programs in their colleges that resemble US community colleges. In Qubec, all
students must attend 2- or 3-year Collges denseignement gnral et professionel
(Cgeps) after Grade 11, selecting programs leading either to university (2 years)
or to receive a technical education in specific occupations (3 years), leading to the
Diplme dtudes professionelles (DEP). The Qubecois system resembles the US
and Western Canadian model of community college because of its dual university
and occupational training streams. However, the Cgep system also compares to
Ontario (prior to the elimination of Grade 13) because 13/14 years of free public
education were provided to students. The unique Ontario model has influenced institutions in several other Canadian provinces and will be profiled in this chapter.
Community college models in Ontario underwent three phases of post secondary
educational reform. First came with expansion of the system to accommodate the
returning veterans of World War II. The second occurred in the 1960s with the
creation of new universities and the introduction of Ontarios community college
system. The final was the creation of Ontario CAATs in 1965 which provided
a non university alternative for Grade 12 and 13 high school graduates. CAATs
were modeled on the Ryerson Polytechnic Institute, initiated in 1994, and which
remained outside both the university and CAATs systems. Ryerson conferred diplomas rather than university degrees and established viable advisory committees to
maintain program currency with business/industry trends. The Ryerson model
led to the development of six Provincial Institutes of Trades and Technology in the
1950s. The British Columbia Institute of Technology (BCIT) was also built on this
model. In 1996, the PITs and PITTs were incorporated into the new CAATs system.
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405
The CAATs system also developed a 1-year apprenticeship program that enrolled
students with varying completion credentials, ranging from Grade 10 to Grade 13.
CAATs became known for their production of high-quality graduates who were valued
by business and industry, and hence, in marked contrast to US community college
models, Ontario CAATs enhanced students opportunities for advancement.
In Fall 2000, reforms were initiated in Ontario that ended the 45-year binary
nature of Ontario post secondary education. Two distinct components of Ontario
post secondary system emerged: universities and the CAATs, with no mechanisms
for CAATs graduates to transfer to Ontario universities and receive credit for their
courses. The Ontario CAATs system is distinct from other community and technical
colleges in the other nine Canadian provinces as their mission includes (a) no
university transfer; (b) no articulation mechanisms between community colleges and
universities; (c) no credit transfer mechanisms to accept community college courses
as fulfilling university degree requirements. This differs in that students enter either
university degree programs or 2-year certificate or 3-year diploma programs at
the CAATs.
Transferability and Articulation. Transferability between the two systems was
virtually impossible for the first 25 years and remains quite difficult at present. By
the early 1990s, articulation agreements between individual CAATs and individual
universities (including those off shore in the United States) were negotiated in
ever-increasing numbers. In the late 1990s, joint diploma and degree programs
between CAATs and universities led to the development of shared campuses, such
as Seneca@York University campus (1998).4 By 2002, several CAATs in Alberta
began offering 2-year degrees, much like the US 2-year associate degrees, but are
considered post-diploma programs, or Reverse Graduate School. These 1-year
programs require either a CAATs diploma or university degree for admission. These
post-program courses include: human resources management, public relations,
marketing, journalism, business management, journalism, wellness and lifestyle,
and communications.
Current universityCAAT collaboration from 1998 to 2001 includes variety of partnerships with
a goal of expanding the number and scope of educational opportunities available. These include:
The University of Western Ontario has a number of multilateral degree completion arrangements
in the area of technology with 18 Ontario-based institutions including Centennial, Durham,
Fanshawe, and Mohawk Colleges. The University of Guelph also offers a variety of bilateral/
consecutive programs with Ontario colleges, including an integrated degree in justice studies with
Humber College, and a variety of business and technology programs with Seneca, St. Lawrence,
and Humber colleges as well as with Durham College. Other examples of CAATuniversity collaboration are a four joint-degree program in business and applied technology created by Canadore
CAAT and Nipissing University in North Bay, Ontario. Students of the blended degree will study
2 years of information technology at Canadore followed by 2 years of science and environmental
science courses at Nipissing University. Cambrian CAAT and Laurentian University in Sudbury,
Ontario, signed a 5-year Partnership Agreement in 1992 to offer an inter-institutional degree
program: Bachelor of Fine Arts. York University has also teamed up with Sheridan College
(Oakville) to offer a new joint program in design. York University and Trent University also
agreed to provide university programming at Durham College.
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D.N. Wilson
Academic and Mission Drift. One likely outcome of the establishment of the
University of Ontario Institute of Technology (UOIT) and applied degree-granting
status for other CAATs is the diversion of resources from traditional CAATs programs into these new prestige academic and mission drift programs. Academic
drift is a process whereby non university institutions aspire to become more like
universities (Harmon, 1977): Similarly, and related, the concept of mission drift
refers to the diversion of institutional focus from concentration upon the education
and training of a workforce to copy the role and mission of more prestigious institutions (Morphew, 1997). This involves the pursuit of academic activities, including
degree-granting and pure research.
The first manifestation of academic and mission drift in Ontario was when
Ryerson added 3-year diplomas in 1975 and then was renamed Ryerson Polytechnic
University in 1993 and given university status. The second manifestation occurred
in 2001 when 23 proposals for applied degree programs (i.e., 2-year degrees
obtained at community college) were submitted for approval (Umana, 2001). The
impact of these new university programs upon earlier articulation and joint CAATs/
University programs not only changed the binary nature of Ontario post secondary education, but it also called into question many of the arrangements negotiated
during the previous decade between institutions on both sides of the binary divide.
Moreover, the creation of these stand-alone hybrid CAATs-university institutions
is likely to divert fiscal and human resources from the well-thought-of mission of
Ontario CAATs toward satisfaction of the prestige considerations attending university status. The trappings of academic drift that accompany such degree-granting
status are also likely to impair the long-standing quality of CAATs programs that
are highly valued by business and industry.
Erosion of the binary line will likely accomplish the same type of academic
and mission drift that took place in the UK and Australia. The ultimate irony is that
once such distinctions and the institutions, which validated those distinctions have
disappeared, it becomes necessary to re-create the type of occupational training
institutions that are valued by business and industry. This re-creation is already
well under way in the UK, with the expansion of the further education sector that is
replacing functions previously performed by the now-defunct polytechnics, and in
Australia, where the Technical and Further Education (TAFE) sector is expanding
and diversifying to perform functions previously resident at Colleges of Advanced
Education. In effect, Ontario is on the cusp of no longer having a binary post
secondary educational system which is further complicated by the rise in RTS.
Canadian Reverse-Transfer Studies

In comparison with the number of studies of the reverse-transfer phenomenon
undertaken in the United States, there are only a few studies in Canada. A 1985
study of transfer patterns undertaken by The Alberta Council on Admissions and
Transfer (ACAT) (1985) found that the largest number of within-province transfers
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407
has consistently come from universities. Vaala (1991) notes that data from Alberta
reveals that in the fall of 1988, a total of 7,512 students transferred among postsecondary institutions and that 20% went to colleges and another 19.5% went to
technical institutes. The majority of transfers were from universities. Moreover,
at Lethbridge Community College, Vaala (1991) noted that in Alberta, reversetransferring students with B.A.s return as adult learners for more education and
training is increasing. Vaala identified career exploration opportunities as the
major reason for attending the community college after earning a baccalaureate
degree. In addition to the sample drawn from registration records, and even though
reverse-transfer students were enrolled in a large number of the 37 career programs
offered, Vaala interviewed a sample of students in the nursing program (since they
constituted one of the larger university-to-college groups), who indicated that they
saw their university study as unrelated to their college program.
An informant at George Brown CAATs in Toronto noticed a trend over the last few
years of increasing enrollment of students with some university credit in 2- and 3-year
community colleges programs. Attendance ranged from having a lack of funds to
continue at university, to poor academic performance at university, to inability to find
work after completing a degree, and that the college offers job-relevant training.
Barnes and Robinson (1998) sent a draft article by e-mail in which they write
that todays transfer student is not the same student as he or she was even 15 years
ago. They describe their new model of transfers as no longer linear but instead
a model that swirls. This is because students do not transfer in a linear pattern
from community college to university or necessarily in a reverse manner from a
4-year institution to a community college, and back to a university. They noted that
particularly in metropolitan settings, students often rotate between and among a
variety of institutions in a variety of patterns.
Hardy et al. at lUniversit de Qubec Montral (1998) examined Cgep students pursuing the (DEP). She noted that half of the students enrolled in a secretarial
program had previously interrupted their Cgep studies. A 1999 study of Cgep programs showed that students completed programs in moulding, auto body repair, office
work, electro mechanics, elevator mechanics, jewelry, building design, and aircraft
assembly. Among the total completing these professional (Cgep) programs, 41.8%
enrolled after having interrupted or ended their Cgep or university studies, of which
8% enrolled after a more or less long period at university. These and other studies,
however, appear to be plagued by the lack of precise data.
The BCIT published a study on Entry Student Survey Results: 1998/98. A total
of 3,808 beginning students in full-time technology or vocational programs were
surveyed. The highest level of education attained prior to enrollment in vocational
programs was 4% with bachelors degrees and 1% with law/medical/postgraduate credentials. In the technology programs, 16% of new entrants held bachelors degrees
and 1% held law/medical/postgraduate credentials. In total, 11% held bachelors
degrees and 1% held post baccalaureate degrees. Eight percent of those holding
B.A. degrees were male and 21% were female. All of those with law/medical/post grad
attainment were female. In addition, 32% had completed some college or university.
A separate web page publication, BCIT Facts and Figures 1998, provides a more
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D.N. Wilson
complete data set from the 1997/98 ESS Survey. The percentage of those holding
bachelors degrees prior to attending BCIT by program area is noted to be 18% for
business; 13% for computing and academic studies; 16% for engineering technology;
5% for electricity and electronic technology; 28% for health sciences; and 5% for
trades training. The technology program noted in the study report to have 1% of its new
entrants with previous law/medical/post graduate degrees appears to be the computing
and academic studies program and the 3% and the health sciences are noted to have
3% of entrants with law/medical/post graduate degrees. The other four program
areas are noted to have less than one percent with such credentials.5
The only known previous study in Ontario was a consulting report prepared
by Cummins for The CollegeUniversity Consortium Council in 1998. Cummins
reported that in 1992 only 60% of first-year CAATs students came directly from
Ontario secondary schools, while 82% of first-year university students entered
directly upon high school completion. This data was comparable to studies of
community and technical colleges in other jurisdictions. Of 154,615 applicants to
CAATs in 1996, 10,984 or about 7% had attached additional academic information
in the form of a university or CAATs or other transcript to their CAATs application form. These data reflect the entry of more mature students which historically
differentiated Ontario CAATs from universities. He also noted that 65% of these
10,984 applicants were female and 34% were male while their combined median
age was 24 years. This profile then differs the Ontario population from most of the
US studies. Cummins (1998) devotes considerable attention to what is not known,
rather than detailing with what is known. A telephone conversation in 1998 established that Cummins was clearly disadvantaged because the available data were
inadequate and his study timeline was extremely short.
Wilson (1999) augmented Cummins data with data from the only CAATs that
collects data relevant to this study, Humber CAAT Data were originally collected by
the Director of the Humber Research Network, Peter Dietsche, for his Ph.D. at The
Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. He has continued to collect data from The
Humber Freshman Survey. Unfortunately, Humber did not report precise enrollment
data so the calculation of percentages of new students holding university degrees and
with previous university experience was not accurate. However, Wilson estimated
that 13.2% of 1995 Humber CAAT entrants had previous university experience and
8.5% held university degrees. Moreover, the post-diploma programs further complicate the search for precise data to study the reverse transfer phenomenon. Data
provided by OCAS to Cummins (1998) indicate that 24.2% of the 1996 CAATs
applicants with university experience indicated Post-Diploma Graduate programs
as their first choice. At the very least, the popularity of post-diploma CAAs
programs is highly likely to increase the percentage of reverse-transfer students.
One salient difference between Canada and many other countries is that Canada
is a country of recent immigration. Many university graduates (and professionals) who
5
The 1996 ESS data does not appear comparable with the 1997/98 data noting that 32% completed
some college or university.
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409
immigrate often find their lack of Canadian credentials and Canadian experience
a disadvantage to them in applying for jobs. An unknown number of such immigrants often attend community colleges in order to obtain credentials recognized in
Canada. Unfortunately, no studies appear to have been published that examine this
unique grouping of reverse transfers.
Articulation. In a 1997 ERIC Digest, Tobolowsky (1997) defines articulation as
the totality of services for students transferring throughout higher education, and
transfer as the formulas developed to exchange credits, courses and curriculums.
There are discernable differences between community colleges with high transfer
rates and those with low transfer rates. The differences center on articulation agreements, proximity to 4-year institutions, common course-numbering systems, advising,
cooperation between institutions and transfer expectations at the community college
itself. Tobolowsky notes that initially articulation was simple. A student went from
high school to junior college to the university a vertical progression. Today, the
system is much more complicated as it includes:
Traditional transfer
Returning transfer
Reverse transfer
Concurrent transfer
Transfer eligible
Community college to 4-year institution

Community college to 4-year institution, then returning to a
community college
Four-year institution to community college
(Or cross-enrollment) simultaneous attendance at a community
college and a 4-year institution
Community college student admitted to a 4-year institution, but
not enrolled therein
It is rather difficult to separate the reverse-transfer dynamics and data from

the other four types of transfer. The issue of proximity is interesting, since the
development of shared campus arrangements between universities and community
colleges for example, the new Seneca (CAA) at York (University) Campus in
Toronto is likely to enhance the proximity dimension. Such proximity also
involves the development of joint diploma-degree programs, adding yet another
dimension to the dilemmas faced by planners. Finally, Tobolowsky notes that the
issues of transfer and articulation relate to the changing mission of the community college. No clear explanation is provided for the increasing prevalence of the
reverse-transfer phenomenon. Kintzer (1983) noted that clearly, more research is
needed to determine the characteristics and aspirations of reverse transfers. He
cited a 1982 study by Slark that examined the educational interests and aspirations
of reverse transfers as a step in the right direction. However, it appears that very
few researchers followed in those footsteps!
Analysis Of Previous Studies

Although the available studies and data do not easily lend themselves to comparative
analysis, it is possible to provide some preliminary answers to the research questions posed at the outset. The risk of juxtaposing study findings obtained at different
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D.N. Wilson
times in different venues is recognized. However, the alternative would result in

having very little information to compare and even less to guide planners. The
following table endeavors to answer the first two research questions: (1) What percent
of community college enrollment comprises students holding previous university
degrees? And (2) What percent of community college enrollment comprises students
with some prior university courses? Where data are available, the table also differentiates between those holding B.A. and post graduate degrees. Percentage of
Reverse-Transfer Enrollment
Year
Study author(s)
Venue
1970
n.a.
1996
Heinze and
Daniels
Renkiewicz
et al.
Ross
Hogan
Statistis Canada
Vaala
Kajstura and
Keimlllinois
BCIT
1997
1998
1998
1999
1999
1999
US NCES
Anderberg
Cummins
Hardy et al.
Wilson
BCIT
1999
Barnes and
Robinson
Missouri
1982
1982
1986
1990
1991
1992
% B.A.
degrees
% Graduate
Degrees
% University % Reverse
Experience
transfers
9.44
California
7.6
12.0
19.6
Virginia
Kentucky
Canada
Alberta
13.0
14.0
17.0
22.0
3.0
7.0
25.0
22.6
39.5
29.0
British
Columbia
United States
Texas
Ontario
Qubec
Ontario
British
Columbia
24.0
18.0
11.8
1014
6.8
8.0
8.5
11.0
1.0
13.2
32.0
25.0
41.8
21.7
5.0
The juxtaposed data suggest that the reverse-transfer phenomenon has grown,
during the 1990s, from its earliest manifestation. Unfortunately, the gaps in available
data, apparent geographic differences, and the fluctuating rate of reported instances
of reverse transfer lend greater credence to Lees earlier comments on the need to
isolate additional variables that may be significant in studying this group. When
examining the differences in motivations of reverse-transfer students, data appear
to be rather straightforward and contain no surprises. The paucity of data in the
available studies which explore differences in the motivations of reverse-transfer
students certainly suggests the need for comprehensive, in-depth research. The
question of changed motivations is not addressed in any of the studies examined.
The issue of whether there are programs in place to assist transfer students with
adjustment, credit articulation, etc. at community colleges does not appear to have
been addressed in most of the studies examined. However, it is likely that the 1985
study of transfer patterns undertaken by ACAT, cited by Vaala, addressed these
issues. This study is not available and does not seem to have been replicated.
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411
Yet another question is what community college programs do reverse transfers

enroll? The studies examined provide very little information in this regard. Hogan
(1986) reported that of the transfer majors, business (4.5%) and accounting (1.8%)
accounted for the largest number of reverse transfers [and] in the technical
area, 7.5% [are enrolled in nursing and] data processing is the second largest
group with 4.2.% Vaala (1991) indicated that among the Alberta reverse-transfer
students he studied the largest numbers were registered in business administration,
nursing, and environmental science. Barnes and Robinson (1999) note that interviews with Chief Academic Officers at 12 Missouri community colleges indicated
that bachelors degree students are taking computer courses, upgrading skills for a
current job, or getting skills to completely change professions.
Recent Ontario Data

The data provided by OCAs for 1998 and 1999 applicants to Ontario CAATs are
terribly disappointing. After endeavoring for 2.5 years to obtain these data, it is disheartening to note that the data were so incomplete as they were extracted from application
forms submitted to OCAS and these forms had not changed in several years. OCAS
does not ask whether applicants have previous university degrees or previous university experience. Moreover, it is apparent that many applicants to Ontario CAATs do
not volunteer such information for fear that it would render them less admissible.
However, some preliminary analysis of these data is attempted below.
The categories into which reverse-transfer data have been divided by OCAS are:
not from secondary school and secondary school, which suggests that the first
group comprises applicants who did not apply directly upon completion of secondary
school, while the second group did apply to CAATs following completion of their
secondary schooling. These categories do not instill much confidence that they
exclusively isolate degree-holders from non-degree-holders.
With regard to the CAATs programs to which these students applied, the fact that the
blank category outnumbers any individual program category is equally disturbing.
In 1999, 8,585 application records failed to indicate the program to which 25,527
segregated reverse transfers applied, which constitutes 33.6% of these applications.
Those records, which did indicate programs, showed that 2,205, or 8.6%, applied
to media programs, while 2,184, or 8.6%, applied to health technology programs. In
addition, 1,216, or 4.8% applied to human resources/industrial relations programs,
while 1,095, or 4.3%, applied to advertising and design programs. These data differ
slightly in rank-order from 1998 applications, which also ranked health technology
first and media second, but ranked business/computer programs third.
Disaggregations of the OCAS data provided by census division, gender, citizenship, and age also did not yield any interesting findings. Not surprisingly, 17.3%
were from the Metropolitan Toronto region, 7.2% from the OttawaCarleton
region, 7.1% were from the Peel region, and 6.0% from the York region, which are
adjacent to Toronto, while 9.7% did not indicate a region of origin.
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D.N. Wilson
In the 1823-year age group 98% of the females and 97% of the males were
Canadian, with negligible percentages comprising immigrants, refugees, and native
students. Similarly, in the 2430-year age group 99.8% of the females and 97.4% of
the males were Canadian. In the 3140-year age group, 93.2% of the females and
93.0% of the males were Canadian, while only 6.5% of the females and 6.8% of
the males were immigrants. Since many immigrants substitute Canadian credentials
for Canadian employment experience, these data are potentially useful for planning
purposes, but require more precision.
Conclusions
The lack of available, uncontaminated data makes the study of this complex phenomenon quite difficult. At the time of writing, I received but not yet fully analyzed
data from OCASs new Student Information System (SIS). The preceding comparative tables indicate the various discontinuities plaguing available data. Undoubtedly,
my biggest surprise was that the 1997 study on Transfer Behavior Among Beginning
Postsecondary Students: 19891994, published by the US Department of Educations
National Center for Education Statistics, devoted only one paragraph (p. 44) of a
76-page report to reverse transfers! Despite the difficulties, review of the various
studies and a case study of OCAS does enable the provision of qualified answers to
seven of the eight research questions I posed at the outset.
Questions one and two asked what percent of community college enrollment
comprises students with (1) previous university degrees and (2) some prior university
courses. Those reverse-transfer community college students holding B.A. degrees
average about 12.4%, while those with some post graduate degrees average 3.67%,
and those with some prior university experience average 18.75%. It is unfortunate
that only two of the 16 studies examined had complete data for these three components
of the reverse-transfer phenomenon.
Questions three and four asked if the career motivations of reverse-transfer students
(both with and without degrees) (3) differed from other community college students
and (4) had changed from their previous university programs. While none of the
studies asked questions about changed motivations, it may be questioning the obvious:
if these students felt that their B.A. degrees had not led to the desired employment
and/or careers, then their mere presence in community colleges was indicative of
changed motivations. Similarly, the career motivations of many continuing education
students are most likely to be related to occupational considerations. Only four
studies compared motivational differences among different student sets, but none
focused on the motivations of reverse-transfer students with those of regular students.
It is interesting that those with previous university experience gave negative motivational information, such as: undecided about university major, university faculty
were not interested in students, the university was too impersonal, and there were
poor counselling services.
Questions five and six asked whether (5) the educational objectives of reversetransfer students differed from regular students and (6) whether there were differences
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413
in performance between the two groups. The 1986 Hogan study and others found that
reverse-transfer students enrolled in fewer remedial courses and had a higher Grade
Point Average.
Question seven asked if there were programs in place to assist transfer students
with adjustment, credit articulation, etc. at community colleges. While this was not
addressed in the studies examined, a 1985 study of transfer patterns undertaken
by ACAT, cited by Vaala, is likely to have resulted in the development of such
mechanisms in the Province of Alberta. This is one of the few examples of research
leading to the planning of new mechanisms in any jurisdiction.
Question eight asked if there were differences in reasons for attending community colleges between regular entrants and reverse-transfer students. Two of the
studies examined provided good comparative data to answer this question. The 1982
Renkiewicz et al. study in California found that reverse transfers enrolled in order to
improve occupational skills, train to get a job, and discover career interests. In comparison, regular students attended in order to learn basic skills, because of the reputation
of the faculty and due to the convenient location of the community college. The 1986
Hogan study in Kentucky found that 72.1% of reverse transfer and 68% of regular
students attended because of the convenient location of the community college; 62.8%
of the reverse transfer and 50.6% of the regular entrants attended because specific
classes were offered; and 53.5% of the reverse transfer and 50.7% of the regular
entrants attended because they would be able to continue working while studying.
This chapter has not addressed several interesting issues, which deserve to be
mentioned. My initial reaction when I discovered the reverse-transfer phenomenon
was that this trend was an artifact of the 19911995 economic recession in Canada.
While this may well be true, the fact that the phenomenon was noted as early as
1970 suggests that this may not be the whole answer. However, the phenomenon
does appear to have a weak association with periods of economic downturn.
Another thought that I had was that this phenomenon was a new component of
continuing and lifelong education. This is also quite true and is doubtless a better
explanation than the former. However, the complexity of the reverse-transfer phenomenon, plus the lack of consistency and clarity in available studies, suggests that
these questions should also be included in the future studies.
Note From Editors: Wilson had hoped to shed additional light and clarity upon this complex
phenomenon in future papers, but since his passing, his research will now serve as stimulus for
future researchers.
REFERENCES
Alberta Council on Admissions and Transfer (1985) Tenth Annual Report 1984/85: Transfer
Patterns Study, Fall 1984. Edmonton: Alberta Advanced Education.
Anderberg, Mark (1998) Texas State Occupational Information Co-ordinating Committee. E-mail,
7 December 1998.
Barnes, Terry L. and Laura Robinson (1998) Bachelor Degree Students Attending Community
Colleges: A Fresh Look at Reverse Transfer. Manuscript sent by e-mail.
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D.N. Wilson
Bethune, Sally (1977) Retooling the College Graduate, Community College Review, 4:4:3640.
British Columbia Institute of Technology (1999a), BCIT Facts and Figures 1998. Vancouver: BCIT.
British Columbia Institute of Technology. (1999b), Entry Student Survey Results: 1997/98.
Vancouver: Institutional Research and Planning, BCIT.
Cummins, Rodger L. (1998) Movement Between Ontario Colleges and Universities: Report to the
College-University Consortium Council. Toronto: College-University Consortium.
Hardy, Marcelle, S. Grossmann, T. H. Bah, A. Barry, and P. Gingras, (1998) De la Formation
Professionnelle au March du Travail. Montral: ditions Logiques.
Harmon, Grant (1977), Academic Staff and Academic Drift in Australian Colleges of Advanced
Education, Higher Education, 6:3:313335.
Heinze, Michael C. and Jack L. Daniels (1970) The Transfer of Students into Community
Colleges, ED 050 723 (unpublished).
Hogan, Roseann R. (1986) An Update on Reverse Transfers to Two-Year Colleges, Community/
Junior College Quarterly, 10:4:295306.
Kajstura, Alex and Marybelle C. Keim (1992) Reverse Transfer Students in Illinois Community
Colleges, Community College Review, 20:2:3944.
Kintzer, Frederick C. (1983) The Multidimensional Problem of Articulation and Transfer. ERIC
Digest, ERIC Clearinghouse for Junior Colleges: http://www.ed.gov/databases/ERIC_Digests/
ed288577
Kuznik, Anthony, James E. Maxey, and Duane D. Anderson (1974) Reverse Transfers: A
Survey, Community and Junior College Journal, 44:5:2527.
Lee, Glenda (1975) Reverse Transfer: The Retread Function of Community College, ED 104471,
Paper Presented at the American Educational Research Association, Washington, DC.
Lee, Robbie (1976) An ERIC Review: Reverse Transfer Students, Community College Review,
2:4:5763.
McCormick, Alexander C. and C. Dennis Carroll, (1997) Transfer Behavior Among Beginning
Postsecondary Students: 198994. Washington: National Center for Education Statistics, US
Department of Education NCES 97266.
Mitchell, Grace N. and Clive L. Grafton (1985) Comparative Study of Reverse Transfer, Lateral
Transfer and First-Time Community College Students, Community/Junior College Quarterly,
9:3:273280.
Morphew, Cristopher, (1997) Understanding the Acquisition of New Degree Programs. Paper
Read at the Association for the Study of Higher Education, ERIC ED415801.
Morrill, John Arlington, Virginia (1999) E-mail 22 January 1999.
Renkiewicz, Nancy K, Peter M. Hirsh, and Marshall Drummond, (1982) Transfers: Its a TwoWay Street, Community and Junior college Journal, 51:3:21,54.
Richmond, Brian (1998) George Brown College, Toronto, E-mail 8 December 1998.
Rose, Glen A., (1975) A Follow-Up Study of the BCC Reverse Transfer Student Questionnaire,
ED 103074 (unpublished Ed. D. Paper).
Ross, Robert A. (1982) The Reverse Transfer Phenomenon at Piedmont Virginia Community
College. ED 216758 (unpublished Research Report No. 382).
Slark, Julie (1982), Reverse Transfer Student Study, ED 221248 (unpublished)
Statistics Canada (1990) Class of 1990 Revisited. Ottawa: Human Resource Development Canada.
Tobolowsky, Barbara (1997) Improving Transfer and Articulation Policies, A Digest from The ERIC
Clearing House for Community Colleges. http://www.qseis.ucla.edu/ERIC/digests/dig9804
Umana, Carole (2001) Ontarios New Higher Education System: Open for Business, Course Paper
for TPS 1829, Higher Technological Education and Training: A Comparative Perspective.
Vaala, Leslie D. (1991) Attending Two-Year College After Attending a Four-Year University in
Alberta, Canada, Community College Review, 18:4:1320.
Wilson, David N. (1998) Voting with Their Feet: Unemployed B.A.s Pursuing Community/
Technical College Credentials. Paper Read at The Tenth World Congress of Comparative
Education, Cape Town, South Africa, pp.1022.
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Wilson, David N. (1999) A Comparative Study of the Reverse Transfer Phenomenon. Paper
Read at the 1999 Annual Conference of The Comparative and International Education Society
of Canada, Sherbrooke, Qubec.
Wilson, David N. (2000) A New Wrinkle in Planning Post-Secondary Education in Ontario: Degree
Holders Enroling in Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology, Educational Planning, 12:2.
Chapter 23
The Community College at the Crossroads

Jim Kusch, Eriola Pema, Gulen Onurkan, and Liliya Akhmadeeva
Introduction
This chapter is the story of a community college set in the crossroads of the world
between Europe, Asia, and Africa. To be more precise, our community college
is the English Preparatory School (EPS), which is situated in North Cyprus, part
of the Island in the Eastern Mediterranean sea.1 The EPS is a transitional higher
education institution that instructs both traditional and nontraditional students.
Traditional students are the ones who come straight from high schools and the
nontraditional students are mainly the adults who may already have degrees and/or
are gainfully employed. Funding for the EPS is shared by the government of North
Cyprus and by the board of trustees.2 The EPS serves students from North Cyprus,
Turkey, and over 20 other nations.
This chapter discusses such issues in the context of a different community college model in a Third World country North Cyprus. At the end of this chapter,
we will summarize the characteristics of this new community college model. In
this chapter, we define community college as an institution in which the main
purpose informs employers or other educational institutions that its students
can succeed in a process that assures their capabilities through remediation and
transfer.
At first, one might wonder whether the function of this school is merely one
of teaching English. Indeed, a primary mission of the EPS is English instruction,
and the EPS prepares students in English. However, English language learning in
North Cyprus as in many Third World countries means something different than
elsewhere. For Turkish mainlanders, the EPS is frequently the choice of last resort.
Compared to Turkish mainlanders, Turkish Cypriot students frequently regard the
EPS as a school of choice. For students who might not have reached their full
learning potential, the EPS offers another chance. It justifies their further study in
higher education or a career. Dimensions of English language learning at the EPS
are an assemblage where English proficiency fulfills four purposes: (1) enables
students to transfer to a university for further education; (2) offers remedial
practice for underprepared students; (3) provides prestige in the local community
since nearly all employment aside from menial labor requires English proficiency;

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(4) enhances social mobility. The task of learning English is the distribution of
educational and social profit related to higher education. The entrance of new
groups of students does not alter the pattern of opportunity. Newcomers, especially
Turkish mainlanders, are not excluded, but internally included as full members
of the system. One ironic feature of the EPS is that the newly arriving foreign
students from mainland Turkey are also the new majority. So the shift Laden
described as taking years to occur in the United States takes place routinely in the
EPS. Such conditions demand innovative measures that we will describe in our
summary of the EPS model.
Our motivation and purpose in constructing the chapter as we do is to first
collect ideas and experiences from a truly diverse set of personal narratives into a
harmonious pattern. The narratives come from various cultures such as Azerbaijan,
Iran, Mongolia, Turkey, and Guinea, and they tell how students from these cultures
interpret the EPS. We hope, as Edward Said writes (Said, 1975), that patterns that
the reader finds will allow beginnings to generate in the mind and that this chapter
will form a coherent unity with other authors who are interested in the issue of
community colleges. The goal of our chapter is not only to present to interested
readers a description of a community college institution in an unfamiliar part of the
world, but also to provide a framework for thinking about the interplay between
learning and culture at the level of the individual student in a multiethnic college.
When we think of a multiethnic college, we think of a college that serves students
from a wide range of cultures and language groups. Furthermore, we think of
culture as a construct of socially agreed upon beliefs used to live in the world.
Inasmuch as the EPS serves an exceedingly diverse clientele, it is not surprising
that it treats learning and culture in a singular manner. The institution and its faculty
meet these challenges. The following sections provide explanation of how the EPS
fulfills the roles of educating individual students and sorting out the needs of the
diverse student body. And importantly, the narratives given by students far afield
from North America and from Cyprus make clear what may not be readily apparent
to the reader.
How the EPS Functions as a Community College

The EPS, which has a student population of 2,085, is situated in Famagusta, the
second-largest town in North Cyprus. Famagusta is also considered to be a university town because it has the largest university (Eastern Mediterranean University
(EMU) ) on the Island, as well as the largest community college the EPS. The
students studying at the EPS are mainly from Turkey and North Cyprus. In
20072008 academic year, 60% of Turkish students who came to study in North
Cyprus had chosen the EPS.3 The EPS performs various functions, which require
different emphasis in its curriculum. Table 23.1 displays the functions of the EPS
both for traditional and nontraditional students.
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Table 23.1 The curricular emphasis and the various functions of the EPS
1. Traditional students
Teaches proficiency in English
EPS mainly offers intensive English instruction
to students so that they will be able to cope
with their academic studies when they shift
to their departments
Enables transfer
Students who become proficient in English
language are given the opportunity to transfer
to their chosen departments
Teaches disposition toward
EPS aims to develop lifelong skills which
will lead to autonomy in learning
autonomous learning
Offers remedial practice for
Students who are not well prepared or fail
to follow the courses in the EPS are offered
underprepared students
remedial teaching in special classes
Offers extracurricular activities
Students in EPS have the opportunity
to participate in various clubs and facilities
in their free time
Offers counseling and information
EPS also offers counseling services to
students who need help and support in their
services
educational and personal lives
Exposes students to interactive media
Students are introduced and also encouraged
to use instructional technology in the EPS
2. Nontraditional students
TOEFL IBT centre
Cambridge ESOL teacher
training centre
Teaches English language
The EPS offers courses which aim to prepare

students for the TOEFL test
The EPS provides teacher training courses
for university graduates who would like
to be English language teachers
The EPS offers English language learning
opportunities for adults
Functions for Traditional Students

The EPS offers intensive English language education to students to enable them to
study in their chosen departments at university. At the beginning of the academic
year, students sit in a placement test, which assigns them to a particular level of study
in English: elementary, pre-intermediate, intermediate, and upper-intermediate. In
the EPS, there is a semester-based system, which is a 4-month period of intensive
English instruction and the students are expected to complete four levels of English
language study: one of composition, one of grammar, one of listening, and one of
oral interpretation, in each semester. Students who fulfill the requirements of the
EPS have the opportunity to shift to 4-year university programs either at the EMU
or elsewhere. Thus, upon successfully completing the schools language program,
students enroll in their departments in Faculties and Schools and pursue study in
those departments with a high degree of English fluency.
The EPS plays a key role in this transferring stage as it acts as a bridge,
first between high schools and the community college and second between the
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community college and the university. The students come from high schools that
do not give the intense type of instruction that is available at the EPS. So they
encounter what we might term a jolt of English thinking shock. The instructors
and counselors at the EPS see them through this challenging experience.
The reasons that students choose community colleges are to prepare for
transfer, or improve their English or basic literacy skills (Laden, 2004a, p. 9).
Furthermore, Martinez and Fernandez (2004) argue:
[S]tudents attend community colleges as a gateway to senior institutions, expecting to complete transferable courses and receive the guidance and mentoring necessary to successfully
navigate postsecondary institutions. (p. 53)
Most university students in North Cyprus begin their higher education via the
EPS, even those planning a route from the EPS to an MA program. But the
majority of students in the EPS seek transfer to the 4-year university to become
more employable or to earn a BA. This type of transfer system actually exists
between the EPS and the EMU, since students who finish the EPS have the right to
transfer directly to the EMU and study in their preferred major. This is a particular
advantage of the EPS as compared to other 2-year colleges locally that cannot offer
such a seamless transfer system (Starobin, 2002).
The EPS fosters autonomous and lifelong learning in students by encouraging them to take responsibility for their own learning. Autonomous learning also
enables students to make better decisions, to function in the bureaucratic matters
most students face. Students learn to co-plan their courses and schedules to
manage life outside the classroom and to plan ahead. The EPS aims to develop
self-independent students who are capable of monitoring their progress in language
learning and realizing their own unique styles of learning. Students who come to
study in the EPS are often far from being autonomous and independent learners.
The EPS is responsible for equipping students with necessary skills and strategies
that will help them survive academically in their chosen departments.
The EPS offers remedial instruction for students who are not well prepared.
Elsewhere in the world remedial education is spread throughout higher education, from leading universities to community colleges (Clark, 1997, p. 31). As
recently as January 2008, Inside Higher Education online journal reported that 11
community colleges in California are receiving foundation grants to address the
problem of under-skilled students. A portion of traditional students who choose
the EPS as a last resort, largely make up the remedial group of students studying
there. The EPS addresses remedial learning in a similar way to the US community colleges where much instruction is augmented by counseling, extracurricular
courses, and tutoring services.
At the EPS, extracurricular activities enrich the social and cultural life of the
students, and improve their personal confidence with group communication skills.
Such skills include conversation, drama, dance, mime, journalism, writing and photography clubs as well as sport activities. Extracurricular activities enable students to
learn and sort through social and academic experiences outside of the classroom.
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There is also a Student Counseling and Information Center (SCIC) at the EPS.
The main aim of this center is to promote educational activities in the EPS. At the
beginning of the academic year, the SCIC usually provides orientation sessions
about the EPS and its environment. Typically at the beginning of the EPS study,
counselors begin to help students sort out the transition from high school to the
EPS. The SCIC also offers sessions to students in order to identify their learning
styles, improve their study skills, and help them make individual self-study plans.
Students have the opportunity to visit the center to discuss school or personal
problems in a supportive environment.
Finally, the EPS offers exposure to interactive media in its fully integrated
Student Self Study Centers (SSSC), comprised of multimedia areas, a library area,
a listening area, a speaking area, a video, DVD and satellite TV areas. The aim of
these SSSCs is to provide and maintain an environment that encourages students
to take individual responsibilities for their own learning. It is here that some of
the EPS students first encounter autonomous learning, they are presented with
various educational technologies and they are required to use these technologies
in their studies.
Functions for Nontraditional Students

The EPS offers courses to university students, prospective graduates, and university graduates who prepare for and sit the Test of English as a Foreign Language
(TOEFL) Internet-based testing (IBT ). The EPS is an internationally recognized
TOEFL IBT centre4 and the EPS instructors offer courses to nontraditional
students in special classes. Additionally, the EPS is an accredited Cambridge
English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) Teacher Training Centre.5
The EPS gives university graduates the opportunity to receive an internationally
recognized Teacher Training Certificate, that enables them to teach English anywhere in the world. The EPS also provides English language-learning opportunities to state schoolteachers as well as individuals in the community. At the same
time, older adults have the opportunity to take courses that fit with their busy
work schedules.
To summarize, the EPS is a higher education institution that mainly serves
traditional students who are in between high school and a 4-year college experience. At the EPS, students benefit from an ease of enrollment and can obtain skills
necessary for eventual enrollment in 4-year universities. The curriculum in the EPS
guides students who are not quite ready for the challenge of the 4-year college and
assists them in selecting an eventual major and course of study upon completion
of their work. In this sense, the EPS has a strong match programmatically with
community colleges in North America and in Western Europe.6 Such planning
enables students to thrive in a global and technological world and to build local
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and international relationships that address the changing needs and interests of a
community comprised of a variety of cultures and backgrounds.
Methodology
This chapter continues an action research project begun in spring, 2007, in a
graduate class at the EMU in North Cyprus. That project sought to reveal a
descriptive insight of international students at the EMU as a reference point for
further investigation into the problem of their adjustment, issues of students living
in a foreign country, and their intercultural experiences. Methodology in this
project focuses on three questions:
What are international students and the EPS instructors perceptions of the EPS?
How do the views of international students and the EPS instructors inform our
perceptions of the EPS?
What changes occurred in our perceptions over the course of this research?
For our study, we sought a group of students who represented a cross section of
students from the over 20 countries from which students originate, and we sought
to interview the EPS instructors who could offer time from their busy schedules.
Interviews that we used were fully structured, where they included the face-toface delivery of a questionnaire (Lomax et al., 1996). Interviewers asked all of the
questions as planned, but allowed interviewees to expand their comments as they
wished. By incorporating more than the scheduled set of questions, interviewees
gave detail and insights that we had not anticipated.
Although some readers might puzzle over the link between action research
and case study research, we did not, since we regard action research as case study
research where its usefulness is for others who are able to see its implications in
their work. The effectiveness of action research seen this way is demonstrated by
an improvement in the quality of the lives of people whom it is supposed to be
affecting (Russell and Korthagen, 1995; Kusch et al., 1999; Bowl et al., 2008).
The authors of this study are faculty members at the EMU and are interested
in the stories of international students and Turkish mainland students enrolled in
the EPS and how they learn in a new and ever-changing social environment. The
students were chosen for this study partially on the basis of gender and country
of origin. In current writing on action research, Richard Winter identifies action
research as a form of research that directly focuses on developing new knowledge
(Winter, 2007). In this chapter, we develop new knowledge about community
colleges worldwide. We reflect upon our personal experience and learning and
on the experience of others so that we might make useful suggestions for future
growth and change. This is part of what Bakhtin calls a conversation in progress
(Bakhtin, 1984). We assume that the suggestions and conversations that we
include may produce further questions to explore in the worldwide conversation
about community colleges as it related to globalization and change. The puzzles
of cultural diversity and multiethnic education are rooted in a larger puzzle of
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globalization. Current research on globalization identifies at least three defining

features: (1) widespread change in communication technologies; (2) emerging
global markets and post-national knowledge economies; and (3) unprecedented
levels of immigration and displacement of population (Suarez-Orozco, 2001).
The conversation that we consider in this study focuses on the role that cultural
diversity plays within our community college institution and the implications that
diversity has for the process of becoming and being literate. Ferdman, for one,
asserts that literacy is culturally framed and defined (Ferdman, 1990). We assume
that cultural literacy in an institution changes the lives of students enrolled and
steers them towards eventual educational opportunities in the 4-year institution that
they hope to attend.
On the one hand, our story is a case study that focuses on a group of five international students enrolled in the EPS whom we treated as individuals, since these
students represent a mixed minority perspective. We consider the international
students as representing a minority group in the EPS. And, on the other hand,
our study also focuses on two groups of Turkish speakers whose experience is
comparable to the experiences of any mixed minority group of students in any
community college.
The distinction between the group level and the individual level is important
because individuals may acculturate or in fact learn more rapidly than groups as
a whole, since we found that international students were better able to focus on
learning than on group cultural concerns (Berry, 1986). For example, when confronted by a difficult concept that is taught in English, a Turkish-speaking student
may ask a Turkish-speaking instructor to explain in Turkish, while a Guinean or
Azeri student must seek to learn in English. Our assumption in the interviews is
metonymic since we feel that we can tell much about the whole of the institution
by telling an in-depth study of its crucial participants.
The findings of our study can be said to be generalizable because of the
sampling procedures that we employed. In this sense, we employed horizontal
generalizability such that if the same sampling procedures were performed on a
population which has the same characteristics as the EPS, our reader could expect
to see our findings replicated in the second study (Romberg and Stephens, 1986).
How does an institution like the EPS serve a culturally diverse student population
and ensure that different forms of knowledge and experience brought by students
to the crossroads are acknowledged and incorporated in a multicultural approach?
Put another way, how does the institution produce unity within diversity?
Unity may emerge from shared dispositions toward education. Many new
students entering the EPS come from societies that place importance on the role of
education in personal and professional development. They may come from countries where they have grown up spending more hours in schools than their fellow
students in North Cyprus. So values placed upon succeeding in the EPS differ
between students from the host culture and those coming from other lands (Fuligni,
2001). In the following sections, we provide interview findings and consider from
an individual and from a group point of view the process of learning in the EPS.
The relationship of the individual to the group forms the basis for learning in a
culturally diverse institution. We interviewed the students in our sample, since they
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offer a study in difference and a contrast to two majority groups of students who
predominate at EPS. Questions that were used in the interviews with international
students focus upon students attitudes, knowledge, and values. How do we evaluate
the findings of the individuals and groups we spoke with? Narrativization assumes
the speakers point of view and what counts as fact is the product of authors
interpretation, so facts and interpretations shape one another (Stivers, 1993). An
important evaluative criterion we used is coherence (Agar and Hobbs, 1982). To
show an interpretation is more than ad hoc, coherence must be thick. That is it
must be global, local, and themal. Our subjects gave responses, used contrasts,
actions and juxtapositions. Responses were themal in that patterns run throughout
and responses were local about the current conditions at the EPS. Taken together,
the interviews offer different perspectives on the same discourse problem, whereas
at other times they reinforce different perspectives.
Interviews
We interviewed international students enrolled in the EPS and focused on the role
of language and instructional technology (IT). The problematic quality of language
has a critical role in the chapter, since the dominant language of most students is not
English, yet the official language of instruction is English.7 In the interviews, we
explore the role of IT in shaping the experience of students in the EPS and discuss
the way that the EPS and local community intersect to enhance students experience. A transcript of findings is from interviews with a set of students from the EPS
who have come to North Cyprus from Mongolia, Iran, Azerbaijan and Guinea. In
our story line, all the students have pseudonyms. We call them Domrul, Kamyar,
Shaya, Ahmed, and Mongk.
In order to present a broader picture of the EPS institution, we include the
perspectives of instructors of the EPS. Narratives of instructors complement
students narratives and give a first-hand understanding of the particular characteristics of day-to-day life in the EPS.
Interviews with International Students. Domrul is a Turkish-speaking student from
Azerbaijan for whom the knowledge of the local language and cultural similarities
help to better manage the environment. Domrul fits well into the context of Turkish or
Turkish Cypriot culture and also socializes with other local students. Consequently,
he manages well in the multicultural surrounding of the EPS. According to Domrul,
the EPS teachers facilitate foreign students adaptation of English language and
communication inside a culturally diverse population. In Domruls case, his suitability is facilitated by his Azeri background that somewhat resembles Turkish
Cypriot culture: Azeri culture and Cyprus culture is same, because the Azeri nation
is Turkish, Turkey and Azerbaijan nation are same people.
Kamyar, a student from Iran, mentions that he has some limited contacts
with Turkish people. Kamyar mentions that his teachers help him manage in the
school, but that they are not very helpful when they speak in Turkish. Although
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English proficiency is a goal of the EPS, Turkish language is a preferred language

of some teachers in the EPS, and that preference detracts from the multicultural
environment.
Kamyar and Domrul likewise mention that time given in the EPS for learning
English language is not sufficient: [T]he service of education in this school is
very high, but the time of education is very little. We can interpret this to mean
that the quality of education is deeply appreciated but that the time for education
is brief.
Shaya, a student from Iran, is an older student who hopes one day to pursue
his MA studies in Communication and Media Faculty. The difference from other
students is that Shaya is a mature, astute person, as such he claims to be more
committed to his studies. In addition, Shaya is a more demanding student in the
EPS, as he wants to become more proficient in English language for MA studies
and asks for more suitable materials according to his level of studies. He gives less
emphasis to the EPS as a multicultural institution than to the EPS as a preparation
for his upcoming MA studies. Shaya who, like Domrul, is a Turkish-speaking
student is better able to manage in the culture of North Cyprus. Shaya emphasizes
that his knowledge of the Turkish language helps him communicate with locals,
although he himself is trying to speak more in English: [I]n Cyprus some Turkish
students prefer to speak in Turkish but many times I prefer not to speak with
them in Turkish and they have to speak English with me. Shaya is ready to sacrifice his friendship with Turkish students in order to improve his English and at the
same time he encourages his friends to practice their English by helping them to
improve their language skills.
The fact that some Turkish students do not put intensive efforts to speak English
brings into question the self-motivation of Turkish students to learn English.
Ahmed, a student from Guinea, sees his life in North Cyprus as very colorful.
He is very open to making new friendships and communicating with the local
population and other international students. Like other interviewees he adapted
to the North Cypriot culture quickly and tried to learn the local language. An
important thing for Ahmed is the quality of classroom education at the EPS, which
he thinks, is very appropriate, and he stresses that the EPS students should work
hard and get the maximum out of the facilities that the school provides. Ahmed,
as other interviewees, is very positive about the teachers; he says: [T]hey are very
helpful anytime you have any question. Ahmed is very satisfied with the teachers
counseling, and he describes himself as a very involved and hardworking student.
He tries his best to learn English since he comes from a French-speaking country
and understands the link between English and technology. Ahmed mentions the
importance of Internet facilities in the EPS: There is a computer lab, when you
finish your pop quiz you can check your grade from Internet. Ahmed says that the
EPS really assists him in his future major and he gives the example of how other
staff in the EPS do this:
There are facilities in the SSSC so you have to do your self-study, to find out how to do
some research. Here is everything you need to improve your English, you have to be lazy
not to improve your language.
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Ahmed is very grateful of the facilities that the EPS offers the students and he wants
to get the most out of it, thus encouraging other students to try their best in learning
English at the EPS. Ahmed expresses gratitude to the North Cypriot community,
which he feels has welcomed him.
Mongk, a student from Mongolia, is different from the above-mentioned
interviewees in that she is a shy girl who does not speak at length about herself;
however, she tries to give a picture of the EPS and her student life without many
details. When asked about interaction with international students, Mongk says
that her friends are mostly from Nigeria and Iran. She suggests the Internet as the
most useful way to communicate with friends. She likes living on campus rather
than outside it, and along with other interviewees she agrees that North Cyprus
is an expensive place to live in, and finds it more difficult for a girl to support
herself. Speaking about her academic life, Mongk expresses dissatisfaction with
the quality of classroom education as she experiences problems when some of the
students speak Turkish and the teachers reply in Turkish which she does not understand. In our interview with Mongk about the importance of learning English, she
emphatically states:
I think in 21 century English is one of the useful languages. I think nowadays everybody wants
to learn English. If I will get English when I am going abroad I can connect with them.
Mongk is eager to learn English as a means of communication with other people in

terms of academics but also for connecting socially with them. Mongk thinks that
the EPS is very helpful for her future department in terms of the English language
skills that she learns.
A commonality among five interviewees is their interest in the culture and history
of North Cyprus. All interviewees are interested in sightseeing and trying to find
out more about the eating habits and culture of the local population. Even though
our interviewees come from very different cultural backgrounds, they share the
same views about Turkish Cypriot culture that it is friendly and hospitable toward
foreigners. All interviewees agree that living in North Cyprus is very expensive and
beyond their budget; however, they create ways to enjoy the social life that the area
offers. At the individual level, each international student expressed concerns about
learning and belonging in the EPS, both of which they see as attainable. The use
of language in the EPS is clearly a problem for some of our interviewees such as
Mongk, Shaya, and Kamyar, all of who experience unpleasant academic and social
situations when their peers or teachers speak in Turkish.
Interviews with Turkish Students. The answers of the Turkish students used in
our story of the EPS carry very fresh opinions, since they are expressed by the
new comers to North Cyprus. We have three characters from different parts of
Turkey and from different socioeconomic backgrounds. In our story, we call them
Tulip, Gur, and Raf. In the interviews, we were interested in four questions, i.e. how
they decided to come to the EPS; what they think about the use of IT in the EPS;
what their ideas are on cooperative learning in the EPS; and what they think about
the teaching/learning environment in the EPS.
Tulip is a 21-year-old girl who wears a headscarf and a long overcoat. She is
from the southern part of Turkey. Her parents are not well off, so she took the
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university entrance exam in Turkey three times to study in a public university but
was not successful and decided then to come to the EPS. Her ambition is to study
psychology. When she was accepted into this program, she did not hesitate. She is
aware of the importance of learning English; however, the main reason she came is
that there is no pressure from the university administration regarding the way she
dresses. As of this writing, headscarves are not allowed at Turkish universities:
In Turkey you cant find a job if you dont speak English. This is one of the reasons why
I chose the EPS. Also, I wont have any problems with my headscarf here. You know the
situation in Turkey, we have no right to study at university, this is not fair. EMU is relaxed,
nobody cares about it. Ill be relaxed here, life is not easy in Antep,8 you have lots of
responsibilities as a woman, if you dont study and you dont have a job.
Her parents supported her decision to come to the EPS because it is inside the
campus and Famagusta is a safe city for girls. Tulip is from a religious family and
is not very confident about herself.
Tulip is not computer literate because it was not necessary for her to learn it in
high school. She is very excited about learning its use. She knows it is essential to
use a computer when she goes to her department and for her future career:
I am looking forward to learning it, I didnt have the chance to learn it before but Ill have
the opportunity to learn it here in the EPS. My friends told me that we need to do presentations so I have to learn how to use a computer as soon as possible.
Tulip is from a traditional educational system9 and she is not used to working
cooperatively with her peers: I think it is a good idea to work cooperatively with
my friends. I believe that there is so much that we can learn from each other. She
is happy to be here, she says that there is a friendly atmosphere in the EPS, which
enhances learning:
All the teachers are very friendly and helpful here. You can go to their offices whenever
you want, they are ready to help. In my high school most of our teachers were very strict
and some were even very aggressive.
Gur is 19 years old and he is from the city of Erzurum in the far east of Turkey.10
Gur says that he came to study in the EPS because it gives quality education in
English. In Erzurum, there are few universities and the medium of instruction is in
Turkish, not English. He also states that he chose the EPS because it gives quality
education and that life in North Cyprus is much more different than life in Erzurum.
Unlike Famagusta, Erzurum is a conservative city and there is not much to do for
a typical 1824 year old:
My girlfriend and I decided to come and study here because of its good education. My
girlfriends sister is also studying here and she is happy. Famagusta is a modern city and
social life is much better here than Erzurum. In Erzurum people are very conservative but
here they are not. I feel like Im in a foreign country.
Gur learned to use a computer by himself, although in high school they were not
required to:
At high school there were some computers but we never used them. We didnt need to do
research or anything like that either. But here there are self study centers and we have to
use Internet for our projects and presentations. You can also study outside class by using
online materials. Our teachers provide us with some Internet addresses for further study.
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Gur pointed out that he did not have any experience in collaborative learning.
He said that learning becomes more enjoyable and meaningful when they work
cooperatively with their peers. He also believes that there is much to learn from
fellow students. Working in groups and in pairs gives them this opportunity to share
ideas/information:
We never had group and pair work activities in class. Everything was done individually.
I prefer working with my friends rather than working on my own. Working on my own is
boring.
Gur likes the teaching/learning atmosphere in the EPS. He says the teachers are
friendly here. In his high school, the teachers were rather strict.
Raf from Kusadasi11 stated that the EPS was his eighth choice in the university entrance exam. The EPS is a choice of last resort for students from mainland
Turkey; however, it is a first choice for students from North Cyprus. Rafs ambition is to become a computer engineer when he finishes the university. He said that
most of his friends are studying here and they are happy to be in the EPS. He said
that he preferred to study here because it is just like Kusadasi, it is hot and near the
beach. He believes that the EPS offers a quality education compared to other private
universities in Turkey. He thinks that learning English is very important for his
education and future career. He is not very happy about the social life in Famagusta;
he says that there are not enough bars and discos for the students:
I came here because of many reasons: Firstly, it is near the beach and the weather is nice.
I have lots of friends here in this university. Also I have to speak English fluently because
I need it for my job. A computer engineer should speak English well.
Raf is happy about Internet facilities in the EPS. He said that there are two
self-study centers where he can get access to the Internet whenever he wants. Since
he is going to be a computer engineer, he said that he prefers doing tasks/projects
which require them to use Internet. In his high school, they did not need to use
computers: I like using computers for my studies. I like doing research using
Internet for my portfolio tasks. Raf stated that he did not have any experience in
working cooperatively with his peers. He said that they needed to do some kind of
research and projects in high school but they all had to be done individually. They
were not allowed to get help from their peers:
The last time I worked cooperatively with my friends was when I was at primary school.
But in high school we didnt have such tasks and activities. I prefer working cooperatively
with my friends because it is more enjoyable. The teachers in the EPS encourage us to work
and help each other all the time.
Raf thinks that the EPS is a lively and friendly place and learning becomes more
enjoyable in such atmosphere. He finds the teachers especially helpful: In my high
school not all our teachers were friendly. There were lots of rules. But the EPS is
very relaxed.
These three stories provide a rich contrast between familiar and fresh contexts
for learning. For Tulip, it is a relaxed code of dress, for Gur, it is a feeling of
modernity, and for Raf, it is a chance to work cooperatively. Taken together the
students have a sense of belonging, developing their identity in the EPS. In light
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of data collected from these students, we see that all of them find the EPS more
relaxing compared to their high schools in Turkey. The EPS provides students with
a completely new, exciting, and challenging educational environment. Although all
three students come from different parts of Turkey, they found the EPS as a special
place uniting them through English language learning and complementing their
cultural backgrounds with new knowledge and values.
Cultural Challenges
As many studies suggest community colleges become the place of multicultural
integration of values where certain cultural forms become legitimized through
their inclusion or delegitimized through their absence (Rhoads, 1999, p. 121 in
Martinez and Fernndez, 2004, p. 56). The process of adjustment to a new environment creates a strong sense of cultural identity (Martinez and Fernndez, 2004)
and it is vividly seen in the case of Turkish students coming from Turkey to North
Cyprus to study. The first challenge to their back-home-build-in cultural assumptions comes in the airport when they notice that their Turkish Cypriot brothers and
sisters differ from them in manners, behavior, physical appearance, and language.
Cultural adjustments in community colleges have always been an issue of
various discussions in literature. Dayton et al. (2004) emphasize that the process
of adjustment takes place through compromising the levels of expectations in the
culture, which can be low or high depending on the traditions the person belongs
to and is surrounded by (p. 32). For instance, traditions have the direct effect on
the academic responsibilities. An example is where grades matter so much more to
students than learning, and students are accustomed to bargaining for the grade of
their choice rather than the grade they earned. As such, lowered cultural expectations may result in the lack of motivation in pursuing higher education, limited
goals, and low performance in educational setting (p. 32). Therefore:
it is important to remember that while students are very similar in their backgrounds,
there is also a multitude of different countries and cultures within the population.
Each student may identify with a different country of origin or cultural heritage. It is
essential to recognize and celebrate these differences. In the future, it will be
beneficial to identify the different subcultures within student population, as well
as recognize the unique perspective and experiences of each individual student. (Dayton
et al., 2004, pp. 3839)
This is strongly applicable in the case of the EPS where Turkish students from
Turkey, in comparison to other foreign students and Turkish Cypriot students, form
a striking phenomenon. They represent the largest contingent of the whole student
population both in the EMU and the EPS, and though they speak the same language
as Turkish Cypriots and have similar culture with them, they are still foreigners in
North Cyprus and have to adjust to the local norms of the country.
The flow of time and the way time is regarded socially is a problem for not only
Turkish students but also people of other nationalities as well. Ordinarily, Turkish
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J. Kusch et al.
Cypriots are not in a rush to do anything, and typically, an expression used in

North Cyprus is yavas, yavas (slowly, slowly). Time in North Cyprus does not
mean as much as it does for those coming from cosmopolitan cities or countries.
This creates stressful situations, especially among Turkish and Turkish Cypriots.
Often whatever is fast for Turkish Cypriots is slow for Turkish mainlanders. Even
the language that Turkish Cypriots speak seems to carry a lazy element. The words
(mainly verbs) have short, cut endings with some lengthy vowels at the end of each
sentence as if they are pulling up words trying to fill in the empty space before the
full stop comes. For example, Ne yapiyorsun? (What are you doing?) in Turkish
language will sound as Napan? in Turkish Cypriot language. Naturally, this
type of cut-version Turkish creates misunderstandings and funny situations where
Turkish students realize that they are indeed in a foreign country. The pronunciation of many Turkish Cypriot words also differ from Turkish language and even
the grammatical structure of sentences is different. To the Turkish ear, they sound
awkward and funny. Many Turkish students feel that the Turkish Cypriot language
is a less-polite language than Turkish. More sensitive people would even say that
the Turkish Cypriot language is a rude language because it does not have the usual
polite forms of expressing oneself but has the direct form of ordering other people.
However, in the eyes of Turkish Cypriots such form of communication seems
acceptable and even appreciative because it represents closeness, brotherhood, and
intimacy among people. In the eyes of instructors of the EPS, the differences in
communication serve as an opportunity to enhance autonomy and English language
instruction. Actually English language addresses the misunderstanding by unifying
thought and language for all.
What really makes Turkish students strangers among Turkish Cypriots are
values. Compared to Turkish mainlanders, Turkish Cypriots are more secular, and
religion has less influence on their daily lives. Only few of them attend Friday
prayer meetings in Mosques, and the majority of those who do fast during the Holy
month of Ramadan are people from Turkey. Turkish Cypriots call themselves Bad
Muslims rather than true believers. Such an approach is due to the influence of
many civilizations, cultures, and religious movements that existed on the Island for
more than 2,000 years. Moreover, Turkish Cypriots want to differ from Turkish
people and they do their best to underline those areas where Turkish culture and
values end and Turkish Cypriot culture begins. However, the attitude of Turkish
Cypriots towards Turkish mainlanders is friendly and tolerant, mainly expressed
as playful teasing.
Turkish students would say that Turkish Cypriots are very careless and, that
they set different priorities in life. Turkish mainlanders and Turkish Cypriots have
a different work ethic. They strongly feel that Turkish Cypriots work less for a
much higher salary than they would get in Turkey. Another striking phrase to the
foreign ear after yavas, yavas is bos ver (it does not matter). Turkish students
get frustrated with the bos ver approach because they are used to getting their
moneys worth in Turkey. Turkish people might call Turkish Cypriots lazy, while
Turkish Cypriots call themselves stress free and relaxed.
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These differences between the two groups have important implications for
classroom learning in the EPS where new arrivals do not share skills acquired by
successful students in their new surroundings. The cultural and linguistic characteristics and their interplay make for difficult pedagogical and curricular decisions for
instructors. Learning in the EPS is truly a matter of socialization of different groups
to a completely different set of rules that are continually contested.
For Turkish students to feel assimilated requires a necessary attitude adjustment. As we shall see further on, instructors at the EPS struggle mightily to enable
assimilation among groups and individuals by diversifying instruction, offering
counseling opportunities, and creating extracurricular and social opportunities to
this effect. Elsewhere the debate on such issues as what should constitute belonging
and learning at all levels of education has been going on since at least the writings
E.D. Hirsch and others in the mid-1980s. Broadly what should be the nature of the
relationship between minority and dominant groups in not just higher education
settings but in the whole society? A second question that our discussion suggests at
this point is: What does learning at the community college level tell us in relation
to the individuals sense of self as a group member and in relation to intergroup
relations in the society as a whole? And more narrowly what is the role of the EPS
as a community college?
Interviews with Instructors from the EPS

The four instructors who contributed into this research are teaching English in the
EPS. Their names are Gunes, Gul, Naz, and Feriha. Three of the instructors are
Turkish Cypriots and one is from mainland Turkey, and they are all women. The
opinions of these instructors add value to the students interviews, since they look at
the problems with a different perspective and can summarize the existing trends in the
relationship factors of students, teachers, and foreign environment more precisely.
All the teachers interviewed agreed that the students in the EPS are expected to
be equipped with necessary learning strategies and skills which will enable them to
take the responsibility for their own learning. The students are required to be reflective and sufficient learners, which will lead them to autonomy in their academic
studies. Unfortunately, the students who come to study at the EPS are often far from
being autonomous and reflective students. As Yumuk (2002) puts it, most Turkish
university students lack necessary critical thinking and reflection skills, which are
the two most important requirements of academic life because of their teacherdependent learning habits.
According to the teachers most of the students in the EPS have issues with their
learning. The teacher named Naz expressed her ideas in the following way:
Most of the students in the EPS can be described as low achievers. They do not trust their
performance and have problems in developing proper learning strategies. Traditionally,
students come to the EPS from high schools that privilege memorization and rote learning.
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So, the teachers in the EPS strategize their teaching behaviors to address not only
to the needs of the self-sufficient learners but also those who are yet to become
autonomous learners.
One of the features that make the EPS a unique institution from others of its
kind, according to our interview with the EPS teacher Gul, is the fact that the EPS
prepares students for their departments and gives them a general knowledge of
English.
Our other interviewee, Gunes, says that the EPS provides students with not
only the opportunity to learn English but with some other useful lifelong skills and
abilities, which they will need throughout their academic life and career. Students
are trained how to do research on a given topic through using Internet facilities
and SSSC/library and then presenting it in class to their peers. They are required
to work in collaboration with their peers both in, and outside of, class throughout
their education in the EPS.
Gul agrees that in the EPS, the education system is totally different from
students previous experiences. The life in the EPS is relaxed and friendly. Speaking
about characteristics which facilitate collaborative practice in the EPS our interviewee Gul says:
In the practice and production stages of the lesson, I usually put my students either in
groups or in pairs in order to maximize students participation in class . I just put them
in groups or in pairs and let them experience using the language it is good to see how
they work cooperatively in order to accomplish the given task.
Besides teaching English, the EPS also aims to help students adopt lifelong
learning strategies:
In the EPS we have learner-training programs integrated into the syllabus . Through
learner training programs, we try to train students to be self-sufficient learners who are
responsible for their own learning.
Instructors in the EPS employ English language instruction to effect changes that
acculturate newcomers as they come into contact with the new society. For the
majority group of Turkish speakers, acculturation involves a unidirectional shift
from native to host culture in the institution of the EPS, and for the minority group
of students whose native language is not Turkish, this shift is a multidimensional
negotiation of old and new traditions.
We find that the force that achieves acculturation is English language learning. English language learning involves much more than gaining skills that
enable the goals explained before as the transfer functions of the community
college. In the EPS, learning English also provides a deep sense of identity,
a purpose for employing technology and belonging within a new set of skills.
The skills include more sophisticated communication, higher-order symbolic
and technical competencies, habits of works such as collaborative practice and
interpersonal sensibilities that are common in any global setting. The question
remains will the acquisition of competences and skills adversely affect other
cultural differences. The community college as we see has a problem-solving
and a problem-setting capacity.
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Conclusions
It has been said that the function of action research is twofold: to make the strange
familiar and to make the familiar strange. In our chapter, we purposefully write
about a place that is strange to most people in other parts of the world and we
attempt to make it familiar by way of stressing the commonalities of personal
voices of students and instructors. Noffke (1997) states that there are at least six
purposes for doing action research; in our work, we have focused on two of those
purposes increasing our own personal knowledge, and suggesting social and
educational transformation that might occur as a result of action research through
clarifying what a community college is like in a foreign part of the world. Put
another way, our action research is concerned with coming to understand and tackle
the effects of unconscious and institutionalized behaviors.
We stated earlier that language is a principle factor influencing all of our perceptions of the EPS. At the EPS, English language forms life. As such, we came to
understand English language in the particular context of the EPS as guiding performance and directing communication. So language in this context does not just have
a descriptive function since it is used by instructors to notify, to promise, and to
assign tasks in the school. Language cannot be separated from the contexts in which
it is used. One other important dimension of English language instruction in the EPS
is its use in the area of electronic language in the SSSC. The students are aware of
the importance of learning English because of its use in IT for their future academic
studies and careers. This is an important reason why they chose to study at the EPS.
They all agree that the EPS provides them with all the opportunities to improve
their English especially the use of the IT and the SSSC. Learning IT in the SSSC
changes boundaries of who may communicate with whom, and as such, it changes
both social and personal identities of students. Using IT in English allows students
in the EPS to change the ways that find meaning in all that they study, to restructure
social relations via the Internet and to think differently about themselves.
Prior to writing this chapter, we saw the EPS as merely a language school
that enabled students whom we currently teach in the university to survive in an
English-medium academic environment. We found from reflecting on the narratives
and perceptions of both students and instructors that there are many issues yet to
resolve. Such issues include a greater awareness of where our students really come
from geographically, culturally, and linguistically. We see that issues of difference
between culture and ethnicity belong at the forefront of our thinking about curriculum and planning. A second conclusion that we wish to draw from this research is
that more opportunities for this kind of analysis can be made to community college
practitioners as part of their professional development.
The typical international community college student at the EPS is paradoxical,
as he/she is simultaneously separated from traditions far away and decidedly different and often at odds with their local environment. As a product of cultures hailing
from distinct parts of the world, the new person, an EPS student, becomes disturbed
not only in his/her own sense of being, but also that of the culture of which he/she
become a part.
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To a degree, the story of students reflects uneasiness about changing student

populations that are so common around the world. The anxiety is twofold there
is enthusiasm for change, for new voices that will enrich and transform familiar
norms, yet often return to exclusive identity positions. We wonder how is it that
students will ensure that they do not lose or forget who they are? Since the old self
may be destroyed if it mixes and also destroyed if it does not mix.
While doing this research our perceptions about community colleges have
changed tremendously. Before we started writing this chapter, we had a very superficial knowledge about the community college; however, our understanding has
been enriched through the extensive literature research, narratives, observations,
and various intellectual discussions among ourselves. We have discovered that the
EPS forms a unique combination of features of the language school and at the same
time fulfills all the functions of the traditional community college. This model can
extensively be used in the global arena especially in the context of the Third World
for in that part of the world the English School has definitely other purposes than
in the developed countries. We describe the importance of those purposes in the
introduction part of this chapter. While collecting the information for this research,
a lot of other unresolved issues emerged which can become the topics of future
studies about community colleges. Among those topics are the issues of the majority foreign student population versus the minority local student population; the
change of identity of those studying in the foreign environment; and the cultural
misunderstandings often occurring in the multicultural setting. For us researchers
as outsiders, there is a dawning awareness to reconsider our own ethnicity and how
it has an impact upon teaching and living with others. How we think of who we are
influences both our personal relations with our students and the wider structures of
the community college curriculum. This chapter is neither a beginning nor an end.
Instead, it offers a new grounding from which to understand the community college
as an element of global change.
Notes
1. Cyprus is the third-largest island in the Mediterranean after Sicily and Sardinia. The main
ethnic groups inhabiting Cyprus are Greek and Turkish Cypriots. Due to political reasons,
in 1974, the Island was split into the Greek and Turkish parts, whereas the Greek part is
officially known as Cyprus and the Turkish part as Turkish Republic of North Cyprus (TRNC)
or North Cyprus. After the de facto partition of the island in 1974, Turkish Cypriots who were
in immigration in Turkey, UK, and Australia started returning to Cyprus. In addition, some
20,000 Turkish guest workers moved to the Island to revive the Turkish Cypriot economy.
Many of these workers eventually decided to remain permanently and take TRNC citizenship.
Some immigration from Turkey continued in subsequent years. Largely as a result of this dual
immigration, the Turkish Cypriot population totaled 167,256 in 1988, and 260,100 in 2007,
according to the TRNC State Planning Organization.
2. The board of trustees consists of businessmen and politicians who serve an advisory capacity
for the EPS which gives them a power of decision making.
3. In 2007, out of 2,085 students in the EPS: 1,589 come from Turkey, 409 come from Cyprus,
and 87 from other nationalities such as: Iran 20, Iraq 10, Kyrgyzstan 8, Azerbaijan 7,
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4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
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Guinea 7, Kazakhstan 6, Mongolia 6, Palestine 5, Jordan 3, Pakistan 3, Turkmenistan 3,

Chad 2, Tajikistan 2, Bulgaria 1, China 1, Eritrea 1, Nigeria 1, Ukraine 1.
Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL) Internet-based testing (IBT) measures the
ability of nonnative speakers of English to use and understand English as it is spoken, written,
and heard in college and university settings (Educational Testing Service, 2007).
Cambridge English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) exams are the worlds leading range of certificates for learners of English. Each year over two million people in 130
countries take them. They help students to gain entrance to a university or college, improve
job prospects, and measure progress in English. Cambridge ESOLs world renewed teaching
awards provide a route into the English language teaching profession for new teachers and
first-class career development opportunities for experienced teachers (Cambridgeesol.org).
The EPS has similar program offerings to Chicago community colleges that serve students
who want to improve English language skills, and to the University of Hamburg in Germany
that offers preparatory courses for various subject matters.
The provenance of language at the EPS specifically in North Cyprus generally is highly problematic. There are at least four different ways to classify language: (1) Turkish is the official
language of business; (2) Turkish is the preferred social language; (3) English is the medium of
classroom instruction; and (4) English is the medium of the Internet and software technology.
Technological English is regarded by the EPS students as a means of social communication.
Gaziantep, informally Antep, is the capital city of Gaziantep Province in Turkey. It is the
sixth-largest city of Turkey and it is the largest city in Turkeys Southeastern Anatolia Region.
The culture in Gaziantep is mainly influenced by the Arabic, Assyrian, Armenian, and
Kurdish cultures.
In a traditional educational system, students sit in rows and the teacher is the sole authority.
The teacher is responsible for delivering information to students and the only communication
in class is from teacher to students. The teachers are rather strict and have lots of rules in
class. The students are not required to work together either in pair or group-work activities
which maximize students talking time in class and thus enhance cooperation and collaboration
among students. Therefore, there is no cooperation in learning. Moreover, the students are not
encouraged to use any kind of technology for the purpose of doing research for their projects.
In the traditional system, the corporal punishment is an acceptable practice.
Erzurum is a city in eastern Anatolia, Turkey. It is the capital of Erzurum Province, the largest
province in Turkeys Eastern Anatolian Region.
Kusadasi is a resort town in the province of Aydin on the Aegean coast of Turkey, and the
place of Christian pilgrimage. The area has been a center of art and culture since the earliest
times and has been settled by many civilizations since being founded in 3000 BC.
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Chapter 24
UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening

Participation for Minority Groups
Robert Edwards
Introduction: The Community College Prototype

I take the community college prototype in the United States to be one which
provides 2-year courses at higher education (HE) level combining liberal,
technical, vocational, and occupational or professional elements. These courses
typically satisfy the requirements of the first 2 years of 4-year degree courses at
universities, so that students can transfer with ease from a community college to a
university. Although this prototype is common in the United States, and is becoming more widespread globally (Raby, 2001), it is not so well known in quite this
form in the United Kingdom.
In this chapter I will examine various differences and similarities between the
US community college prototype and its equivalent in the United Kingdom, and
also look at the impact on some minority groups within HE in the United Kingdom.
I will assume my readers are familiar with the US model, and I will give more
details of UK practice.
School education in the United Kingdom is currently compulsory up to the age
of 16, although in 2007, there was a proposal to raise the age limit to 18 (Browne
and Webster, 2007). Beyond 16, most school pupils have three broad options: to
leave education; to enter further education (FE); or to stay on at school, or at a
sixth-form college, for a further 2 years to take A-Levels or other qualifications,
and thereafter perhaps enter HE. This chapter is essentially concerned with the latter two of these three options. In the United Kingdom, FE and HE are essentially
totally separate, and have separate funding, although there are fuzzy boundaries and
overlaps between the two, as I describe below.
HE in the United Kingdom has traditionally been exclusively at undergraduate level and above, whereas FE has been at levels below undergraduate: separate
institutions, separate buildings, separate funding, and separate educational levels.
This is a simplified picture, because the polytechnics, which became universities in
the early 1990s, usually embraced undergraduate education and below, and now FE
colleges are taking on some HE work, described later in more detail.
Within this chapter I will describe a number of developments within the UK
FE and HE sectors. All these developments can be thought of as widening the

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range of people who participate in HE in the United Kingdom; indeed widening

participation is a general aim, and a repeated mantra, of many current initiatives in
UK HE, both within individual institutions and within national government.
The developments I will look at include access courses running within FE to
prepare students for HE; foundation degrees running within HE; foundation studies
courses, which are effectively 4-year degree courses running entirely within HE;
combined studies courses within HE, in which students can plan their own studies,
sometimes with extreme flexibility; associate student schemes which allow mature
students to enter HE on a trial basis; and outreach courses which encourage those
who feel totally excluded from HE to give it a try.
The British University System

The British system of higher education appears, at least to many of those working
within it, to be in a state of perpetual change. Naturally institutions which are traditionally thought of as aspiring to critical and analytical thinking, and which regard
themselves in that light, might be expected to embrace the prospect of change in
order to adapt to changing environments. However, the rate at which new ideas and
initiatives are brought into operation can be bewildering.
The environment in which higher education institutions (HEIs) operate is
affected on many fronts. These include changing government expectations, and
consequent changing government-funding mechanisms; changing public expectations; changing financial circumstances of students; changing methods of assessing
quality of institutions; increased competition between institutions; and the change
from minority, through mass, to near universal, higher education. The list continues. An interesting review, including an international perspective, can be found in
Shattock (1998).
Some of the recent developments in the British higher education system,
while being prompted by these environmental changes, have actually resulted in
outcomes which relate to comparison with the community college model. I will
describe some of these recent developments.
Further and Higher Education in the United Kingdom

The relationship between FE and HE in the United Kingdom is complex, and has
moved through many phases, mainly affected by changes in national policies. The
full development of the relationship over time is too complex to deal with here.
A good explanation is given by Parry (2005), who includes detailed references to
government policies. I will give a summary of the main points. Could this segue be
improved with some editing?
FE in the United Kingdom typically offers a range of post-compulsory education and training (PCET) courses to students from age 16 upwards. The FE
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UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation for Minority Groups
439
sector comprises five different types of college: general further education college
(or tertiary college); sixth form colleges; agricultural and horticultural colleges;
art, design and performing arts colleges; and other specialist colleges (DfES,
2005a). General FE colleges may deliver a wide mix of courses, often including
basic adult skills provision, general academic courses at pre-degree level, and
specialist vocational and occupational courses. The courses offered will usually
include A-level courses, thus paralleling courses offered in school sixth-forms, and
sixth-form colleges, and vocational courses such as building trades, construction,
and hairdressing.
Traditionally, school-leavers taking up these FE provisions have effectively
excluded themselves, or been excluded, from HE; there has been a binary divide, and
school-leavers choose one route or the other. Thus, in so far as the US community
college prototype is leading students into HE, the two models were quite different.
However, a key factor in any discussion of the UK FE and HE environment
is the large expansion, over recent years, in the numbers of young people entering HE. The GB Age Participation Index (API) increased from 6% in 1961/62,
through 14% in 1985/86, to 3436% in 2001/02 (DfES, quoted in Hubble and
Knott, 2004). The GB API is the number of home-domiciled young (aged less
than 21) initial entrants to full-time and sandwich undergraduate courses of higher
education expressed as a proportion of the average 18 to 19-year-old GB population. A concomitant of this increase has been a change in the relationship between
UK universities and their students, essentially from a suppliers market to a buyers
market. In the previous suppliers market, universities could choose and select their
students; students generally felt lucky to have the privilege of a university education; and students survived, or not, on their own. In the current buyers market, UK
HE as a whole has to work hard to acquire sufficient numbers of students, many
universities have substantial marketing budgets and advertise extensively, and high
student retention rates are expected by bodies which monitor the performance of universities. Thus there is more pressure on UK universities to view their students less
as acolytes at the altar of learning, and more as customers who have to be pleased.
This changing relationship between universities and their students has had an
impact on services provided for students. For one thing, there has been a proliferation of services to look after, care for, and help students during their time in HE.
Thus there are now large departments in universities, providing student counseling,
health services, career advice, employment assistance, mental health support,
physical disability support, dyslexia support, and many other services. The support
for disabled students is a particularly interesting example of this change. The UK
Disability Discrimination Act marks a transition in HE, and, of course, in other
areas, from the provision of services for disabled services being something of a
matter of luck, to the provision of these services as a matter of right. I will comment
on these matters more fully later. In these respects the United Kingdom is probably
some years behind the United States. The United Kingdom generally is now beginning to provide the counseling and support services which have been established in
US community colleges for many years (D. Turner, 2007, University of Glamorgan,
personal communication). These services are also appearing in FE institutions.
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A more recent trend in FE is for higher education institutions (HEIs)

universities to franchise the first year, and sometimes the first 2 years, of many
of their degree courses to FE colleges. Under a franchise arrangement HEIs retain
control of the specification and validation of their courses, but allow FE college
staff to deliver and teach the courses to FE students on the FE colleges premises.
The HE academic staff will keep a monitoring watch over the delivery of the
course. It is common for the first 1 or 2 years of 3-year degree courses to be franchised in this way; students transfer from the FE college to the university for their
final year. Thus this recent development in FE in the United Kingdom is tending
more and more to approach the community college prototype in the United States.
A much fuller account of the complex and changing patterns of links between UK
FE and HE can be found in Gareth Parrys article, The higher education role of
further education colleges (Parry, 2005). His summary is forthright:
Further education colleges in England contribute more than a third of entrants to higher
education and teach one in eight of the undergraduate population. They are at the centre of
policies to increase and widen participation in higher education. Through their delivery of
the foundation degree they collaborate with universities and employers to change the pattern of future demand for undergraduate education. The higher education part of their
mission should be regarded as normal and necessary. Lead responsibility for its development and health should rest with a single body. Not all should be expected to undertake
higher level work. Colleges should lay claim to a specific level or type of undergraduate
education and make that their own. The concept of further education is redundant and
should be abandoned.
However, the concept of Further Education has not been abandoned in the United
Kingdom; FE has made some areas of education its own perhaps particularly
courses involving practical skills and stand-alone vocational courses, described
later in this chapter and the prevalence of the idea of a ladder of education in current governmental thinking (see Leitch, 2006, for example) suggests that FE also
has a definite role in providing access to HE. The franchising of HE courses to FE
is part of this access role. Some HEIs in the United Kingdom franchise a great deal,
and some not at all. The reasons for franchising can include economics HEIs need
students and student demand people want qualifications, and the government
plans to increase numbers entering HE.
UK FE colleges are quite separate, and separately funded, from HE institutions.
There is one national funding body for HE, and a separate body for FE (or, more
accurately, three funding bodies for each, since England, Wales, and Scotland each
have different bodies). It might be imagined that HE and FE serve similar interests,
and yet in fact this is only partly true; to a large extent they serve overlapping but
different constituencies. The overlap is in the region of first degrees: some FE
takes on the teaching of the first 1 or 2 years of degree courses, and these are also
taught in HE; FE provides potential undergraduates with the qualifications they
need to enter HE, and some HE also takes on this role, in the form of foundation
studies courses, described below. The differences appear in that FE teaches courses
that have more practical skills and fewer analytical skills (examples might include
hairdressing, blacksmithing, plumbing, building construction, and automobile
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maintenance), whereas HE expects skills such as extensive reading and analytical

writing (corresponding examples might include business administration, civil engineering, and automotive engineering). There is also an overlap and difference in
levels of attainment: FE covers a range from sixth-form school level to second-year
degree level; HE covers a range from pre-degree level to higher degree levels.
Parrys observation (ibid) that [North American] Community colleges [are]
increasingly involved in collaborative ventures with high schools, either to provide
courses not available in the school curriculum or help raise the general level of
achievement of students looking to enter college programs raises a further comparison with the United Kingdom. FE colleges, especially those which include
a sixth-form college function, and those providing A-level courses, do provide
a parallel alternative to secondary schools. They also assist under-qualified students to progress to HE. However, there has been a call on the [North American]
community college to respond to shortages in specific occupations, such as school
teachers and health professionals (Parry, 2005), which is not so evident in the
United Kingdom.
It may be that changes in the United Kingdoms FE and HE systems are the
result of US influences in the United Kingdom. Those same influences could affect
Australia and New Zealand, too, and not necessarily via the United Kingdom,
but I am straying into supposition here, since I have no data to support or counter
this idea.
Access Courses at Colleges of Further Education

I have explained above how FE colleges in the United Kingdom have many functions apart from that of assisting people to enter higher education. The latter is,
however, one of the key activities of many FE colleges, and one that is now taking
on greater significance. There are two main mechanisms for FE to enable people
to progress to HE.
The first mechanism, which I have already mentioned, is similar to the US system of community colleges. Students can study for the first year, or the first 2 years,
of a degree course, under a franchise arrangement from an associated university. If
successful they may progress to the study the second year, the final year, or both,
of an honors degree at the university itself.
The second mechanism concerns access courses. Many people do not acquire
A-level grades, or equivalent qualifications, at school. Some may have rushed into
paid employment, parenthood, or other activities, and then wish to return to education. Others may have attempted to gain qualifications, failed for any number of
reasons, and then decided to make another attempt, sometimes many years later.
Some FE colleges are associated with local universities, so that a student passing an
access course at the college is guaranteed a place on a degree program at the associated university. Thus such courses can offer the very real chance of progressing
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onwards to a degree to those people who may have come from educationally
impoverished backgrounds.
Foundation Degrees
Foundation degrees were introduced in September 2001 as an alternative to conventional undergraduate degrees and higher national diplomas (HNDs) (DfES, 2005b).
Foundation degrees are innovative degrees that are designed and delivered in
partnership with employers to equip people with the relevant knowledge and skills
for business (DfES, 2005b). They are equivalent to the first 2 years of an honors
degree, and can thus be gained in 2 years with full-time study, but they are also
specifically aimed at people in paid employment, who will typically gain a foundation degree in 4 years, by studying part-time and working part-time. A particularly
important point is that foundation degrees are intended to be flexible, and that
progression to an honors degree, and to higher degrees, is not only possible, but
encouraged. In Parrys words (Parry, 2005),
To stimulate demand for short-cycle undergraduate education as well as to help close the
skills gap at the intermediate levels, the government invented a new 2-year work-focused
qualification, the foundation degree (Fd). This was intended to take the bulk of future
expansion in higher education and, over time, to replace the HND and HNC. To ensure the
qualification was of high quality and aligned to the world of work, the new degree needed
to be a partnership between universities, who awarded the qualification, employers, who
helped design and develop the degree, and colleges, who delivered most of program.
More than that, the foundation degree was required to be both an exit and a transfer
qualification.
The Department for Education and Skills (DfES) Web site (DfES, 2005b) gives
examples of mature people in low-skilled work who started with a foundation degree
with the support of an employer, and who have now progressed to Ph.D. study.
Foundation Studies Courses

Despite the similarity in the names, foundation studies courses are entirely different
from foundation degrees.
Failure, or low grades, in A levels the final examination level at the end of
school sixth-forms has traditionally been associated with a padlocked gate for
those aspiring to a university degree courses. Rightly or wrongly, low A-level grades
used to be seen as a disaster, and the end of the road. Anyone witnessing school
pupils collecting their A-level results will be familiar with the tears of despair,
mixed with the shrieks of elation; and these scenes are now displayed annually and
routinely in the news media.
Foundation studies courses offer a clear path with a second chance. By enrolling on a 4-year degree course which begins with a foundation year, roughly the
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equivalent of A level, students can guarantee their places on the following 3-year
degree program, as long as their foundation year is passed successfully.
At my own institution, the foundation studies program has brought significantly
large numbers of students, who would otherwise probably not have entered higher
education at all, on to degree courses. In the United Kingdom, universities receive
government funding based on the number of academic credits studied by enrolled
students; which means that a universitys core budget increases when it recruits
more students, so this increase in student numbers is an asset, as far as budgets are
concerned. (Of course that simple description of a key feature of UK university
finances omits many complexities.)
It has been noticed by some teachers that these unconventional students often
tend to be among the higher academic achievers at the end of their degree courses,
not the lower, despite the expectations of some other teaching staff (D. Morgan,
2007, University of Glamorgan, 2008, personal communication). On the other
hand, other students in this group find that university study does not suit them, and
leave either at the end of the year, or before the completion of the year. In short,
foundation studies courses attract students who may not otherwise ever reach HE;
some of them succeed well, and some of them do not progress far.
Flexible Degree Programs: Combined Studies

There is now a well-established tradition of flexible degree programs in some UK
HEIs. At one end of the scale there are degree programs which combine elements of
two degree subjects. These programs may be described as joint degrees, or major
minor degrees, and students may have some possibility of module choice to tailor their
degree to suit their interests. At the other end of the scale there are programs in which
students may have a much wider choice of subjects in their first year, or for longer.
Probably the most flexible program in the United Kingdom is that provided by the
University of Glamorgan (University of Glamorgan, 2007). On this program students
are able to choose each one of their six subject modules, throughout their whole degree
course, from almost the entire range of modules delivered by the university. They can
also choose the number of modules they study each year, and change that decision, if
they wish, year by year. This extreme flexibility makes the program particularly attractive to people who may have children, families, or employment, for example, since
they can, to some extent, plan their own timetable to suit their other commitments.
This Combined Studies program is by no means a community college model,
but it does share what I consider to be a key characteristic: that of striving to adapt
the traditional HE offering to suit the varied needs of real students. Until the recent
rapid expansion of the UK HE system, universities had no problems filling all the
places they had. Now the situation has switched there may be more available
university places than there are suitable students to fill them. Hence universities
feel economic pressures to make themselves more flexible, and more accessible, to
a wider variety of potential students.
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An example of a Combined Studies student illustrates the point. A postal-delivery

worker, with children of his own, he studied part-time on the program, achieving a
good degree result after many years of part-time study. His employment, delivering
letters house to house, was in the early hours of the morning, so that he could not
attend the university until 10 or 11 a.m. each day. By choosing his modules accordingly he managed to build up a complete course which suited his interests and his
work timetable. A conventional degree would very likely have been impossible for
him to complete.
Associate Studentships
The popular image of university students, persistently and irritatingly promoted by
many news media channels, is of people in their late teens or early twenties, generally free of responsibilities, and eager to combine maximum fun with minimum
work while at university. Now that UK HEIs are widening their appeal and their
admission policies to other age groups and other demographic groups, this stereotypical image is even less accurate than it always has been. Associate studentships,
as offered by my own institution, and perhaps others, are a case in point.
Full honors defined as degree courses will set certain minimum entry standards.
These would typically be A-level grades, or equivalents. There are many mature
students who never passed, or even took A levels, who may feel that HE is forever
barred to them because they cannot face 2 years of study to prove that they can
reach a universitys entry standard, and yet who have had considerable work or
other experiences which means that they could benefit from a university education.
Associate studentships are designed for such people.
Associate students may enroll on one or two modules, amounting to one third or
one sixth of the first year of a 3-year degree, with only minimal entry qualifications
usually enthusiasm, plus some evidence of likely success, are the basic requirements.
They can use this introductory experience to assess whether they wish to continue
toward a full degree. Equally, the university can use the experience to decide whether
it wants these students to continue, or not. In more formal terms, associate students
are guaranteed places on full-degree programs if they pass the modules they have
enrolled on. If not, they are not, although they may reapply at a later date.
An example illustrates the mechanism. A junior administrator working for the
armed forces at a local air base found his job tediously undemanding, but lacked the
qualifications necessary to enter higher education. He enrolled as an associate student on two modules: one in creative writing and one in video production. He was
supported by his employer, and granted time off to study as part of a redundancy
package, since the base was due to be reduced in size in the near future. He enjoyed
his two modules, and passed them. This entitled him to enroll as a part-time student on the Combined Studies program, and to keep the credits he had gained. He
progressed further, converted to a full-time program, gained an upper second-class
honors degree, and has now published his first novel.
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A second example concerns a woman with very little self-confidence who began
studying a single module to introduce herself to the study skills required in higher
education, against the violently expressed wishes of an abusive partner. These first
tentative steps eventually led her on not only to a good honors degree, but also to a
masters-level qualification, arranging herself to interview the UK Prime Minister
face-to-face on two separate occasions as part of her course; a fulfilling career; and
marriage to a much more supportive partner.
Community Outreach Courses

The programs described so far offer potential students many different routes to
degree-level courses, but they all require a significant level of commitment of time,
perhaps money, and probably travel.
Some universities have developed the much older idea of extramural classes
to outreach courses, delivered to a far wider range of participants. Extramural
classes, taught by lecturers from traditional older universities, tended to appeal,
in their subject matter, style, location, and clientele, to the more affluent and
middle-class section of communities. By extending the idea of single modules
being delivered off-campus, some universities now run a wide range of outreach
courses in many areas, some very deprived. Outreach courses are often delivered
in conjunction with, and at the premises of, small community centers run by very
small teams of enthusiastic local people who wish to rejuvenate their own communities, and provide opportunities for their neighbors to have more education. They
are often supported by small grants from local government. Such topics as local
oral history, how to build a personal computer, the history of astronomy, and word
processing, can lead people not only to new jobs, hobbies, and interests, but also
to further degree-level study, and, if they wish, full honors degrees at universities.
Many of the outreach modules are accredited in the UK HE credit-point scheme,
so students begin accumulating credit points from the very start. There is a financial incentive for the sponsoring universities to ensure that modules do have this
accreditation because students enrolled on accredited modules attract extra core
funding.
Specific Learning Difficulties

There is much potential for confusion in the use of terms in the area of specific
learning difficulties, especially in an international context. Specific Learning
Difficulty (SpLD) is a term sometimes used in the United Kingdom as a synonym
for dyslexia (see TechDis (a)). However, I intend to use it in the same way as many
other people do, as a complete term including not only dyslexia, but also dyspraxia,
dyscalculia, dysgraphia, autism, Aspergers Syndrome, Attention Deficit Disorder
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(ADD), and several other so-called difficulties or disabilities. TechDis (b) agrees
with my usage:
People with Specific Learning Difficulties (SpLD) have specific deficits (and strengths)
in specific cognitive skills, for instance short term memory, while those with a Learning
Disability are likely to have a general deficit in their cognitive ability. Specific Learning
Difficulties may also encompass Attention Deficit Disorder and Attention Deficit
Hyperactivity Disorder, Aspergers Syndrome, Autism and Dyspraxia. Confusingly in the
USA these difficulties also tend to be described as Learning Disabilities.
Thus, if TechDis (b) is correctly reporting US usage, Learning Disability means a

specific difficulty in the United States a specific difficulty experienced by a person
who has no difficulties in other areas of life; whereas it means a general difficulty
in the United Kingdom difficulties experienced by a person in all, or nearly all,
areas of life.
Whatever political influences direct or motivate community colleges and the
various similar modes of operation of UK HE, the underlying purpose is to facilitate
the provision of higher education to groups of people who would have been denied
this access in the past. The second theme of this chapter picks up the other strand
of my own work in HE that of Specific Learning Difficulties and people with
disabilities.
There are significant numbers of people with Specific Learning Difficulties.
Statistics are very hard to come by, but estimates range from a few percent to higher
than 10%. Not all of these people, incidentally, wish to be considered as being part
of an identified single group. Many of them would certainly have to be personally
determined and highly motivated even to enter HE, let alone succeed on a degree
program. In Romania in 2003 I was told by a departmental head at the University
of Cluj Napoca that in order for anybody to become a member of the university,
whether student or staff, they had to be able to demonstrate that they were normal,
meaning that they had no disability of any sort, before their application could even
be considered. It may be a long time since such a situation prevailed in the United
Kingdom or the United States, but there have certainly been changes in the expectations placed on UK HE in recent years. I want to spend time on these matters in the
context of community colleges because, once again, we are dealing with a group of
students who can now hope to gain admission to HE and degree schemes, but who
would have been denied that access in the past.
The UKs Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) became law in 1995, although at
that time it did not apply to all aspects of education. The Special Educational Needs
and Disability Act (SENDA) was added as Part IV of the DDA in 2001. SENDA
places a legal obligation on universities, FE colleges, and schools not to treat a
disabled person less favorably for any reason connected with their disability, and
to make reasonable adjustments if a disabled person would otherwise be placed at
a disadvantage. TechDis Act (c) gives a summary, and the Office of Public Sector
Information (2001) gives the complete act. Knox (2003) also gives a useful guide
for teaching staff.
One effect of the Disability Discrimination Act has been to formalize and clarify
the obligations of the UK FE and HE sectors toward students with Specific Learning
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Difficulties. This, in turn, has continued the gradually increasing acceptance of

dyslexia, and other so-called disabilities, within education, and within society
generally.
Dyslexia and Other SpLDs

Children at school, at all levels and all ages, may be severely affected by specific
learning difficulties. It may be more correct to say that children may be severely
affected, not by any particular SpLD, but by the manner in which their possible
difficulties are regarded by those with whom they come into contact within their
school. While some children may be well received, treated with kindness and consideration, and helped appropriately to achieve their potential; others may be made
to feel stupid and useless at any sort of academic work, and possibly dissuaded
from taking up any further education opportunities in the future.
As a vivid example, Jackie Stewart (2006) reports his feelings at school, and
particularly how he felt disabled as an adult, not by dyslexia, but by the way he
was treated at school:
I wasnt diagnosed as dyslexic until I was 42 years old, and if theres anything missing from
my life its an education Id love to re-run it. I went to a state school in Dumbarton,
Scotland, where I was almost always bottom of the class. The teachers made a fool of me,
called me stupid and told me I wasnt listening properly or paying attention. Theyd say
things like, How do you spell What? and I wouldnt know where to start. Even my
parents, who were good parents, thought I was lazy because they didnt know.
Id go into the playground and the kids would say, Hello, Dummy. So I went with the
other dummies, who were humiliated and angry people but I felt comfortable with them
because they werent embarrassing or humiliating me.
By the time I was 14, I was in the wrong place at the wrong time with the wrong people
and one night got the living daylights kicked out of me, resulting in a broken nose, dislocated shoulder and cracked ribs. I shouldnt have been there with those people.
My school years were the unhappiest of my life in terms of the frustrations and complexes
they gave me and I left school as soon as I could at the age of 15. Although I was embarrassed
by my inabilities, I knew I had to make up for them in other ways. I started clay-pigeon
shooting competitively and ended up winning most of the major championships, shooting for
Scotland and Great Britain. Then, when I was 23, I started motor racing, which improved my
self-respect. But not everybody is as lucky as me to find something they can do well.
By the time of my diagnosis, Id won all of my Grand Prix races and three World
Championships, closed major deals and was financially independent. But I was still thinking, Ive got to try harder because they might find out Im stupid. When I was told I was
dyslexic it felt as though somebody had saved me from drowning.
The apparent persistence of that intense feeling of inferiority and stupidity, despite
overwhelming evidence to the contrary, is remarkable evidence of the damage that
it is possible for institutionalized education to inflict.
The effect of the UKs Disability Discrimination Act on FE and HE is not easy
to assess. It is, in any case, mixed with the effect of changing public awareness of
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Specific Learning Difficulties. Is the Act the result of growing public understanding
and awareness, or does the Act itself increase public knowledge, or both? It may not
be possible to know. The current situation is that FE and HE are now legally obliged
not to discriminate against students or potential students for reasons connected with
a disability; and Specific Learning Difficulties are defined as disabilities just as are,
for examples, blindness or mobility difficulties. In the past some potential students
may not have been admitted to FE or HE; later they may have been admitted, but
left to fare as best they could with inadequate assistance; now there is a legal obligation on educational institutions to give them whatever assistance they require to
be on a par with other students.
Dyslexia
David Grant provides an excellently readable account (Grant, 2005) of his firsthand encounters with many people with dyslexia or dyspraxia, or both. He works
especially with students in higher education. Two extensive autobiographical
accounts of living with dyslexia are given by Susan Hampshire (Hampshire, 1982)
and Eileen Simpson (Simpson, 1980). These books give vivid accounts of personal
experiences. While the educational environment has undoubtedly changed, since
these books were written, for many school pupils with dyslexia, I believe that many
pupils are still treated badly, at all stages of the educational process.
While dyslexia is believed to be by far the most widely distributed SpLD, many
other difficulties, if that is the correct word, are experienced by some people. Each
difficulty may have its own particular characteristics, and give its owner a specific
pattern of strengths and weaknesses. What they all have in common, however, is
a tendency to make their owners appear, both to others and to themselves, to be
different from the majority of people. This is clear in the descriptions of dyslexia,
above, and it is also brought out in accounts such as those given by Daniel Tammet
(2007) and Mark Haddon (2004). Tammet has published an autobiographical
account of his experiences of autism; and Haddon has published a vivid fictional
description of what it must be like to live with Aspergers Syndrome. By describing
personal feelings of alienation and frustration, books and other accounts such as
these provide a clear context in which to consider whether educational institutions
really provide appropriate learning environments for all their pupils or students.
Obstacles to Progression
People who have had experiences such as Sir Jackies at school and in their youth
will understandably tend not to consider any form of further or higher education,
involving reading or writing, as a possibility for them. They may fear themselves
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too stupid to undertake academic study, or they may consider university simply
inaccessible to them. Thus they may easily be lost to the many opportunities which
are actually there for them, but which they may never consider as remotely related
to them. In fact it is perfectly possible for many people with dyslexia to succeed,
and succeed highly, in FE and HE, although some of them may benefit from
assistance of one kind or another.
Differences such as those I have briefly described have been very significant
causes of exclusion from HE in the past, but the difficulties of access are still
present, albeit to a lesser extent. Although Sir Jackie Stewarts experiences of motor
racing are far from average, it is likely that his abiding experiences from school, as
quoted above, are similar to those of very many people who had similar difficulties
while at school. In my opinion, the main factor illustrated by this quotation, and
reported again and again in the literature (Lockley, 2001; Dalton, 2004; Scott, 2004;
Wray, 2001 for examples), is the damage done to self-respect and the way in which
future steps in education are effectively sealed off. The barriers, for some students,
may come down even before they reach the age at which they may legally leave
school; for others they may come down before sixth-form study, FE, or HE.
An example is the father of a student at my university. His son is a wheelchairuser, and has very limited mobility. As a result, both he and his parents have come
into contact with the universitys disability and dyslexia service. This contact gave
the father both the information and interest to enquire about opportunities for himself. This led immediately to his acceptance as an associate student to study one
history module, and also to his assessment for dyslexia and visual stress (Meares
Irlen Syndrome, sometimes called Scotopic Sensitivity Syndrome). His diagnosis
of dyslexia, coupled with his acceptance on an undergraduate module, brought tears
to his eyes with the realization that he was not stupid, as he had always been told,
and that with the help of colored filters he was able to read texts without the words
constantly moving around the page. He walked through doors that were suddenly
opened to him, that he had never even thought would be worth pushing because he
thought they were forever locked.
On the other hand, as Sir Jackies example also demonstrates, dyslexia may also
have more positive effects: 40% of the 300 millionaires who participated in the
more comprehensive study had been diagnosed with dyslexia. Adrian Atkinson,
a business psychologist who worked with the research group, noted that Most
people who make a million have difficult childhoods or have been frustrated in a
major way. Dyslexia is one of the driving forces behind that (The Sunday Times,
October 5, 2003; Reading Rockets, 2006).
In higher education a dyslexic student may appear as being very bright and
alert in tutorials, often being a great contributor to discussions, but then surprise
the lecturer by handing in an essay which appears to be the work of someone who
cannot even string a few words together to make a clear sentence. Students with
dyslexia may have to work extremely hard to achieve middling results which other
students can match, or exceed, with very little effort at all. The experience of
listening to a lecturer, while simultaneously trying to take notes, interpret confusing
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R. Edwards
projected slides and images, and ignore extraneous noises, can leave a student with
dyslexia totally exhausted, and needing a good hours break before the next class,
when the timetable may make that impossible. There is a clear need for more inservice training of FE and HE teaching staff, and such programs are becoming more
widespread.
The key issue here is that UK HE is having to adapt itself partly because of the
need to widen participation to a greater number of students, and partly because of
new legislation. Previously, disabilities have not been readily accepted as valid differences by all HEIs; now HE is more easily acceptable to more potential students.
Widening Participation: Glamorgan Outreach

The University of Glamorgan is one of the post-1992 new universities, having
previously been a polytechnic, developed from the Glamorgan School of Mines,
founded at the beginning of the twentieth century. It is located in southeast Wales,
a few miles north of Cardiff, in an economically deprived area, at the centre of the
once thriving coal and iron industries which revolutionized life and employment in
South Wales in the nineteenth century. More recently the area has suffered periods
of high unemployment, but also the establishment of many small and medium-sized
enterprises requiring employees with new skills and needing retraining. The university recruits a large proportion of its students from the immediate area, and has
put effort into recruiting from as wide a proportion of the community as possible,
under the banner of widening participation.
The University of Glamorgans Outreach Dyslexia Project is based on the belief
there is a substantial body of people who could gain benefit from studying, but who
never consider that possibility because of their previous educational experiences.
Thus the objective of the project is to transfer knowledge about dyslexia and its
effects to people such as these, in their local communities.
In order to achieve this objective the project is currently delivering workshops
on dyslexia at community centers to students, potential students, tutors, and staff;
offering assessments to staff, students, and others who wish it; introducing potential
students to the university campus; and representing the university as a center which
is not necessarily remote and out of touch, but willing and able to contact individuals who might approach HE with less trepidation if they had more encouragement
and support.
There is also an interesting reverse transference of knowledge, in that lecturers
who become more acquainted with dyslexia, and with the different thought processes of their different students, become more attentive and effective teachers.
The project achievements so far include the presentation of workshops, private
individual assessments for dyslexia, and the widening portrayal, however hard this
may be to quantify, of universities as institutions which are aware of dyslexia and
its effects, and which are likely to be welcoming of potential students who have
dyslexia.
24
451
Conclusion
I have given a description of many ways in which students may find routes into,
and through, UK higher education. These ways did not generally exist some years
ago, but are now well established, and, in some cases are showing signs of expanding in significance. Perhaps these new routes represent a manifestation of the US
community college model, in a slightly different form? I have also described how
specific learning difficulties have been a barrier to further and higher education in
the past, and how this position has changed in recent years.
Finally, Mortimores comments on the tensions resulting from encouraging students who have difficulties with literacy into an educational environment where
literacy remains the dominant discourse (Mortimore, 2007) brings me to a conclusion linking my two themes. In the 1970s and 1980s it was more acceptable
than it is now for universities to ignore SpLDs. At a time when only 510% of the
population even expected to enter university it was probably assumed by potential
students and university admissions staff alike that any literacy difficulty would
prevent admission. Universities had no need or pressure to draw upon those people
who needed special support. Indeed, universities may well have contributed to the
sense of failure of those people, by giving them clear evidence of their exclusion
from a significant route to development. Now widening access, and the change
from an elite system of HE to a mass system, means that if universities are aiming
to recruit 50% of the population, they cannot ignore those with SpLDs.
References
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292132.ece
Dalton, P. (2004). Dyslexia & Dyscalculia. Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology
Postnote Number 226.
Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (2005a). Every Child Matters: Further Education
College. Retrieved April 28, 2007, from Every Child Matters Web site: www.everychildmatters.
gov.uk/ete/agencies/fe/
Department for Education and Skills (DfES) (2005b). Foundation Degrees. Retrieved May 25,
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Grant, D. (2005). Thats the Way I Think: Dyslexia and Dyspraxia Explained. London: David Fulton.
Haddon, M. (2004). The Curious Incident of the Dog in the Night-Time. London: Vintage.
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Leitch, S. (2006). Leitch Review of Skills, Prosperity for All in the Global Economy World Class
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uploads/documents/Higher_EducationinFE_Gareth_Parry.doc
Raby, R. L. (2001). Community College Model Characteristics. (ERIC Document Reproduction
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Shattock, M. L. (1998). The Challenge Ahead. Times Higher Education Supplement, August 14,
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Stewart, J. (2006). Article on His Personal Experience of Dyslexia. Hello! Magazine, January 19, 2006.
Tammet, D. (2007). Born on a Blue Day. London: Hodder & Stoughton.
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University of Glamorgan (2007). BA [Hons]/BSc [Hons] Combined Studies. Retrieved May 25,
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Wray, M. (2001). An Introduction to Students with Dyslexia in Higher Education. Retrieved May
30, 2007, from Skill (National Bureau for Students with Disabilities) Web site: http://www.
skill.org.uk/info/demos/dyslexia.asp
Chapter 25
A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact

of Globalization: Case of a Russian
Community College
Eboni M. Zamani-Gallaher and Inna Gorlova
Introduction
The open-door concept is far-reaching as many countries promote access to higher
education. Still persistent, however, is the uneven entry of various segments of society
often on the margins of participation. While higher education in the United States
has had an imprint on higher education across the globe, the US community college
has served as a unique prototype (in various forms) that has become integral for educational access and workforce development. Despite cultural differences in higher
systems globally, higher education for the average person in many societies often
equates to greater economic and occupational mobility, particularly for students from
nontraditional groups (Freeman, 1998; Raby, 2001). However, equality of higher
education opportunities cannot be easily typified as policies and structures for who
gains admission to college in the United States in contrast to other countries is fairly
contextual. Even as the community college model of the United States has emerged
in other parts of the world such as Australia, Canada, China, and South Africa, for
example, comparative examination of education is fraught with ethnocentrism if not
properly done (Noah, 1998). Hence, thematic comparisons (Kogan, 1998) of institutional attributes are better suited in contrasting educational systems.
The aim of this chapter is to explore characteristics of 2-year colleges in the United
States and in the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia. We focus on data related
to Natural-Technical College which is located in the city of Voronezh, Voronezh
Oblast.1 Voronezh Oblast is one of six oblasts that form the Central-Chernozem
Region, also known as the Central Black Soil or Black Earth Region of Russia.
Voronezh is situated approximately 300 miles south of Moscow and the CentralChernozem Region is a part of Central Russia.
This chapter endeavors to discuss themes/patterns relative to globalizing behaviors in community colleges, and whether institutions seek to ingrain globalization
as one means of equalizing opportunities in a postcommunist Russian context and
in a post-civil rights era in the United States. More specifically, similarities and
dissimilarities relative to the mission and core functions of US and Russian community
colleges are assessed against key globalizing behaviors: (1) homogenization,
(2) internationalization, and (3) multiculturalism. Conceptual underpinnings for

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E.M. Zamani-Gallaher and I. Gorlova
this chapter are drawn from Globalization Theory and Kingdons Multiple Streams
Policy Framework in examining the climate for curbing social stratification and
promoting cultural competency in community colleges via internationalization and
multiculturalism as critical forms of global behaviors.
There are many forces impacting equality in higher education environments
(e.g., internal and external political pressures, economic markets, and social roles,
etc.). Becher and Kogan (1992), contend that at any one time, the extent to which
one force (e.g., managerial, civil society, or market criteria) can yield useful comparisons of educational enterprises in different countries should evoke assessing
the impact of political systems comprised of various policies, policy movements,
and structures. More directly stated, this chapter is not starting with theoretical assumptions as the means by which we seek to further the understanding of
the parallels/differences of the function and operation of community colleges in
the United States and the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia. Postsecondary,
non-compulsory, nonuniversity professional educational institutions in Russia
are considered to be similar to community colleges in the United States. These
institutions are referred to by United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization (UNESCO) and the Russian Ministry of Education and Science
as preuniversity levels of higher education. In the Russian educational system,
community colleges which provide preuniversity professional and vocational
training are divided into two educational levels basic vocational education
(Nachalnoe Professionalnoe Obrazovanie) and technical secondary education
(Srednee Professionalnoe Obrazovanie) (Gijsberts, 1998).
Institutions that provide these two levels of professional education include
different types of educational organizations such as professional technical schools
(professionalno-technicheskoe utchilische), lyceums, technikums, and colleges.
While professional technical schools and technikums were features of the Soviet
system, colleges are a newly appeared post-Soviet educational entity. Colleges
were created in accordance with the western educational system and, because of that,
Russian colleges meet many of the characteristics of community colleges.
Methodological Considerations
The chapter reflects an attempt to identify the analogous and dissimilar epistemological foundation of the community college mission and functions relative to
evidence of three global behaviors (i.e., homogenization, internationalism, and
multiculturalism). Analysis of the extant literature in addition to existing information
garnered through content analysis of public documents and archival materials (e.g.,
research literature peer-reviewed articles/scholarly book chapters; institutional
Web sites, college-course catalogs, strategic plans, core values, mission and vision
statements, white papers, and policy briefs, etc.). Our examination of the aforementioned materials was conducted based on Levins framing of Globalization Theory
and the Multiple Streams Policy Analysis paradigm developed by Kingdon. More
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A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization
455
explicitly, Kingdon describes the policy process in terms of three interactive streams.
The first stream referred to as the problem stream is characterized by what policy
issues are considered high priority and are added to the agenda pass the competing
interests of policymakers. Second in the policy process is the solution stream in
which there is a testing of the waters to ascertain what policy ideas will be welcomed
for discussion, need further revisiting, and/or should be combined with other social
conditions in need of addressing. The third is the political stream which involves
specific policy initiatives receiving support that could lead to official proposing of
the policy or disfavor resulting in resistance to implementation from constituents in
key decision making posts (e.g., legislative or executive branches of government).
Relative to globalization theory, our approach calls for closer examination of
the national political culture and changing demographics as a backdrop to shaping
homogenization, internationalization, and multiculturalism as global behaviors
that have emerged in community college models. Overall, the foundation for our
analysis in this chapter seeks to examine what problems, solutions, and politics
presented the right timing for a window of opportunity (Kingdon, 2003),
resulting in acceptability of globalization at the 2-year college level. Hence, the
community college in effect is responding to globalization through augmenting
the curriculum, offering new programs, working with local employers to meet
workforce and training development needs (Gijsberts, 1998). Colleges seek to
establish more relationships with local secondary schools to recruit students, with
local businesses to provide jobs for their graduates, and with local higher education
institutions to increase access for graduates to higher education.
As community colleges worldwide are called to respond to the needs for workforce education and training of divergent learners, content analysis methods were
used to provide illumination regarding institutional access and globalization in
the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia. Hence, the authors sought to take into
account that the context for postsecondary education in the Central-Chernozem
Region of Russia is uniquely challenged by transitioning from a socialist society
to what is considered to be a more democratic society.2 We have been intentional
in highlighting the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia, given it is one of the
most populated and industrially developed Russian regions illustrative of rapidly
changing markets which have lead to transformations in professional education at
all levels from vocational preuniversity training to higher learning and research
institutions.
The new world order in Russia is reflective of emerging multicultural dimensions in schooling along the educational pipeline and reconfigurations of national
identity in lieu of multiethnic participation as well as concerns regarding access by
gender and socioeconomic status (Dmitriyev, 2000). Dmitriyev (2000) contends
that multicultural education is a new phenomenon in post-Soviet Russia. Relative
to homogenization and internationalization as global behaviors, Russian higher
education mimics the US educational system in its inability to have an authentic
acknowledgement that racial/ethnic preferences surface in education with regard
to hiring practices and student admissions decisions. Further, we believe that
multicultural approaches in education (e.g., affirming diversity in terms of hiring
456
and admissions) will enrich the culture of higher education institutions, their
openness to changes, and further develop their capacity to thrive.
Given the demographic changes that include growing numbers of students of
interethnic marriages, class clashes, and increasing numbers of senior citizens, the
younger generation in Russia has the difficulty of negotiating the wave of educational
reform amid negotiating multiple identities with the countrys postcommunist identity.
There is a small body of research by Russian scholars that examines diversity issues in terms of demographic shifts, equity, and patterns of globalization
(Dmitriyev, 2000; Ilyin, 2003; Rozanova, 2003, 2004). Rozanova (2004) is one of
the few Russian scholars that study cultural hegemony in Russia as one of the
complexities of global transformations whereby she situates the preponderance
of education and diversity as factors that contribute to dominion and exclusion
in contemporary Russian society. However, little, if any, research by Russian
educators and researchers has squarely focused on the interaction of racial/ethnic
pluralism in correspondence with social class or gender as they may bear influence
on systemic access dilemmas in lieu of globalization.
Interestingly when considering globalizing behaviors, Russia has been charged
with homogenization at a national level in terms of quickly mirroring American
capitalism (Bridger and Pine, 1998). Conversely, the United States is still grappling
with the economic realities of globalization via diversity in its many forms that
is poised to ultimately drive modern American capitalism (Garcia, 2004). Given
the demographic situation in Russia being described as a crisis, how has the
primary role, functions, and mission of community colleges evolved in fostering
increased access for disadvantaged social groups? More explicitly, we pondered:
To what extent can globalization be embraced in Russia to transform nonuniversity
colleges to better respond to Russias new pluralism as a means of addressing social
stratification? All said the overarching aim of this case study was to determine the
relativity or in other words which global forces vary according to context and those
which appear to be comparable along the lines of Kingdons model.
This exploratory case study offers a policy analysis examining how ethnicity, gender, migration patterns, and employment trends along with various changes in the cultural, economic, and political structure influence access at Natural-Technical College
(NTC), located in Voronezh, Voronezh oblast, Central-Chernozem Region of Russia.
NTC is a preuniversity non-compulsory educational institution that was founded
as Voronezh Radio-Technical College (Voronezhskiy Radio-Technikum) in 1937.
NTC was established by the federal government with the task to prepare technical
professionals for developing industry in the Central-Chernozem Region of Russia.
Keeping the mission to prepare students to work for industry as well as to go to the
next higher level of professional education, the NTC was joined to the higher educational institution, Voronezh Politechnical Institute, in 1960 and was renamed Faculty
of Secondary Technical Education (Fakultet Srednetechnicheskogo Obrazovaniya).
However, the pros and cons of open access have presented a dilemma relative to
mission, the role of internationalization and the context for multiculturalism. To-date
available data indicates that globalizing changes in the curriculum have not affect the
overall mission and corresponding admission policy of Natural-Technical College.
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Just as it has since the beginning of its existence, Natural-Technical College admits
the same category of students graduates from the high schools. For other potential
learners the door of the college is kept closed.
There are 48 community colleges in Voronezh, and all of those institutions are
competitors. All colleges compete for students, for resources, and for prestige. The
demographic situation is expected to bring a new challenge to colleges in the following
years. The coming generation of secondary school students was born in the early
1990s when the birthrate was very low because of an economical, political, and social
crisis that the country experienced (DaVanzo and Adamson, 1997). In short, Russian
postsecondary institutions expect to face a decreasing number of young people.
Historical and Theoretical Foundation

Globalization Theory
According to Mason (as cited in Zeszotarski, 2001), for globalization to take root
and flourish is more dependent on culture and the skillful attendance of dealing
with cultural differences than economic issues alone. The variety of the worlds
citizens today reflects an increase in people across the spectrum of difference.
Culture, globally speaking, involves multiple cultures and is comprised of persons
that are multiethnic, increasingly multilingual, with the acknowledgement that all
segments of the world are interrelated and connected (Levin, 2002b). Therefore,
there has been a redefining of community from its original conceptualization, particularly when considering community colleges as a form of higher education.
The process of globalization has ignited increased competition among higher
learning institutions on an international scale. In a similar sense, higher education
is experiencing the impact of globalization much like the business sector in terms
of revenue diversification the call for high production to meet high skill and high
demand markets that make knowledge management a commodity (Levin, 2001b; Liu,
2007; Waters, 1996). In correspondence to this paradigm shift of increased competition, greater diversity, and need for highly skilled training, the international emphasis
at many institutions of higher learning began to take root; the community college was
not exempt from the manifestation and residual effects of economic globalization
(Levin, 2000, 2001a). Prior research illustrates that there are ramifications of globalization theory for community colleges (Dudley, 1998; Levin, 2001a, b, 2002a; Levy
and Merry, 1986; Knowles, 1995; Raby, 2001; Raby and Tarrow, 1996).
Mission and Purpose

The National Doctrine of Education of Russian Federation (n.d.) defined new
goals of education and expected results for the period until the year 2025. With the
purpose of integration of Russian system of education into the world educational
458
system taking into account national experience and traditions (National Doctrine
of Education, n.d.), the first step of the postcommunist Russian government was
made in 2000 on the secondary school level. The 10-year secondary school Russian
system which includes elementary, middle, and high schools was altered to 12 years
of schooling (i.e., look-alikes of Western secondary school systems). Today, some
secondary schools offer a 12-year program, whereas most Russian schools did not
complete transition and work with the 11-year framework. Students from each type
of secondary school programs (i.e., those with 11 as well as those with 12 years of
schooling) attend community colleges in Russia.
Globalizing Behaviors
The likeness of community colleges in the United States and abroad (i.e., whereby
they have remarkable shared characteristics) is representative of how institutions
attempt to standardize the delivery of their services, streamline their processes,
align their products, as well as approach their work in the same fashion speaks of
homogeneity (Levin, 2001a). Homogenization in addition to internationalization and
multiculturalism are among the globalizing behaviors shaping higher education.
The following segment discusses these three activities with regard to the manner in
which community colleges in Russia and the US have attempted to become globalminded institutions.
Homogenization as related to institutions of higher learning in Russia, illu-strating
features of the US community college system, encompasses five homogenizing
characteristics corresponding to Rabys (2001) community college models. The first
characteristic of the community college model defines these institutions as postsecondary and post-compulsory institutions which are included in national educational
plans, have a curriculum, budget, and a mission that expresses localized connections
(Raby, 2001, p. 2). In the United States there is clear organization of a formalized
community college system which includes: stand-alone institutions, branch campuses, community colleges embedded into the 4-year institutions with variations in
governance structures (e.g., independent boards, multiunit, consolidated, coordinating
boards, district and state boards, etc.). By contrast, Natural-Technical College accepts
students who accomplished the compulsory and/or secondary education. Currently,
in Russia, the minimum mandatory education is ninth-grade graduation. Complete
(polnoe) secondary education students receive the equivalent of the US high school
diploma upon graduation from the 11th grade. It is mandatory for those students who
were accepted after 9th grade to learn the entire course of the 10th and 11th grade of
high school during their study at the college. In short, a community college education
allows students to concurrently complete their high school program. Additionally,
NTC implements national educational plans of the Russian Ministry of Education
and Science (Programmy razvitiya obrazovaniya, n.d.) through providing academic
activities and receiving funds from the federal budget. The programs offered by NTC
are required to be licensed and certified by the National Accreditation Agency of
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Russia (Quality Assurance, n.d.). The federal funding covers 100% of the cost for
more than half of the students who study at NTC.
The second community college model characteristic indicates that the institutions have a specific purpose that advocates a singular element (technical or
occupational), or combines pre-university academic, technical, vocational, occupational, training/retraining, socio-cultural and adult education (Raby, 2001, p. 2).
Case in point, Natural-Technical College delivers educational programs that prepare
professionals with certificates and associate degrees and those transfer students
who go on to the next stage of postsecondary institutions. NTC prepares secondary school graduates to work as professionals in industry, construction, advanced
welding, and nursing. The average length of training programs is 3 years. However,
about 70% of NTCs graduates continue their education at senior level (i.e., 4- or
5-year) institutions of higher learning. NTC was unable to provide information
relative to tracking student graduation rates.
The third characteristic of homogenization speaks about community colleges
not being held in the highest esteem. It is commonplace for community colleges to
be seen as lesser institutions of higher learning by state and federal governments;
they are often relegated to being prisoners of elitism in academia by university
scholars or met with low regard by the general populace (Raby, 2001, 2007). This
characteristic holds true across the US context of higher education and is mirrored
in Russia as, for example, Natural-Technical College is not considered as an elite
or prestigious postsecondary institution. Admission requirements show that NTC
serves people from low-income and socially disadvantaged groups and those who
would be considered as the underserved individuals with the lack of preuniversity preparation. Of course, lack of attention from the federal government is tied
with the lower funds from federal, state, and municipal budgets (i.e., NTC receives
funding from remaining amount of the principle budget).
The fourth characteristic of community colleges is their focus on local needs
(Raby, 2001). Russias NTC similarly addresses the needs of the local market in
terms of producing highly qualified workers, technical professionals, and nurses for
community-based employers. The fifth homogenizing characteristic reflects the fact
that community college models embody an ideal that low tuition accentuates open
access, which in turn perpetuates alternative routes for post-secondary education that
can build and maintain democratic overtures in relation to societal changes (Raby,
2001, p. 4). During Soviet times, there were some quota programs for ethnic
minorities that helped those people in or from former Soviet republics to get higher
education. Currently, Russias colleges require students to be Russian citizens,
to have money for their education, or to meet requirements if college applicants
attempt to receive financial aid. Students from any ethnic minority group who are
Russian citizens are considered Russian speakers. Hence, students who come to
Russia from former Soviet republics (i.e., Kazakhstan, Ukraine, etc.) are expected
to be fluent in Russian language. International students from countries others than
former Soviet republics are offered to learn Russian as a Foreign Language prior
to study at the college or university. Additionally, courses on Russian as a foreign
language traditionally are offered by the as 45 year courses universities.
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NTC provides access to low-income and socially disadvantaged citizens that may
not otherwise have postsecondary educational opportunities. These underserved
groups represent the majority in a developing country such as Russia. Everyday
people in Russia are not as frequently able to enter higher education which could
subsequently aid in their ability to meet personal goals and succeed professionally.
Furthermore, the chance to participate in decision-making processes and to defend
their rights as citizens eludes many Russians that have not ascended educationally.
Prior to the massification era of higher education in the United States, the vast
majority of American citizens also could not realize postsecondary attainment as it
was a primary vehicle of further advancement for the elite. Even in contemporary
times, there still remains a neglected majority, as Dale Parnell so aptly argued in the
mid-1980s; this group spans first-generation, low-income, racial/ethnic minorities,
students with disabilities, women, and displaced workers which often fall through
the cracks of the educational system and are at the margins of full participation in
higher education in the United States. Akin to these homogenizing characteristics
that are reflective of global behaviors within the US context are parallels relative to
issues of higher educational access in Russia.
NTC was selected for this case study as it is a typical example of majority of
colleges across the city of Voronezh, across the region, and across Russia. The
uniqueness of the college is its affiliation to the higher educational institution, in
particular Voronezh State Technical University. Also of note, the NTCs affiliation to the larger postsecondary education structure allowed its resources to be
accessible for the authors.
Similar to the US community colleges, Russias community colleges are separate
educational entities that see their role in preparation of middle-level qualified professionals who assist specialists with the higher level of education. Attempting
to meet the demand of a large segment of students to pursue higher education,
Russias community colleges established partnerships with local universities to
provide students with easier access to higher education and is more cost-efficient.
Subsequently, community college graduates usually enroll at the third year of the
university program.
Internationalization
Levin (2001b, 2002b) describes the manifestation of globalization in postsecondary education in terms of behaviors such as efforts to attract international students,
internationalizing the curriculum, offering more foreign- language courses and
study-abroad experiences. Therefore, generally speaking, internationalization in
higher education encompasses several aspects including: curriculum development,
increasing the presence of international faculty, matriculating international student
enrollees, and so forth. Internationalization also extends to educational services
exported by colleges, the level of student, faculty, and/or institutional involvement
in international projects. However, in proffering our ideologies in concert with the
extant literature, it is our belief that internationalization is an integrative process of
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weaving the sociopolitical, cross-cultural, and economic dimensions of the worlds

societies across multifaceted missions of higher learning institutions.
In essence internationalization calls for higher education officials to purposefully seek to enhance students understanding of international interdependence,
encourage their global awareness, and cultivate intercultural competencies. From
a US context, this would include intertwining internationalization across the
tripartite mission of teaching, research, and service functions in the case of 4-year
colleges and universities. Applicable to the multiple missions of community
colleges is the collegiate, vocational, continuing education, and community service
functions (Cohen and Brawer, 2008). More recently scholars have noted a mission
shift relative to the key functions of the community colleges expanding to include
increasing remediation, contract education, and global economic concerns driving
alterations to the mission (Bailey and Averianova, 1998; Levin, 2000).
When considering this pattern of infusion in the United States, some community
colleges have been proactive in altering their mission to shift from merely localized
educational concerns to being more cognizant of the need for a globally educated
community (Levin, 2002b; Zeszotarski, 2001). In Russia there has been increased
involvement in teaching foreign languages and the implementation of international
projects. Different teaching methods are used at Commerce-Bank College, Moscow,
for their foreign language courses. These methods are as follows: playing business
games which include negotiating, signing contracts, and dealing with business correspondence; watching and discussing video films; organizing concerts of foreign songs;
issuing student newspapers in foreign languages, conducting language contests.
In fact, the participation of postsecondary institutions in intercontinental
ventures has brought some colleges recognition from international organizations
such as the State College of Technology and Management in Moscow Oblast
receiving the American Golden Certificate of International Prestige award in
2003. The award was given to the State College of Technology and Management
for international collaboration with European and American institutions, for
strong partnerships with college graduates employers, and for quality of educational programs (Roginskiy, 2005). Students of all majors at Natural-Technical
College receive training on usage of modern personal computers (PCs) and
software in their professional fields. Medical professional equipment produced
abroad is used for future technical professionals who would serve the similar
equipment in hospitals and clinics after graduation. Voronezh State IndustrialLiberal College has an international partnership with Finland. Students at this
college go abroad for short-term educational trips and also obtain experience
hosting their peers and professors who visit their college in Voronezh.
The majority of educational institutions across the country continue to reproduce traditions of centralized authoritarian culture. Educational administrators lack
knowledge and skills of how to initiate and apply all possibilities that free market
and new time bring to them. Successful examples of achievements and recognitions
of some colleges become very important for administrators and educational leaders
to learn about ways to succeed, encourage global education, and to prepare students
to meet the needs of employers.
462
Multiculturalism
Overall, multiculturalism speaks of the complicated interchange between cultural and
ethnic diversity; how it plays out in society and in particular in educational institutions
as microcosms of the larger social world. Scholars have noted that multiculturalism
is a key educational reform strategy that calls for unveiling the histories and cultures
of marginalized groups, the value-laden assumptions regarding contributions of
diverse racial groups, and forwarding a social justice agenda to remediate inequitable
educational outcomes (Banks, 2006; Nieto and Bode, 2007). However, as it relates
to globalization, Levin (2001b) contends that one way in which the globalizing process manifests at community colleges is through their acknowledgement of changing
demographics (such as growth in English as a Second Language (ESL) and immigrant students) beyond how the new pluralism drives student enrollment or monetary
motivations. While there are many ways or behaviors illustrative of globalization in
higher education, the practices of a college, its policies, and mission, and so on, reflect
the degree to which a particular community colleges primary functions with regard to
the exchange of teaching and learning demonstrate a commitment to diversity.
Relative to diversity and multiculturalism in Russia, Dmitriyev (2000) asserts that
cultural racism exists particularly against people from Africa or toward people with
yellow skin (e.g., yellow-skin people in Russia are people who are referred to as
brown-skin persons in the United States). However, more significant, are ethnic conflicts between Russians and ethnic groups of people who moved legally or illegally
to Russia from former Soviet republics in Caucasus region (Azerbaijan, Armenia,
Georgia) and from middle Asian republics (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan,
Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan). Russians view representatives of these ethnic groups
as well as immigrants from Afghanistan, China, and Vietnam as stealers of their jobs,
wealth, and well-being, and refer to those people as blacks (Dmitriyev, 2000, p. 7).
Additionally, there is a debate over what constitutes Russian people as other
ethnic groups emerge desiring to refer to themselves ethnically in contrast to
national terms. Soviet ethnocentrism persists in other ways as interethnic marriages
are producing an increasing number of bi- and multiethnic Russians who are
confronted with reconciling multiple identities with regard to nationality and ethnic
background (Dmitriyev, 2000). Colleges in Russia recognize the ethnic tensions.
Abuses and deaths of few international students by Russian skinheads created big
scandals and public talks.3
Educational institutions of all levels constantly seek ways how to develop tolerance, respect, and interethnic understanding. Most common activities that colleges
implement are related to celebrating the cultures. Days of ethnical cultures include
preparing ethnic food, performing rituals, dances, songs, ethnic costumes.
According to Hovland (2005a, b), the learning objectives for affirming diversity
under the auspices of multiculturalism are not divergent from global education.
Global education could be quite complimentary to the basic tenets of multiculturalism as each advances social justice from multiple perspectives to promote cultural/
intercultural understanding and competency. In spite of the commonalities and
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463
parallels that could be made in taking Westernized forms of diversity global, the
intentional exploration of intersections between multiculturalism and globalization
in the curriculum (especially at resource-dependent community colleges) is scarce.
Kingdons Public Policy Model

The policy process typically involves a series of events occurring within a highly
politicized environment with various stakeholders jockeying for position over policy issues. Policy issues arise from public concerns over controversial policy issues
(e.g., issues related to perceived social ills such as immigration, segregation, etc.).
Fowler defines public policy as the dynamic and value laden process through
which a political system handles a public problem. It includes a governments
expressed intentions and official enactments as well as its consistent patterns of
activity and inactivity (2004, p. 9). Similarly, Kingdon (2003) frames public
policy on a continuum comprised of a series of processes which includes four parts:
(1) agenda setting, (2) specifying alternatives, (3) making authoritative choices, and
(4) implementation of the policy decision.
Kingdons model calls for multiple streams to converge in the policy process for
policymaking to occur. When the nexus between the three streams takes place, this
is referred to as the window of opportunity. According to Kingdon, the window
eventually opens when precipitating events and incidents in the problem and/or political stream raise the attention to social problems considered to have public causes.
While Kingdons approach is comprised of a series of events, it would be a misnomer to present it as if it were sequential and linear in nature (2003). Kingdon does
not consider policymaking a stage-like process but considers each of the streams
to intersect while being independent of one another until a window of opportunity
opens. While Kingdons Multiple Streams Policy Framework has not been applied in
the limited research on globalization with equity/access policies by Russian scholars,
we feel that this organizing conceptual framework may have heuristic value in examining the interface of globalization in terms of the effects of internationalization and
multiculturalism emerging in the community college context (Fig. 25.1).
Emergence of Globalization: A Multiple Steams Analysis

Background, Issues and Events: Russia
In contrast with the United States, where community colleges were initially
developed and expanded through the state legislatures increasing venues for
access to higher education, postsecondary vocational/occupational schools in
Russia (former USSR) were established by the federal government. Unlike their
US counterparts, Russian taxpayers were not involved in decision making and
464
Problem Stream
Window of
Opportunity
Coupling &
Policy
Formation
Driving issues, changes, & actors

that promote or constrain
policymaking (e.g., demographics,
economy, educational access,
occupational mobility, geopolitical
concerns, special interests groups,
etc.).
Solution Stream
Political
Stream
Fig. 25.1 Illustration of policy framework based on Kingdons multiple streams analysis
respectively did not participate in policymaking. During the Soviet reign, the
role of community colleges was strictly defined to prepare the working class
and Soviet intelligentsia (e.g., elementary school teachers, nurses, and others
who can be considered as blue collar). Research by Gerber has shown that
career pathways following the fall of the Soviet educational system are greatly
influenced by present institutional hierarchies which arguably reduce life chances
and perpetuate social stratification in Russian society (2000, 2003). In fact, when
examining gender and class differences, women and persons with low-income
status more commonly attend less prestigious institutions of higher education
(i.e., specialized secondary educational school also referred to as tekhnikum,
technical colleges); are employed at lower rates, experience wage differentials;
and have higher rates of layoffs (Gerber, n.d., 2006).
While the elitist dichotomy of Vysshee Uchebnoe Zavedenie (VUZy), which
are akin to the university system in the United States, and Srednee Spetsialnoe
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465
Uchebnoe Zavedenie (SSUZy), the equivalent to vocationaltechnical community

colleges, exists at present, during the early Soviet-era colleges, preuniversity
educational institutions were recognized as highly prestigious institutions that
accepted well-prepared secondary school graduates. Postwar Russia brought the
expansion of postsecondary education (Gerber, n.d.). The length of a secondary
school education was 8 years during that time, and a very few higher education
institutions accepted those who graduated from community colleges. In the 1950s,
the federal government made a decision to develop the secondary school program
and extended it 2 more years. Since that time, secondary schools provided two
levels of graduation after eighth grade and after tenth grade. About 15 years
ago, 1 or in some cases 2 more years were added to the school program to make it
more similar to the Western high school model of a 12th-grade secondary school.
Hence, contemporary compulsory education is 9 years and completion of secondary education requires 11 or 12 years of study.
Today, Russian community colleges admit students with both levels of graduation, 9th and 11th (12th), and teach students on separate programs where the
9th- grade graduates must complete their secondary school education during
their study at college. The general admission requirements include to be a
Russian citizen, to have a graduation certificate (Svidetelstvo after 9th grade
and Attestat after 11th or 12th grade), to provide standardized test results (Edinyi
Gosudarstvennyi Ekzamen), or to pass entrance examinations and an interview.
Currently, each of two levels of nonuniversity professional education offers
training for more than 280 different professions in about 40 professional fields.
From 1997 to 2000, over 20 new professions in Secondary Professional Education
were added to the Russian Profession Classification. Forty-five percent of professions which are taught at colleges are unique and are not offered in higher education. In the literature, nonuniversity professional education often is considered as
a separate independent level of professional education that serves the particular
employment needs of organizations, businesses, and agencies and meets demands
of the big part of the economy. As it was mentioned above, as per the official
documents of the Russian Ministry of Education, according to the international
classification of UNESCO, Russian colleges are referred to preuniversity level
of higher education.
The changes occurring in post-Soviet time led to the decentralization of the
educational system. The Russian Federation Law on Education that was legislated in 1992 states that educational institutions must develop bylaws and other
necessary policies in accordance with the Russian Federation Constitution that
guarantee all Russian citizens equal rights for professional and higher education
on competitive basis. The Federal Law on Education states that educational institutions admission policy must not discriminate against people because of their race,
gender, age, religion, beliefs, language, health conditions, social class, residency,
and criminal background. Orphans and people with disabilities of the first and
second categories have a priority for admission at college or higher education
institution (Russian Federal Law on Education, n.d.).
466
Problem Stream
Post-Soviet Russia and the Globalized Community College
The decentralization process of the education system resulted in a number of
changes and the governing of institutions implemented democratic features. The
transition from a socialist state to attempting to position for a market economic base
has resulted in significant changes in government revenue and consequently the
inadequacy of higher education financing. More specifically, the ability of higher
education to expand its reach in the training and development of citizens is largely
dependent on admissions policies and financial reform such as the legalization of
tuition for all publicly or privately controlled colleges (Liu, 2007). Appointments
to most leadership positions were changed by voting for candidates. Approaches in
curriculum and instruction now contain some degree of academic freedom, though
post-Soviet Russia shows career opportunities and advancement in academia
increasingly stratified with little upward mobility (Smolentseva, 2003).
The educational policies of the Soviet government and the Communist party
were designed strategically to educate each category of people for particular
purposes in particular period of time. Nontraditional students were considered as
undesirable incidents in case they happened to be into the system. For instance,
from 1920s through the end of 1940s, the government provided mandatory illiteracy
courses for adults. Young people had to receive a formal basic education according
their abilities and willingness for future work or study. Everything in education was
smoothly moved to serve the economy and politics. The individual needs in education were not considered as an important issue because the needs of the country were
prioritized. Therefore, the planned economy and centralized system directed people
to follow the existing path in education. In terms of educational pathways, literacy
campaigns involved a nationwide task for a major part of the adult population in the
country. Classes for adults were opened by all educational institutions. Komsomol
as well as Communist party was responsible for political literacy of the people.
Up-Close Voronezh: Natural-Technical College (NTC)

Voronezh is a well-developed industrial city that boasts a population of over one
million people. As such Voronezh has to change very quickly to capitalize on the free
market and respond to global demands. Local businesses frequently request highly
qualified specialists in different fields from institutions of higher learning. This new
era has introduced innovative technologies, called for up-to-the-minute services, and
the latest professional languages. Case in point, Russian language does not keep pace
with English terms which enter the Russian environment and do not get translated.
English words such as marketing or management that are used without translation in
Russian spelling are examples of global effects on language, life, and culture.
According to the opinions of administrators at NTC, the material and professional
resources of their college allows them to increase and expand training programs,
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467
and provide educational services to greater number of students. An open access to

education for different categories of people should be the next step in the NaturalTechnical College admission policy toward meeting new demands of global forces
while facing new challenges and satisfying the local community needs.
An open access admission policy is one of the homogenizing features of
globalization as it corresponds to the US community college system. While Russia
does not have a formalized community college system, again, there (Table 25.1).
Various financial aid programs make costs at the community college affordable for
a wide range of people. Similar to the US context, the possibility to transfer credits
attracts those students who want to save some money by paying lower tuition at the
community college level.
Table 25.1 Postsecondary, non-compulsory, nonuniversity educational institutions in Voronezh,

Voronezh Oblast, Russia (Data is valid for 2006)
Name of educational institution Pronunciation
Translation
1.
2.
-
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

10.
-
11.
12.

13.

Voronezhskiy Aviatsionnyi
Tekhnikum
Voronezhskiy Gosudarstvennyi
PromyshlennoGumanitarnyi Kolledzh
Voronezhskiy Mekhanicheskiy
Tekhnikum
Voronezhskiy Montazhnyi
Tekhnikum
Voronezhskiy FinansovoEkonomicheskiy Tekhnikum
Voronezhskiy Yuridicheskiy
Tekhnikum
Energeticheskiy Tekhnicum
Voronezhskiy Kolledzh
Nomos
Voronezhskiy Bazovyi
Meditsinskiy Kolledzh
Voronezhskiy Gosudarstvennyi
PromyshlennoEkonomicheskiy Kolledzh
Voronezhskiy
Gosudarstvennyi
PromyshlennoTechnologicheskiy
Kolledzh
Voronezhskiy
Gosudarstvennyi
ProfessionalnoPedagogicheskiy Kolledzh
Zheleznodorozhnogo
Transporta
Voronezh Aviation College

Voronezh State IndustrialLiberal College
Voronezh College of
Mechanics
Voronezh College of
Industrial Assembly
Voronezh College of
Finance and Economics
Voronezh College of Law
College of Energy
Voronezh Nomos
College
Voronezh College of
Nursing
Voronezh State College of
Industrial Economics
Industrial Technology

Pedagogy
Voronezh College of
Railroad Transportation
(continued)
468
Name of educational institution
Pronunciation
Voronezhskiy
14.
Elektromechanicheskiy

Kolledzh

Zheleznodorozhnogo
Transporta
15.

Minyusta Rossii
16.
,
Ekonomiki,
Menedzhmenta i Prava
17. -
Estestvenno-Tekhnicheskiy

Kolledzh Voronezhskogo

Gosudarstvennogo
Tekhnicheskogo
Universiteta
18.
Kolledzh Professionalnykh
,
Tekhnologiy,

Ekonomiki i Servisa
19.
20. -
21.

22.
23. -
24.
1
25.
11
26.
12
27.
13
28.
17
29.
18
30.
21
31.
3
32.
30
33.
36
Moskovskiy Finansoviy
Kolledzh
Muzykalno-Pedagogicheskiy
Kolledzh
Muzykalnoe Utchilische
imeni Rostropovichey
Khudozhestvennoe Uchilische
Pozharno-Technicheskoe
Uchilische
Professionalnoe
Uchilische #1
Professionalnoe
Uchilische #11
Professionalnoe
Uchilische #12
Professionalnoe
Uchilische #13
Professionalnoe
Uchilische #17
Professionalnoe
Uchilische #18
Professionalnoe
Uchilische #21
Professionalnoe
Uchilische #3
Professionalnoe
Uchilische #30
Professionalnoe
Uchilische #36
Translation
Voronezh Electric and
Mechanics College of
Railroad Transportation
Voronezh College of the

Ministry of Justice
Voronezh College
of Economics,
Management, and Laws
Natural-Technical College
at Voronezh State
Technical University
College of Professional
Technologies,
Economics, and
Services
Moscow College of
Finance
Pedagogical College of
Music
Rostropoviches School of
Music
School of Fine-Arts
School of Firefighting
Techniques
Professional School #1
(continued)
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469

Name of educational institution
Pronunciation
Translation
34.
53
35.
2
36. 4
37. 7
38. -
39.

Professionalnoe
Uchilische #53
Professionalnyi
Litshey #2
Professionalnyi Litshey #4
Professionalnyi Litshey #7
Voronezhskiy UchebnoKursovoy Kombinat
Voronezhskiy Uchebnyi
Kombinat Minstroya
40.

41.
1
42.
2
43. -
44. -
45. -
46. -

47. -
6
48.

-
Professional Lyceum #2
Voronezh Training Center
Voronezh Training Center

of the Ministry of
Construction
Mezhkhozyaistvennyi
Training Center of
Uchebnyi Kombinat
Voronezh Agricultural
Voronezhagropromstroy
Industrial Construction
Mezhshkolnyi Uchebnyi
Secondary School
Kombinat #1
Training Center #1
Mezhshkolnyi Uchebnyi
Secondary School
Kombinat #2
Training Center #2
Uchebno-Kursovoy Kombinat Training Center
Uchebno-Kursovoy Kombinat Training Center
Avtotransporta
of Automobile
Transportation
Uchebno-Kursovoy Kombinat Training Center of Pipe
Tsentrotruboprovodstroy
Installation
Tsentral
Central-Chernozem
no-Chernozemnyi
Training Center
Uchebnyi Kombinat
Uchebno-Proizvodstvennyi
Academy #6 Training
Center of Production
Kombinat Shkoly-Internat #6
Uchebno-Konsultatsionnyi
Training and Consulting
Punkt Buturlinovskogo
Center of Buturlinov
Torgovo-Ekonomicheskogo
College of Economics
Tekhnikuma
Sales and Services
Consider different interest groups that would express their pros and cons
regarding open-access policies, who the college is for, and the affordability of NTC.
Changes and new applications are always accompanied by resistance and opposition
from conservative stakeholders (Kingdon, 2003). However, the struggle for change
not only brings victories and benefits for some special interest groups but also losses
that relate to nonmaterial things such as values, traditions, stereotypes, or power and
influence.
What obstacles would appear in designing a new admission policy or in revamping the mission to encompass globalization to address the current demographic
situation created by the drop in birthrates, migration, and economic and political
crises of early 1990s? There are a few categories of stakeholders who would reject
470
and hamper new changes. There may be resistance from bureaucrats in reshaping
admissions to target nontraditional students. In essence, Russian authorities would
lose some control over the educational institutions because new types of students
would incite a cultural paradigm shift that would require new assessments, new
policies, and drive the diversification of curricular offerings.
Another special interest group who would possibly reject the admission policy
changes and any subsequent attempts to reform Russian education to be more reflective of international and multicultural issues are conservative professors and educational leaders. These groups of educators believe that a community college has to
teach its traditional students not seek to target the underserved through implementation of a governmental order to carry out social reengineering of higher education.
Traditional-minded, old generation rejects changes and would defend not having the
scope of education address the needs of diverse cultural groups.
Solution Stream
In spite of resistance from conservative groups of educators and government
authorities, rapid globalization will continue to force colleges to be cognizant of
changes in education policy as well as more efficient relative to human and fiscal
resources. At present, Russian universities have actively sought to attract foreign
students to increase the number of fee-paying students since only roughly 1520%
of those enrolled pay tuition (Liu, 2007). Hence, individual Russian community
colleges could follow suit of higher education (i.e., universities) in aggressively
recruiting international students to stimulate additional revenues for the schools.
Voronezh NTC could be a great example for other colleges in the Russian
postsecondary system by implementing a new approach of open access in the
admission policy in addition to integrating globalization into their mission via
curriculum and student services. The open access approach will help NTC find
new ways and potentials for future development and survival as increased access
benefits potential and current students, faculty, staff, and local businesses. Hence,
the resources and official status of the college should allow for the design and
delivery of quality training programs for diverse student groups.
To make the changes in admission policies less painful, the policymakers can
design the open access with a step-by-step implementation which would gradually
open doors of the college for different groups of learners. Policymakers could identify
the groups of learners such as professionals from the business sector, groups from the
employment centers, or minority groups across the spectrum of cultural differences. In
implementing a new step-by-step approach, the open-access policy could first provide
an access for businesses to send their employees for professional development trainings. The employers would pay for courses on management, marketing, sales, culture
of the organization, team building, new software usage, and other areas of demand.
The Municipal Employment Centers help adults find jobs, so they will send their
clients to the college to take classes in order to develop their qualifications or change
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professions. The Youth Employment Centers deal with the high school students from
lower-income families by giving them temporary jobs during summer school breaks.
In practice, there are very few opportunities for teenagers to be employed for summer
period. The Youth Employment Centers can send students to take summer classes at
the Natural-Technical College and prepare them for future study. Students could take
credit classes which would later be accepted by the college.
In relationship to ethnicity in Russian higher education, the educational needs
of minority ethnic groups are not explored very much at NTC. It is obvious that
migration from the former Soviet countries significantly affected the current demographic situation. Classes on Russian language for non-Russian-speaking migrants
as well as general education for refugees would be demanded from those minority
groups. Other groups of potential learners, such as parents, people on probation,
and seniors would gradually be welcome to attend classes at NTC. Night classes
for adults, Sunday classes for seniors, summer classes for high school students,
and distance learning are different formats of delivering educational services at
convenient time for those who are left behind the college walls and would be
able to benefit from the incorporation of global behaviors and increased access.
Diverse groups of learners and individuals will get access to formal and informal
education that will help people from socially disadvantaged groups compete on the
market, become qualified customers, and socially involved citizens.
Political Stream
Access and Equal Education for the Masses
In the Russian economy more than 26% of all working people have a secondary
professional education. In all major economical spheres (excluding science, education, finance, and leadership positions) the proportion of those who have community college diploma ranges from 28% to 45% which is 1.52.0 times more than the
number of employees who have higher education diploma. Today, both researchers
and practitioners discuss the potential use of equal rights and equal possibilities
for Russian citizens to obtain a higher education if they choose to do so. In Soviet
Russia, communist propaganda promoted the idea of equal rights for all citizens
to obtain an education. It was considered as one of the existing achievements of
the Soviet system, and even after the collapse of the Soviet Union the problem
of access to higher education did not exist and therefore it was not discussed
(Frumin, 2006, p. 5).
The new experiment of applying the standardized test (Edinyi Gosudarstvennyi
Ekzamen (EGE) [Common Governmental Examination]) for high school graduates was aimed at providing equal access to higher education for all categories of
citizens. However, the researcher Frumin (2006) stated that there was the strongest inequality at the high school level where the higher results of the EGE was
tied to elite urban schools and expensive tutoring. Frumin (2006) pointed out the
472
absence of researches regarding a linkage between educational inequality and the

process of developing the democratic values in Russian society. Thus, the selection
of secondary school graduates for higher education is based on the competitions
between parents socioeconomic standing and affluence.
During the last 1517 years in Russia the demand for higher education has
increased tremendously. Different researchers (Shishkin, 2006; Polischuk and
Livni, 2005; Kolesov, 2006) provide very similar data regarding the number of
students at higher educational institutions in Russia which has grown 2.53.0 times
during the last 15 years.
The researchers recognize higher education as mass education. Ninety-six
percent of the young people with higher education diplomas, and 92% of those
who do not have university diplomas believe that the youth of today need to get
a higher education (Shishkin, 2006). The researcher lists many factors which
guarantee young people gaining access to higher education at prestige institutions.
They are as follows: study at a urban school, have high academic achievements at
secondary school level, have computer equipment at the school, have parents with
a higher education, obtain pre-higher education preparation at the chosen higher
educational institution, take private tutoring with tutors who work for the chosen
higher educational institution, have parents with prestigious careers and high social
status (Shishkin, 2006, p. 220).
Window of Opportunity
While the fall of the Soviet Union created a coupling of the problem, solution, and
political streams, the window of opportunity has failed to rectify social stratification
in higher education. Tuition charging forms of higher education became instituted
and access appeared more attainable when students paid for their study (Efendiev
and Dudina, 1998). Russian postsecondary institutions do not experience enough
pressure from the market, and because of this they are not pushed to increase the
quality of education or fully address who is accessing higher learning institutions
(Polischuk and Livni, 2005).
In Soviet times most youth were not interested in obtaining an education unlike
the industrial era whereby the educational system had particular goals aimed to
serve the industry (Novikov, 2005). Students were under a strict control and were
not motivated to gain knowledge. In modern conditions of rapid global market
changes, the education and qualifications have become a source of capital for
professionals. Strictly planned classroom activities are changing now to forms
which give students more freedom for self-learning. One sociopolitical response
to encouraging globalization will be the politics of pedagogy that plays out relative
to the revamping of the curriculum to be more student-centered, less formalized,
and increasingly open to new interpretations and experiences of students across
all walks of life.
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Curriculum and Globalization: NTC and Others

At Blagoveshchensk Financial-Economical College, the data, document copies,
and other information from local organizations are put to use in the college courses.
For example, data provided by Amur Oblast Committee on State Statistics is used
to help teach the Economics of the Organizations course, the local business
incubator provides the college with data for the course Small Businesses as a
Foundation for the Economy, the local Wine plant and other companies provide
their financial reports to the college to aid in the teaching of Theory of Economic
Analysis, and local RussianChinese partnering projects are used for the course
International Economic Activities.
Given freedom, global market forces, and competition to enroll solvent students have pushed colleges to change the pattern of one collegeone program
toward a wide diversification in the curriculum which they now offer. Colleges
create different monitoring groups, and sign faculty members and administrators
to explore the local educational and job market in order to recognize the external
demands for launching new programs. Most newly opened programs and offered
courses on their content are very far from the traditional teaching core of the
colleges. For example, Technical College in Voronezh started programs on nursing
and usage of medical equipment. As a result, in order to better reflect the new
mission the name of college was changed to Natural-Technical College.4
Pedagogical college which specializes in training teachers now can offer courses
in clothes design, hairdressing, and accounting. Railway College today attracts
students in management, banking and finance, and Public Relations programs. The
official documents of the Ministry of Education show that during last 15 years the
educational programs on technical and agricultural disciplines were decreased but
a number of programs related to economy, technologies, communications, and law
were increased up to 35%. Most recently courses created relate to multimedia and
computer usage, IT technologies, communication and telecommunication, professional equipment usage, management, finance, banking, taxes and custom service,
public relations, foreign language interpretation, entrepreneurship, small business,
micro economy, hospitality, tourism, and many more. Almost each college across the
country offers programs in accounting, economics, and law. The Russian Academy
of Justice started offering a program in jurisprudence in 2006. This program contains
extra classes in foreign languages and study abroad for three semesters.
Current college curriculums reflect changes in the global market, address the
needs of local businesses, and offer post-Soviet learners greater opportunities to gain
an adequate skill set to be a competent professional in a global economy. However,
acquiring the requisite skill set to compete in a global economy costs. The average
amount for 1 year of study at colleges in Voronezh was about US$1,000 for the
2006/07 academic year. At NTC, students were required to pay upfront for their year
of study whereas some colleges accepted monthly payments. Hence, the diversification of the curriculum has been shaped by both global economic influences and the
fact that there is a need to accommodate increasing numbers of students desiring to
pursue postsecondary education, thus producing massification of higher education.
474
Coupling Streams
The policy window opens to let problems be solved with the solutions from those
political groups which are at the top of decision-making process (Kingdon, 2003).
Already, formal democratic changes have been witnessed in the structure of the
governing body. For example, Dmitry Medvedev, elected President of the Russian
Federation on March 2, 2008, has started making steps in improving Russian education, being First Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of Russian Federation.
For example, he has suggested eliminating the number of postgraduate and doctoral
programs in order to improve the quality and prestige of Russias highest academic
degrees. We hope that his leadership will increase the transitional movement of
Russian education toward democracy and access to education for many underprivileged groups of people in Russia. The curriculum was significantly changed due
to movements in the market, and the next step slated in the development process is
access to the college.
NTC, as well as other educational organizations has been affected by global
forces. During the last decade, NTC has updated and expanded existing programs
and opened three new programs nursing, management, and cable-net systems.
Natural-Technical College has contractor-employers that determine what kind of
specialists and how many specialists they need and guarantee to hire. The ability
of NTC to adjust programs to local market needs allows the college to survive, to
be successful in new economical conditions with an increasingly heterogeneous
student body.
Conclusions
Overall, there are good prospects for increasing participation in Russian higher
education with the community colleges playing a pivotal role. The open-access
admission policy is a new proposed approach in policymaking for the Russian
educational system. From a Russian context, the community colleges are the best
form of the postsecondary institutions which could support democratic changes
in the country. However, we are concerned that colleges think about democratic
changes very little. Institutions want to attract more solvent students and be able to
survive as organizations. Traditionally speaking, higher education has been more
concerned about economy not democracy. As more young people have access to
Russian postsecondary institutions, community colleges stand to play a very important role in helping young people to be democratic citizens, gain education, high
demand skills, and obtain gainful employment.
The mission of community colleges coupled with its malleability, smaller size
in comparison with the state universities, and other features make the community
college the ideal institution to meet local community needs within a global context.
A role that community colleges play today in educating students from the socially
disadvantage groups is very important but it will be more significant in the near
25
475
future as community colleges open their doors for the wide range of Russians
whose educational needs increase everyday.
It is more likely that community college models will become further ingrained in
post-secondary educational structures. In that our world is increasingly multiethnic, multicultural, and multilingual, a higher education structure, such as the community college
model, that acknowledges, endorses and respects that diversity, becomes most desired.
(Raby, 2001, p. 6)
However, in spite of difficulties of transformation from one very conservative

and highly centralized system to another more flexible and mobile educational
system, Russian colleges reflect the features of current times that are conditioned
by the global forces. In lieu of the window of opportunity opening to create more
flexible national (governmental) standards, there have been modest increases in
academic freedom, and greater involvement of employers in the development of
training programs. Colleges have more readily opened their doors for nontraditional students, such as women, multiethnic groups, and people with disabilities.
Also of note has been growth in the admissions of part-time students who serve
their sentence in the prisons.
Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the government covers the costs for study
about 60% of regular students at the Secondary Professional Education level,
and roughly 40% of higher education students receive financial support from the
government. Therefore, there is increasing mobility of people, growing value of
education, and intensive competition between educational institutions which drive
Russian colleges to go beyond the traditional Soviet mission and develop their
ability to recognize and reflect demands of the global market changes. Some of
the globalizing behaviors at NTC and other Russian colleges include: establishing
partnerships with postsecondary educational institutions abroad to attract international students from foreign countries; removing traditional entrance examinations
in 2007/08 to employ a national standardized test (i.e., Federal Governmental Test
[Edinyi Gosudarstvennyi Ekzamen]) for use to apply to all colleges for student
admission; installing advanced comprehensive programs to ease the process of
transferring students to the university level of higher education.
There are many parallels and disconnects between the manifestation of
globalizing behaviors when considering the contexts for post-Soviet Russia and US
community college education. Though the demographic realities are distinct, each
country has experienced college student demographic changes (e.g., more women
enrolling, increased internal migration, etc.). In Russia, as more people from former
Soviet countries migrate, the resulting impact surfaces in the multicultural demographic makeup at colleges. Also just beneath the surface are politics of identity
converging with the politics of pedagogy and ethnocentrism as Russian language is
the main language of teaching. However, Russian as a foreign language is offered
for the international students.
In closing, this exploratory case study locates globalization in one Russian
community college utilizing the tradition of Globalization Theory and Multiple
Streams Policy Analysis. As with any social inquiry, there are limitations of the
study to be addressed. Our analysis illustrates an exploratory case study utilizing a
476
policy analytic approach. This policy analysis is a bounded case situated in a specific context (i.e., Voronezh, Central-Chernozem Region of Russia). There are no
claims of generalizability described in this chapter. While there could be some transferability, we call the reader to judge the usefulness of the conceptual frameworks
to other community college settings and societal contexts.
This chapter reflects methodological implications and weaknesses in the analysis
of the policy environment in Russia. For example, this analysis does not fully
differentiate the unintended or indirect impacts of open access or the implications
of globalization on various stakeholder groups or beyond one community college
(i.e., NTC). According to Pasteur (2001), how policy is put into practice within
institutions varies substantially in different parts of a country or province based on
variations in the local environment. Hence, our analysis is not as comprehensive
relative to geographical and temporal dimensions of the Russian environment as
they could have changed but not be reflected in the colleges policy statements.
Finally, as this is not an empirical work, future research should reflect empirically
data-driven studies, perhaps longitudinal in nature to address the impact of changing
demography on campus climate and the educational environment (i.e., academically, culturally, and socially) of Russian community colleges.
Notes
1. Voronezh Oblast is a subnational entity parallel to what is considered a state in the United
States.
2. Prior to the fall of the Soviet Union, Russian society was marked by socialist ideologies which
advocated for heavy regulation, economic control, state rule of education, in addition to ownership of industry and capital.
3. Lezhanina et al. (2005). On October 9, 2005: A hate crime was committed resulting in a student
from Peru being killed in Voronezh, while on September 25, 2006 a student from India was
killed in St. Petersburg (http://www.lentacom.ru/reviews/71.html). Other assaults and batteries
occurred in Tambov (http://www.rian.ru/defense_safety/investigations/20070205/60228266.
html), in Moscow (http://www.utro.ru/articles/2003/11/30/254626.shtml), and in Tver (http://
touristblog.info/2007/10/blog-post.html).
4. NTC is located in the Central European part of Russia. Coauthor Inna Gorlova lived in
Voronezh city for over 25 years. She graduated from Voronezh State University in 1984, taught
Russian as a foreign language at two higher education institutions in Voronezh, and observed
the process of transformation in the educational system in the Voronezh region. We chose
Natural-Technical College as an explicit example of college changes during the last decades
in Voronezh and Voronezh oblast, Russia.
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Chapter 26
Pathways to Participation: A Comparative

Study of Community College Entrepreneurial
Educational Programs in the United States
and Ireland
Daniel C. DoBell and Sarah A. Ingle
Introduction
The global economic environment of the last 10 years has been characterized as the
age of the entrepreneur. As large corporations continue downsizing, employing
fewer people, outsourcing more functions to smaller, more nimble enterprises, the
small, entrepreneurial firm has come to dominate the business landscape. In the
United States, for example, the majority of the 6.8 million new jobs created from
2003 to 2006 came from small enterprises and this growth is expected to continue
(GEM, 2006). Likewise, in Ireland, over 97% of all operating businesses fall into
the small business category. Beyond the United States and Europe, the positive
influence of international markets, new opportunities and better business environments are promoting the creation of new ventures (GEM, 2006, p. 1). Clearly,
global economic growth is being driven by the small, entrepreneurial firm, and it
is becoming increasingly evident that entrepreneurial attitudes and skills must be
identified and nurtured for sustained economic development.
Kuratko (2003) suggests that entrepreneurial firms are the essential mechanism
by which millions enter the economic and social mainstream (p. 5), and community colleges both in the United States and abroad have begun to play an important
role by developing educational programs geared toward students of entrepreneurship not traditionally served by the 4-year institution. As such, the community
college prototype with its tradition of open access, local orientation, and low cost
has become an alternative pathway to economic participation for a large population of students. Community college entrepreneurship educational programs can
prepare the individual for new venture start-up by developing the skills necessary
to increase the effectiveness and long-term stability of the enterprise (Gorman
et al., 1997). Beyond traditional business skills development, the community college entrepreneurship program can expose the student to economic opportunities
present in the local environment. Finally, the educational process can enhance
entrepreneurial development through the provision of role models, the expansion
and strengthening of personal networks, and through temporary apprenticeship
placements (Gorman et al., 1997, p. 57).

481
482
D.C. DoBell and S.A. Ingle
The entrepreneur of today is, according to Bell et al. (2004), born global,
and in this chapter, we examine the emergence of entrepreneurial education in the
community college from a global perspective looking specifically at programs in
Ireland and the United States. We begin by providing an overview of the current
entrepreneurial educational environment in community college models in each
country highlighting their respective theoretical and curricular foundations. We
then examine the main challenges facing the growth of entrepreneurial education
in both countries which we view as three interrelated themes; the development of
theoretical foundations, the growth of pedagogical methodologies based on theory,
and finally, institutional placement and mission support. Next, we look more
closely at specific examples of entrepreneurial education programs from representative institutions in each country focusing on the interrelationships within our
analytical framework. We conclude by comparing how each country is addressing
the challenges of theoretical development, practical pedagogical application, and
institutional mission enhancement, and finally, provide our recommendations for
areas of future research.
Community College Entrepreneurial Education

in the United States and Ireland
The growth and expansion of the entrepreneurial curriculum both in the United
States and abroad has been nothing short of remarkable. A recent study indicated
that there are more than 2,200 courses being offered in entrepreneurship in the
United States at over 1,600 schools (Kuratko, 2005). While the majority of these
programs reside in the 4-year institution, the community college has begun to
embrace entrepreneurial education as an important element of the institutional
mission. Why is the community college well situated to deliver these programs?
As Carducci et al. (2005) suggest: By their very nature, the colleges are tied to
the local community they serve (p. 6) and therefore provide an ideal context in
which to develop educational programs to create entrepreneurs (p. 6). The community college itself is an entrepreneurial institution with an infrastructure purposely
designed to adapt to changes in the regional environment. In the local community
college, there is no need for expensive dormitories, libraries, and research facilities (Dougherty, 2006). As Brint and Karabel (2006) suggest, community colleges
have throughout their history been able to situate themselves favorably for the
next available market niche (p. 72). Moreover, as entrepreneurship education is an
inherently local endeavor, it is best taught by experienced entrepreneurs in experiential educational environments which are commonly found in the local community.
Thus, as global economic development becomes more dependent on entrepreneurs,
community college models have evolved both in the United States and abroad to
prepare students to engage in, and enhance, local business environments.
According to Dellow (2007), given the rapidly changing nature of the global
economy, those of us in community colleges need to develop strategies to prepare
the workforce for life in this environment (p. 39). In order for community colleges
26
Pathways to Participation
483
to develop these strategies, it is important to look at the similarities and differences

among institutions in a global context and that is the purpose of this chapter; to
compare the development of entrepreneurship programs in community colleges
in the United States and Ireland toward gaining a better understanding of those
strategies and practices. Ireland and the United States were chosen for comparative
purposes not only because of the breadth of literature devoted to entrepreneurship
as an academic discipline in the two countries, but also because both continue to
struggle with many of the same issues shaping theory, pedagogy, and ultimately,
educational policy. We begin by providing an overview of the entrepreneurial education environments in each country.
United States. Entrepreneurial education in the United States has been around
for over 60 years. According to Katz (2003), the first known entrepreneurship class
was held in 1947 at the Harvard Business School entitled Management of New
Enterprises. Since that time, entrepreneurship education has grown to become an
infrastructure of tremendous size, scope and wealth (Katz, 2003). The chronology
developed by Katz suggests that entrepreneurial education in higher education in
the United States did not come into its own until the 1970s when business schools
in 4-year institutions began offering the first undergraduate and graduate business
degrees with an entrepreneurial concentration. The number of university offerings
grew exponentially from over 1,050 schools reporting courses in entrepreneurship
in the 1990s to today with over 2,200 courses being taught at over 1,600 schools
(Kuratko, 2005). Zeithaml and Rice (1987) characterized this domestic entrepreneurial curriculum as covering a diverse range of related business specializations
which Kuratko (2005) describes as a broad, integrative, pragmatic, and rational
approach to business (p. 582).
Community colleges in the United States followed the lead of 4-year institutions
with entrepreneurial programs first appearing in college catalogs in the early 1970s.
According to Hagan (2004), however, it was not until the 1980s that the interest
and recognition that the community college could have an important role in meeting the needs of American entrepreneurs became more visible (p. 31). And while
there has been a similar trajectory of growth in entrepreneurial programs at all
institutional levels, Maidment (2007) argues that judging from the number of associate degree programs in the small business/entrepreneurship area at community
colleges, it is safe to say that this has not been an area of great interest for most of
these colleges (p. 66). Similarly, Hernandez-Gantes (1995) suggest: The contribution of two-year colleges to the business and technical preparation of entrepreneurs
is disproportionately low in comparison to the contribution of four-year colleges and
graduate schools (p. 15). The character and intensity of these programs at the
community college level varies greatly among institutions. Maidments (2007)
study of 21 community college programs in small business/entrepreneurship
showed that requirements ranged from one to six courses of varying credit values.
The distinction between entrepreneurial studies and small business is another area
of divergence among community colleges with programs in the United States using
these terms interchangeably. The curricular structure of these programs are, similar
to 4-year programs, broad in scope although Maidment (2007) notes that some
programs do offer concentrations in marketing or finance.
484
Hagan (2004) argues that community college small business and entrepreneurship programs are as diverse as the communities and institutions that house
them (p. 2). Thus, it is by their very nature that a standardized community college
entrepreneurship curriculum or even a definition may not be forthcoming. Cox and
McCormick (2005), who describe the importance of the role of local contexts in
shaping community colleges mission, structures, and outcomes (p. 20), suggest
that defining the institution itself is problematic. They articulate at least five different classification schemes proposed for community colleges none of which has
been fully embraced. Therefore, the placement and classification of the entrepreneurial curriculum within the domestic community college may vary depending
on the classification of the community college, its mission and its local context.
Entrepreneurship programs, for example, may be supported more fully in an urban
institution compared to a rural organization as one of the distinguishing characteristics of the economies of rural distressed areas is the relative absence of indigenous
entrepreneurs and the paucity of capital available for development (American
Association of Community Colleges, 1998, p. 7).
Ireland. The community college equivalent in Ireland is the Institutes of
Technology (ITs). These institutions were established in the 1970s to provide a
system of regional technical colleges (RTCs), based, in part, on the United States
model of technical and vocational education serving the needs of regional economies. The founding of the ITs, itself, was an entrepreneurial endeavor as they represented a third-level system of technical education for which there was no UK
model (Barry, 2005, p. 38). Concomitant to the growth of vocational educational
establishments in the United States, the ITs in Ireland grew to their present form
to include 15 institutions located around the country with four based in or near
Dublins city center. In the late 1970s, the Irish ITs added bachelors, masters
and doctoral programs, creating an institution serving nearly all of the higher educational needs of their respective regions. As such, these institutions now award
1-year certificates, 2-year diplomas, 3- or 4-year undergraduate degrees as well as
postgraduate degree programs to the Ph.D. level. They provide broad, open access
to the third-level system of education (after elementary and secondary), and
allow individuals to progress at their own rate and ability in a more flexible way
than the traditional 4-year institution.
As Ireland is part of the European Union, it is important to set the entrepreneurship education environment within the context of Europe as a whole. The European
Commission has in the last 10 years become increasingly aware of the need to
develop entrepreneurship education on the continent. According to the European
Commissions Web site Europe, it is recognized, needs more entrepreneurs but,
unlike in the United States, however, this career path is rarely first choice for the
average European (EC, 2008). To discuss and promote this issue an international
conference was held in Oslo, Norway, in October 2006 (EEEC, 2007). The main aim
of this conference was to facilitate discussion on best practice in entrepreneurship
education at all levels and to determine how to promote entrepreneurship education
more systematically. The conclusions drawn from the higher education workshops
focused on six main areas: clarifying third-level (postsecondary) education out-
26
485
comes, building effective entrepreneurship education, developing effective educators, reshaping the institutional paradigm, integrating entrepreneurs/professionals
in curricula design and delivery and securing public support/interventions. The
recommended actions for higher education from the Oslo conference were broadly
based. They did, however, recommend that considerable effort be devoted toward
developing a shared framework of desired outcomes for entrepreneurship education
and identifying experiential learning opportunities for students at all levels within
varying models.
Unlike the United States where entrepreneurial education exists primarily
at the postsecondary level, entrepreneurship education in Ireland is becoming
increasingly prevalent at all levels from primary school (K-6) through secondary
(712). At the secondary level, for example, 1 year is set aside in most schools as
a Transition Year where extra subjects are introduced and students get the opportunity to undertake work placements in both profit and not-for-profit organizations.
Many schools also introduce the concept of enterprise development at this stage
and students in teams set up a small business and run it on a profit-making basis
throughout the academic year. According to Fitzsimons et al. (2005), this initiative opens students minds to the possibilities of entrepreneurship and equips them
with the confidence and skills to start and run their own business (p. 38). Typical
businesses include creating and selling a school year book, making candles or
other craft-based products for sale, or providing a service such as gardening or carwashing. Entrepreneurship education is then introduced at a more advanced level
in both undergraduate and graduate levels (third and fourth levels) which include
both theoretical and practical elements. In many cases, assessment is by means of
a business plan developed from an original idea which provides a no-risk environment for the student to develop a real business proposition.
The main reason for this kind of education being offered in such a broad academic
context is an increasing awareness among educators that promoting and advancing
entrepreneurship and enterprise among young people provides students with an early
realization of their potential as entrepreneurs. Entrepreneurial education also empowers students to develop a realization that they do not need to be exclusively dependent
on large corporations for their livelihood (Birdthistle, 2006a). One recent study on
the effect of secondary-level entrepreneurship education in Ireland supported this
notion by demonstrating that such programs result in the development of key personal skills and competencies creating an increased awareness of self-employment
possibilities (Birdthistle et al., 2007). Another recent research project found that over
70% of Irish entrepreneurs viewed their formal education to be either relevant or very
relevant to their current entrepreneurial role (Birdthistle, 2006b). There were, however, additional findings indicating the need for an increased entrepreneurial focus
in higher education in order to provide more support to budding entrepreneurs. The
entrepreneurs studied also felt that all academic disciplines should educate students
toward becoming more entrepreneurial in general, rather than just training them to
be employees in another firm (Birdthistle, 2006b, p. 101).
Acs et al. (2007) argue that a strong cultural context supports a strong personal
entrepreneurial context where the individual perceives opportunities, believes that
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he/she posses the skills, knowledge and experience to start a business (p. 124).
In this regard, Ireland still faces cultural barriers as the idea of entrepreneurship
as a career option has traditionally not been viewed as favorably as in the United
States. These cultural barriers are evidenced in lending practices where funding
for high-risk ventures is often difficult to obtain. Birdthistle (2006b) notes: [T]he
most significant difficulty they [entrepreneurs] encountered in the start-up phase of
the business was finance or the acquisition of capital (p. 104). It is an economic
environment that has, for over 4 decades, pursued a policy that relied significantly
on attracting inward foreign direct investment (Acs et al., 2007, p. 128). As such,
banks have traditionally viewed indigenous start-up enterprises with no track
record with suspicion, and lending institutions have charged punitive interest and
other fees on loans to small businesses further impacting cultural appreciation and
enthusiasm for entrepreneurial endeavors.
This environment, however, is changing and in general policymakers have come
to realize that for entrepreneurial activity to occur, the host country will require a
cultural context that supports indigenous entrepreneurial activity (Acs et al., 2007,
p. 128). According to Birdthistle (2006a), Ireland has developed into one of the
most strongly supportive cultural contexts for entrepreneurial activity in the world
as it has an economic environment which is very conducive to the development
and growth of small businesses. Policymakers are providing further evidence of
a cultural shift beyond foreign investment toward indigenous enterprise as recent
policy interventions by Enterprise Ireland have evolved to include initiatives
aimed at stimulating venture capital investments (Acs et al., 2007, p. 130).
The ITs, in particular the Dublin Institute of Technology (DIT), have been
instrumental in spearheading the development of entrepreneurial education in
Ireland, and are very active in promoting good practice in teaching and research
in this field. The Irish IT system is not unique in Europe in this regard, however.
Finland, for example, and its network of Universities of Applied Sciences, previously known as Polytechnics, have a similar entrepreneurial focus and other
European countries including Norway and France are not far behind. Recent legislation to fund business incubation facilities on each of the IT campuses highlights
the growing importance of entrepreneurship and experiential learning opportunities
in ITs to Irish governmental agencies.
Three Links in a Chain: An Analytical Framework

According to Kuratko (2005), the entrepreneurial revolution has taken hold across
the globe and has undeniably impacted the world of business forever (p. 577). As
discussed earlier, entrepreneurship as an academic discipline is emerging on a global scale both in the 4-year institution as well as the community college. As with
any academic discipline, the theoretical foundations must first be established before
practical applications and pedagogical methodologies can be developed. Robinson
and Hayes (1991) suggest that a primary obstacle that must be overcome in the
26
Define Entrepreneurship to
Establish Theoretical
Foundations
487
Create Practical Pedagogical

Methodologies from
Theoretical Foundations
Derive Institutional Support

from Strong Theoretical and
Practical Foundations
Fig. 26.1 Analytical framework
entrepreneurship education field in the United States may be the lack of solid
theoretical bases upon which to build pedagogical models and methods (p. 51).
They go on to argue that linking pedagogy to real-world applications is an important next step toward maintaining student interest and gaining institutional support.
Likewise, Bennetts (2006) survey of 141 entrepreneurship educators in the United
Kingdom found a lack of uniformity vis--vis general pedagogical approaches
(p. 184) to teaching the subject of entrepreneurship which has been influenced by
those educators interpretations of the meaning of entrepreneurship (p. 180). As
such, more than a third of the respondents disagreed or strongly disagreed that
they were committed to their roles as teachers of entrepreneurship (p. 184).
Given the present state of entrepreneurship as an emerging academic discipline,
both in the United States and Ireland, it is possible to characterize the field of
entrepreneurial education within the context of community college reform as three
links in an evolving chain (Fig. 26.1) each serving to strengthen the whole: defining entrepreneurship itself to solidify theoretical foundations, creating pedagogical
methodologies from theory, and finally, deriving institutional support based on
strong theoretical and practical foundations.
As we will see through our comparative analysis, these foundations are necessary
for the discipline to become established regardless of the context be it Ireland, the
United States, or beyond. Each of these links is now discussed in a general context
followed by an examination of two specific cases within this analytical perspective.
Defining Entrepreneurship
According to Hagan (2004), conventional wisdom suggests that a thorough understanding of a field of study should begin with a definition of terms (p. 18) and the
differing nomenclature used on both sides of the Atlantic is indicative of one of the
main challenges facing scholars and researchers in establishing theoretical foundations supporting pedagogical methodologies in entrepreneurial education. Katz
(2003) defines entrepreneurship as a collection of academic disciplines and specialties including entrepreneurship, new venture creation, entrepreneurial finance,
small business, family business, free enterprise, private enterprise, high-technology
business, new product development, microenterprise development, applied economic
development, professional practice studies, womens entrepreneurship, minority
entrepreneurship and ethnic entrepreneurship (p. 285). This definition, which Katz
describes as both eclectic and inclusive, accentuates the difficulty in arriving at
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a generally accepted definition for entrepreneurship which Hagan (2004) characterizes as a definition dilemma (p. 18). Within the entrepreneurship literature in
general there is confusion between entrepreneurship, enterprise, and small
business in terms of how each are defined and theoretically distinguished. As such,
the conceptual difference is often blurred in both the academic and real worlds
(Winslow et al., 1999, p. 3). Thus, one of the main challenges facing practitioners
in the field of entrepreneurship in higher education is that of definition which is not
unexpected for a field in its relative infancy.
Hagan (2004) suggests that, while there is not one, unequivocal conception of
what, in essence, comprises the entrepreneur (p. 19), it is possible to distinguish
entrepreneurial characteristics as small business management has to do with the
techniques of operations and that entrepreneurship is more concerned with
attitude, opportunity recognition and start-ups (p. 20). Likewise, Kuratko (2005)
argues that entrepreneurship may be viewed as opportunity-driven while management is primarily resource-driven. In Ireland, scholars have reached similar conclusions. OGorman and Cunningham (2007), for example, found that common
traits among Irish entrepreneurs included self-belief, risk-taking, and persistence.
Entrepreneurship, therefore, expands on small business to not only encompass the
business skills necessary to run a small business, but to also include the development of personal traits such as risk-taking, creativity, and opportunity recognition.
This distinction suggests that it is possible to run a small business without being an
entrepreneur and has definite implications for the educator as the skills necessary to
operate an existing small business will differ significantly from the skills needed to
start and grow a new venture from the ground up. Overall, this opportunity-driven
element which differentiates the entrepreneur can be viewed as both cross-cultural
and global in nature as the vast majority of early-stage entrepreneurs across the
world claim that they are attempting to take advantage of a business opportunity
(GEM, 2006, p. 15).
Defining the Pedagogy

In 1991, Robinson and Hayes argued that entrepreneurial education lacks good
solid theoretical bases upon which to build pedagogical models and methods
(p. 51). More recently, Kuratko (2005) suggested that the discipline has grown to
where we must now consider what should be taught and how should it be taught
(p. 581). As such, a critical challenge for educators lies in designing effective
learning opportunities for entrepreneurship students (Kuratko, 2005, p. 585). The
notion of standardization of curriculums, methods and materials has been an ongoing issue associated with entrepreneurial education in the community college due,
in no small degree, to the lack of a commonly accepted definition of entrepreneurship and articulating the differentiating characteristics of the entrepreneur.
In the United States, the Consortium for Entrepreneurial Education has emerged
as advocating national content standards for entrepreneurial education toward
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positioning itself as the primary advocacy and resources group for entrepreneurship education for grades K-14 and adult education (CEE, 2007). Similarly, the
National Association for Community College Entrepreneurship was formed in
2002 aimed specifically at furthering development in the entrepreneurial curriculum in community colleges in the United States. While these entities promote the
development of standardized pedagogical methodologies, there continues to be
great variance in approaches employed by entrepreneurial educators in the United
States and elsewhere. In Ireland and the United Kingdom, for example, Matlay
(2006) found that differences in conception, context, design, and delivery have
had a major influence on the development of diverse entrepreneurship pedagogical
methodologies.
Traditional lecture methods continue to be prevalent among community college
entrepreneurial educators, although research suggests that action and experiential
learning methods may be a more effective strategy for entrepreneurial education
(Hagan, 2004). According to Hills (1988), entrepreneurship coursework should
be more experientially oriented than other business school coursework (p. 118).
This would seem intuitive given the notion that what differentiates entrepreneurship from small business is the acquisition of opportunity, recognition, and
risk-taking characteristics. As Kuratko (2003) suggests, entrepreneurship students
should take part in activities that are relatively unstructured and require a novel
solution under conditions of ambiguity and risk (p. 16). Dr. Colette Henry, head
of the department of Business Studies at Dundalk Institute of Technology (DkIT)
in Ireland, supports this notion by arguing that we need to get rid of lecture theatres and throw away the overhead projectors, if even for part of the course, and
allow students more time to develop their creative thinking, their team work and
their flair for developing new ideas (Doyle, 2007). Likewise, in the United States,
the Rural Entrepreneurship through Action Learning organization recognizes that
traditional methods are insufficient in the training of new entrepreneurs because
entrepreneurs are more interested in hands-on participation than in passive learning (Hagan, 2004). As Smith et al. (2006) note, however, experiential learning
environments are not without challenges as the inculcation of an action based
learning approach to entrepreneurship, although a worthy venture, is constrained
by the traditional pedagogy and structural limitations.
Opportunities for entrepreneurial education can be found in a variety of situations
and there is increasing evidence to indicate that entrepreneurial education needs to
look beyond the field of business to incorporate a more multidisciplinary approach.
According to the results of a US nationwide survey carried out by Solomon et al.
(2002), new interdisciplinary programs use faculty teams to develop programs for
nonbusiness students, and there is a growing trend in courses specifically designed
for art, engineering, and science students (p. 72). A United States-based example
comes from Johnson County Community College in Overland Park, Kansas, which
has taken steps to weave entrepreneurship throughout (Duffey, 2007, p. 11) the
institution leading to campus-wide integration of entrepreneurship education
(Duffey, 2007, p. 13). Likewise, in Ireland, the benefits of such an integrative
approach are exemplified by the DITs recent formation of the Institute of Minority
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Entrepreneurship (IME). The IME brings together students, faculty and enterpriseactive staff from various disciplines across the institute with the aim of offering
students equal opportunity to maximize their economic and social potential
through entrepreneurship research, education, training and mentoring (Institute of
Minority Entrepreneurship, 2007).
Mission Compatibility and Institutional Placement

Beyond defining pedagogical methodologies, the inability of entrepreneurship as
a discipline to define itself has contributed to an ongoing debate about the legitimacy of the entrepreneurial curriculum and, hence, the place of entrepreneurial
education within higher education as a whole. According to Kuratko (2005), real
maturity and complete academic legitimacy of the entrepreneurship field have yet
to be experienced (p. 587). Conversely, Katz (2003) argues that the overwhelming presence of entrepreneurship courses in higher education indicate a mature and
generally accepted field of study. At the community college level, there is evidence
to suggest that entrepreneurial education continues to struggle for prominence in
the overall institutional mission. As was mentioned earlier, both Hernandez-Gantes
(1995) and Maidment (2007) argue that community colleges do not place a high
priority on their entrepreneurial and small business programs when compared to
their 4-year counterparts. How entrepreneurial programs are funded in the community college provides some additional insight into institutional placement. Most
entrepreneurship training programs in community colleges in the United States are
offered as noncredit, and are funded by external sources (Hagan, 2004). Robinson
and Hayes (1991) suggest that the lack of formal academic programs funded by traditional sources represents a lower level of commitment on the part of community
college institutions to support the field. In contrast, funding for entrepreneurship
classes and programs in Ireland is generally the responsibility of the governments
Department of Education, and is on an equal footing with other classes that carry
the same academic credit rating.
The compatibility of entrepreneurial development programs within institutional
missions and strategic initiatives continues to be the subject of debate and analysis.
Morest (2007) suggests that elevating the status of economic and workforce development programs, such as entrepreneurial educational initiatives, institutionalizes
the colleges involvement in programs that are not considered sufficiently collegiate
by some (p. 41). Hagans (2004) research on community college presidents supports this notion when she suggests that based on statistical results, the finding is
that there is no relationship between the presidents perceptions of primary mission and the development of entrepreneurship programs in community colleges
(p. 91). Others have argued, however, that the workforce development mission of
the community college automatically places entrepreneurial education prominently
within the institution. As Levine (2000) suggests, the present-day mission of the
community college has less emphasis on education and more on the economic
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needs of business and industry (p. 2). The debate is not exclusive to the United
States as the importance of entrepreneurship becomes increasingly critical to
regional economies worldwide.
In the final analysis, the specific mission of an institution ultimately determines
the place of entrepreneurial programs within the overall mission and strategic plan.
If, for example, transfer is viewed as the primary mission, those programs that do
not lead to transfer to the 4-year model will not be viewed as making a significant
contribution. Griffin (2007) provides an explicit US example in her study of the
Florida community college system where the findings were that the transfer mission remains a primary one and that although programs geared toward economic
development are emphasized in planning documentation, the emphasis is much
lower in the curriculum (p. 147). Conversely, the Tralee Institute of Technology
in Kerry, Ireland, lists as a guiding principle in its 20042007 strategic plan that of
encouraging the use of innovative and entrepreneurial techniques in our teaching,
research, consulting and development activities (p. 4). In general, meeting the
educational needs of the local community is viewed by many as the primary mission of any given community college which will necessarily vary depending on the
characteristics of the local environment.
Comparative Cases: Elgin Community College, Illinois,

and Dundalk Institute of Technology, Ireland
As the literature suggests, there is evidence to indicate that the lack of a single,
commonly accepted definition of entrepreneurship continues to hamper the
development of theoretical foundations and has contributed to a broad diversity
of teaching methods and program formats in both the United States and Ireland.
Consequently, having a discipline so broadly interpreted and defined has resulted
in variations in how entrepreneurial education is placed within, and supported by,
individual institutions. In order to more fully explore these issues in an international
context, two institutions, both offering 2-year degrees and both with relatively
well-developed entrepreneurial educational programs, were chosen for comparison:
the Elgin Community College (ECC) in Elgin, Illinois, and the DkIT in Dundalk,
Ireland. Returning to our analytical framework, each of these institutions is now
examined in terms of how they define entrepreneurship, the respective curricular
and programmatic character, and finally, how entrepreneurial education may be
viewed within the context of the institutional mission and strategic focus.
Elgin Community College Elgin, Illinois. As it exists today, the Illinois Community
College system consists of 48 comprehensive community colleges located in
39 districts, each with boards elected by the local citizenry. Every college in the system
has a comprehensive mission which includes transfer, vocational, and developmental
components. A search of the programmatic offerings provided by the Illinois Board
of Higher Education (2007) Web site reveals that programs in both small business
and entrepreneurship are offered in Illinois community colleges under the program
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heading of Enterprise Management and Operations. These programs are offered

within the specific community colleges primarily under two titles small business
management and entrepreneurship and are generally situated within a business
administration department or a small business development center. Of the 48 community colleges within the Illinois system, 21 offer small business or entrepreneurial programs with nine institutions using the term entrepreneurship and the
other 12 describing their programs as small business. The scope of certificates
and degrees offered by the various institutions varies greatly ranging from an occupational certificate requiring less than 12 h of instruction, to an Associates degree
in Applied Science (AAS) which requires over 64 h of instruction.
The ECC is one such comprehensive institution in the Illinois system with a
well-defined entrepreneurial education program. ECC is one of only two institutions offering an AAS degree specifically in entrepreneurship in the state of Illinois,
while every other institution refers to the AAS as a small business degree. ECC
offers four instructional options in the area of entrepreneurship:
1.
2.
3.
4.
AAS Degree in Entrepreneurship 64 h

Vocational Specialist Certificate in Advanced Entrepreneurship 49 h
Vocational Specialist Certificate in Intermediate Entrepreneurship 30 h
Basic Vocational Specialist Certificate in Introductory Entrepreneurship 12 h
According to the ECC 2006 accountability/program review report, there are no

courses in the entrepreneurship curriculum which are contained in the Illinois
Articulation Initiative. As such, these courses are not considered university equivalent and none of the courses taken within these programs can be transferred to the
4-year institution.
An analysis of the AAS degree curriculum in entrepreneurship at ECC reveals
that while the program is concentrated in entrepreneurship, classes from other complementary disciplines, primarily business, are integrated into the program. The
22 required classes are broken down into specific disciplines with five required
classes in entrepreneurship, five required classes in business, three required classes
which cover both entrepreneurship and management, two required classes in marketing, one required class in each of accounting, economics, computer science,
principles of management, and speech communications and, finally, two electives, one from business/management and a single liberal education requirement.
Entrepreneurial classes are taught by three full-time instructors in the entrepreneurship program department, while all other classes are taught by instructors from their
specific departments.
The mission of the ECC is indicative of an institution with a comprehensive
mandate: To improve peoples lives through learning (ECC, 2007). The institutional goals that go along with that mission offer some additional insight into
programmatic priorities. The first four goals of ECC as described in their Strategic
Initiatives and Targets Summary are as follows:
1. Prepare students to be competitively employed.
2. Prepare students to be successful in baccalaureate programs.
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3. Provide students with basic academic skills.

4. Provide district employers with programs and services to sustain a quality
workforce.
Clearly, empowering students with employment opportunities is a high priority of the
ECC as it is mentioned twice in the first four goals of the ECC Strategic Initiatives
Summary. This may indicate why the ECC entrepreneurial education program is far
more comprehensive and developed than most other programs in the state.
The ECC 2006 accountability/program (ECC, 2007) review report provides
some clues as to the placement of the program within the institution. According to
this report, the entrepreneurship education program began in 2002 with one student
enrolled in entrepreneurship classes with significant annual enrollment increases
ever since. The latest figures show a total of 336 students enrolled in entrepreneurship courses in FY2005 representing an increase of 47% over the previous
fiscal year. Of those 336 students, 18 were declared majors for the AAS degree in
entrepreneurship. While there has been a steady increase in enrollment over the
last 4 years, there has also been an increase in withdrawal rates and lower pass
rates. The withdrawal rate from FY2004 to FY2005 increased by 8% from 30.6%
of the students withdrawing from the program in 2004 to 38.6% of the students
withdrawing in FY2005.
Several inferences can be drawn from this discussion of the ECC entrepreneurship program. Our analysis supports the notion that there exists no clear distinction
between entrepreneurship and small business management among community college educators. The course description for ENT101, Entrepreneurship Seminar I at
the ECC, for example, describes the course as examining various small businesses
and analyze successful and unsuccessful business ownership and management
practices (ECC, 2007). Nowhere is the notion of opportunity recognition or risktaking as described by Hagan (2004) and Bennett (2006) present in this description.
From a pedagogical perspective, catalog descriptions of entrepreneurial courses
suggest traditional approaches are used as the associated coursework focuses on
the analysis of management practices, business plan development, and business
case studies. Absent in the curriculum are any indications of a multidisciplinary
approach as program components are derived almost entirely from within businessrelated disciplines with the exception of the requirement of a single liberal arts elective class associated with the AAS degree. Finally, the place of the entrepreneurial
program within the institution seems relatively secure as continued enrollment
increases demonstrate a clear demand for these educational services.
Irish Institute of Technology Dundalk, Ireland. As mentioned earlier, the Irish
Institutes of Technology embody many of the same characteristics of the community college model in the United States, and the DkIT located in the northeast
central region of Ireland provides a useful setting for comparison. Entrepreneurship
training has been taught at the DkIT in one form or another for over 20 years having
originated in the Business School. These offerings first appeared in the curriculum
as Innovation Studies and Enterprise Development and have been broadened
to include both entrepreneurship and small business management and the content,
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delivery, duration, and structure of the various courses and programs continues to
change and evolve. One significant change is the growth of a multidisciplinary
approach as entrepreneurship is now taught in four different schools: Business
and Humanities, Informatics and Creative Media, Nursing and Health Studies and
Engineering. Recent funding from a European Union (EU) initiative facilitated
DkIT to completely redesign the first year entrepreneurship modules offered to
students which has led to entrepreneurship education at DkIT being offered as a
component of a very diverse group of specific programs including agricultural science, sports leadership, hospitality and tourism, event management, food science,
creative multimedia as well as the traditional areas of business and marketing.
The Creativity and Innovation (C & I) course offered at the subdegree (below
bachelor) level provides a glimpse into the pedagogical methodologies driving
entrepreneurial education at the DkIT representing a new course incorporated as
part of the complete programmatic review of entrepreneurial education courses
described earlier. C & I is a course that is completely assessed by means of a
business plan that students develop in teams and is taken by final year business
students. Third year students in other programs including Hospitality Management
take another course entitled Enterprise Development which is also assessed by
means of a final business plan. Students have to produce a hard copy of the plan
and then present and defend it before their instructors as well as invited representatives from the local business community. The emphasis is very much on
experiential learning as the students develop the idea and write the business plan
in a supportive environment, making mistakes as they go along and learning from
an action-based learning experience. This pedagogical approach has been found
to be very meaningful for students and has resulted in enhanced student learning
outcomes.
In addition to courses in various programs and a Certificate in Business and
Enterprise Development, a full-time 1 year Master of Business Studies (MBS) in
entrepreneurship and marketing has also been developed by DkIT (DkIT, 2007).
The structured tuition is from September to May over two semesters with a final
dissertation submitted in August. The aim of the MBS program is to equip students
with the theory, practice, and research capabilities for employment as managers
in a wide range of industry sectors, with specific concentrations in both areas of
entrepreneurship and marketing. The core courses included in Semester 1 are:
Business Strategy; Entrepreneurship and Economic Development; Systematic
Innovation and Intrapreneurship; Marketing Theory and Practice; New Venture
Finance; and Research Methods. In semester two, the topics are: Marketing for
SMEs; Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice; Change Management; Marketing for
New Product Development; Business Planning; and an empirical research-based
dissertation of around 20,000 words.
The responsible faculty come from a variety of educational backgrounds and
real-world experiences. Some have an MBS in marketing and entrepreneurship,
while others bring with them general business degrees along with experience in the
area of entrepreneurship, either theoretically or at a more hands-on level. Several
of the part-time and associate faculty also run their own firms. Educators aim
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wherever possible to work and liaise with the campus-based business incubation
center and often the manager of this center will assist in the assessment of the final
business plans. Local entrepreneurs and business owners are also involved in the
design or redevelopment of entrepreneurship education courses and the college has
established relationships with the Irish government agency responsible for indigenous business, Enterprise Ireland.
DkIT is also very much to the fore in terms of entrepreneurial research in
Ireland. Since its inception in 2001, the DkIT Center for Entrepreneurship Research
(CER) has established itself as a national center for independent, high-level
research of relevance to businesses, policymakers and academics both nationally
and internationally. The CERs research team comprises both academic faculty and
non-academic staff, including external associates from other institutions in Ireland,
mainland Europe and the USA (Dundalk IT Centre for Entrepreneurial Research,
2007). Collectively these researchers have published a wide range of applied and
theoretical entrepreneurship articles that have helped inform debate and enterprise
interventions in Ireland and beyond. One of the specific aims of the CER is to
work toward developing and creating an improved enterprise culture by informing
educational programs within DkIT. It fulfills this aim in a number of ways including contributing to the development of entrepreneurship teaching curricula at both
undergraduate and graduate levels. The CER was instrumental in the development
of the MBS in entrepreneurship and marketing previously mentioned.
The aims and objectives of entrepreneurship educational programs at DkIT are
very much reflected in the strategic focus of the institution as a whole. The field
of entrepreneurship is very relevant to DkITs mission in terms of providing the
community with quality third level education and services, relevant to the economic
social and cultural development of the region in the national and international
context (Dundalk Institute of Technology, 2007). The words relevant, development, and context are most important here, and indicate how this particular institute, and Irish ITs in general, are viewing entrepreneurial education as an important
strategic initiative specifically for the regions, and ultimately for the continuing
growth and development of the country, and its economy as a whole.
Conclusions and Areas of Further Research

Examining the growth of entrepreneurial education from an international perspective reveals important insights into how globalization is affecting community college
reform. Comparisons can be made with the industrial revolution when concepts and
techniques originating in the United States were developed and improved upon by
other countries. According to Katz (2003), for the 20th centurys history of entrepreneurship education, the world turned to America for inspiration. For the 21st
century version, the world could turn anywhere (p. 298). By comparing the growth
of entrepreneurial programs in the United States and Ireland it may be observed
that, indeed, inspiration is coming from sources other than the United States.
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The notion of defining the characteristics of the entrepreneur toward developing

the theoretical foundations of entrepreneurship education challenges scholars both
in Ireland and the United States. As we saw in our discussion of ECC, even those
programs in the United States seen as highly developed do not articulate differences
between entrepreneurship and small business. Similarly, in Ireland, entrepreneurial educational programs at the DkIT do not provide a clear distinction. DkIT,
however, formally recognizes one of the defining characteristics of the entrepreneur, as described by Hagan (2004), through its Creativity and Innovation class.
Ultimately, it will be the job of researchers to articulate, refine, and empirically
support those definitions that specifically distinguish the entrepreneur, and further,
how the entrepreneur should be educated.
In our research, we found significant divergence between the United States
and Ireland in the area of pedagogical development and curriculum standardization. Scholars from both Ireland and the United States suggest that entrepreneurial
programs are most effective when they are approached from a multidisciplinary
perspective employing experiential pedagogical methodologies. Fitzsimons et al.
(2005) argue that, in Ireland, educators need to expose more technical and science
students to an understanding of market and commercial requirements (p. 40).
Likewise, Solomon et al. (2002) provide the US perspective by suggesting that
entrepreneurial education should take place beyond the business department. Our
analysis of DkIT demonstrates that multidisciplinary strategies are embraced in
Ireland as entrepreneurial education is taught within a diverse range of academic
disciplines. Conversely, in the United States, entrepreneurial education lies almost
exclusively within the discipline of business administration. Experiential learning
opportunities are also abundant in Ireland as evidenced by the funding of business
incubation facilities on each of the IT campuses throughout Ireland. In the United
States, institutional support for such facilities is sparse and varies greatly by region.
Institutions on both sides of the Atlantic face the practical issue of experiential
learning opportunities being a resource-intensive endeavor.
Comparing the contribution of entrepreneurial education to the mission and
strategic objectives of the relative institutions is problematic considering the Irish
ITs encompass the full spectrum of higher certificate and degree-level awards. That
being said, however, some inferences can still be drawn. The strategic focus of the
DkIT suggests that entrepreneurial education is considered to make a substantial
contribution toward providing the community and the region with quality third
level educational opportunities. Entrepreneurial programs at DkIT also contribute
to the transfer mission by enabling students to gain entry to higher degree programs.
The 2-year Higher Certificate in business at DkIT, for example, is fully transferable
toward a bachelors degree with clear articulation guidelines. Conversely, in our
US example, the highest attainable level in entrepreneurial education is a terminal
Associate of Applied Sciences degree.
A brief analysis of how the United States and Ireland are similar, and how they
are unique, may help provide some indication of the future of entrepreneurial
programs in each country. Both countries are constrained by the evolving nomenclature which affects the development of both theory and pedagogy. In either case,
solid pedagogical foundations with clearly articulated student outcomes must first
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be established before entrepreneurial programs will become an accepted part of the

overall institutional mission. As the body of research continues to grow, defining
student outcomes in the area of entrepreneurial education should become clearer.
The work of researchers like Hagan and others indicate that scholars are moving
closer toward articulating those characteristics unique to the entrepreneur and,
ultimately, defining what is entrepreneurship. There remains, however, a long
road to consensus. The diversity of programs in the United States as compared to
Ireland may indicate a more coordinated approach to the future development of
entrepreneurial programs in Ireland. As such, Ireland may be one of those countries
the world looks to for inspiration in the realm of entrepreneurial education. As
indicated earlier, however, cultural barriers continue to exist in Ireland not present
in the United States which may suggest constraints on the development of entrepreneurial programs.
In terms of recommendations for future research, our findings indicate that the
theoretical foundations of entrepreneurial education require further validation.
Empirically based research designed to distinguish those characteristics unique
to the entrepreneur would go a long way in identifying the particular attributes
educators should nurture. Such research would also enable researchers and educators alike to articulate the difference between entrepreneurship, small business
and enterprise and the associated educational objectives, thus furthering initiatives
aimed toward standardization of curricular methodologies. As our study suggests, the contribution of entrepreneurial education to the institutional mission
will become much clearer as these theoretical and practical frameworks become
established. Researchers might also be well served in examining how the linkages between the 2- and 4-year institution enhance entrepreneurial success and
how entrepreneurial education is affected by these connections. More specifically,
is entrepreneurial education beyond the 2-year degree necessary for nurturing
those characteristics deemed most advantageous? If so, how can those linkages be
strengthened to enable students to transfer beyond the 2-year institution toward a
comprehensive entrepreneurial educational experience? The answers to these questions will not only inform the discussion but also affect how the next generation of
educators and policymakers support and nurture the entrepreneur.
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Useful Links
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Small Business Forum Ireland 2006: http://www.smallbusinessforum.ie/
Chapter 27
Dissecting an International Partnership

Michael Hatton and Kent Schroeder
Introduction
The community college model combines liberal, vocational, and technical education
in a manner that helps generate the human capital necessary for local, regional, and
national economic development. The ability of community colleges to develop
programming that directly responds to labour market needs provides college
graduates with the combined theoretical knowledge and practical skills required
for successfully gaining employment that contributes to economic development.
This model holds significant promise for developing countries. Hewitt and Lee
(2005/2006) argue that many tertiary education institutions in the developing world
lack education models that directly link tertiary education with the workforce needs
of the economy. This contributes to unemployment and stilted economic growth.
The community college model offers a promising avenue to assist developing countries in building the link between tertiary education and workforce needs, thereby
promoting greater employment and economic prosperity.
Recognition of the potential benefits of the community college model has
resulted in a significant amount of international partnering. American and Canadian
community colleges are increasingly working with counterpart institutions in Asia,
Africa, and Latin America in the development of curriculum, industry linkages, and
joint programming. Given the flexible and responsive nature of most community
colleges, these partnerships are being forged with a variety of higher education
institutions in the developing world, including both technical colleges and universities that are interested in addressing workforce development needs. Overall, this
is contributing to higher education reform by increasingly institutionalizing the
characteristics of the community college model on an international scale.
Yet, while these international partnership activities among higher education
institutions are increasingly common, there has been little analysis of the factors
that contribute to their success. Partnership is often simply assumed as a strategy,
with little critical analysis of the variables that impact its effectiveness as a vehicle
for higher education collaboration. This is a significant oversight, as international
partnering must often navigate a potential minefield of different institutional, educational, political, economic, social, linguistic, and cultural contexts. Partnership

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M. Hatton and K. Schroeder
success can never be assumed. Analyzing the factors that contribute to effective
international partnering within higher education is therefore critical in order to
more fully understand how the community college model is most effectively
adapted and institutionalized internationally.
This chapter provides a case study of an international partnership within higher
education that crosses cultural, political, and educational practice boundaries. The
HumberNingbo Program partners a Canadian college and Chinese university in
the creation and management of an international business diploma program. Since
its inception, the program has graduated over 400 Chinese students who have gone
on to success in business and further education, including MBA programs. Set
within the focus of a brief literature review, the case study emphasizes practical
experience and identifies key factors leading to partnership success, regardless of
the differences between the partners. Identification of these factors will contribute
to better design and management of international education initiatives that help
institutionalize characteristics of the community college model in a manner that is
appropriate in new cultural, political, and institutional contexts.
Literature Review
Partnership has been defined in many ways, most of which include notions of one
or more of shared (a) objectives, (b) resources, (c) responsibilities, and (d) accountabilities. By definition, partnerships are expected to produce benefits for each of the
partners, though not necessarily the same benefits in the same measure. In many
cases, those benefits are quite tangible, while in other cases the benefits are more
ethereal. Brinkerhoff (2002b, p. 14) distilled various descriptions into a single definition of partnership as an ideal type:
Partnership is a dynamic relationship among diverse actors, based on mutually agreed
objectives, pursued through a shared understanding of the most rational division of labour
based on the respective comparative advantages of each partner. This relationship results in
mutual influence, with a careful balance between synergy and respective autonomy, which
incorporates mutual respect, equal participation in decision-making, mutual accountability,
and transparency.
While Brinkerhoff suggests that such an ideal type definition may not be
universally appropriate, this conception of partnership has been widely embraced
by institutions in both the industrialized and developing worlds. Building partnerships is now common practice among businesses (Tuten and Urban, 2001),
between government and business (Boase, 2000), between government and
nonprofit organizations (Brinkerhoff, 2002a), among nonprofit organizations
(Hoksbergen, 2005), and between business and nonprofit organizations (Asian
Development Bank, 2004). Community colleges and other institutions of higher
education have also embraced partnership. These partnerships are diverse, and
have involved partnering between institutions of higher education (Trim, 2001;
Sternberger, 2005), with government (Sink and Jackson, 2002), with business
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(Kisker and Carducci, 2003), and with community-based organizations (Sink and
Jackson, 2002; Bringle and Hatcher, 2002).
The popularity of partnering is rooted in its perceived benefits. The literature
illustrates that working in partnership increases access to human, financial, and
intellectual resources that would otherwise be out of reach (Googins and Rochlin,
2000; Lowndes and Skelcher, 1998). Pooling resources also enhances creativity
and innovation while broadening potential opportunities and impact (Lowndes and
Skelcher, 1998). For educational institutions in particular, working in partnership
with one another or with other sectors offers access to more students, the opportunity to integrate outside perspectives and knowledge into more innovative programming, the ability to pool scarce resources, an avenue to increase connections with
the community, and the potential to exert greater influence on government policy
(Jansen et al., 1995; Kisker and Carducci, 2003; Sternberger, 2005; Veugelers and
Zijlstra, 1995).
While partnering is a strategy with significant benefits, it is also one that takes
considerable effort if it is to be successful. For community colleges, it has been
argued that successfully building and managing partnerships at the local, regional,
or national levels requires ongoing development of relationships of cooperation
and trust, buy-in at all levels of partner institutions, well-defined communication
channels, a willingness to engage in entrepreneurial activities, shared missions and
goals, and an ability to compromise (Sink and Jackson, 2002; Spangler, 2002; Trim,
2001). There is a notable gap in the literature, however, on whether these success
strategies work or are sufficient for education partnerships that are international in
scope. This is critical as managing international partnerships is complicated by the
added demands of partnering across different cultures, values, socioeconomic contexts, political systems, and, potentially, languages. At the same time, international
partnering among higher education institutions has been called the most important
recent trend in higher education (Sternberger, 2005). This trend includes China,
where international partnering and other internationalization activities have been
embraced as a means for China to become more fully integrated into the world
higher education community (Yang, 2002). A better understanding of the mechanics of managing international partnerships is necessary if the promise such partnerships hold is to result in sustainable international education programming.
HumberNingbo: The Partners and the Programming

China has undergone substantial economic change over the last 25 years. The
centrally planned and closed economy originally created by the Communist Party
has been restructured into a market economy characterized by a rapidly expanding
private sector with significant ties to the global economy. Economic reform has
resulted in enormous economic growth. Since 1979, gross domestic product (GDP)
growth has averaged 9.4% a year and absolute poverty among the rural population has dropped from 250 to 26.1 million (UNDP, 2005). Yet Chinas growth has
504
not generated equitable benefits. The restructuring of the economy to a market

orientation has contributed to significant unemployment (UNDP, 2005). In this economic context, the development of business skills that enable individual Chinese to
take part in the rapidly expanding private sector is a priority. The HumberNingbo
program was developed to address this priority.
Humber College is a Toronto-area, Canadian community college founded in
1967. The programming at Humber College is more diverse than is the case at many
community colleges. Though 2- and 3-year vocational and technical programs
represent the core of studies for the more than 15,000 full-time students, Humber
also offers apprenticeship programs, a number of 1-year highly specialized certificate programs, several dozen 1-year postgraduate programs, and, more recently, a
number of 4-year baccalaureate programs. Programming ranges from business to
health sciences, and applied arts through technology. Humber has also demonstrated an applied interest in partnering with other educational institutions, both in
North America and further abroad. Presently Humber has partnership experience in
Asia and Africa that extends more than 25 years.
Ningbo University was founded in 1986 and is located in the historical and cultural city of Ningbo in eastern China, bordering on the East China Sea just south of
Shanghai. Ningbo is a relatively young Chinese university with diverse programming and a strong interest in differentiating itself through international linkages
both in the southern and northern hemispheres. Ningbos enrolment is similar in
size to Humber and includes 17 faculties and colleges offering 57 undergraduate
and 27 graduate programs. Both Humber and Ningbo are known for large, strong,
postsecondary business programs.
Partnering a Canadian community college with a Chinese university made sense
in the context of higher education in China. While China has a significant number
of 2- and 3-year junior college institutions, some of which provide comprehensive
programming, many have a tradition of offering specialized training in a particular
field of study (see, for example, Kong and Gimmestad, 1999). At the same time,
Ningbo University represents an increasingly entrepreneurial type of multidisciplinary Chinese university that seeks to broaden its focus beyond that of a traditional
university by providing education that combines theoretical foundations with practical skills to enable graduates to effectively enter the workforce. This was a good
match for Humber College, given its responsive nature and skills in developing
programs to address workforce development. Partnering was also attractive for the
measure of prestige it would potentially bring to both institutions. The partnership
began in the mid-1990s when the status that comes with international partnering
was even greater than today given the relatively few international partnerships in
China at that time. While other partnering options existed and have been taken up
by both Humber and Ningbo, both institutions saw value in each other as long-term
partners given the mutual commitment to flexibility and willingness to take on risk
in developing an innovative international program.
The partnership was initiated in the mid-1990s. A preliminary meeting between
Humber and Ningbo staff identified three or four potential programming areas
where there appeared to be good possibilities for a strong articulation. From the
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beginning, it was agreed that a sustainable partnership would have to be based

on programming where both institutions had considerable strength, where there
would be open, clear, and straightforward discussions with respect to what capacity existed in both institutions for programming decisions, and the need to commit to going forward quickly while ensuring full and open communication. The
notion of what each institution would get from the partnership was also quite clear.
Primarily, this was believed to be enhanced curriculum, a strong flow of students,
the potential for faculty to benefit through exchanges and teaching, and the status
that comes to higher education institutions through participation in international
programming.
Within an evaluation period covering 3 months, it was apparent that the potential
for a partnership in business programming was the most fertile. The need for business skills in the region was significant, the number of students wanting to study
business was considerable, and entrepreneurial Chinese parents, those who owned
or operated for-profit businesses, were particularly keen on having their sons and
daughters experience an international education. At the end of the evaluation period
it was agreed that the partnership paradigm would be a 3-year business diploma
program for Ningbo students, where the first year would be at Ningbo taught
entirely in Mandarin by Ningbo business faculty, a second year at Ningbo taught in
Mandarin and English on a shared basis by Ningbo and Humber faculty, and a third
year in Toronto at Humber College taught entirely by Humber faculty in English.
A notable characteristic of the model was a lack of involvement of Canadian
students. While an exchange of students would offer an interesting student opportunity, the partnerships goal of contributing to the workforce development needs of
China dictated a simple, efficient, and focused model, especially given the potentially complex cross-cultural context of the partnership. Participation of Canadian
students was therefore excluded. The model as constructed by Humber and Ningbo
would produce Chinese graduates with an internationally recognized diploma
grounded in applied theory and practical business skills, all within two cultural
contexts. These graduates would be well prepared to contribute to the economic
development of China.
The model required an enormous amount of cooperation and trust between
partners: joint development of curriculum that bridged business practices of both
countries, recruitment of faculty from both institutions, and joint management
across great geographic distances. At the same time, the model was developed to
bring significant benefits to both institutions. Despite not involving the participation of Canadian students in China, Humber College would gain international
experience for its faculty, reinvigorated curriculum as Canadian instructors returned
from China and incorporated their own learning, an additional revenue source,
and a culturally enriched campus. Ningbo University would gain a new programming stream, an increased number of students, an internationalized curriculum, an
additional revenue source and an attractive international opportunity for its students. Ningbo Universitys community would realize the ultimate benefit, as qualified and skilled graduates of the program contributed to economic development in
the region.
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Partnership Issues and Opportunities

Overall, the model was simple, and this was a good thing, but the issues were
numerous and some were daunting. These issues can be analyzed within three categories: overall program management, the Chinese phase of the program, and the
Canadian phase of the program.
Overall program management. At Humber, it was felt that the principals at
Ningbo were very excited and very committed to ensuring that the partnership
created the most stimulating and dynamic international business program for
diploma-level students available anywhere in the world. It was also believed that
Ningbo University had the autonomy and resources to achieve this outcome. This
was exciting beyond description. Within Humber, there is an explicit policy of
ensuring that domestic funding is not employed to support international activities.
Fortunately, Humbers experience in international work had created a number of
revenue streams that allowed for an institutional commitment of up to 6 years for
this project, and that element alone was in hindsight likely the most critical technical element in the successful management of the venture.
A second element, perhaps almost as important, is the fact that the key persons
on both the Ningbo and Humber sides of the partnership were in place for the first
full 7 years of the partnership. This did a great deal to overcome the challenges
associated with the host of other issues that arose on a monthly basis as it enabled
relationships of trust to be built across both institutions. Further, these ongoing relationships promoted the development and institutionalization of standard operating
practices. When the recruitment of a new program manager at Humber was needed
in the eighth year of the program, it required recruiting someone who had the crosscultural skills and experience to successfully fit within the established practices.
New practices did not need to be developed to fit the involvement of new staff. Had
there been greater turnover in program personnel, the development of trust and
standardized practices would have been much more difficult to achieve. In the end,
when combined with the available funds to support the program, the continuity of
staff promoted effective and efficient management of the program.
Chinese phase of the program. The programming model called for students
first 2 years to be taken in China. This provided some significant challenges. From
a curriculum perspective, involving both partners in codeveloping curriculum that
balances business practices from two diverse countries is difficult. Having the
Canadian partner deliver year 3 of a program when it does not have control over
the Chinese phase of the program in year 1, or even much of year 2, can be unnerving. Clearly, the program must be integrated, and when students arrive in Canada
in year 3 they need to have a good, lucid, and applied grasp of the fundamentals
learned in the first 2 years in China. This challenge was exacerbated by the fact that
all business courses in the first year were delivered in Mandarin. Add to this the
detail that certain business education disciplines, such as accounting, may have a
fundamentally different model and approach when delivered in another culture, and
you have a recipe for potential misconstruction on a massive scale. This is where
flexibility, adaptability, and listening skills were critical.
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Ningbo, as the preparatory institution, recognized that student success was

dependent on strong grounding for the studies about to be undertaken. To this
end, the institution struggled with adapting curriculum to balance both Chinese
and Canadian business elements, as well as recruiting Chinese faculty who
could and would adjust to this balance. At Humber, there was recognition that in
Canada these two elements alone would be a tremendous challenge. In addition,
the recruitment of Canadian faculty to teach in China during the second year of the
program was most challenging in the 1990s. While Canadian faculty did not require
Mandarin language skills, the need to have cross-cultural competency was critical.
Recruiting faculty with this competency and who were willing to spend a year
abroad was difficult given the unproven nature of the program. The incentive of living abroad became much more attractive to faculty, however, as the once unproven
program became well established. It is no longer difficult to recruit faculty to spend
a year in China, particularly in a community such as Ningbo. Living conditions are
very good and the potential to add to a curriculum vitae through an overseas year
of teaching and living is considerable. Most professors have also found that the
opportunities to consult or teach in the evenings in other programs at Ningbo have
kept them busy, involved, and learning at a rapid rate. The challenge as always is
to recruit faculty who are able to adjust to the culture, and then thrive within it.
As such, Humber has tried to maintain a pool of 1520 qualified professors from
whom to draw upon. Most of these professors spend 1 year in China as opposed
to multiple years, which has contributed to the program becoming institutionalized
within Humber as the teaching opportunities in China are not restricted to a few
select faculty.
Ningbo also faced the challenge of convincing local parents that this new, and
as yet untested, product called the International Business Program was worth
the investment of 3 years of their offsprings time as well as significant financial
resources. In most cases, as per Chinese policy, these parents had only one child
so the investment was not a hedge; if chosen, it was the one and only direction.
In order to convince parents of the value of the program, Ningbo used a number
of strategies, including presentations by Ningbo senior administrators, provision
of information on the Canadian partner and its experience with business education,
and demonstration of the partnerships ability to support the visa process. It was
recognized at Humber that this process of convincing parents would be a massive
challenge, but Humber staff could only sit on the sidelines and watch as this effort
was carried out in the local language, with tools particular to the local culture, and
all within Chinese national and local government regulations.
Those government regulations were and continue to be a challenge for the
Ningbo partner. The government in China differentiates access to higher education
by level and placement on testing. There are planned and unplanned students, and
the regulations applicable to different categories have changed and will likely continue to change over time. As is the case in North American jurisdictions, Chinese
institutions must work to achieve their enrolment targets, including within international programs, within the paradigm of government regulation, financial constraint,
and the increasingly complex and differentiated postsecondary marketplace.
508
Interestingly, success factors and timelines were never emphatically specified

by either partner. Generally, it was agreed that there needed to be at least 40 students progressing through the second year in China into the Canadian phase of the
program in year 3 in order for the partnership to be financially viable. It was also
clear that the effort needed to be fiscally solvent for the partners to continue. There
was no explicit time limit set on achieving these numbers; rather it was felt that if
each year built on the previous year with some momentum, then the project would
eventually break into the positive net revenue side of the equation. Just how long
each partner was willing to continue, should these numbers be slow to emerge, was
not originally specified. As the Canadian phase began in year 3 of the program, this
issue was complicated by visa challenges.
Canadian phase of the program. In the autumn of 1999, as the third year of the
program began, the first cohort of 11 students arrived for the third year of study
in Canada. This was approximately 50% of those who had applied for a visa. As a
result, the partners employed considerable resources in order to prepare the second
cohort of students then in year 2 of the program to submit successful visa applications and to educate their parents on what needed to be done in order to maximize
the potential for visa approvals. Ningbo worked closely with the parents to ensure
clear understanding of the process. The following year, 25 students in the second
cohort received visa approval for study in Canada. To further maximize Canadian
visa approval, the partnership instituted a new technique that required students to
return to China after their year in Canada. On their return, each student must make a
presentation to senior faculty at Ningbo, following which they receive their Humber
diploma. This has met with considerable success. Within 5 years of programming
operation, the partnership reached and exceeded the target of 40 students progressing to the Canadian phase, which was required for financial sustainability. This
number has been sustained and surpassed ever since, ranging from 70100 students
entering the third year in Canada. Visa approval rates reached 100% by 2007.
With the visa challenge addressed, it became apparent to Ningbo when
recruiting students that there was a strong need for a year 4 to the program. Most
potential students were looking for not only the international experience and
practical skills, but also the opportunity to finish a baccalaureate. In many North
American jurisdictions, the transition from a 2-year academic program at a college to year 3 of a baccalaureate program is well defined. In Canada, the transition
from year 3 of a college or technical institute to year 4 of a baccalaureate is often
not so well defined. In Ontario, where Humber is located, transitioning from year
3 in a college to an Ontario university-delivered baccalaureate involves significant challenges as there is usually only modest advanced standing offered by the
university regardless of curriculum, grade point average, or student ability. It is
common for Ontario universities to give a student 1 year of advanced standing for
2 years of previous postsecondary study, and a maximum of 2 years for 3 years
of previous study.
The partners addressed this issue by focusing on out-of-province universities
and US universities in particular, where the key issue for admission was student
ability and documented curriculum completed to date. Once several students in the
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program had demonstrated their ability to succeed at a particular university, these

avenues opened wider. Interestingly, this opportunity to apply for a year 4 and
baccalaureate completion is not proving to be a complete panacea for the problem.
While it is attractive to have the potential for study in three countries for a 4-year
program, the fact that entry into year 4 of a baccalaureate is not guaranteed at the
beginning of the HumberNingbo program remains a barrier. In North America,
transfer from one postsecondary institution to another remains merit-based and is
rarely taken or offered as given. By contrast, in many cultures the notion of a firm
commitment for certain agreements remains a de facto expectation. Chinese parents
of prospective students therefore may expect a more seamless pathway to entrance
into a degree program than is actually the case in North America.
This issue has, to some degree, been addressed by the partnerships focus on
building transfer relationships with US universities. There is a key difference for
international students who apply for degree completion programs in Canada and
in the United States. In Canada, it is typical for a university-led degree completion program to state minimum acceptance criteria, while in the United States, it is
more common for a similar program to simply state acceptance criteria. In the latter
case, a student is virtually assured that entry will be offered if the criteria are met.
This is rarely the case in Canada, as students must wait to see if they are accepted
since the criteria are simply a green light to apply. As a result, Chinese students
and their parents often see the US model as more transparent and user-friendly.
The partnership therefore developed transfer agreements for degree completion
with Davenport University in Michigan and Centenary College in New Jersey. This
willingness to be nimble and flexible in providing an optional pathway to a US
degree increased the attraction of the HumberNingbo program to potential students. Students now have a range of potential postsecondary pathways from which
to choose Canadian diploma, Canadian degree, US degree all from within a
single program.
Throughout this partnership there was an expectation that the rewards for
Humber would include the potential to engage new faculty with an international
outlook, to provide opportunities for current faculty to reinvigorate curriculum
with an international flavour, to further influence the campus with more international students, and to enhance Humbers international reputation and capacity. For
Ningbo, the rewards would include new programming, an increased number of students, internationalized curriculum, and program graduates who contribute to local
economic development in China. These have all been achieved in a notable manner.
The HumberNingbo model has been a learning experience that has enthused both
institutions with the will to search out other partnerships, both domestic and international, in order to apply the experience gained.
The partnership is now in its tenth year and has achieved long-term sustainability. SARs, 9/11, greatly increased competition from other colleges and universities, changing government policies, and a host of other challenges have and will
continue to influence the programming. However, the partnership has matured to a
stage where the reputation, ingrained practices, and relationship fundamentals will
ensure longer-term success.
510
Conclusion: Partnership Theory and Practice

The experience of the HumberNingbo program largely confirms the emphasis
found in the general partnership literature on creating relationships of cooperation
and trust, buy-in at all levels of partner institutions, well-defined communication
channels, shared missions and goals, and an ability to compromise. A dissection of
the HumberNingbo case further suggests, however, that there are additional factors
that are critical for partnering that is international in scope. These factors include
long-term funding availability, staff continuity, purposeful partner selection, international adaptability, and willingness to accept risk.
Long-term funding. International partnering is considerably more expensive than
partnering with local or national institutions. International travel and communications alone require considerable budgets. The short-term costs of developing an
international program before it becomes financially sustainable represent a significant financial burden. In the HumberNingbo case, it took 5 years of financial
losses before reaching a sustainable financial position. A clear lesson detailed in
this partnership is the need for a medium- to long-term financial commitment,
accompanied by an expectation that, given the cultural differences, there would be
a plethora of different expectations, values, and outcomes that may further impact
financial resource needs. Securing a financial base that enables attention to be fully
paid to developing culturally appropriate programming is critical if such international initiatives are to ultimately become sustainable.
Staff continuity. Consistency of personnel was undeniably a key reason for the
success of the HumberNingbo partnership. The unique and often unpredictable
international challenges that accompanied the partnership from creating English
language transcripts in a form acceptable to North American schools, to understanding complex visa issues, to moving funds from China to Canada were readily
addressed by continuity in staff, which ensured the institutionalization of learning
related to international program management. The same people, both at Humber
and Ningbo, were responsible for the partnership during the first 7 years. Since
then, two of the six key people have moved on to other roles. Without this consistency, the project would have faced significantly greater challenges in addressing
the unpredictable demands that arose from the very different contexts of the two
institutions. The continuity enabled the generation of ongoing relations of trust and
efficient operating procedures that are critical for responding to unexpected challenges. If an institution cannot make the commitment to consistency of personnel,
the option is greater reliance on contract language. In the case of international
partnerships, that substitution is not likely to be adequate.
Partner selection. Given the need for international partnership activities to
be culturally appropriate, many of the activities that occurred in the creation of
the HumberNingbo program involved one partner taking on a reduced role
while the other took the lead. Humber played a smaller role than Ningbo in the
preparation of curriculum taught in Mandarin, the recruitment of local teachers and
program marketing. Likewise, Ningbo played a reduced role while Humber took
the lead in developing English curriculum and recruiting Canadian teachers. This
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511
required an enormous amount of trust between partners. The HumberNingbo case

illustrates that using a deliberate and purposeful approach to initial partner selection
is a key ingredient in generating such trust. The initial 3-month evaluation period
undertaken by the partners produced an effective analysis and discussion of the
appropriateness of the two institutions as potential partners. This resulted in both
institutions being confident in their chosen partner. When the Vice President at
Ningbo said: [Y]ou are our preferred partner and we will not jeopardize our relationship with you, that was taken literally by senior administrative staff at Humber
and employed as the basis of the relationship. Yet devoting considerable time and
effort to ensuring partner appropriateness at the outset often does not occur in international partnering initiatives (Hatton and Schroeder, 2007). The HumberNingbo
case illustrates that this should be a central part of the process.
International adaptability. The general literature on partnership emphasizes the
importance of compromise between partners. The HumberNingbo case shows
that international partnering requires much more. Both individuals and institutions
require significant adaptability to successfully engage in international partnering.
The HumberNingbo program had to recruit individual faculty members who could
adapt not only to an evolving international curriculum, but also to a cultural context
that required cross-cultural competency for effective teaching. These skills can be
difficult to find. Institutionally, both Humber and Ningbo had to respond to new
desires and concerns that arose. Most specifically, the need to respond to students
desire for an avenue to complete a baccalaureate, combined with a Canadian higher
education context that made this difficult, required a significant ability to develop
unexpected avenues to link with American institutions. Such adaptability required
not only nimbleness within the partner institutions, but an ability to determine
what was critical to both students and the other partner. Learning what students
and each partner needed could do differently or get by without, and what could
not be changed, was decisive. There was always a clear understanding that if the
partnership was not of value to each partner, it would end quickly. The value of
ensuring the partner always felt like a winner, and adapting to ensure this occurred,
was paramount.
Risk. There is little mention of risk in the literature on higher education partnerships. The HumberNingbo case illustrates that the potential for risk within
international partnering is significant. Though not necessarily the most important,
the financial risk was significant and obvious. Sinking 56 years of direct and indirect support into a partnership of this type is not a standard operating procedure
for many institutions of higher education, and community colleges in particular.
Often, project-based financial investments of any significance are either limited
to 1 year or require such a detailed results expectation, year by year, as to make
a multiyear joint venture of the type described above unworkable. There was also
significant risk in codesigning and delivering a single program in two different
countries, in two different languages, through two institutions within two different
educational contexts. Yet without risk the rewards are limited. Accepting this risk
and using it to build momentum was a critical part of the HumberNingbo program. The governing principle was not so much a case of determining specifically
512
where the partnership was at each year, but rather whether it was going in the right
direction and had momentum. The decision to move forward and the decision to
stay the course came down to trust. Those who have daring, do. Those who do not,
should not expect the reward.
International partnering will continue to play an important role in assisting
education institutions in the developing world to connect more effectively with
the economic development needs of their communities and regions. The Humber
Ningbo case illustrates that such partnerships need to embrace a commitment to
long-term funding, staff continuity, purposeful partner selection, international
adaptability, and a willingness to accept risk in order to successfully navigate the
diverse cultural, social, political, and institutional contexts that characterize partnering on an international level.
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Part VI
Introduction: Envisioning
New Community College Models
Internationally
The final part provides examples of new and envisioned community college
models. These chapters discuss why community college models are ideal for
specific populations, how they will best serve local communities, ways in which
these institutions can effectively develop, and implications of adding these institutions to the various communities under study. Minghua Li and Henry Levin detail
a project conducted by a team at East China Normal University joined by a team
from Peking University to develop an innovate variation of the community college
model to serve Chinas manufacturing areas for migrant workers. Since the writing
of this chapter, funding has been secured to pilot the project in the Shanghai area.
Zulfiya Tursunova and Nodira Azizova illustrate the case of Uzbekistan where
community college models will help to build a knowledge-based society through
a national program that emphasizes personnel training. Shahrzad Kamyab profiles junior colleges in Iran where she suggests that the realigning of the existing
junior colleges, to a comprehensive model, will help meet the increasing needs of
the postsecondary population. In Tajikistan, Max Harmon defines the curricular
development project coordinated by the Aga Khan Humanities Project that utilizes
community engagement, liberal arts interdisciplinary curriculum, and studentcentered pedagogy that mirror community colleges and which he suggests is tied
to successful reform in Central Asia. Miloni Gandhi describes how, in Bhutan,
the higher educational system is being reevaluated with the increase of the vocational institutions which can be compared to community college models. This part
concludes with a chapter by Robert Frost who establishes a protocol for leadership
training that will help facilitate future collaborations. By doing so, he provides
a context, language, and scenario to encourage visionary leadership in a global
age. Leadership remains a common theme among all the chapters in this part for
it becomes an essential element to both envisioning and enacting educational and
thereby socioeconomic reforms.
Chapter 28

for Migrant Workers in Manufacturing Areas
in China*
Minghua Li and Henry Levin
Introduction
Community colleges have been emerging in China and have the potential to be the
main candidate to address the nations needs for the next rush of higher education
expansion. As the concept of community colleges has been borrowed from the
United States and applied to address local needs, there have been some innovative
variations in developing the models of community colleges to adapt to Chinas
environments. Given that the history of establishing community colleges is barely
a decade old in China, there is no one dominant model yet. This is the experimental
phase of letting One-Hundred Blossoms bloom before selecting the hardiest and
most attractive.
Today there are about 40 million migrant workers in Chinas manufacturing
areas, which has created the needs for establishing a continuing education system
so that migrant workers can use the system for their career and human development. Community colleges are promising candidates for being the building blocks
of this system. What kind of community colleges may serve best the local needs?
What kind of institutional framework is needed for establishing and sustaining
community colleges in China? Who should be the active participants? What kind of
education programs do the migrant workers need? What kind of sustainable financial scheme is needed to maintain such a community college system? To address
these issues, we have organized a team* for undertaking investigations and experiments to find solutions to the access challenges of migrant workers for continuing
education. In this chapter, we will focus on three major issues: (1) demographics
of the migrant workers and their needs for continuing education; (2) possible
models of community colleges serving the migrant workers in manufacturing areas;
(3) comparison of the advantages and disadvantages of the possible models.
Unlike in the United States where a community college can serve an area with a
diameter of more than 20 miles, a community college campus in China must be close
* Acknowledgement: This chapter is based on a project conducted by a team at East China Normal
University joined by a team from Peking University and consulted by Professor Henry Levin and
Professor Mun Tsang of Teachers College, Columbia University and sponsored by the Ford
Foundation, the Ministry of Education of China and Shanghai Municipal government.

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M. Li and H. Levin
to the students residential or working places due to the lack of private transportation
means and other conditions that limit geographical access. We believe a learning
center must be established in close proximity to the location of concentrations of
migrant workers so that education can be delivered in close proximity and overcome
the physical accessibility problem. Some number of such learning centers linked by
shuttle buses can serve as the connected campuses for a community college.
There are quite a few different models that can be used to plan, build, and
run such a learning center-based community college. The first one is the current
township adult schools that may extend their reach to the migrant workers. The
second one is a community institution that is established for mobilizing local
financial resources and boosting local social development. The third one is a
social-investment coalition with an existing university that may build and run the
learning center-based community colleges as university branches. The university
strategy has advantages in bringing strong educational programs and technology
for the migrant workers. The fourth one is a for-profit model that is responsive to
the migrant workers demand through their financial ballots in determining what
education to provide and in what way to deliver it. In the process of community
college development, all four models may be pertinent where each is tailored to the
communities fitting those conditions that are required for it to perform best.
Migrant Workers Needs for Continuing Education

Chinas Big Migration
Since Chinas liberation of its peasants from their bonds tying them to the land where
they were born, the country has experienced an unprecedented mass migration from
rural areas to urban ones. The early generation of migrants moved to obtain work
or working opportunities for more money, but enjoyed their lives in their home
towns where they kept any assets and maintained their social relations. Although
many older migrant workers had returned to their homes, the official statistics
show that by 2006 there were about 120 million migrant workers in the country,
and the number would be 200 million if it included those who were working in
the hometown businesses of all types1 (Project Team of the State Council of China
on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 4). It is estimated that the size of the migrant
population2 will increase by five million annually and reach 160 million in the
year 2010. The same source showed that the size of the migration population was
30 million in 1982, 40 million in 1985, 70 million in 1988, 80 million in 1994, and
100 million in 1997 (Chinese News Press, 2000). Zheng and Wong reported their
comprehensive joint research with scholars from Hong Kong and the Mainland of
China in 2006 that estimated that there were 130 million migrant workers, and each
year there were six to eight million new migrant workers. In the next 10 years it
is expected that there will be as many as 150 million more migration population
including the migrant workers and their family members.
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Why do they migrate? Most of the migrant workers are from the Western and
Central provinces of China. In 2004, 31.6 million of them were from Western provinces that accounted for 26.7% of the total, and 47.3 million were from the Central
provinces that accounted for 40% of the total. (Project Team of the State Council
of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 4). In 2004, 82% of the cross-provincial
migrant workers were in seven East coast provinces and cities Beijing, Tianjing,
Shanghai, Zhejiang, Jiangshu, Guangdong and Fujian and more than 60% went
to big- and middle-sized cities. (Project Team of the State Council of China on
the Migrant Workers, 2006, pp. 5, 6) The pattern of the migration reveals that the
strongest motivation for migration is the search for better paid employment opportunities. According to Zheng and Wong, before 1996, the motivation for migration was mainly to earn money to support the family, and after that year it shifted
heavily to personal development; and the more educated the person is at the time
of migration to an urban area the stronger the motivation for personal development
(Zheng Gongcheng and Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong, 2006).
Now is the epoch of second generation migration. In the past decade, China
has improved its basic education in rural areas. Almost all new young workers
from rural areas have at least 9 years of schooling, and a very high percentage of
them have obtained some high school education or its equivalent of what is called
Junior Vocational Education. They want good employment, human development
opportunities, social acceptance, and civic participation. They expect to become
full residents of where they choose to work and live, which is completely different
from the earlier generation of the migrant workers.
Does the urban society function well as a social melting pot? Migrants are
readily visible by their language, clothing, and mannerisms. On average their educational level is much lower than the existing population at their destination, and
they lack the sophistication in social behavior of their native urban counterparts.
Their income is low, yet working conditions are bad and working hours are very
long; they are not covered by most basic social security nor do they enjoy the same
government and public services available to the local residents. For example, they
encounter difficulties in obtaining education for their children and their living
conditions are inferior; they lack legal protection and assistance; they encounter
difficulties in exercising their democratic rights such as collective labor negotiation
and involvement in community activities and local voting; some businesses even
limit the workers freedom, and illegally retain the workers ID cards, and even beat
them. (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006,
pp. 1115; Chen, Shida, 2007, pp. 924).
Demographics of the Migrant Workers

Age and gender. According to Chinas 2000 census, of the cross-provincial
migrant workers from the Western areas to the East, 21% were aged 1519, 26.5%
were 2024, 20% were 2529, and 12% were 3034 (Cheng Xiaohua and Zhang
Hongyu, 2005). It was estimated that in 2004, 61% of the migrant workers in China
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M. Li and H. Levin
were aged 1630, 23% 3140, 16% above 41, and the average was 28.6 years old.
Among them two thirds were male (Project Team of the State Council of China
on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 4). The age of becoming the first-time migrant
worker was 21.2 before 1996, 21.9 between 19961999, 22.2 between 20002003,
23.2 between 2003 to the time of their survey (AprilNovember, 2005) (Zheng
Gongcheng and Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong, 2006).
Education. There are different estimates of the levels of migrant workers
education. The research team from the State Council in 2004 reported that 2% of
the migrant workers were illiterate, 16% completed primary school, 65% 9-year
schooling, 12% high school, and 5% junior vocational education or above (Project
Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 71). Zheng
and Wong presented a much brighter picture of the educational accomplishments
of the migrant workers. Zheng Gongcheng of Peoples University of China and
Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong of Hong Kong City University did a survey in Shenzhen,
Suzhou, Chengdu, and Beijing during April to November in 2005 with 2,800
complete responses. They reported that of their sample 11.6% had less than 9 years
of schooling, 48.6% 9 years of schooling, 35.9% high school; 3.9% associate
degree or above; among those who migrated before 1996, 17.9% had less than
9-year schooling, 57.7% 9-year schooling, 22.7% high school; and 1.7% associate degree or above (Zheng Gongcheng and Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong, 2006).
Zheng and Wongs investigation shows that the initial educational achievements of
the migrant workers are increasing. According to our research, Zhen and Wongs
estimates are closer to our observations in Shanghai.
Although the situation is rapidly improving, migrant workers are by and large
effectively blocked from access to continuing education resources in the urban
areas. As a result, the educational gap between the original urban residents and
the new ones is not narrowing, and is likely to keep enlarging without appropriate
social interventions.
Income. The migrant workers income is low. According to the research team of
the State Council, in 2004 the migrant workers monthly income was distributed as
7.6% below US$403, 17.8% US$4067, 37% US$67107, 16.40% US$107133,
21.2% above US$133, and the average was US$104 (Project Team of the State
Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 105). Zheng and Wongs estimates are higher: 11.6% below US$67, 31% US$67107, 31.9% US$107160,
13.6% US$160200, and 11.9% above US$200 (Zheng Gongcheng and Linda Yeuklin Lai Wong, 2006). Zheng and Wongs estimates are closer to our observations in
Shanghai. According to Chinas Central Banks survey at the end of 2005 (Chinas
Central Bank Monetary Policy Analysis Team, 2006) the average monthly income
for the migrant workers was US$131 in Bohaisea Regions, US$131 in Yangtz Delta
Regions, US$128 in the Pearl River Delta Regions, and US$125 within provinces;
US$132 in mining, US$132 in manufactures, US$132 in construction. The actual
income is somewhat higher than the above estimates because many migrant workers
live in employer-provided housing or receive some free meals.
For comparison, the average annual wages of staff and workers in 2005 was
US$2,449 which was US$204 per month nationally, US$4,579 which was US$382 per
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month in Shanghai, US$3,194 which was US$266 per month in Guangdong Province,
and US$4,559 which was US$380 per month in Beijing (China Statistical Bureau,
2006). Although the migrant workers earned less than the national average wages and
those in the areas in which they worked such as Shanghai, Beijing, and Guangdong,
these incomes were far superior to peasant incomes. The per capita income of the
rural residents was US$434 annually which was only US$36 per month; if we use the
average number of persons that one farm worker supports that was 1.44 in 2006 to
make adjustment to figure out the income for a farm worker, i.e. a peasants earnings,
the monthly earnings of a farm worker was US$52 (China Statistical Bureau, 2006).
Many migrant workers do send money to their families and relatives in rural areas,
which has contributed tremendously to the development of the vast rural areas.
Migrant Workers in Manufacturing Areas

The largest segment of migrant workers. In the case of Shanghai the migrant
workers are mainly distributed among three areas: inner city districts, industrial
parks, and small towns. According to a survey in 2003, there were more than three
million migrant workers in Shanghai, a stable one million in the inner city, and two
million that is still increasing in suburbs of which a large percentage was in the
industry parks. There is a sharp contrast between supply and demand of education
facilities for the migrant workers between inner city and suburbs. In the inner city
of Shanghai, there are many different types of continuing education opportunities.
Yet most of the migrant workers in Shanghai are in suburbs where there are very
few educational facilities. Such an accessibility problem is especially a problem in
the fast-growing industry parks.
The migrant workers in manufacturing areas are the largest segment of the
migrant workers in China. According to the Research Team of the State Council
in 2004, 30.3% of the migrant workers were employed in manufacturing (Project
Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006, p. 5), which
stands for about 40 million out of a total of 120 million migrant workers.
Lack of social development in manufacturing areas. Chinas factory parks are
almost exclusively built on former farming fields of land in suburbs of cities such
as Shanghai, Suzhou, and Shenzhen. The parks have been developed only in the last
2 decades or so, and many of them are categorized as special economic zones. Many
were set up for attracting foreign investment in manufacturing with the business
model of OEM4 and with little social infrastructure to accommodate families. It is
these places where much of the expansion of Chinese manufacturing has occurred.
Social development in the factory parks is not presently a high priority. The socially
dominant local stakeholders such as the local government employees and top management and engineers do not normally live in the parks. In many factory parks, almost
all the residents are the migrant workers. As such, the social development of the parks
is not a driving force, and often depends simply on what the migrant workers are able
to pay for. One good example is the attempt to overcome the Digital Gap.
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M. Li and H. Levin
The Money Votes example. The migrant workers lack access to the Internet,
if they lack the ability to pay for it. Most of them cannot afford to buy computers
for their own use. Only by paying for Internet cafes can they use the Internet and
tools that are available on computers. According to our surveys, about 60% of the
migrant workers in factory parks use Internet cafes and spend about 2030 h there
per month on average.
Continuing education for boosting local social development. Besides the social
needs that we discussed earlier regarding the continuing education of the migrant
workers in general, there are some other important reasons why such education
is important in manufacturing areas and, especially, in industry parks. First of all,
although the industrial area has a few commercial services, it is not well equipped with
educational services. The workers spend almost all their time working and living in
the industrial area. So, one significant educational facility locally can serve as a prime
mechanism for educational and cultural development. Second, there is no defined
community in such an industry park yet; thus, a community college-type facility
may serve as a local incubator for community development. This facility can initiate
the beginning of a community center where workers can establish a new hometown
beyond the workplace where they can plan their human development and participate in
constructing a better community for their families. Third, the establishment of a community college will comprehensively upgrade the industrial labor force and its quality,
so that these workers can advance and work more productively. The continuing education made possible in an industry park will boost the local social development.
The Migrant Workers Educational Needs:

Surveys and Experiments
Most people assume that the migrant workers only seek short-term training programs to get a job. The reality is quite at odds with this assumption. From all our
investigations and experiments, we know they want both general and specific education programs, short- and long-term technical certificate programs, casual and
more formal programs, certificate and degree ones.
To obtain a picture of educational needs of migrants, we undertook interviews
at Shanghai train station to obtain a migrant sample there in January 2006 before
Chinas Spring Festival. We considered that the migrant workers in the station (visiting their villages for the holiday) was a natural sample that might be reasonably
representative. We got 671 completed questionnaires. In this survey, we asked this
question: Below are some educational programs you may attend during your spare
time. Please rank them according to your preference from the lowest score, 1, to the
highest score, 10. Following is a list (Table 28.1) of the percentages of respondents
who gave scores of score 8 and above for each category.
Obviously, the migrant workers may be interested in all sorts of programs. They need
programs that link short- and long-term learning processes together and allow them
eventually to get a degree for their participation in a series of learning experiences.
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Table 28.1 Migrant workers preferences for educational programs

Category of education programs
Percent
Series of technical training plus degree after all the training is done
How to get information such as of jobs and legal assistance
36 months of short-term technical training
English courses
Degree programs such as associate and bachelors
Courses for self-learning degree program exams (associate and bachelors)
12 years of high-level technical training
Casual and entertainment
Junior vocational programs (equivalent to high school level)
55
43
41
37
37
32
25
24
20
Table 28.2 Migrant worker students preference for their educational development
Which of the following statement matches most closely to your
next 10 years education development plan
Frequency
Percent
A 36 months of short-term technical training and will live on this

technology in the future.
Frequent technical training to obtain continuous technical
advancement, yet degree and diploma are not important.
Technology + Adult Junior vocational degree (high school level)
Wanted technology + associate degree
Bachelors degree
Others
Total
23
25
6
43
13
1
91
7
47.0
14
1
100
They want technical training experiences, yet they want a program combining the
technical training with a degree.
In May of 2006, we started a marketing campaign for students for a free course
at our experimental site in a migrant community, YS Apartments. As part of the
marketing, we requested the prospective students to apply online. We got 91 completed online applications. The percentage distribution of those applicants answers
to Which of the following statement matches most closely your next ten years
education development plan is as per the following table (Table 28.2).
Again, the responses of applicants are consistent with the interviewees in other
surveys that a technical training program that links with an associate degree is most
desirable. In the following question, we asked the applicants preference of the path
to their long-term educational goals (Table 28.3).
A surprising finding is that more than 70% of the migrant respondents state that
they want higher education of some sort. These and most migrants have jobs, but
they want to have personal and career development while working on their current
jobs. As such, they want educational programs that can significantly change their
status rather than just adding a bit to what they have today. So they need serious
programs that must be a combination of some vocation or technical training plus
a degree. As such, a community college solution appears to meet their needs for a
variety of educational programs with both certificate and degree outcomes.
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Table 28.3 Migrant worker students preference for the paths to their long-term educational
goals
Which of the following educational path matches
your long-term educational goals the most?
Frequency
Percent
Vocational and technical certificate training
Adult Junior vocational degree (high school level)
Evening student at a university for degree programs
Associate degree programs at a TV university
Associate degree via self-learning exams
Others
Total
16
6
22
10
33
4
91
18
7
24
11
36
4
100
Migrant Workers Are Willing to Partially Pay

for Continuing Education
As we noted, substantial portions of the migrants interviewed at the Shanghai
railway station indicated not only their interest in learning, but also their willingness to pay a portion of the costs.
Interested in learning. Sixty percent of the females and 55% of the males in the
sample expressed that they were either eager to learn or fairly interested in learning, and 64% of the females and 55% of the males were looking for further education information such as schools and programs. If we look at the age groups, the
younger groups and those with more education were more interested in learning.
Willingness to pay. The migrant workers expressed that they were willing to
spend substantial amounts to obtain continuing education. According to our estimation based on the sample and other related data (Li Minghua, 2007), three million
migrant workers aged 1539 in Shanghai would be willing to spend US$280 million
per year for their own education with an average of US$93 per person. Using this
number to project a national figure, 100 million of the migrant workers in those age
groups would spend up to US$9.3 billion per year, and US$47 billion in 5 years.
In the next 5 years, the central government will spend US$1.7 billion on vocational
education, which is a very small number compared with the spending potential of
the migrant workers. If the government can spend some public money to induce
migrant workers to invest in the appropriate types of continuing education for their
careers and personal development, a huge education market can be sustained.
Segments of the market. The huge size of the market does not mean it is a good
one. Think about a huge mine yet a poor one. If the cost of mining is higher than
the revenue the mining can generate, it may not be worth mining. This is similar to
certain segments of the migrant workers continuing education market. The US$280
million education market per year can be ranked into four classes of affordability
expressed by the migrant workers. The first class is US$333 per year, 23.1% of the
market; the second is US$240 per year, 22.2% of the market; the third, US$147 per
year, 41.3% of the market; the fourth, only US$24 per year, 13.4% of the market
(Li Minghua, 2007). The first class is the richest market, US$333 per year that is
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about the same as 1-year tuition of a TV university. Almost half of the market is
associated with a relatively low level of willing investment, only US$147 per year.
Without education innovation that can provide good-quality education yet still charge
a low tuition, this market will not be cultivated. This means that most current education providers would not be interested in this market. Although the migrant workers
are willing to pay something, even if the total amount of revenue is very large, the
unit cost of providing the education programs is higher than what the migrant workers are willing to pay. As such, education innovation is needed. Alternatively, a costsharing system is required in order to make this potential market a reality. Best of all,
both education innovation and a cost-sharing system can be implemented.
Conclusions on the Needs Analysis

The migrant workers need a very broad range of education and training for their
personal and career development including but not restricted to:
1.
2.
3.
4.
Remedial adult education.

Both general, and technical/vocational education.
Both casual lectures or activities, and formal certificate and degree programs.
Higher education covering all disciplines with a focus on a combination of
technical and degree programs at the associate degree level and an open university scheme. The cornerstone should be something like evening associate
degree programs that lead to accessibility of a ladder of unlimited education
achievements.
5. Blended learning with more innovative teaching and learning pedagogies that
will work with academically less well-prepared nontraditional students with
full-time jobs.
6. Finally, a community college type of institution that is adaptable to serve the
migrant workers needs for lifelong learning.
Community Colleges Based on Learning Centers Accessible

to Concentrations of Migrant Workers
Accessibility Problems
While most of the migrant workers show their interests in learning, we have not
observed an active learning participation of the migrant workers due to seven factors.
We have identified seven factors that effectively block the migrant workers from
participating in continuing education. In the United States, a community college
normally can serve a population in an area with a diameter of more than 20 miles.
Conditions in a factory park in China are quite different from the United States
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that determine the unique physical layout and the logistics when optimized:
(1) transportation means; (2) very long working days and weeks and irregular
shifts; (3) living conditions; (4) computer and Internet access; (5) inaccessibility of
information; (6) social environment; and (7) lack of educational infrastructures.
Transportation means. Migrant workers do not have their own cars and cannot
easily reach a college that is distant from them. There is no convenient public transportation in the factory parks, though there are some bus lines connecting certain
parts of the factory parks to some centralized facilities in suburbs and central cities.
A college at a long distance may still attract a few of the most dedicated persons
to study during their spare time, many prospective students would not go unless a
learning facility is available within 1020 min by walking or biking.
Very long working days and weeks and irregular shifts. The migrant workers
tend to have long working days and weeks, many times even as long as 12 h per
day and 6 days per week. According to Chinas Central Banks survey in the end
of 2005, more than half worked 4160 h per week, one third worked more than
61 h per week (Chinas Central Bank Monetary Policy Analysis Team, 2006).
A similar report from Zheng and Wongs study states that 30.2% of the migrant
workers in their sample worked 910 h per day, 14% 1112 h, and 10% more
than 12 h; 52.7% could be off from work for less than 4 days per month, among
which 22.6% did not have even 1 day off per month (Zheng Gongcheng and Linda
Yeuk-lin Lai Wong, 2006).
Living conditions. Living conditions are not conducive to study and learning.
More and more, the migrant workers live in big apartment complexes built specifically for them by their employers or real estate companies or even government
agents with 68 workers living in one room. Such living conditions are not suitable
for studying without intrusion or other disruption. The prevailing living places for
most migrants are still the old villages, where the migrant workers rent the local
residents old private houses. Normally 23 workers share one very small room, if
single, also not a conducive atmosphere for studying.
Computers and Internet access. Most migrant workers are not able to buy their
own computers and get access to the Internet on their own computers at this time.
This is not the case in the United States where most of the community college
students have computers at their home. It is difficult to predict how long this
situation will last as there are many factors that are changing rapidly. Personal
Computers (PCs) are getting cheaper, and we have already seen US$100200
PCs in the market. The migrant workers income is in a fast growth phase5 and
computer affordability is increasing and is not a big issue for a large proportion
of them. Probably the main reasons preventing them from purchasing one are:
(1) crowded living conditions prevent their using computers productively at their
dorms; (2) long working hours limit the time to use computers; (3) lack of job security limiting ability to make the investment for a longer-term commitment. There
are Internet cafes, but they cost US$0.270.406 per hour to use, which amounts to a
substantial expense for the substantial time required to learn to use the computers.
Also, the environment at an Internet cafe is not suitable, if not impossible, for concentration and learning.
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Inability in obtaining information. The migrant workers are especially

unaccustomed to obtaining and analyzing information to solve their problems,
and consequently lack the information of the education resources that might be
accessible to them. We experimented by establishing and operating a small learning center, and in just 1 month it reached its full capacity of accommodating
the migrant workers for learning to use available Information Communication
Technology (ICT).
Social environment. Most of the migrant workers have not prepared for lifelong
learning academically, psychologically, and socially. They have not developed a
learning habit, effective study skills, and time management skills. A supportive
social circle for learning has yet to be established. And so the migrant workers
education market has to be nurtured rather than being extant, and an education
facility that can be easily accessed from walking or biking distance can serve as a
learning incubator that will attract migrant workers and induce them to learn.
Lack of education infrastructures. Due to the lack of local teaching facilities
such as computer rooms, class rooms, and libraries, very few current educational
organizations would be attracted to locate activities near the migrants compounds
to provide courses and educational programs. They do not want to make the investment, although many might participate in creating educational offering when such
teaching facilities like classrooms are available. Without being exposed to a variety
of classes and educational programs and social gatherings within easy reach by
walking or biking, the migrant workers are not drawn into available educational
opportunities.
Building Learning Centers to Solve the Accessibility

Problems
Learning centers. The solution is to establish a learning center in each community with around 10,00015,000 migrant workers so that most of them can reach
the center in about 1020 minutes by walking or biking from their workplaces
or living buildings. It should be noted that many migrant compounds are characterized by these highly concentrated populations. They live in villages and
compounds of dorms that are not evenly spread out. One village or one compound
is often like a dot surrounded by factories, warehouses, and pieces of farming
land. As such, all the facilities within one compound or a village are mostly
within walking distance; yet it takes biking to go from one such concentration
to a neighborhood one. This learning center combines teaching facilities such as
classrooms and individual and team learning facilities such as computer rooms, a
small library, team activity rooms, a small multimedia learning theater, and other
needed accommodations.
Such learning centers in the neighborhood can be linked by a small shuttle bus
so that this circle of learning centers can become the physical base for building a
community college with networked or linked campuses the learning centers at the
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M. Li and H. Levin
footsteps of the migrant workers. This is quite different from the physical layout
of the community colleges in the United States because of the differences in the
situations. In the United States, the students drive to a center that is the community
college; but in Chinas factory parks we propose to deliver teaching to the doors of
the migrant workers.7
In what ways do the migrant workers prefer to learn? Our investigations and
observations from our experiments suggest that the migrant workers prefer mixed
methods or blended approaches to learning rather than a single method such as
a traditional classroom or only online learning. One surprising finding from our
research has been our discovery that the migrant workers may not watch television,
may not go to the movies, may not read newspapers, but they are sure to go to the
Internet cafe. As we follow the migrations of the migrant workers, we find that
wherever they go, the Internet cafes emerge too. So this habit of using the Internet
cafe has greatly influenced their way of learning by acclimating them to the use of
computers and the Internet: they like a course with some computerized courseware,
and definitely educational programs with assistance of computers and Internet
resources with interactive capacities.
In the May 2006 course marketing campaign at our experimental site where
we received 91 completed online applications, we asked online questions to the
applicants. The percentage distribution of responses to the question According
to your work and life style, which of the following teaching and learning models
is the most suitable for you? is as follows: traditional face-to-face instruction,
13%; 50% face-to-face 50% online learning, 40%; 20% face-to-face 80% online
learning, 22%; 100% online learning, 18%. In all the other convenience samples
of migrants, we got consistent results that the majority of the prospective students
prefer a blended teaching and learning scheme rather than purely the traditional or
online one.
A learning center will create a local social environment for fostering learning.
The migrant workers need structure in the management of their learning processes
for out-of-class learning activities. We have observed that the migrant workers
have not developed the study skills for self-learning, and they need the teachers to
help structure management of their time allocation in favor of learning. They need
peer support and teamwork to support their learning and avoid the isolation and
loneliness of self-learning. They even need peers to work together to keep learning
interesting and to motivate each other. A learning center will not just provide the
learning facilities but will also serve to create a locally small social environment
that will support learning.
We monitored their learning habits for a 3-month period in the small experimental learning center and found that their learning interests were greatly enhanced
by using courseware on PCs such as typing software, Windows, Office, English
courseware like New Concept English and New English 900. Some of them even
used courseware to learn computer-aided design tools and Photoshop. With computers and the Internet, they had the motivation to spend more time in learning and
learned more effectively. Besides, many students who had not joined our classes yet
still visited with their colleagues to use various tools in the learning center.
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Building a Network of Community Colleges Based

on Learning Centers Using ICT
We propose to build a learning center in each residential area covering 10,000
15,000 people in manufacturing areas to serve 40 million migrant workers,
which could create a market of around 2000 learning centers.8 A learning center
may include one or more computer rooms depending on the size of the population served, one multimedia mini-theater room that is needed to deliver attractive
educational programs with entertainment features, one or more classrooms for
teaching when there are classes and for self and group learning at other times, a
mini-library that does not have to be a physical one, and can be just a floating
library that people can use as a central online facility to rotate9 the books they
have. The library can be online and shared with other learning centers since there
are economies of scale in digitizing articles and books that can be accessed by
Internet.
Such an infrastructure is a base on which any serious educational programs
can be run. A shuttle bus will link the neighborhood learning centers to a cluster
of learning centers. A cluster of learning centers will be the physical base for the
community college, which is why the physical format of the community college is
comprised of networked mini-campuses.
In one factory park in the suburb of Shanghai, we have been undertaking experiments and planning. In that location, we have identified ten migrant workers communities suitable for setting up learning centers. The following table (Table 28.4)
shows the sizes of the populations.
In this factory park, our proposed learning centers will cover a service area of
109,000 people today and about 200,000 people in about 3 years as the factory park
is growing very rapidly now. A shuttle bus can connect all the learning centers in
about 1 h (Fig. 28.1). So this cluster of learning centers can become the physical
base for setting up a community college with networked campuses.
Table 28.4 Proposed learning centers in Songjiang District, Shanghai, China, with the estimated
population
Estimated residents
Location
Estimated current residents
in full capacity
Shanghai Hongbang
Quanta and neighborhood
Foxconn and neighborhood
BYD and neighborhood
Chedun Town
Dragon Dorm
Xingqiao Jiaoliu Center
Chengxing Apartments
Qiangdang Apartments
Total
4,0005,000
30,000
5,000 + 10,000
20,000
20,000
1,000
3,000
7,000
7,0008,000
109,000
20,000
50,000
20,000
30,000
30,000
1,000
20,000
10,000
25,000
206,000
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M. Li and H. Levin
LC stands for
Learning Center, is a
local learning
infrastructure with
30100 Internet
connected
computers, 13
classrooms and a
small library, each
of which serves a
migrant population
Shuttle Bus, 30
minutes a circle to
make a set of LCs a
networked campus
LC
LC
LC
A community college
covering a population of
100,000 drawing about
20,000 non-traditional
students with jobs
LC
LC
LC
LC
LC
LC
LC
LC
LC
LC
LC
LC
A Chain of community colleges

makes a network of community
colleges
LC
Fig. 28.1 A diagram of a network of community colleges in manufacturing areas
Main campus. We may select the largest community at which to construct a main
campus that may house the administration and teachers, and many other facilities
that may be only available on the main campus. The majority of the population has
had junior or senior high school education, and is between the age of 1825, and
at their primary stage of life for learning. If just 20% of the 200,000 people of the
target population participate, this community college can serve the educational needs
of about 40,000 people regularly, which makes it a big community college by any
standard.
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Who can take the initiatives to build such a college? We have identified four
models that are capable of establishing and running such a college: (1) the extension of the current township adult school model; (2) the community participation
model; (3) the university dominated model; and (4) the for-profit model. We will
discuss these four models.
Local Monopoly Concerns and an Education Supermarket

Solution
One of the biggest concerns in establishing new educational facilities in proximity
to these migrant communities is the danger of creating a local monopoly. Because
of its convenience and high accessibility of a local learning center in a highly concentrated residential area with 10,00050,000 workers, the center may pose a natural monopoly in the local educational market. This is similar to large stores with
monopoly power due to the fact that they are the only suppliers in their locations.
Many locations that are densely populated with migrant workers may have only
one such education facility. One community college in the United States may serve
a large population with a diameter of 20 or even more miles, and the students may
drive from all directions in the served area. Although a typical community college
does not open its campus to other institutions of higher learning or training organizations to easily deliver their courses and programs there, most of the students do
have choices within their convenient reach by cars. They can go to other learning
facilities if they do not like the courses and programs offered by their nearest community college. Of course the availability of alternatives differs among locations
and will vary with student finances. In such cases, the US community colleges
and other institutions could open their campuses for other institutions to deliver
some courses and programs to allow the students to have more choices of educational offerings. If a learning center in a Chinese migrant location runs exclusive
courses and programs, there will be an undesirable monopoly which could in the
long run jeopardize the efficiency of this education system. As a solution to this
problem, we propose to run an open system. The college may run its own courses
and programs, yet open its networked campuses (the learning centers) and all the
other facilities to other education organizations. Such organizations could provide
courses and programs at the community college under their own names if they can
attract students.
Mini education market. There should be some regulations for operating such an
open system. Ideally, as long as an education organization or even an individual or
a group of individuals can solicit enough students via the open information system
of the community college and agrees to pay all the standard costs and fair rent for
using the education facilities, they should be allowed to offer and run their courses
and programs on the networked community college campuses. In this way, no one
can monopolize the campus, and the campus serves as a mini-education market or
education supermarket.
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The community college facility that we are proposing to set up may not be
granted the rights to run degree programs for a period of time after its inception.
With such an education supermarket arrangement, those schools that have such
rights may deliver their programs to the supermarket, and therefore make the
degree programs available at the doors of the migrant workers.
Since the network of community colleges will be nestled in manufacturing
areas, it is close to the hub of employment. This working-while-learning scheme
can apply to all sorts of education and training programs, including basic technical
certificates or junior vocational education or associate degrees. From then on anyone who has the aspiration for a degree program, yet lacks financial resources, can
go to a community college located in a manufacturing area and fulfill this dream
there. Employer and government may pay partially the cost, and workers may pay
a portion of costs from wages.
The Role of Chinas Current Community College System

in Educating Migrant Workers
After China adopted Deng Xiaopings Open Door policy in 1979, China has
undertaken research on, and even tried to develop its own, community college
systems. Some of them are called community colleges, and many others use different names.
Chinas 3-year vocational college system. Since the 1980s, China has developed
a vocational college system. Most of such colleges offer 3-year degree programs
oriented to training skilled workers for the labor market. Such a 3-year degree in
higher education allows the graduates to go to the labor market with some technical and professional preparation and also enables further studies at universities or
access to independent-learning examinations either on a full-time or part-time basis
for bachelors degrees. As such, the 3-year degree is quite similar to the associate
degree by the American community colleges, a junior layer of higher education that
is between high school education and the bachelors degree.
As early as in October 1980, Jinling Vocational University was established in
Nanjing. In the same year, the Ministry of Education of China approved 13 such universities, and 33 in 1984, and 22 in 1985. The Department of Vocational Education,
Ministry of Education of China, oversaw the operation of these colleges. Some
well-established comprehensive universities started to set up vocational schools
and offer 3-year vocational degrees. In October 1989, the Ministry of Education of
China approved the founding of the College of Vocation and Technology, Tianjin
University, and the College of Vocation and Technology, Zhejiang University. In
2005, there was a total of 1,091 vocational institutions, about 61% of the total
institutions of higher learning in China. They admitted 2.86 million new students
that year that comprised 53% of all the admitted new students of institutions of
higher learning in China in 2005, and the total number of students enrolled was
7.13 million, about 46% of all the full-time enrollments. It can be seen that the
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vocational institutions have already reached the capacity to serve half of the fulltime students for higher learning.
The vocational institutions of higher learning have so far been located in cities
with large populations and served local needs for higher education drawing mostly
on local educational resources. There are many Minban (private) vocational institutions and some of them are well-known such as Jianqiao College in Shanghai that
has been granted the rights to offer bachelors degrees since 2006 by the government. Although these institutions have covered many areas for serving the local
needs for higher education, they do not cover much of the vast rural areas, large
numbers of small towns, even small cities, where community college-type education is badly needed and yet to be developed.
Many Chinese TV universities are switching their names to community colleges.
Established Chinese universities have begun to change their names as China has
gradually endorsed community college-type education for serving the local needs
for higher education. Chen Zhili, the then Minister of Education of China, said in
2001 that China should try to use community colleges for extending higher education to cities at the district level because the cost and tuition is lower and the students
can go to school locally.10 Gradually institutions are following suit by changing
their names to community colleges. But, none of these institutions were designed
as community colleges. In 1994, a then vocational school changed its name into
Jinshan Community College located in Jinshan District, Shanghai. By 2000, there
were six colleges with the name of community college in China, they were Beijing
Chaoyang Community College, Nanjing Qinghuai River Community College, and
four community colleges in Shanghai that no longer have the community college
name today. The development of community colleges got its momentum through
the success of the open university experiments of Chinas TV university.
Chinas TV university system has had quite a long history, and it has undergone
a significant reform since 1999 when it started to do open university experiments.
It now offers a degree at the same level as the 3-year vocational degree from the
vocational institutions of higher learning. This degree is quite similar to the associate degree of the American community college, and so for convenience we may just
call it an associate degree.
The most appealing part of the open university experiment, which has been
institutionalized, is that it allows anyone with a high school education to apply for
higher education at the associate degree level. Through the open university type
of education, one can earn the associate degree and go for further education if one
wants. This means that the open associate degree programs allow anyone with high
school education to get on the ladder of higher education step-by-step all the way
to the doctoral degree if so desired. This is so far the best arrangement in Chinas
higher education system and has the potential to open the door for community
college to emerge and develop in the vast areas in China that need universal access
to higher education.
Chinas TV university covers almost all parts of China in terms of its administrative hierarchy, mirroring Chinas government administration hierarchy and
its government bureaucracies at each level: central, provincial, district, county,
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township, and the village level where the administration is locally elected rather
than appointed from the top.
Although the TV system is hierarchical from the top all the way to village, and
in theory covering a service to all of China with its 1.3 billion people, each level of
the TV university is actually financially independent, and has a dual governance.
The government at each level has the jurisdiction over its TV university at the same
level of government and nominates the head of the TV university and provides
some public finance. Since the TV system spreads to the community and is mostly
locally run, it is potentially a strong system to adopt the community college system.
During the past few years, many local TV universities have changed their names
to community colleges, or have many different names with community college as
one of their names. Examples include Hangzhou Community College, Taizhou
Community College, and many TV universities at the district level in Shanghai.
Unfortunately this system has missed the new target and failed to cover the
newly developed manufacturing areas or factory parks where almost all the new
residents are migrant workers.
A Community Participation Model Cost Sharing

From our action research for 2 years we believe a cost-sharing system is financially
feasible. The migrant workers are willing to pay a large proportion of the cost, and
the employers and local governments have an interest in contributing to raising
skills and educational levels. Some evidence of this is that the central government
has increased its spending on the education and training of the migrant workers
year-by-year.
Experiment of the community participation model. We wanted to run an experiment with all the design features that we have proposed, yet it was obvious that we
did not have the resources to do a full-fledged experiment. We finally decided to
run a small learning center to test many of the concepts to this community collegetype model on the premise that a learning center is the organic cell that will be used
to comprise this proposed community college (for more on this experiment, see
Li Minghua et al., 2007).
Partnership with the local government. Our experiment site was called YS
Apartments that is a residential area for migrant workers. At the time we started
the experiment, there were about 6,000 migrant workers living at YS Apartments.
The Property Management Company does not just maintain the apartments but
also serves as a government agent to assume some government responsibilities. As
we were told, the Property Company is actually the representative of the township
government at that site. So we started a partnership with the Property Company for
running the educational experiment starting May, 2006. The Property Company
provided the experiment with many resources.
Partnership with FL, a local multinational. FL is a Fortune 500 global company
headquartered in the United States. FL is the biggest local company at our experimental
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site, and it hired more than 80% of those who lived at YS Apartments. We devoted
considerable effort trying to motivate this company to participate in the experiment
actively.
Our engagement with the company taught us it is crucial to motivate the local
employers to participate, and such involvement requires patience and care, especially when dealing with large enterprises. Our reception was mixed.
In May, 2006, we sent one e-mail titled help is needed for social responsibility efforts to FLs worldwide office for social responsibility asking their
help to get us connected to the related office at FLs local site. In just 1 day we
got a response from Mr. RW, the companys Asia Vice President for Human
Resources (HR).
Mr. RW visited us in May and he introduced us to the companys four pledges,
two of which are: (1) responsibility for employees growth; and (2) participating in
community services.
In early June 2006, FLs local training center helped us start the English Corner
at our experimental site, and 57 employees of FL from an English-speaking country and quite a few well-educated FL Chinese employees joined our efforts.
In June, 2006, our team visited FL Local.
In October, 2006, Mr. RW visited us the second time and declared that FL
would actively work with us for delivering educational programs to the migrant
workers. After this visit, FL Local worked with us much more actively, and participated in many educational programs and in running the small learning center
thereafter.
In March, 2007, Mr. RW along with other three FL Local staff visited us. This
was the third time that Mr. RW visited us.
In April, the partnership for the experiment was terminated due to the failure of
the second round table meeting of the stakeholders to reach a consensus.
Local stakeholders round table meetings. In order to obtain overall participation
with the pertinent stakeholders, we engaged a few local stakeholders individually
and we had two round table meetings together.
The first round table meeting. In November, 2006, we had the first round
table meeting at a TV university. The participants were FL Local, YS Property
Management (the local government representative), the local TV university, the
local adult school and our project team from East China Normal University. All
the parties exchanged goals and values in participating in an educational program
at YS Apartments and how the parties could work together. We reached consensus
in: (1) each committed some resources to establish a good learning center at YS
Apartments such as computers; (2) the Property Management Company would
be responsible for preparing a suitable room for the learning center, and all the
other parties would bring in computers, other resources, and experiences. This was
indeed a successful meeting. It showed that it is possible to generate resources by
all the local stakeholders for providing the migrant workers with more education so
long as they are willing to work together.
The second round table meeting. In April, 2007, we had a second round
meeting at YS Apartments. As all the partners agreed earlier that once the Property
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Company had furnished the learning center with all the necessary furnishing,
the partners should meet to discuss the governance and rules of running the tobe-born learning center, and arrange to share its costs of setting up the learning
center. The furnishings were in place. The meeting participants included representatives from the Property Company, FL, the TV university, a local private
school, the local Branch of a University in Shanghai, and the Education Office of
the township. This meeting was disappointing and did not end successfully. The
representative of the Education Office of the Town expressed clearly that they
did not want to have a Board of Trustees to run the learning center. While they
welcomed all the parties to donate resources to the learning center, they wanted
their adult school to operate the learning center alone. Thus, the partnership was
thwarted.
The end of the experiment and the lessons learned. We decided to terminate
our experiment at that point because to limit authority to the adult school would
undermine the operation of the model community participation and governance.
Despite this disappointing turn of events, we deemed the experiment as showing
promise because we learned that: (1) a local stakeholders participation model could
provide resources for a community college-type solution for the migrant workers
needs for more education, and the local government can be a leading partner in such
a partnership that can execute the government leadership and control; (2) alternatively, if the township (the local government agent) insists on not sharing governance among the local stakeholders, they would fail to have interest in partnering
and the township would have to bear a much higher financial burden for delivering
the education; (3) a community participation model for providing education to the
migrant workers could confer local resources that are otherwise not available for
the migrant workers education, yet it is very time-consuming and complicated in
convening all parties to reach a successful and consensual agreement; (4) if successful, this model may enhance local participation for social development and
local democracy.
A Model of Community College Founded

by Social Investment
An alternative model of stakeholder participation in building and running a community college for the migrant workers could be to establish a not-for-profit organization, applying the legal format for a for-profit business to carry out the social
investment business of the community college.
The legal system and practices of doing business are maturing along worldwide standards in China and are much better developed than for nonprofit social
organizations. There are many quasi-public goods for which the cost of supply is
higher than the price charged at the socially optimal level of consumption. When
such a situation occurs, a nonprofit organization would emerge to be the supplier
of the goods. Yet many not-for-profits are not well managed, and an enormous
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amount of social resources can be wasted with such organizations. Yet, if we

only rely on private business, the consumption and supply of such goods will
not reach socially optimum levels because business requires normal profit in the
long run to survive and cannot cover unit costs that are greater than unit revenues
or prices. Thus, our innovation is to combine the for-profit business format and
practice with the not-for-profit goals for providing the quasi-public goods of
migrants continuing education, which is what we call the capitalization of social
investment.
Capitalization of the social investment and the maintenance of property rights.
We recommend establishing a company regulated under the current business laws
as a holding company for the community/open universities. The holding company
is formed by social investment from all entities in the society including individuals, companies, governments, and foundations. Social investment is not the normal
economic investment we know of and is not motivated by prospects of profit. It is
devoted to social causes and for boosting social welfare. Yet the social investment
is different from charity funds. The charity funds once relinquished can be spent
by the recipient and those who provide the funds do not maintain their rights to the
properties the funds generate. In contrast, the social investors maintain their rights
to the property their social investment generates, and they have the decision power
over the management of the holding company proportional to their social investment. In other words, the holding company is a company that has stockholders who
are the social investors, and the stockholders have the voting power proportional to
their share of the social investment in the same way as a normal corporation. The
only difference is that the holding company does not need to make money and, in
the event that it does make money, it will not distribute the surplus, but will keep it
for the company to do more of the social business.
The transferability of the value of the social investment. Today many companies
make social investments yet do not keep the property rights and cannot transfer
the value of their social investment to someone else. As such, the value of their
social investment will be lost sooner or later. If we can innovate a system that
allows the transfer of the rights of the social investment, more individuals and
companies would make social investments. What does the transfer of the rights of
social investment mean? The rights of social investment represent the following
interests: (1) the power to vote on the running of the social investment company
so that the investors can maintain their focus on the values of their social causes;
(2) the possible retention of value of their social investment when the company is
dissolved; (3) the economic reward if the company is sold someday. So the transfer
of the rights is just the transfer of these interests. As these interests have value there
should be a price for their transfer, and they can be sold to others with similar social
goals. With such a transfer system, a social investor can opt to exit the social business he/she was previously interested in.
The similarities to socially responsible business. As we mentioned earlier with
the capitalization and maintaining of the property rights of the investors in relation to their social investment, their investment is certainly quite different from
traditional charity and donations. For certain social causes charity and donation
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M. Li and H. Levin
are better. Yet for others social investment is better, especially in providing those
goods that are in the public interest. This is true even if such investments are not
profitable or only profitable in the future. If there is no social investment, highrisk business that is beneficial to the public, but not obviously profitable, may
not be provided by for-profit business. As there is some social welfare appeal,
such goods could be provided with social investment. Once it reaches the stage of
profitability, there is no reason to keep it as a nonprofit business, and consideration should be given to privatization as a for-profit business. After this transfer,
the social investors will get their share of the capitalized social investment, and
the social investors may get some economic rewards if the value of their shares
is higher than their original investment. As a provider of the migrant workers
continuing education, the holding company does not have to lose money all the
time. Even if the cost of providing such education is always higher than what the
migrant workers are willing to pay, the government may come to subsidize the
gap, which is almost certain in the long run, and we have already seen the trend
that the government is spending more and more each year on this social cause. As
such, the holding company may manage and provide migrant workers education
with a public subsidy, yet still have a surplus. If this happens, the holding company
can turn into a for-profit company, and all the social investors should be rewarded
for their good intention of making contributions to the social welfare. The social
investment holding company here is quite similar to what might be viewed as a
Socially Responsible Business.
The governance of a community/open university with the social investment. Due
to the application of the business legal system to the social investment company,
the owners of the holding company for the community/open university are still the
investors, i.e. the social capital stockholders who make votes according to their
shares of the social capital stocks. As such, whoever makes more investment will
have more power over the governing of the company and therefore in running the
university. So the ownership and decision power are consistent.
As this is a social cause and the education of the migrant workers has quite
a few important stakeholders who need to share some governing power even
if they do not make any social investment. These stakeholders will include
the local government, the community representatives, the employers and the
employees, and the schools in or near the location of the university. So these
stakeholders must send some representatives to the governing board, such as
board of directors or trustees. Alternatively, these non-stockholding stakeholders may not have representatives in the board of directors, but have representatives in an advisory board such as Committee of Advisors that may influence
the decision making of the university through this counseling committee. Under
certain circumstances the differentiation of members of Board of Directors and
members of the Committee of Advisors is important so that more stakeholders would be interested in making the social investment to earn a seat in the
decision-making body.
According to Chinas political system, the Communist Party will assume the
political leadership and oversee the operations of the university. As such, the Party
28
539
Committee of the university will be an important force of the governing body of

the university.
Proprietorship Community College

How can a community college be a for-profit one? Is the source of public funding a
necessary condition for a certain college to be categorized as a community college?
What are the necessary conditions for a college to be categorized as community
college? We believe the following are the necessary conditions for a college to be
considered as one community college.
The mission. Its mission is to provide affordable higher education and other
types of education and training programs for all. If publicly funded, the college
will charge a very low tuition as the American community colleges in-state tuition
charge; if privately funded, the college enlists low-cost strategies.
No entrance barriers. The college does not exclude any adult who wants to learn
based on his/her previous educational preparations.
Local needs. It serves local education and training needs.
Local community participation. It is run with the participation of local academics, employers, and students.
With our definition of community college, a for-profit college can function as a
community college as long as the tuition charge is low enough or there is a public
financial aid system for students who need it.
A community college system is aligned with social development in a society.
Therefore, community colleges differ from country to country depending on their
unique social and economic environments. It is difficult to find a good definition
that may apply to all the community colleges in the United States and other countries. If a community college is different from other institutions of higher education, there must be some unique characteristics that allow it to be classified as a
community college. What are they? Broadly defined they are educational institutions that: (1) provide post-compulsory education of various types including, but
not necessarily limited to, associate degree programs that represent a middle layer
between high school education and the bachelors degree level; (2) mainly serve the
communitys educational needs; (3) govern with an active community participation.
Perhaps the future boundaries around the definition of a community college can be
easily broken. The online communities, for instance, may develop their own community colleges in the future and therefore the boundary of a community may lose
its physically local characteristics. So there is no doubt we will have a rich set of
community college practices and models in China due to its local diversifications
and the complexities of local, social, and economic dynamics that differ from place
to place.
Private initiatives with public sponsorship. Because of the relatively lower availability of public funding for community colleges in industry parks, private funding
may play a more important role, and the migrant workers may share a very large
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M. Li and H. Levin
percentage or even need to pay all of the cost for their continuing education. Yet
the reality is that continuing the education of migrant workers is a public good
because the migrant workers are unlikely to pay adequately to cover the costs of
an education that fully meets criteria that have public value. There are many ways
that the public can intervene in encouraging private initiatives in the supply of
such educational programs. One way is for the central and provincial governments
to establish public foundations that provide funds for innovative private agents to
establish schools. Given the involvement of private investment, investors need to
face expectations that are based on stable system and regulation arrangements. So
the allocation of public funds and public sponsorship of private initiatives should
not be just a temporary scheme, but must be institutionalized.
Public community college with private management. At this time, there are
almost no public community colleges serving the migrant workers in manufacturing
areas, so the priority is how to encourage both private and public sources to work
with the local communities to set up colleges. Once many such colleges have been
established there will be management challenges. One solution can be the use of
Education Management Organizations (EMOs) to manage some of the public community colleges. With this scheme, the private sector may get engaged in initializing
publicly funded community colleges with the expectation of contracting with public
agencies to manage the established community college. In this way, the institutionalization of EMOs in community colleges can actually encourage private initiatives
in helping to mobilize the public funds for establishing community colleges.
A Comparison of the Four Models of Ownership, Finance,

and Governance of the Community Colleges
Each of the four models has its own advantages and disadvantages and it is difficult
to say which one is absolutely superior. The reality is that the number of migrant
workers is large and their characteristics are different from one industrial park to
another; with so many different communities, some may easily work together while
others may not. With so many local government agents and their officials, there can
be a complex of different perspectives and attitudes on goals and operations. Thus,
one model may work best in some areas and the others may work better somewhere
else. As such, it is important to identify the advantages and disadvantages of each
of the four models and make a comparison of their features. The following table
(Table 28.5) presents a summary of such a comparison.
While the extension of the township adult school model is inferior in most of the
characteristics to the other three models, it is the best in terms of the speed of covering the service areas due to the fact that this system matches the current government
administrative hierarchy. Once the central government and/or the municipal or provincial governments say Go Ahead and provide adequate financial support, this
system can deploy the organizations and leadership in place quickly and cover the
largest service areas rapidly. The shortcoming is that it does not perform as well as
Mediate
Low
Highest
Very low to medium depending

on the local dynamics
High
Weak
Weak
Fastest as the
Slow; but could be fast if promoted
administrative system
by the central government
is already in place
Weak
Weak
Strong
Strong
Slow; but once a sound
business model is tested to
be successful, fast growth
same as the Internet cafes
Lowest
Best in the niche markets
Weak
Weak
Strongest
The private investors
Private investors
For-profit (4)
Highest because it brings in

Low to high depending on
outside advanced technology
the scale of its operations
and knowledge
Medium to high
Strong
Slow; but could be fast if
promoted by the central
government
Highest
Social investors including local

and nonlocal, government
and nongovernment
The university and other key
social investors
Between (1) and (2)
Between (2) and (4)
Social investment with existing

university dominance (3)
Extension of current
Community participation (2)
township adult schools
(1)
The state
Collectively owned by all the local
participants: the state, business,
other schools
Local governments
Local governments, business, migrant
workers, participating schools
Weak
Strong
Weak
Stronger than (1)
Potential to contribute
High
to the local social and
economic development
Public financial burden
Community participation
Sensitive to the migrant
workers money votes
Monopoly power over the
local education markets
Capacity to deliver quality
education
Education innovation
Speed to cover most
of the factory parks
Direct control
Funding sources and

ownership
Characteristics
Table 28.5 Comparison of the advantages and disadvantages of the four models of community colleges
Type of institutions
28
541
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M. Li and H. Levin
the community participation one and the university-dominating one in the long run.
The township model is easy to be used to create initial showcases, yet is far from
being able to provide adequate continuing education for the migrant workers. This
model is the least efficient and the least innovative in expanding education to the
new market. Besides, it would place a far bigger burden on the local- and higherlevel governments for financing. So if speed is not the most important consideration, this model does not merit being the first choice.
The university-dominating model is the best in terms of bringing in the
existence of strong educational programs and technology to provide adequate
education to the migrant workers and contribute to the local social and economic development. It is better than the community participation one in terms
of educational innovation and effectiveness of management. It is second to the
community participation one in terms of public financial burden and community
participation. It is difficult to say which one is preferable. We suggest that the two
models be encouraged. It is possible that one model works better in certain areas
and the other better in others. However, when the social development of a migrant
community reaches some level where the local people and agencies are good at
working together, the community partnership might be better because it has the
least public financial burden.
The for-profit one may not be the most effective one until a successful business
model is developed and tested by the market. At an early stage, private investment
will not be attractive because of the uncertainty of the market. After a period of first
movers endeavors, successful business models might be developed, encouraging
private business to move quickly into the marketplace and cover all factory parks
where the conditions seem profitable. The for-profit model is likely to be most
responsive to the migrant workers demand as reflected in their money votes, and
can be most innovative.
After a period of growth of such educational business, the for-profit schools
may be provided with public responsibilities and funding. The governments may
provide subsidies or simply buy services from these schools. To meet a socially
adequate consumption level, the cost of supply could be higher than the price, and,
therefore, such goods would become public or quasi-public goods with government funding. In such a case, the public should provide resources to make sure the
socially adequate consumption level is reached. There are many ways for the public
to do so. One is to directly become the supplier, such as the government-sponsored
schools, or through nongovernment organizations (NGOs). The government may
choose to just spend the money to subsidize the gap between cost of production and
price charged to users and allow the for-profit companies to be the suppliers and run
the operations. In this case, the consumption of such public goods can still reach
the socially adequate level, yet the for-profit business is the supplier of the goods
with the government subsidy. In many developing countries where public administration is not well developed, the direct government involvement in the supply of
public goods can be very inefficient, and a private business with public spending
and government oversight could be the best solution.
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543
It is possible that educational services purchased with public funds would be

produced most efficiently if provided by subsidized and government-regulated
for-profit schools. But this is not likely to happen in the near future because there
are very few for-profit schools in the factory parks now due to the lack of successful
for-profit business models. As a result, pilot testing of such a model will not just be
important for private business, but also crucial to the public.
Finally it is possible that a mixture of models may work better than just one. One
initiative that we are pushing forward is a mixed one with both social and private
involvement. The idea is that we break down the operations of a school system into
different parts and whenever possible we encourage the business to run the parts of
the school system that could be profitable.
Notes
1. In villages and small towns, there are many factories, stores, and other types of businesses. If
a person has grown up there and has local Huji, and works in any of these businesses rather
than doing farming, this person is considered as working in a hometown business.
2. The number of migrant workers and the number of migrant population are not the same. Due
to the lack of systematic statistics of the number of the migrant workers and their distribution,
we believe the trend of the increasing size of the migrant population will mirror the trend and
size of the migrant workers.
3. The original data are in China Yuan and we have used the rate $1=7.5 Chinese Yuan through
out this paper.
4. Original equipment manufacturer (OEM) is a company that manufactures equipment or
products marketed by another vendor, usually under the name of the reseller. Flextronics has
factories in China, for example, that manufacture Nokias cell phones and then Nokia owns
and markets the phones.
5. According to the State Statistics Bureau, migrant workers income increased 8% annually
during 20012004 (Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers, 2006,
p. 76).
6. This is 23 Chinese Yuan which is considered a lot for using the Internet per hour.
7. This new model has some similarity with the small community colleges in the rural areas of
the United States and many of the learning center-based community colleges in Canada.
8. Assuming one learning center for 20,000 migrant workers, the estimated total number is 2,000
(40,000,000/20,000).
9. Individuals may have a few books of their own, and when they join the online rotating
library they may contribute their books to the rotating library that earns them the credits
to borrow from others. All the book information and their locations and contact information
are online. When a person wishes to borrow one book that person may call the person who
keeps that book and get it, and then they do some online process so that people know this
book has switched location. Because there is a need to store books at individuals places
and for individuals to borrow books from one of the places, such a library will have to be
limited to one small place. As there are thousands of migrant workers, even in a village,
such a small rotating library would help many people to have access to large numbers of
books cheaply.
10. Typically the hierarchy of Chinas government administration is: the central government the
provincial government the district government county government township government.
544
M. Li and H. Levin
References
Bailey, Thomas R and Vanessa Smith Morest. (2006). Defending the Community College Equity
Agenda. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press
Chen, Shida. (2007). On the Problems Related to the Migrant Workers. Beijing: China Workers
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2007 )
Cheng Xiaohua and Zhang Hongyu. (2005). Chinas Labor Force Migration from Rural Areas and
Its Employment. Beijing: China Agriculture Publication. (.
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Chinas Central Bank Monetary Policy Analysis Team. (2006). Report on the Execution of Chinas
Monetary Policy for the First Quarter of 2006. (. (2006).
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2007 from www.chinamoney.com.cn/content/online2002/URLContent/news/2006Q1.pdf
China Statistical Bureau. (2006). China Statistical Yearbook 2006. China Statistics Press, 2006.
Chinese News Press. (2000). Chinas Migration Population Will Increase Five Million Annually,
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n15056c51.aspx
Dougherty, Kevin. (1994). The Contradictory College: the Conflicting Origins, Impacts, and
Futures of the Community College. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press
Li, Minghua, Yun Bai, Haibo Liu, and Jixuan Hu. (2007). On the Cost Sharing Model for the
Migrant Workers Continuing Education. Exploring Education Development, 2007, 3A, pp.
1822. (
,20073A)
Li, Minghua. (2007). Research Report on Nurturing the Open Education Markets of the Migrant
Workers. Open Education Research, Vol. 13 No. 14, pp. 918. (
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Project Team of the State Council of China on the Migrant Workers (2006). China Migrant Worker
Report. China Yanshi Publishers. (
200641)
Schultz, Theodore, W. (1967). The Rate of Return in Allocating Investment Resources to
Education. The Journal of Human Resources, 3: 293309.
Tao Yinquan. (2006). Chinas Central Banks Report on Migrant Workers Employment and
Income. Workers Daily, February 24, 2006. (,
, 2006224). Retrieved December 15, 2007 from http://www.
china.com.cn/chinese/diaocha/1134190.htm
Zheng Gongcheng, and Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong. (2006). On Chinas Migrant Workers: Theory and
Policy Approaches. Journal of Renmin University of China, No.6, 2006. (
,20066).
Chapter 29
Building a Knowledge-Based Society:

The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan
Zulfiya Tursunova and Nodira Azizova
Introduction
After obtaining independence in 1991, Uzbekistan, like other countries of the former
Soviet Union, had to redesign and reorient the educational system which had been
designed for a centralized country. The educational system of centrally-governed
USSR was linked to the Ministry of Education and economic power was exercised
by the State Planning Committee (GOSPLAN), the production apparatus, which
determined and dictated the imbalanced economic plan with a high concentration
of manufacturing industries in the north. After collectivization in the 1930s, cotton
became the main crop and production has grown exponentially in the past 50 years
(Spoor, 1993). The emphasis on cotton production resulted in decreasing the existing system of crop rotation with wheat, alfalfa, and the key production of fruits and
vegetables. Moreover, the increased cotton production led to soil salinity, erosion
of land, water pollution, and the drying up of the Aral Sea. Despite the fact that the
economic and political systems had been set up to satisfy the needs of the centrally
run market economy, there were some advantages the system provided. For example, Uzbekistan achieved very high literacy rates (98% by 1990), free education at
all levels for all citizens, privileged access to enter higher educational institutions
for the applicants from rural areas (as a result of allocated quotas), and guaranteed
employment for graduates of colleges, techniquims, and universities.
Vocational education was developed to satisfy the demands of the economic
plan by producing the required number of specialists for particular economic sectors.
The content was set by the policies and needs of the Soviet Union as a whole,
with only minor regional differences. The collapse of the Soviet Union, rupture of
economic relations between the countries, and out-dated technology and knowledge urged Uzbekistan to address the issues emerging from the socio-economic,
political, and cultural transformations. The vocational system needed significant
improvements to meet the needs of a global society.
Techniqums means technical centers providing education in vocational subjects. Upon the
completion of this level students can enter vocational professions or go to the tertiary level.

545
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Z. Tursunova and N. Azizova
The process of improving the connections between the economic and educational
systems remains the key characteristic of the educational reforms enacted since
Uzbekistan obtained sovereignty. The gradual transition to the market economy required
flexibility in the education system to adapt to the new labour market requirements.
The shift from the Soviet to the new educational system involved the revision and
development of new curricula, skills, qualifications, and knowledge. To pursue the
aim of bringing education, science and industry in line with the current needs of
the country, the change also entailed structural and institutional reforms such as
extending the term of compulsory education to 12 years (currently 11 years) and
restructuring educational programmes at the secondary and tertiary levels. Soviet
higher education consisted of 5-year programmes at universities and institutes. This
was modified in Uzbekistan into the Bachelors (4 years) and Masters (2 years)
programmes and a new 3-year program focusing on academic lyceums attached to
the universities. These academic lyceums were developed as substitutes for completing
the 2-year secondary school programme. Along with these changes, the network of
professional colleges was improved. These colleges were expected to respond to
local needs of employment. The vocational and technical colleges were supposed
to accommodate about 90% of those who graduated from secondary schools (ninth
class) (Government of Uzbekistan, 1998).To implement the changes, Oliy Majlis
(Parliament) of the Republic of Uzbekistan enacted a law On Education
during its session in July 1992 and the National Programme for Personnel Training
(NPPT) on August 29, 1997. These laws initiated by the President of Uzbekistan,
Islam Karimov, laid a conceptual framework for the strategy on national education
development at all levels, from kindergarten to tertiary education.
In moving from teacher-centred to more student-centred learning, the NPPT
implemented curricula and textbook reforms, teacher training, interactive teaching methods, and assessment procedures. Yet, while there has been considerable
progress from an information-based to a knowledge-based society, professional and
technical education have been criticized for the inability to fully meet stakeholders
needs (CER, 2005; Ziayev et al., 2000).
This chapter explores academic lyceums and vocational colleges as apart of
the post secondary educational reform structure. These two types of institutions
are sometimes referred to as secondary special, vocational education system that
allows one to work in the chosen profession or enter Bachelors programs in universities to advance ones education.1 The chapter also considers academic lyceums
and vocational colleges as a part of the community college model in Uzbekistan.
The authors argue that the advancement of post-secondary education and its reform
were urged by the economic reforms in the country. The chapter stresses that the
Soviet legacy of the past and the current socio-economic transformations strongly
impact the quality of the current education sector, including post-secondary education. The chapter explores the process of the development of post-secondary education in Independent Uzbekistan, including problems, policies and achievements.
Furthermore, the chapter describes the main challenges in vocational education in
the effort to build a knowledge-based society in a globalized world. The efficiency
and efficacy of the vocational training system in meeting the needs of a knowledgebased society and consequently market-oriented economy, as determined by the
29
Building a Knowledge-Based Society: The Role of Colleges in Uzbekistan
547
NPPT objectives, are investigated. Finally, a number of recommendations are

suggested. Here, the main standpoint is that genuine educational reforms require
intellectual, human and financial resources, and time to meet the demands of a
knowledge- based society. It is argued here, as Drucker (2002) points out, that in
addition to schools, businesses and the socio-economic environment should be first
competitive enough locally in their activities and markets.
Main Issues in Educational and Vocational Education

The Need for Educational Reforms
We can argue that the Uzbek vocational education system is a community college
model as it was modified from meeting the needs of the production apparatus
(GOSPLAN in Soviet times) to satisfy the economic needs of the country. The
educational system faced incredible challenges related to the legacy of the past
when the country became independent and is currently in the midst of these transformations. According to the report Five Years Later: Reforming technical and
vocational education and training in Central Asia and Mongolia (1997) prepared
by the International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP) under UNESCO
and German Technical Cooperation (GTZ), the business and industry demand for
vocational and technical education in Uzbekistan decreased as a result of a shortage of budget allocations, and the rupture of economic ties between enterprises in
the different republics of the former Soviet Union. A gradual decline or stoppage
of production led to partial or full downsizing of labour, and drastically reduced
the demand for a labour force. In Uzbekistan, the drop in production was 9.6% in
terms of GDP in 19911992, while it was 30% in Kazakhstan in 19901994 and
Kyrgyzstan in 19921995.
The fact that Uzbekistan experienced less economic shock than other Central
Asian Republics was due to the governments strategy for building a sociallyoriented market economy. The policy aimed to (1) reduce imports by its substitution and ensure food security and self-reliance, (2) diversify the economy from
cotton monoculture to an industrialized economy, (3) increase export and pursue
a policy for a stable currency and (4) increase employment and improve living
standards (Karimov, 1993, 1995). The economic situation led to a low demand for
old working labour and urged the need for a new economic strategy, infrastructure,
and modern skills and knowledge. As a result, the existing vocational and technical
institutions modified their curriculum by emphasizing business, international law,
international relations, finance and management. By upgrading the programmes and
increasing classroom hours, many of the former institutes turned into universities.
Vocational and technical education faced other challenges, as the absence of
funding from the central budget from Moscow forced the Uzbek government to
redistribute the national budget. Economic constrains resulted in tuition fees for
students who were not able to obtain a passing score for entering the academic
548
lyceums and vocational institutes. Government grants were given only to students
who obtained a passing score. The tuition cost, plus costs of board and lodging,
in addition to costs of textbooks, created obstacles to access at both the academic
lyceums and vocational colleges.
The outdated textbooks and curriculum required significant improvements along
with an update in the teachers knowledge and skills. It became evident that the Soviet
vocational and technical system of education, which provided young students with
1,400 professions, had become useless under the new economic conditions. The government and Ministry of Education reduced the variety of subjects being taught and
reoriented the areas of specialization of the programs to respond to market needs. The
number of courses was lowered to 270 professions, which included craft training, new
agricultural specializations, the service sector, and such fields as law, tourism, banking,
nursing, and many other fields to prepare for employment opportunities. A number of
business schools were also established to train the youth to set up businesses and train
secretaries, accountants, and assistants. (Prokhoroff and Tummerman, 1997).
Additional challenges resulted from the lack of educational materials and equipment, shortage of qualified teachers, scientific and educational materials and textbooks, and the absence of close interaction and integration between the educational
system, science, and industry. Other issues are linked to the structure and content of
education, the learning process, and the stages of education. As a result, there was a
lack of continuity in education. The shortcomings of the education system, including
outdated teaching methods, hindered the development of independent thinking in
students, problem solving and making necessary decisions. Only 10% of the secondary school graduates entered higher educational institutions. For those who did, the
11 years of general secondary education, with a 9-year compulsory education cycle,
did not provide professional orientation and the necessary skills for university studies. Approximately 100,000 graduates of general basic education were not employed
in industry and were not engaged in further professional education (Government of
Uzbekistan, 1998). The discontinuity between jobs and education discouraged postsecondary education. For those who were willing to enter post-secondary institutions,
competition increased in such specializations as business, finance, and law.
In general, the educational system was unable to satisfy the needs of the labour
market. In addition, certain measures were required to develop attestation and
accreditation of educational institutions, and ways of objective evaluation of students knowledge (Government of Uzbekistan, 1988).
There was a shortage of highly qualified specialists in vocational and technical
colleges, and all other levels of education. In addition, the prestige of teaching
decreased and there were inadequate mechanisms to motivate teachers to upgrade
their qualifications. Moreover, there was a process of aging of scientific and
scientific-pedagogical personnel. In higher educational institutions the number
of Doctorate holders under the age of 40 was 0.9% of the total number, whereas
at the age of 50 it was over 79%. The average age of Doctorate holders was 50
years, and that of Candidate of Science was 36 years (Government of Uzbekistan,
1988). Disparity also mirrored gender and centreperiphery distinctions as in 2005
the number of female Doctoral students was 38.8% and that of male students was
61.2%; the number of female students with Candidate of Science was 45.2% and
29
549
that of male students was 54.8% (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan,
2007). In 2005, the number of Doctoral degree candidates in Andijan region was
16.7% women and 83.3% men, in Bukhara region it was 60% and 40% respectively, in Tashkent region it was 16.7% females and 83.3% men, and in the city
of Tashkent 43.6% and 56.4% respectively; in the Republic of Karakapalkistan,
Namangan region, and Khorezm region there are no female Doctoral students.
In 2005 the number of male Candidates of Science was higher in the following
regions: in Andijan, 37.5% women and 62.5% men; in Bukhara, 34.5% women
and 65.5% men; in Djizak, 20% women and 80% men, in Namangan, 40% women
and 60% men; in Samarkand, 41.6% women and 58.4% men; in Tashkent, 33.3%
women and 66.7% men; in Fergana, 45.2% women and 54.8% men; in Tashkent
city, 46.4% women and 53.6% men. In Khorezm region, the number of female
researchers was higher: 56.5% women and 43.5% men, and in Kashkadarya region,
56.5% women and 43.5% men (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan,
2007). It is clear that the gender and regional diversities will directly affect the creation of future faculty at Uzbekistan community colleges.
The location of the vocational and technical colleges remains relatively close
to the local communities, which allows students to pursue post-secondary education. Vocational education is selected on the basis of opportunities due to the wide
range of subjects, relatively less investment in comparison with higher education
(23 years), and opportunities to work in such fields which previously required
higher education. In the past, only those students with poor grades attended vocational education. Now, better qualified students are choosing to attend these institutions. So the Uzbek community college model is based on the idea of providing
up-to-date knowledge required by the market and the development of the skills
necessary for future employment, which will lead to the socio-economic wellbeing
of the population. However, the selection of vocational education is also linked to
specific constraints. According to the CER report (2003), while almost all children
enter primary schools, some disparities exist between men and women at the level
of vocational and higher education. The data of the Ministry of Public Education
found disparities between the rural and urban populations, boys and girls, and the
poor and better-off in accessing higher education.
Currently, approximately half of the schoolchildren finishing grade 9 continue their
education in academic lyceums and professional colleges. The rest continue
their education in the former 2-year professional colleges or go directly to work
(ADB, 2005). The research on Gender Dimensions of Rural Livelihoods in
Uzbekistan: The importance of emergent entrepreneurship and migration,
conducted in Khorezm region in 2006, showed that many girls do not continue their
education due to limited employment opportunities, preference of parents to select
boys rather than girls in the family to pursue education, and the fear of the family
members, especially from rural areas, to send girls to distant places to study. Access
is also complicated because families are unable to allocate funds to pay tuition for
their children who do poorly in exams. The limited funding, when available, is
given to boys. The low salaries in the government sector do not attract young people
to pursue education, but prompt them to develop various combinations of livelihood
strategies such as agricultural work, trade, and migration (Tursunova, 2006).
550
The process of strengthening connections between the economy and education is

the key characteristic of the modern developments in Uzbekistan. When Uzbekistan
obtained independence and began a gradual transition to a market-oriented economy,
the education system also required some changes and the establishment of an
adequate system of education and training. The educational system was oriented
toward responding to labour market conditions and to support local improvements
in the structure of the education cycle and pedagogical content. The transition to a
market economy created a demand for new curricula, new knowledge, employable
skills, professional qualifications, and new teaching methods (Ziayev et al., 2000).
NPPT
To meet these challenges, the government of Uzbekistan adopted NPPT, a
three-phased strategy, from 1997 to 2009, aimed at orienting post-secondary
education to the needs of the market economy. NPPT stresses the role of postsecondary education to provide knowledge and skills for future work. The first stage
(19972001) created legal, personnel, scientific and financial conditions for the
reform and development of positive potential of the personnel training system. The
second stage (20012005) implemented the National Programme, and introduced
work experience, labour-market development and favourable socio-economic conditions. The third stage (2005 onwards) aimed at improving the personnel training
system through the analyses and overview of the accumulated experience, in accordance
with the perspectives of the socio-economic development of the country.
Higher education was divided into two levels: Bachelors and Masters levels
with computer science courses, social sciences, business, and foreign languages.
To improve the quality of education, the programme intended to develop curricula
and textbooks, and facilitate student-centred teaching practices. The programme
was aimed at strengthening pre-service and in-service teacher training programmes,
and bringing education, science and industry in line with the existing needs of the
country (Government of Uzbekistan, 1998).
NPPT implemented, with the support of the ADB (Asian Development Bank)
programmes highly important in a country with a comparatively high demographic
growth, with a population of 26,021.3 million people, 35.7% of whom are less than
15 years old (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2005). As
NPPT emphasizes, education should not only prepare young adults for future careers
as a work force, but also provide skills and attitudes to be active agents in building a
democratic country that will enable them to participate fully in their culture.
The age and gender structure of the population in Uzbekistan was influenced by the changes
occurring in fertility rate and migration process. Decrease in births resulted in the reduction of the
percent of the population under productive age (0-15) in total population from 43.1% in January
1, 1991 to 35.7% in January 1, 2005; the aging ratio also decreased from 6.45% in 1990 to 6.02%
in 2005). (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2005)
29
551
One of the key tasks of the National Programme is the establishment of a permanent system to monitor reforms in the education sector. The Republican Commission
on NPPT is assigned to monitor the implementation of the programme in compliance with the President of the Republic of Uzbekistans Order dated October 6,
1997. The Republican Commission ratified the organizational structure of the
monitoring system consisting of a Head Working Group on Monitoring (HWG) and
Territorial Working Groups on Monitoring (TWGM). The Monitoring Group under
the Cabinet of Ministers was established by the Cabinet of Ministers Order No.
504, dated September 06, 2001. The main responsibilities of the Monitoring Group
were defined as follows: organising an effective system to monitor educational
reform, implementing the decrees and orders of the Cabinet of Ministers and resolutions of the Republican Commission on NPPT Implementation, and coordinating
the activities of the TWGM, ministries and agencies/departments (ADB, 2001).
Access to Education
Enrolment in Post-secondary Education
During the initial years of the transition, education in Uzbekistan suffered less than
in the neighbouring countries (Kitaev, 1996). Despite that, from 1989 to 1995, the
number of students at vocational and technical schools decreased, because their education did not provide them with the skills to find remunerative jobs. The number
of students dropped by 8 to 12% a year, with a sharp fall of the number of students
studying for industrial occupations, economics and transport (about 28% in each
area) and an increase in health care workers (+26%). In 1996, there were 442 vocational and technical colleges delivering vocational education for 221,000 students,
and 258 secondary schools or colleges with 197,000 students. Approximately 60%
of students in secondary schools completed grade 9, and 40% completed grade 11.
The students with a high examination score could study on a grant provided by the
government, but some students paid their tuition fees (UNESCO, 1998).
At the beginning of the 2004/2005 academic year, the educational system consisted of
65 academic lyceums and 827 professional colleges (World Bank, 2003). The secondary
special, vocational educational institutions were attended by 165,300 women (47.2%)
and 184,700 men (52.8%) (State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics,
2007). The low female enrolment at secondary special, vocational education contributes
to the considerable low enrolment at higher education levels. The opportunity to continue
education depends on the income of the households. The better-off families enable
children to continue their education (World Bank, 2003). The preference to continue
education is given to boys rather than girls, especially if this relates to the mobility of
students to cities other than their own. The other factor relates to the desire of girls to stop
their education and employ themselves in the informal sector, to carry out such activities as sewing, cleaning, cooking, and selling fruits and vegetables in the market. In the
transition period, , education does not guarantee, employment; therefore the youth prefer
to be employed in the informal sector.
552
Distribution of Student Enrollment by Gender

and Specialization
Gender roles have been historically defined and reinforced since the consideration
of womens issue was taken up by Lenin and Krupskaya in 19161917; both of
them devoted their efforts to liberate the women of the East under the guidance of
the Communist Party. Tzetkin said that the October Revolution of 1917 kindled the
fire for freedom and equality in the hearts of the exploited women of the slowlyawakening, humiliated East. As Lenin said, to achieve full liberation of women
and equality of women and men, it is necessary to engage women into productive
labour. Then women will hold the same position as men (Masharipova, 1990).
The Communist party opened schools, in particular, agricultural schools, to provide
basic knowledge to enhance the local economy. Womens technical colleges were
established to accommodate women and girls who ran away from their husbands
and relatives who humiliated their dignity. Thus, professional colleges became one
of the instruments for the liberation of women (Masharipova, 1990) and at the same
time for joining the workforce. Women worked in agriculture, education and other
fields in low-paying jobs, aiming their activities to meet the targets of production
of the 5-year plan set up by GOSPLAN.
The involvement of women in industry and consequently the eradication of
illiteracy became the main tasks of the party and public organizations. Yet, during the
Soviet regime, the gender dimension remained obvious. The predominance of males
was seen in the fields of economics, law, and science. The Soviet idea of the emancipation of women resulted in the double burden of women: being involved in the workforce with unequal pay and performing household duties. In the view of Kamp (2006)
the Soviet political ideology placed significant limitations on the actions of women
and men; and at the same time, Uzbek society also constrained womens choices.
The number of students studying at vocational colleges and academic lyceums as
of the beginning of 2005/2005 academic year comprised of 12.3% out of the total
number 34371.100 females being trained at all levels of education and 12.6% out
of 3695.800 males trained at all levels of education (Please see Table 29.1; State
Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2007, p. 76). In 2005/2006
the distribution of students in secondary special, vocational educational institutions
by specialization has a gender dimension. The choice was as follows: education81.3% women, 18.7% men; health care and sports 79.8% women and 20.2% men.
Male students selected transportation and communication 76.5% (23.5% women);
agriculture: 69.8% men (30.2% women); industry and construction: 64.3% men
(35.7% women), economy and law: 56.7% men (43.3% women) (Please see Table
29.2; State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2007, p. 87).
The choice of the area of specialization is mostly influenced by gender stereotypes,
i.e. the division of labour into male and female jobs, family traditions and economic factors. The trend of the selection of the area of specialization by gender has
been quite stable in the period of 20002005 (State committee of the Republic of
Uzbekistan on statistics, 2005).
29
553
Table 29.1 Number of students studying at different types of educational

institutions as of the beginning of 2005/2006 academic year (State Committee
of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2007, p. 76)
As percent of total
Distribution by sex (%)
Overall number of
students being trained at:
Women
Men
Women
Men
General education
schools
Vocational colleges
Academic lyceums
Higher educational
institutions
Post graduate coursesa
Doctoral coursesa
Total
In %
In thousand
a
At the end of 2005 year.
84.3
82.9
48.6
51.4
11.9
0.4
3.3
12.0
0.6
4.5
48.1
37.6
40.9
51.9
62.4
59.1
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
45.2
38.8
54.8
61.2
100
3,437.1
100
3,695.8
48.2
51.8
Table 29.2 Distribution of students in secondary special and vocational

institutions by sex as of the beginning of the 2005/2006 academic year
(State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2007, p. 87)
Secondary special and
vocational institutions (%)
Women
Men
Education
Health care and sports
Industry and construction
Agriculture
Transportation and communication
Economy and law
Art and cinematography
Services
Total
In %
In thousand
81.3
79.8
35.7
30.2
23.5
43.3
43.5
44.2
18.7
20.2
64.3
69.8
76.5
56.7
56.5
55.8
48.1
410.4
51.9
443.0
Management of Education
According to NPPT, the Ministry of Public Education manages preschool, primary,
and secondary education. The Ministry of Higher Education and Ministry of Public
Education are responsible for specialized secondary education and higher education,
including community college models. The Ministries have departments that project
budget expenses, student enrolment, and number of faculty. During the period
19972000 the distribution of female teachers/instructors in secondary special educational institutions increased (in 1997 it was 42.9% women and 57.1% men, in 1998
it was 43.8% women and 56.2% men, in 1999 it was 46.5% women and 53.5% men,
554
in 2000 it was 48.6% women and 51.4% men) while in the period 20012005, it has
been going up and down (in 2001 it was 47.4% women and 52.6% men, in 2002 it
was 47.1% women and 52.9% men, in 2003 it was 47.5% women and 52.5% men,
in 2004 it was 47.3% women and 52.7% men, in 2005 it was 45% women and 55%
men) (Table 29.3; State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, 2005,
2007).
To ensure the implementation of NPPT, the government of Uzbekistan set up a
Centre of Professional Education through a legislative act on the organization of
academic lyceums and professional colleges, adopted by the government (February
24, 1998). The Center of Professional Education is attached to the Ministry of
Public Education, which evaluates the Centers work. The main goals of the Center
are coordinating and managing professional and technical education, providing
technical, material, and educational support, and ensuring quality of education by
developing and administering state educational standards. The Centre also integrates
international experience and trains teachers. To fulfill these goals, regional centers
of professional education were opened by the government of Karakalpakistan,
hokimiyats (Mayors office) of regions and in Tashkent. In addition, the State
Testing Center was opened to administer tests and identify applicants qualifications for continuing their education at higher levels (Ziayev et al., 2000).
The existing professional educational institutions and the newly opened institutions that are under the management of the Ministry of Culture, The Academy of
Arts and the Ministry of Health, remain attached to the same authorities as before.
All of them are required to provide funding, training and practical skills to the students. They should also be flexible to respond to the needs of the labour market in
manpower and to ensure the employability of their graduates (Ziayev et al., 2000).
The decentralized system of governance of education has its benefits as it provides
a link between education and the social and economic sectors, and consequently,
the possibility of future employment. Yet, the decentralized system of governance
may not be cost effective, taking into account the budget constraints.
Table 29.3 Distribution of teachers by sex and type of education (The
State Statistic Department of the Ministry of Macroeconomics and
Statistics of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2002, p. 78; State Committee
of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2007, p. 76.
Secondary special and vocational institutions (%)
Women
Men
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
42.9
43.8
46.5
48.6
47.4
47.1
47.5
47.3
45.0
57.1
56.2
53.5
51.4
52.6
52.9
52.5
52.7
55.0
29
555
Funding
In the past, funding for education was determined by centrally mandated norms
from Moscow, which provided little incentive for the administrators to improve
efficiency in the use of public resources or mobilize extra funding (Berryman,
2000). Most educational institutions were well maintained, yet rural educational
institutions had less funds. According to the World Bank (2003), in the1980s, the
economic collapse affected education and other sectors, and since Independence, as
Uzbekistan had to maintain the system when the subsidies from Moscow were no
longer allocated, the level of output decreased and public revenues shrank.
Today, educational institutions are funded from central and local budgets,
and also from extra-budgetary sources, which include private companies, nongovernmental organizations, individuals and additional sources stipulated by the
Law on Education. The Law on Education primarily drew attention to the changes
in legal foundations and funding of education. The state should ensure priority
to expenditure on education. The institutions are also allowed to earn additional
income by providing services to the government and companies and by carrying out income-generating activities that are within the law. Besides, any earned,
unspent, or remaining amounts of the allocated resources can be retained by
educational institutions, regardless of their source of funding, and are regarded as
tax free. These legal norms constitute the foundation of the financial management
of educational institutions, their resources, and expenditure.(Ziayev et al., 2000).
At present, most educational institutions (89%) are funded from local, regional,
district, and city finance department budgets, with the aim of increasing the responsibility of the hokimiayts in the financial management of educational institutions
(Ziayev et al., 2000). Thus, to maintain standards of education during the economic
transition, the government pursues a policy of diversifying sources of funding. In
spite of the relative protection of the social sectors, in contrast to other countries of
similar economic status, public funding for education dropped from 10.3% of GDP
in 1992 to 6.7% of GDP by the end of the decade. (World Bank, 2003).
In secondary special, vocational education, funding decreased from 0.6% of
GDP in 1992 to 0.4% of GDP in 1997 at the rate of budget expenses at 1.3% level.
The expenses for improving the material and technical foundation of secondary
special, vocational educational institutions are decreasing because of the increase in
the salaries and stipends to students due to the increase in prices. This implies that
allocated resources are stretched to cover only current expenses. As educational
institutions were allowed to engage in income generating activities, the share of the
state budget to be allocated to secondary special, vocational educational institutions
decreased during 1994 to 1997 from 99.5% to 87.8% (CER, 1998).
The number of individuals studying at secondary special, vocational educational
institutions on a contract basis in 1997 was 26,100, as against 8,500 students in
1994. Consequently, the share of profits of these educational institutions increased,
due to the payment of tuition fees, from 0.27% in 1994 to 7.95% in 1997. Despite
the diversification of funding sources in education, the financial means are not
556
enough to provide good quality education (CER, 1998). The governmentspolicy

of free education at all levels provided an opportunity for those in low income
families to pursue their education. Currently, children from low income families are
constrained by the lack of financial means. Yet their involvement in the informal
economic sector and establishment of small and medium size enterprises allows
them to generate incomes higher than the salaries of teachers. There is a need to
develop business courses that will provide practical knowledge.
In addition, migration to China, Turkey, Russia, Iran, Kazakhstan and other
neighboring Central Asian countries, to purchase merchandise or work in construction sites or engage in other services, brings in income. There is a need to gather
information about the economic situation in these countries, and compare the market prices for commodities there and in different regions and cities of Uzbekistan.
While Central Asia has a long history of merchants and trade, todays globalized
economy requires a new level of economic knowledge. Uzbekistan has made a
concerted effort to find new markets for its products and has developed new trading
partners in such countries as South Korea, Great Britain, Switzerland, Germany,
Turkey, and the USA. To develop these new trading partnerships, there is a need
for people who can follow market trends in these new markets and respond to the
changes in taste. Thus, there is a need to be able to change coursecontent quickly.
Also, the students need to have contacts with people who are directly involved in
developing these new markets.
Household Capability for Education

The class and urban/rural disparity in Uzbekistan is on the basis of access to and
performance in education. As such, primary and secondary education alone do not
provide safety from poverty. The findings of the budget survey 2001 point out that
the average number of illiterate persons and of persons who did not go to school
exceeded 1.6%, and even in poor families it did not exceed 2.3%. Yet the number
of members in these families who received secondary special, vocational education,
and did not complete/ completed higher education was 22.6% while in the average
families this figure was 41.8%, and in the families with income above average it was
56.2%. We can say that children from poor families have less opportunities to finish
secondary education and then continue their education at higher levels, contrary to
children from better-off families. The low income of the family, and lack of funds and
necessary conditions to support education in the family, urge young people to find
employment and thus raise the family income level. Therefore, it is important that
the national programme breaks up a circle of violence and provides free equitable
access to complete secondary and professional education to children. This will allow
students to have adequate education and adapt to labor requirements (CER, 2005).
The transition process to a market economy requires that children from low income
families have access to education as the establishment of small business enterprises
requires knowledge and skills that professional and vocational colleges provide.
29
557
In terms of educational attainment, Uzbekistan has achieved significant results.

Illiteracy has been almost eliminated and the official statistics report about 100% literacy among women and men. Moreover, the educational gap between genders has
been closing gradually: about 30% of men and 19% of women who are presently 75
years old have upper secondary or higher levels of schooling and about 92% of men
and 93% of women of 2544 years have had some upper secondary or higher levels
of schooling. Yet, some gender gaps remain at the secondary special, vocational
education and higher education levels. Even though the gaps between the poor and
non-poor have been reducing, the poor started out with lower levels of education
and differences are present at secondary special, vocational education and higher
education levels. However, the declining investment into education may limit the
potential of women to get engaged into the labor force engagement. Participation
in the market requires absorption of the labor force. Taking into account that 60%
of the population reside in rural areas, among the low paid workers, 62% work in
agriculture and 38% in construction. The population is also involved in the informal
sector and/or temporary work, which provide some income for household expenses.
There is also migration for labor work, especially during the transition period, of
young people, including persons with higher education (CER, 2005).
Conclusion and Recommendations

The transition process created special challenges to the Uzbekistan educational
system. The early years of the transition period did not show radical worsening of
the educational system as in other countries facing a similar situation. Yet, the system
could not maintain itself for long and sharp declines were observed in secondary
special, vocational education and higher levels of education in terms of attendance,
gender disparities, regional disparities and income groups. More efforts should be
made to support educational attainment in low income families, in particular among
girls. The incentives should not be based only on grades but also on socio-economic
status and income.
The NPPT stresses the quality of education and highlights the mechanisms for
ensuring modern education. Quality assurance should go along with ownership by
stakeholders in the process of developing curricula, introducing innovative teaching
methods, and developing textbooks and manuals. More back-up should be provided
for sharing best practices in education and support for the development of educational materials. Quality of education cannot be guaranteed without financial incentives to teachers and social benefits such as housing, health care and so forth.
As secondary special, vocational education, like other levels of education, is
strongly linked to the socio-economic and cultural sectors, more engagement of
business structures in terms of updating the curricula, sharing the best practices
in the business sector, and having business people teaching in educational institutions may improve the quality of education. Education plays a key role in insuring
that the workforce will possess the knowledge, skills and attitudes necessary to fill
558
current positions, and more important, to create new businesses and manage new
opportunities. Besides, functioning as an interconnected system with education,
business, research, market and society and developing the knowledge and skills
necessary to the local context is crucial. Cooperation with professional colleges
abroad and sharing expertise may improve the quality of education as well as the
socio-economic and cultural spheres.
With the advancement of knowledge-based societies, lifelong learning has
become an important element of the education of adults. The underestimation of the
education of adults and extreme attention to the education of children and youth is
not enough to develop the economy of the country. Therefore, it is necessary to create
Centres of Adult Education under the Ministry of Higher and secondary specialized
education that would develop research and educational programmers for adults,
provide expertise to the institutions, monitor the work of the educational institutions
that deliver training for adults, and for example, provide training to administrative
personnel to enhance their knowledge and management skills, and train people with
special needs (Imamov and Imamov, 2002). The countries in transition, such as
Uzbekistan, require comprehensive attempts to transform education from the Soviet
system, building on its advantages and changing its weaknesses to meet the needs of
the market economy and develop human potential and the well-being of the people.
Acknowledgements The authors wish to thank Rene Wadlow, formerly, professor and Director
of Research, Graduate Institute of Development Studies, University of Geneva, for his comments.
Note
1. Academic lyceum is a secondary special educational establishment that provides 3 years of
professional training in particular field to develop intellectual skills. Upon finishing academic
lyceum usually attached to particular university, students pursue higher education mostly in the
affiliated university. Vocational college is secondary vocational educational establishment that
provides 3 years of professional training in one or few specialized fields of a chosen profession. Upon finishing vocational college, students pursue professional career.
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Masharipova, Sh.M. (1990). Raskreposhenie jenshin Khorezma I vovlejenie ih v sotzialistijeskoe
ctroitelstvo. Tashkent, Uzbekistan: FAN.
Prokhoroff, G., & Timmerman, D. (1997). Five years later: Reforming technical and vocational
education and training in Central Asia and Mongolia. Paris: UNESCO/International Institute
for Educational Planning (IIEP).
Spoor, M. (1993). Transition to market economies in former Soviet Central Asia: Dependency,
cotton, and water. The European Journal of Development Research 5(2), 142158.
State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics (2005a). Gender equality in
Uzbekistan: Facts and figures 20002004. [Statistical Bulletin]. Tashkent, Uzbekistan.
State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics (2005b). Gender equality
in Uzbekistan: Facts and figures 20002005. [Statistical Bulletin]. Tashkent, Uzbekistan.
State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics (2007). Gender equality in
Uzbekistan: Facts and figures 20002005. [Statistical Bulletin]. Tashkent, Uzbekistan.
Tursunova, Z. (2006). Report on Gender Dimensions of Rural Livelihoods in Uzbekistan: the
importance of emergent entrepreneurship and migration. The research has been implemented in the framework of the ZEF (Center for Development Reserach) project Economic
and Ecological Restructuring of Land- and Water Use in the Region Khorezm. I wish to
Dr. P.Mollinga and Dr. B. Bock. For their support and suggestions.
UNESCO (1990). World Declaration for All, Jomtien. Retrieved on November 8, 2007, from
http://www.unesco.org/education/efa/ed_for_all/background/jomtien_declaration.shtml
UNESCO (1998). Education Management Profile: Uzbekistan. Bangkok: UNESCO Principal
Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific.
UNESCO (2000). The Dakar Framework for Action, Education for All: Meeting Our Collective
Committee.
World Bank (2003). Uzbekistan: Living standards assessment. Report No. 25923-UZ. Accessed
on June 18th, 2008, http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/
WDSP/IB/2003/06/17/000160016_20030617131238/Rendered/PDF/259230UZ.pdf
Ziayev, M.K., Rakhmonov, A., and Sultanov, M.S. (August 2000). Educational financing and
budgeting in Uzbekistan. Paris: International Institute for Educational Planning/UNESCO.
Chapter 30
Junior Colleges in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Shahrzad Kamyab
Introduction
The intent of this chapter is to describe the characteristics of the junior colleges in
Iran and to make a comparison with the community college model in the United
States. One thing that needs to be clear here is that the junior colleges in Iran are
quite distinct from the community colleges in the United States as their philosophy and the function is varied and different from the US model. In contrast to the
American community college model which is a comprehensive one, the junior colleges in Iran have historically been short-cycle educational institutions producing
mid-manpower workforce in technical and vocational fields.
In recent years, due to the population expansion and the number of young population in Iran (70% of the population is under 25 years of age) and the subsequent
rise in demand for higher education, the number of short-cycle educational institutions has increased. The newly established junior colleges offer nontraditional
courses, and they are mostly private institutions established by the private industries, such as films, to respond to the interests of young people.
Iranian Education System

In order to understand the junior college concept in Iran, first, one should understand the structure and the philosophy behind the Iranian educational system.
The educational system in Iran, from first grade through higher education, is
a highly centralized education system which was modeled on that of Napoleonic
France. The Iranian Ministry of Education is the center of power, specifying a
national course of study for all subjects at 112 levels. The syllabus for each subject is set out in great detail, stipulating the content to be covered and the number
of hours to be taught. In addition, textbooks must be geared to cover the content
of a particular course of study and must meet the standards set by the Ministrys
textbook authorization system. Supervision of instruction and the textbooks at the

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higher education level is the responsibility of Ministry of Science, Research and

Technology, or MSRT (Kamyab, 2004).
The education system (K12), which consisted of 5 years of elementary,
3 years of middle school, and 4 years of upper secondary, underwent a major
reform in 1990, and subsequently, the structure of secondary education changed in
two major ways. One was that the length of upper secondary education was shortened from 4 years to 3 years and a system of preuniversity (pish_daneshga_hi)
was established in place of the 12th grade to prepare students of academic branch
to enter universities. Similar to the old system, the new structure of the education
system also branches out at the ninth grade into academic, technical, and vocational streams (Kamyab, 2005).
The other major change in the structure of upper secondary education was the
introduction of a credit unit system to replace the grade system or the yearly system. Prior to the reform of 1990, students who failed the year-end comprehensive
examination had to repeat the entire year. But after the reform was introduced, the
students were able to retake only the courses for which they did not receive a passing grade. In addition, this major reform enabled students to enter both the world
of work and the vocationaltechnical junior colleges earlier. Now, the students of
vocationaltechnical branches receive the high school diploma at 11th grade rather
than 12th grade (Ministry of education, 1995).
Testing is a major driving force for teaching and learning in Iran as it is the
major criteria for promotion to the next level of education ladder. To enter universities in Iran, the applicants must pass a university entrance exam known as Konkur.
Since the test is stringent and the admission is too competitive, many students start
preparing for it 1 or 2 years ahead, taking multiple-choice tests to improve their
test-taking skills. The entrance exam to enter junior colleges is more relaxed than
the Konkur. The junior college exam is simply referred to as the junior college
entrance exam (Kamyab, 2004).
Higher education in Iran currently consists of university, distance education,
and junior colleges. Universities are 4-year institutions catering to students who
are graduates of the academic branch of the secondary education and who pass the
Konkur. Payam-e Nour, the only distance education university program in Iran,
was established in 1987 to provide teachers and civil servants the opportunity to
continue their education and to best serve their working schedule. It offers a 4-year
university program which also requires an entrance exam. All the courses are given
through television and correspondence, and students write exams at local university offices. Payam-e Nour charges fees, and is now offering a variety of programs
to working adults and to those who could not pass the Konkur, but are seeking a
university degree. It also caters to the students in the remote areas of the country.
While it does cater to adults, similar to community college models, this is defined
as a 4-year university construct.
Junior colleges in Iran are short-cycle 2-year programs producing middle-level
workforce in technicalvocational fields. Junior colleges cater to students who are
graduates of technical or vocational branches of the upper secondary schools
who pass an entrance exam separate from the university entrance examination.
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The vocationaltechnical junior colleges operate under the jurisdiction of the

bureau of technical and vocational education of Ministry of Education.
Graduates of junior colleges are granted the associate degree known as
Kardani or work-skill degree upon graduation. To obtain the junior college
associate degree, students must complete 6878 units to obtain the qualification
of Kardani. The associate degree of Kardani is also offered by medical science
universities (after the completion of first 2 years) in the fields of operating room,
anesthesiology, family health, laboratory sciences, environmental and vocational
health. Currently there are about 200 technical and vocational colleges offering about 40 fields of study in industry, agriculture, and services (Institute for
Educational Research, Ministry of Education, 2003).
Characteristics of Junior Colleges in Iran

Junior college concept in Iran is different from the community college concept in
the United States, as the function and the philosophy behind the two systems are
varied and very distinct from each other. A fully organized or a comprehensive
community college in the United States aims to meet the needs of a community in
which it is located, including the preparation for institutions of higher learning, liberal arts education for those who are not going beyond graduation from the junior
college, vocational training, and short courses for adults with special interests. In
contrast, junior colleges in Iran meet the needs of the industry, technology, and
agriculture as their goal is to produce mid-level personnel or paraprofessionals and
to prepare students to enter the world of work.
As it was discussed earlier, the two systems of short-cycle education (2-year
program), in the United States and Iran are more different than similar. The only
distinct similarity between the two systems is the mission to train mid-level workforce to respond to the needs of the society and the industry. For the purpose of
comparison, the major areas of admissions, administration and funding, curriculum, student population, and student services will be discussed.
Admission Policy
The junior colleges in Iran do not have an open-door policy and students have
to take an entrance exam to get in. To enter junior colleges in Iran, the applicant
should pass the specific entrance examination which is different from Konkur and
is administered by the receiving college. The exam is not as stringent as the university entrance exam but is still considered difficult and competitive. The difficulty
level is high since there are too many applicants and the seats are limited. In fact,
every year only about 10% of the applicants are granted admissions. Those who are
unable to gain admission are allowed to retake the test in the following years until
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they pass. In 2008, junior colleges can be found in any part of the country but the
concentration of major ones are still in urban areas and major cities.
The main reason to have an entrance exam to enter higher education in Iran
is twofold; one is that the institutions of higher learning, even the technical
vocational schools admit only those students with high aptitude and potential for
further learning as there is no such service or function as remedial education within
colleges and universities. The other reason to have an entrance exam is the lack of
seats to accommodate all applicants. Historically, there have been a great demand
for higher education and this has increased even more in recent years. It is also worthy to mention that since the Iranian education was modeled after French education
system where exams are the main determinants of entry into higher education, testing for entry into higher education system in Iran has always been used to select
the best applicants for further learning (Kamyab, 2008).
Administration and Funding, Decentralization

Versus Centralization
Administration of higher education in Iran is highly centralized which is in contrast
to US decentralized system of higher education. This is different from the control of
the public 2-year college in the United States which rests firmly in the hands of the
state. In the United States a significant portion of this control, however, is delegated
to the local board, and the administrative head of the junior college reports to the
superintendent of the community college in the district. Funding for the operation
of the community colleges in the United States comes from several sources such as
legislative appropriations, loans, gifts, grants, investments, tuition fees, and taxes.
In contrast to US decentralized system of funding and control, the administration of the junior colleges in Iran, rests with the bureau of Higher Technical and
Vocational education of the Ministry of Education. The head of the junior college
administration reports directly to the Minister of Education and the entire funding
for the operation of the public junior colleges in Iran comes from the Ministry of
Education and that is the only source of funding for the junior colleges in Iran.
Public junior colleges charge no fees (Institute for Educational Research, 2003).
Curriculum
The curriculum in the US community colleges is characterized by a diversified curriculum, including remedial education, occupational education, general education,
transfer program, and continuing education.
On the other hand, the curriculum in the public junior colleges in Iran is almost
exclusively technical or occupational in nature and it is uniform throughout the
country. In contrast to the United States where textbooks are published by publishers,
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the curricula for the junior colleges in Iran are published by the Ministries of
Education. As it was discussed earlier, to obtain the higher technical diploma, or the
associate degree of Kardani, students are required to complete 6878 units in the
specialized fields of studies such as construction, electronics, computers, food industries, ceramics, industrial design, etc. (Institute of Educational Research, 2003).
Private junior colleges design their own curriculum and the supplemental materials but they are required to seek the approval of the curriculum planning of the
Ministry of Education. The curriculum for the private junior colleges tends to be
nontraditional in nature as the programs offered are in the new fields of studies such
as film and design.
Student Population
In contrast to the large population of adults and continuing education students, and
students of different ethnic backgrounds who attend community colleges in the
United States, Irans junior college student population is fairly homogeneous, consisting of recent secondary school graduates. In regard to the gender composition of
the junior colleges in Iran, male students are in majority in the vocationaltechnical
programs which is in contrast to the universities in Iran where 60% of the student
population is female. Historically, public junior colleges in Iran mostly cater students from lower socioeconomic background and those who are not academically
inclined to pursue higher education through universities.
Despite the large number of study-abroad students in Iran, almost all student
population in the junior colleges is Iranian but the difference rests in the different
languages and dialects spoken among them. Regardless of different languages and
dialects spoken in Iran, the language of instruction in schools is Persian or Farsi and
it is the only means of instruction in the publicprivate education system of Iran.
Private junior colleges with their high fees and more relaxed entry exam criteria,
on the contrary, accommodate students who come from a higher socioeconomic
status who can afford the high fees imposed by these colleges. Also, the private
junior colleges are more attractive to women as they mostly offer nontraditional
fields of study such as film, arts, and design.
Student Services
Overall, the junior colleges in Iran do not enjoy the same student services that
are provided to students at the community colleges in the United States, such as
counseling, placement, and transfer function is almost nonexistence with the junior
college concept in Iran. Lack of such services indicates that the philosophy and the
missions of the two systems are different as is their operations. A junior college in
Iran does not prepare its students to transfer to universities as the degree offered
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S. Kamyab
is a terminal degree which leads to work. To transfer to a 4-year university from a

junior college is only feasible through participation in and passing the university
entrance exam, or Konkur (Kamyab, 2008).
Private Junior Colleges in Iran

In recent years many private junior colleges have been established in Iran to
respond to the needs for expanded higher education opportunities and to accommodate the new interests of the higher education seekers. Private junior colleges
should seek the approval of the Ministries of Education before they are established.
These new nontraditional certificate programs are offered in the areas of film, such
as acting, directing, and editing and other nontraditional fields of study such as
home and architectural design. These private colleges impose relatively high fees
but have a more relaxed entry exam criteria than public junior colleges and universities. These private junior colleges are highly popular among the youth seeking
higher education in the new fields of study and among those who could not pass
the stringent university entrance exam. Private junior colleges are also appealing to
those of talented adults who are interested to pursue higher education in nontraditional fields of study.
Discussion and Recommendations

To close this chapter, I would like to make recommendations to be considered by
education authorities in Iran to adopt the community college concept to build a
bridge between the high school education and higher education, such as the universities. It must be kept in mind, however, that the 2-year college as it has developed
in the United States should not and cannot be injected into the education system of
other countries in general and into Iranian education system in particular as attention should be paid to the culture and the political structure of the education system
of the receiving countries. Nevertheless, the concepts which are characteristics of
the junior college may well be introduced into existing frameworks of education in
many countries.
How Iran Would Benefit Adopting a Comprehensive

Community College Model?
Iran would benefit by adopting the following characteristics of the comprehensive
community college concept in several ways: First and foremost: This model will
best help to alleviate the university exam (Konkur) crisis. Every year, high school
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graduates sit to take a stringent, centralized nationwide university exam in the

hope to gain a place in one of Irans public universities or the semiprivate one
(Azad University). Since the competition is fierce, the content rigorous, and the
seats at universities limited, only 10% of the applicants gain admission. Konkur is
also one of the reasons that a large number of high school graduates and graduate
students opt to leave Iran every year to attend foreign colleges and universities in
the United States, Europe, Australia, or anywhere they can gain admission to pursue higher education. According to the studies, majority of these students do not
return home which is a major contribution to the ever-existing brain drain in Iran
(Kamyab, 2007, 2008).
A community college concept with its open admission policy, and the curriculum
for transfer to universities could help to alleviate the brain drain and the Konkur
crises in Iran. In other words, a community college concept could accommodate
the higher education seekers who were deterred from entering the universities and
to facilitate their transfer to universities.
Secondly, there is a need for flexibility in selecting a course of study in higher
education. In Iran, students who gain admissions to universities are not allowed to
change directions or change majors. If a student changes his or her mind, he or she
must retake Konkur which would require a great deal of preparations. A community college concept would provide flexibility in education flexibility combined
with guidance and counseling permits Iranian students to modify their educational
plans and goals. If Iran develops a community college model which offers general
education and a transfer program, the higher education authorities would be able
to help the higher education seekers to make a smooth transition to universities
after completing the first 2 years of general education. This would help with the
lack of space and seats in the universities which is the major cause for the limited
university admissions.
Finally, the concept of lifelong learning, community-based education, and education for work should be considered by education authorities in Iran. The community college concept can serve as a vehicle to offer such services to the communities
in Iran at a low and affordable cost and through its open-door admission policy.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the junior colleges in Iran are 2-year postsecondary institutions producing mid-level manpower in technical, vocational, and medical services catering
to graduates of high schools in general and the graduates of technicalvocational
branch of high schools in particular. The entrance to the junior colleges requires
passage of a fairly competitive entrance exam, and the programs culminate in an
associate degree known as Kardani.
The junior colleges in Iran do not enjoy a status as high as that of universities.
Furthermore, junior colleges serve the needs of the students whose academic performance is lower than those students in the academic branches of high schools in
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S. Kamyab
Iran. The mere existence of junior colleges in Iran is to train skilled workers in the
fields of industry, services, and agriculture.
In contrast to the community college concept in the United States where there
is a link between the community college and the university through the transfer
function, there is no relationship or link between junior colleges and universities in
Iran Junior colleges in Iran do not prepare their students to enter universities.
Furthermore, there is no tie to the community which characterizes the American
Community College concept.
Despite the major differences between the two systems of short-cycle education in the United States and Iran, namely the community colleges and the junior
technicalvocational colleges, the two systems share a common goal and that is to
meet the mid-level manpower needs and to provide expanded educational opportunities to further democratize higher education.
References
Institute for Educational Research. Ministry of Education, A General Overview of Education in
the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran, Iran. 2003.
Kamyab, Shahrzad. Education in Iran: An Overview. College and University Journal. volume 79,
No 4, Spring 2004.
Kamyab, Shahrzad. Education in the Islamic Republic of Iran, EDGE (Electronic Data base of
Global Education), AACRAO. 2005. http://edge.austindataworks.com/
Kamyab, Shahrzad. Flying Brains: A Challenge Facing Iran Today. International Higher Education,
The Boston College Center for International Higher Education. Number 47, Spring 2007.
Kamyab, Shahrzad. Concours; The University Entrance Exam Crisis in Iran. International Higher
Education, The Boston College Center for International Higher Education. Number 51,
Spring 2008.
Ministry of Education. Education in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran, Iran. 1995.
Ministry of Science, Research, and Technology Web site. Available at: www.iso-msrt.gov.ir;
www.iso-msrt.gov.ir/en/default.php; www.msrt.gov.ir/english/index.html World Education
Services, Canada. www.wes.org
Chapter 31
A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary

Curriculum in Tajikistan
M. Max Hamon
Introduction
Tajikistan lies wedged in a corner of post-Soviet Central Asia between China and
Afghanistan. Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and a tragic civil
war, this mountainous country has experienced fundamental shocks. As one of the
poorest of the ex-Soviet states the educational system faces compound problems
which are economic as well as institutional.
This chapter examines community education within Tajikistan, since the
community college model is almost nonexistent. This chapter argues that the
success of one particular curriculum development project, by the Aga Khan
Humanities Project (AKHP), was the result of engaging with the community
and embodying, consciously or not, many aspects of the community college.1
More specifically this project embodied a liberal arts curriculum that emphasized
interdisiplinarity and pedagogy that encouraged students to understand how their
skills can be applied outside of academia educating students for the universal
community.
This chapter is the product of 2 years of teaching in Tajikistan. It addresses the
culture of education in Tajikistan which includes the heritage of the Soviet Union
and its philosophy of education, plus a new emphasis on critical thinking and interdisciplinary emphasis. While there is evidence that reform is happening, it is also
true that some of the work needs to be reconsidered or perhaps challenged with
regard to its ability to meet the challenges of a postcommunist planned economy.
Finally, as a reflective mirror of educational reform, this chapter examines how the
challenges and successes in Central Asia in general highlight elements of North
American community colleges which are important but may have been ignored in
recent years. Specifically it will show how the community and the culture of the
college are important to the education process. It is significant that the success of
reform in Central Asia is tied to the interdisciplinary nature of the curriculum and
a philosophy of student-centered learning.

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M.M. Hamon
Context
Central Asia today has been sundered by the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Tajikistan, having suffered through a prolonged civil war, is one of the most
extreme cases: trust in the administration is minimal, cooperation and dialogue is
rare, and individual initiative is uncommon people simply do not want to rock
the boat, instead there is a sense of relief that at least there is no more fighting. The
problems present in Central Asia are the result of a combination of disillusionment
with the communist rational program of modernization and nostalgia for a centralized system which dictated all aspects of an individuals life for so many years (the
break was so sudden and abrupt that most people never knew it was happening).2
Educational institutions (primary through postsecondary) are no exception, in fact
as a barometer for the climate of transition they are remarkably good indicators.
Their organization reflects political, cultural, and institutional contexts. The higher
education system of the former Soviet Union is currently undergoing drastic and
fast-paced reform. The old system of memorization and rote learning has fallen
into disrepute, and the new fashion, one might even say ideology (though only in
undertones), is critical thinking, student-centered learning, and interdisciplinary studies. However, the reality is slightly different from the theory.3
The heritage of the Soviet culture is of considerable influence in Tajikistan,
and, as the poorest of the republics, the challenges it faces are compounded. The
necessity for reform in postsecondary institutions is obvious: schools are underfunded, professors are underpaid, literacy (both Russian and Tajik) is declining,
the curriculum is outdated, buildings and classrooms are in disrepair, and students
regularly complain that they will not have a job when they graduate. Many of these
issues are related to a failing economy, and it is difficult to argue for the retraining
of the workforce if the basic necessities of life are not being adequately provided
for. Thousands of educated Tajiks go abroad every year to earn money to support
their families back home.4 The emigrant workers are, however, generally not hired
based on their educational background but rather for physical labor. For them there
is little incentive to seek retraining at a postsecondary level, they would never get
an official job abroad and the positions in Tajikistan are underpaid.
The heritage from the Soviet Union also includes a culture based upon a system
of handing down the truth from a central authority. In this context the authority
was the academic expert the professor.5 Students were not encouraged to discover
for themselves, nor to critique and ask questions of the authorities. By contrast,
an academic trained in a western liberal arts system would believe that one of the
most important parts of education was learning to create your own knowledge, to
dream-up theories, to experiment with concepts, and develop a feel for the creative
process of education. This process of creativity was stifled in the Central Asian
context, because it was believed that the answer to the questions only needed to be
learned and memorized. This blocked an important personal connection between
the scholar and his or her subject, and it forced students to first learn a rigid set of
theoretical concepts which usually slant their understanding of their subject from
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A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan
571
the get-go. Revision of old theories was limited and criticism of past proofs was
not recommended.
In pedagogy there are numerous examples of this emphasis upon rote learning.
Perhaps the most indicative is that oral exams are the almost exclusive method of
assessment. Students are rewarded on how well they can repeat what the professor
has spoken about in class. Essay writing is unheard of. On the other hand this kind
of education means that students have very strong foreign language skills (it is
not uncommon for first-year university students to speak four or five languages
fluently). Also the students ability to memorize literature and poetry is also
impressive. A fact not to be disregarded when some students coming out of high
school in North America are ignorant of the standard literature and the most basic
historical dates.
The high regard for the authority and knowledge of the expert professor and the
scientists of the Academy means that they were the exclusive source for knowledge. All the official learning was done in the formal classroom. The community,
collegiality, and self-discovery were not seen as important, and because of this
there was little encouragement of a student community life. In other universities6
which I visited there was little public space for congregation or discussion an
essential part of a western college atmosphere. The gathering in social cafes
to discuss and debate has, since the Enlightenment, been an important part of
liberal education. Without the creation of a space for dialogue among equals, the
public sphere of Habermas (1989) was never established, thereby also limiting
the evolution of a civil society.7 Little has changed in this regard, the dormitories
are in terrible condition and rarely function; student representatives (or guards) are
placed at the gates of the school to prevent students from coming to class early or
staying too late thus preventing them from mobbing,, socializing, or fomenting.
Students are not encouraged to learn from each other or by themselves, because
they are expected to repeat what the instructor told them. There is no reason for
them to discover the truth, because there is an authority at the front of the room
that can give the right answer to them. It should not be necessary to explain that
for such pedagogy all argumentation is seen as a rhetorical exercise and completely
unnecessary for real learning.
Due to the importance of expert knowledge in specific fields and the emphasis
upon learning the truth rather than reinterpreting and challenging old theories,
as is rampant in North American institutes (to the extent that almost all fields of
study become a battlefield of contradicting discourses) scholars in the Soviet
Union rarely performed interdisciplinary research and seldom drew general conclusions which might be applied to other disciplines. In general, the emphasis was
on specialized training in very specific fields.8 There were almost no interdisciplinary studies, nor was it understood why an individual might need to be trained
in different fields. In fact, the emphasis in education was on generating experts,
trained theoretically and practically to fulfill one task.
General training in the humanities or liberal arts was rare. The situation was
seen as one of why should we investigate further when we already know the
answer?9 The emphasis was upon the answer rather than the question. The study
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M.M. Hamon
of the humanities has been sadly deficient in the post-Soviet region. It was seen as
a field of little use, sometimes even a threat, to the ideology of politically oriented
academies. Arts, literature, history, and especially philosophy tended to be stifled,
especially when they proved resistant to the official Marxist doctrine.10 However,
the study of the humanities encourages the kind of liberal thinking which open
democratic societies require and is therefore terribly pertinent, if not essential, to
building this kind of society.
Tajikistan is a country that has just come out of a devastating civil war, and
is still crippled by poverty. However, there is remarkable belief in the future of
Tajikistan. Many of the young idealists that I taught believed that they could help
reform and improve the situation in their own country. They are terribly aware of
the problems and of the international perspective on the situation in their country.
Thus any project for educational reform is faced with quite a paradox: a country
with few goals and even fewer promises of a prosperous future, but an awareness of
the situation and an almost fanatic desire by the student to initiate reform.
Education Reform in Tajikistan

There is a great deal of interest in educational reform, and the students actively
seek out new programs and schools to improve their career opportunities. There is a
strong belief, supported by a culture which fosters learning, that a good education is
essential for improving ones career and is part of every citizens responsibility. On
a practical level, it is a very positive environment to work in; teachers and students
are interested in trying new approaches and eager to read new books and discuss
them with their colleagues. It is important to remember that the post-Soviet region
recognizes the value of a good education as part of the heritage from the USSR.
There is a very high general level of education and literacy, equal or higher than
many North American or European countries (World Bank, 2005).
Reforms often come from outside the local administration. In Tajikistan,
the United States, Japanese, German, and British governments sponsor numerous scholarships for study in their own countries. The American International
Research and Exchanges Board (IREX) and Future Leaders Exchange (FLEX)
programs; the German Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst (DAAD
German Academic Exchanges Services) program; and the Asian Development
Bank (ADB) are some of the more prominent examples. The Open Society
Institute has funded a number of education related reforms, including the Higher
Education Support Program, the SPELT program, scholarships, and summer
schools. The Civic Education Project supported a number of visiting and local
fellows to teach courses promoting critical thinking and democratic governance
in Central Asia. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe has
run a number of summer camps in Central Asia and has recently opened up a
graduate academy in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. The American University of Bishkek
has made quite an impact on the area in terms of reforming the education
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standards of Kyrgyzstan and providing a forum for students to study in an open

and critical environment. For Tajiks, the proximity of two new postsecondary
institutions in Kyrgyzstan makes liberal education much more accessible. All
these programs have in common the desire to reform education, to promote the
values of western academia, encouraging critical thinking, student-oriented
classrooms, interdisciplinary studies, and an English curriculum.
A large part of the reason for students to seek a better education is that they
believe that this will offer them an opportunity to study abroad; and for many
students, going abroad still is the golden ticket. They are eager to learn English,
to participate in exchange programs, and to develop the academic skills which
they perceive to be important in the West. For many students this is seen not
only as an opportunity to get an international education, but also potentially a
paying job on an international market. Thus the, sometimes subversive, attempts
to reform the education and generate critical thinkers, independent open-minded
citizens by external institutions obviously risks a brain drain. But, at the same
time, educational reform is part of that investment in stabilizing the Central Asian
republics.11 The degree of success of this investment is somewhat speculative
indeed one is forced to ask what future does this country hold for an academic; a
country which BBC recently quoted as having no future (Antelava, 2008). But
study-abroad graduates have returned to lead reform in the universities, NGOs,
and even government. Indeed, some would credit the recent electoral revolutions
in the post-Soviet world to such investment (Bunce and Wolchik, 2006). While
the efficacy of such reforms may be questioned, one might question the efficacy
of such projects all over the world. On the other hand, it is quite another matter to
question its desirability.
Educational reform in Tajikistan is advocated by the central authorities, but they
do little to promote it, unless money is promised as well. Students are eager to
participate in reform and actively seek new institutions. Foreign donor and NGO
missions have the greatest influence on the actual reform. The next few pages will
outline one reform project and describe why it was unique.
The Culture of Learning

Before drawing any general conclusions about the process of educational reform
it might be useful to briefly elaborate on the situation in Central Asia. Under the
specter of the Soviet Union, employment was never a worry. One hundred percent
employment was de rigueur; everyone was trained for their job and given one. With
the collapse of such a total in all of its semantic and political senses system,
many, very specialized professionals are left grasping at straws; flexibility was
never something that was encouraged. A liberal education encourages flexibility
and independence. The challenge today is from the ruins of such a centralized
system can a liberal economy be established? If it is to be done, then much of the
culture, tradition, and institution of education will need to be reformed.
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The emphasis upon specialization obviously has many advantages, but it also
has considerable disadvantages. While editing the new curriculum for the AKHP,
I realized one of the most poignant problems of the emphasis upon specialists.
The curriculum was developed by teachers and academics from various institutions and academies in Central Asia with consultation from Western scholars. As
an international project it was interesting, but what made it unique in this context
was that those academics who were teaching the course were also selecting the
texts and writing questions. In the Soviet Union, the system directed the philosophers to create a curriculum, including lectures and questions. Instructors were
then expected to deliver the curriculum to their students and were trained in the
pedagogical methods and practices, but were not expected to be able to actually
create and plan curriculum. While this means that everyone gets the same education, it does not necessarily entail the diversity so valued in a liberal arts system
and practiced in North American universities.
Another more banal but just as apt story involved the sister of one of my
colleagues. Trained as a power engineer for the turbines in hydroelectrical stations,
this middle-aged woman worked in a corner shop because the hydro stations had
shut down. The interconnections between the Soviet republics exposed the tenuous relationship between skills and available jobs in a vast interdependent system.
Moscow supplied the plans, and Tajikistan supplied the electricity which was then
used to produce products shipped to Uzbekistan or another Soviet state. At each
stage of production individuals were trained for a specific task. With the collapse
of that system many were overeducated with no work.12 Still today many of those
generating stations sit idle. If the liberal arts system is to succeed, the rest of
society will need to recognize the value of such an education in addressing the
specific problems of their economic context. For instance the characteristics of
flexibility and independence of thought are obviously regarded with considerable
favor in a liberal economy, but the heritage of a planned economy will first need
to be faced.
Students might be skeptical of the value of a liberal arts education. The students
in postsecondary classes across the board are quite young; they have little experience of the working world and very little understanding of how their education
might apply to their career. Most students believe in getting the best-possible
education, as they implicitly understand that this will help them get a better job.
While this situation is not so different from a North American classroom, there
is a considerable difference in the response by the institutions to fill this need. In
Central Asia there is very little opportunity for students to apply what they are
learning outside of their classes. The traditional classes tend to focus on learning
theories and models (as if they were facts) rather than actual creative building,
planning, practicing of techniques/trades, or analyzing case studies. Within the
field of liberal arts, training students for practical jobs is almost nonexistent. At
most a student might find an internship or an assistant position at an international
NGO or government institution. The business sector is almost nonexistent and is
completely uninvolved in the education process, which tends to exacerbate the
problem of being trained for jobs which no longer exist.
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All these factors have led to a situation where students feel disconnected and
separated from the outcome of their learning process. Education has a theoretical
value, but does not apply to the immediate needs or environment. The fact that
their father with a Ph.D. in Economics owns a vegetable stand in the Zelyony
Bazar (Green Market) and earns more money there than teaching at the state-run
university does not help assuage this detachment. For too long the emphasis had
been upon the paper document stating a degree or certification that trust in the
bureaucracy remains entrenched in the psychology but severely challenged by the
reality of the situation.
It is only when students feel motivated and understand the value of a liberal
education that they can benefit from it. Students will be better motivated if they
are taught to be independent and critical thinkers, to be responsible individuals
who can own and access their own knowledge. Students also need to have an
environment which encourages them to learn, and a peer group with which they can
compare and learn from. Without a community which reflects, evaluates, and reacts
to that education it becomes meaningless, a true Ivory Tower. Class activities need to
be energetic and demand student participation, to develop skills that can be applied
in that community. This approach motivates students because they can see what they
are accomplishing. They are part of the learning process and it is creative.
By encouraging students to learn for their own reasons, and at the same time
to stimulate a sense of responsibility, students have a personal connection to their
subject. In giving students a sense of learning about the world and preparing them
to engage with society in practical and theoretical terms we teach students to be a
part of a community and to feel as though they have the power to effect change.
An interdisciplinary curriculum that teaches students to be critical and creative is
imperative for this reform.
The Aga Khan Humanities Project

In 1997, a curriculum development project was started in Central Asia. Its goal
was to unite academics from different universities, disciplines, and countries for
the goal of producing a new innovative humanities curriculum. The final curriculum was the product of academics from nine Central Asian universities, reviewed
by a panel of international scholars from across the globe. The AKHP is unique
in that it is a close collaboration of international and local scholars and educators,
editing new curriculum and discussing new pedagogy practices. It contains many
of the elements of a community college model, teaching and training students
in liberal, technical, and vocational fields: for example, encouraging a curriculum that is liberal and practical, and emphasizing a learning environment where
education is open, accessible, and available. In addition, throughout the project
numerous other programs were initiated that brought the project into contact with
the community: workshops, public resource centers, primary school teaching,
creation of film groups, Internet access points and networks, visual art exhibitions,
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musical performances, a design center (operating commercially), not to mention

the lectures and classes taught at the various universities. The process of interacting
with the community (teaching and learning) on theoretical and practical levels was
crucial to the success of the project, and considerably helped define the subsequent
activities and curriculum that was produced. It is also arguable that the high level of
involvement in the community and in producing practical results was favorable in
the eyes of the donors and partners, and therefore influential on their program. This
combination was drafted perhaps to fill the gap, to my knowledge such an institution did not exist in Tajikistan even today it remains unique.
The curriculum was originally written in Russian (the lingua franca in Central
Asia), later translated to English and, in 2003, the first series of courses in English
were taught at the Pedagogical University in Dushanbe, Tajikistan. The curriculum
is interdisciplinary, topically oriented (Introduction to Humanities, Tradition and
Change, Human Nature, Civil Society, etc.), and centered on case studies.
AKHP was founded with the purpose of challenging the narrow-minded
approach to education which taught one clear answer. Based upon the idea of a
tolerance and appreciation for cultural diversity the organization hoped to promote
better dialogue between different countries in Central Asia and different communities within the various countries. Central Asia embraces a number of different
ethnic groups, different religious, and regional identities. The identities between
the different communities can be quite contrasting at times dangerously so. The
civil war in the early 1990s saw considerable ethnic violence. Along with the promotion of cultural diversity, intellectual diversity was also encouraged. Thus the
role of the university education was doubly important, as it is here that students are
taught to challenge ideas and to think for themselves. For AKHP critical thinking
and creative thinking were cornerstones of the curriculum. The assignments and
questions invite diverse answers and different interpretations. Interpretation of
facts, opinions, and truths was emphasized. Questions asking for opinions and
arguments were more frequent than questions looking for comprehension. The
emphasis was less on the fact, and more on the argument. Encouraging students
to speak their mind and their thoughts, the belief was that if ideas were presented
in a democratic environment and context they could be as effective for learning
as for a tolerant dialogue between students. Tolerance and critical thinking were
emphasized simultaneously. This combination was a very positive and powerful
one in the classroom.
To fulfill these goals the scholars involved in this project developed a curriculum that would encourage debate and discussion. An interdisplinary approach
presented different approaches to the same question, at the same time a variety of
thinkers presented different perspectives. Educators were encouraged and trained
to use pedagogy that was student-centered (ONeill et al., 2005)13 and to develop
practical skills such as writing, presenting, filming, painting, and computer skills.
Yet AKHP was not satisfied with this becoming simply part of a textbook, an
intellectual code of practice. To prevent the separation of the intellectual and the
social (something done far too often in many cultures), where what is learned and
considered regular practice in the academy is ignored outside in the real world,
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a number of programs were initiated to connect with the rest of the community.
Some of these programs are described below.
In 2003, I piloted the first humanities course at the Pedagogical University; the
following year the curriculum underwent considerable revision based upon the
recommendations of an international review board. In 2004, the curriculum was
finalized and taught in ten different partner universities throughout Central Asia.
Prior to this, professors had been offering the AKHP classes in Russian based on
earlier drafts of the curriculum. Student response had been quite positive, every
year the selection of students became more and more difficult as classes were
quickly filled.14 In 2003, in Dushanbe, 165 students applied for 65 places in the
English course at the Pedagogical University. The following year there were over
200 applications. As I taught at the AKHP, I gradually adapted and developed a
teaching technique which I found to be enjoyable as an educator and achieved best
results for our students.
It is my contention that a considerable part of the success of this program was
how the students were able to apply what we were doing in class (although often
abstract and theoretical) to their lives outside of the school. By raising questions, the very rationale of the entire liberal arts education was questioned, and as
students came up with their own answers to the questions, they discovered their
rationale for attending classes. The curriculum project and the pedagogy of my
classes introduced students to abstract concepts, applied to real case studies,
trained them to be problem solvers, and critical thinkers within their own community. What follows is a summary of teaching practices, observations of the
students, and a philosophy of education which values an interdisciplinary approach
to pedagogy and critical thinking.
AKHP: Social Life

From 2003/04 to 2004/05, I taught introductory humanities classes to select groups
of students in the Humanities in English (HiE) program at AKHP. As I got to know
the students and to formulate my teaching strategies, I became acquainted with
some of the weaknesses of the education system and was challenged to introduce
a liberal arts education in a student-centered environment. We made every effort
to develop a collegial atmosphere. Students were encouraged to hang-out, given
a free lunch, and have a special minibus service to take them home (funded by a
scholarship program from the US Embassy). Some of this worked as they were
commonly found fraternizing in the library, computer lab, and even in our offices
(to the irritation of some colleagues). I regularly saw them working together in
the library and even explaining texts to their peers who were having difficulties.
Indeed, we consciously promoted a campus life: film screenings, public lectures,
an academic writing center, a computer lab, and a reading room with chairs and
a couch gave students a sense of belonging to an institution. Participation in the
campus life was enjoyable and stimulating, and therefore motivating. And so we
tried to create that atmosphere on a small scale at AKHP.
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By giving them the opportunity to congregate, socialize, and discuss, our

students developed that emancipation of opinion, discussed by Habermas and
began to learn that they have the right and ability to form their own opinions
and to own them.15 Like the cafs of the Enlightenment, we promoted the idea of
sharing ideas and public discussion. The goals of this learning environment, building a critical, social community that embraces theory and practice mimics in many
respects the goals of the community college. The exchange of ideas is as important
as the lecture from the professor; it empowers students and motivates them.
AKHP: Student-Centered
I had been forewarned by my frustrated predecessor: the students lacked motivation;
were unable to complete or misunderstood assignments; generally failed to live up
to AKHP academic standards; they did not submit written assignments on time,
and their book reviews were completely plagiarized. These difficulties resonated
with my previous teaching, though on a greater scale. The main problem instructors
from the west seem to have is a miscommunication of our expectations (Salem,
2002).16 Often instructors experience culture shock at the completely different
culture of learning, as do I imagine the students. I had to learn from the students
as much as they had to learn from me.
Attendance at class became a privilege. Classes were like a participatory theater.
A completed vocabulary list (definitions of key concepts and words) was their
ticket to participate in the show. Only when they had completed their homework were they allowed to return to class. It worked; no one ever missed handing in
an assignment after I made an example in the first class. Besides creating an environment where everyone wanted to be in class, this also gave the students positive
reinforcement: they could satisfy the requirements of this inostranits (foreigner).
After they realized that my expectations were not unreasonable, I could ask them to
submit journal assignments and finally a research paper as a final assignment.
Moreover, I was honestly interested in their own answers. And once they
knew that they could answer the questions I was putting to them, they realized
that I was willing to accept different answers. There was no single answer, in
fact different solutions were more than tolerated, and they were encouraged. This
experience has more meaning for students often faced with the absurdity of life
and society in general. Sometimes questions were not satisfactorily answered;
on the other hand existing theories and models were deconstructed. Emphasizing
the liberal thinking was important for the AKHP goal because it challenged the
status quo of learning by rote. It was important to establish a learning environment which led students to believe that they could achieve the tasks which were
set before them and that the skills and knowledge they were acquiring would
benefit them in society at large. This established positive motivation which,
I believe, allowed me to eventually bring the whole group up to a level where
they were competent, critical, and responsible, even as they learned to enjoy this
new educational experience.
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Student-centered learning requires high energy. We played with the metaphor of

the stage in class by continuously using the tools of theater: spotlights, applause,
and a range of actors. This motivated students because they were involved, thinking actively and creatively, and having fun. The front of the class was our stage
with frequent student presentations, demonstrations, and speeches. Students played
games, invented role-plays, presented their work, taught the class, and even took
notes for the class on the white board. On other occasions the footlights were
banished, small-group brainstorming, and other tasks put everyone in the middle
of the stage. Class discussions were another important way to share the spotlight
(Brookfield and Preskill, 1999).17
Class discussions began on a basic level; questions and answers according to
the Socratic Method. To dissuade students from accepting an answer too easily,
I often played devils advocate by adopting extreme positions, or pointing out their
own contradictions. But the Socratic method is not true discussion; they needed to
learn to ask their own questions and critique their peers. A more student-centered
dynamic was encouraged by simply being silent after one student made an outrageous claim. The students themselves responded to the deafening silence and raised
their own questions. I was also able to moderate by outlining the opposing statements offered by two students. Both sides would then have to present arguments
for their cause and listen to their opponent.
This emphasis upon student activity and discussion in the classroom is virtually unknown in the traditional Tajik classroom. But an active classroom is one
of the guarantors of a critical environment. This environment is essential to what
has been identified as deep-learning by Jacques (2000). Deep learning is only
possible when students are motivated, active, and when they can interact with
others (Jacques, 2000). Similar to the goals of a community college, the emphasis
on student-centered learning brings out the importance of using the educational
experience as interdisciplinary and applicable not isolated in the mind of an
expert academic. Getting students to listen, respect, respond, and argue (with
civility and reason) develops excellent academic skills but more importantly good
social skills.
One rule I laid down at the very beginning was the zero tolerance for plagiarism
at AKHP.18 My very first assignment was to write a footnote. This may be a surprisingly small assignment, but this guaranteed that they had the ability to cite any text
from the Internet or from a book. Some students had to do the first exercise three
or four times, but only when they got it right were they allowed to engage in further
writing assignments. Habitual plagiarism was eradicated from each group, but at
the same time students were encouraged to include the opinions of other authors
this was especially important when dealing with a text book which included a
diverse variety of authors.
The example of plagiarism demonstrates a key aspect in developing respect for
the academic community. You are not allowed to steal another persons ideas. In
fact, it emphasizes that the most important part of studying is that ideas belong to
people, that they do not exist in their own right. Thus, as the ideas of our colleagues
we should respect them; but at the same time, because they are not reified, it is easier
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to critique them. All of the class activities, from the simplest to the most complex,
were designed to instill a joy for learning a sense of play and wonder at learning
and discovering new things. Yet at the same time students were reminded that this
was a responsible business. They must learn to think critically and honestly. To be
an independent scholar you will be held accountable for what you say, believe, and
argue and how you argue.
AKHP Curriculum
The humanities curriculum that the AKHP developed furthered a liberal arts
program, requiring students to think critically and creatively. Challenging them
to express their own opinions and to deal with different interpretations the first
chapter of our curriculum dealt precisely with that: What is interpretation? What
is the power of interpretation? Answers to these basic questions are presented in a
variety of case studies from different cultures dealing with issues of interpretation
in Islam, politics, Christianity, and others. By asking students to consider the opinions of other famous authors like Luther, Lenin, and Mohammed we encouraged
them to contrast the diversity of opinions and to formulate answers of their own. By
addressing these issues through literature (poetry and prose), art, music, newspaper
articles, and even scholarly pieces, students were able to engage with the material
on a variety of levels and make the topic relevant to their own daily life.
The curriculum provided the instructors and students with textbooks containing a variety of readings, questions, and assignments organized into units. The
instructors were also provided with a manual of examples of written, in-class,
and research assignments. They were also given some background reading and
a 2-week training session in liberal arts education. (It quickly became clear how
important this was because the concept of liberal arts itself was a recent import,
and a shallow one at that. One challenge for us was to defend the liberal arts
tradition against misconceptions: for instance an emphasis on arguments rather
than personal opinions). The instructors are expected to organize the readings as
they see fit and to develop their own assignments according to their own schedules
and the requirements of different departments. Instructors came from a variety of
disciplines, from literature to biology. All of these instructors were seeking some
way to expose their students to different ideas and challenge them with unorthodox opinions. Because the texts discussed arts, religion, science, philosophy, and
culture they were broad enough to be applied as introductory classes in multiple
departments. And the general questions lent themselves to analysis within any
field. And finally, the instructors are encouraged to mediate discussion and debate
rather than lecture to the class so while they might not be experts on Rousseaus
political philosophy, they could encourage students to explore a variety of interpretations of one of his speeches.
A great emphasis was also placed on developing argumentative writing. This
served three purposes: first it aided students in presenting and framing their arguments. It is clear that some students think better when they are writing than when
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they are speaking. It also served to prepare students for the kind of assignments
that would be expected of them in a Western liberal arts setting. And finally, it
demonstrated the applicability of such an education outside of the school as writing
assignment included summaries, analyses, critiques, and even resumes. Giving the
students a concrete skill to walk away with was very important for reinforcing the
idea that this kind of education was applicable.
The advantage of teaching this kind of material was that students learned to deal
with ambiguity and develop a tolerance for diversity of opinion, culture, and ideologies. Presenting classical thinkers, who are often in disagreement, for students
to question and read critically authorized them to develop their own understanding
of what and why they were reading in the first place. This gave them the right, and
the ability to create their own interpretations. Instead of great thinkers and their
theories inscribed in stone tablets by the all-knowing lecturer at the front of the
class to be memorized by the students we promoted the concept that ideas were
there to be used. The critical interdisciplinary nature and the focus on generating
creative thinkers helped students understand why they were studying.
Results
AKHP encourages the development of responsible independent citizens; it does
this by stressing the application of theory to real life, or deep learning. It stresses
discussion and debate to encourage an open, flexible, and liberal mind. Students
are empowered by active participation in class activities and role-playing. The
instructors also teach critical and analytic thinking through the Socratic method
and written assignments. For the students benefit the community (in all its aspects)
is emphasized and organized to stimulate the learning process. And perhaps most
important of all, we seek to motivate students through the philosophy that learning is an all-encompassing, lifelong process that is part of being a fulfilled human,
inculcating the ideas that learning is interesting, enjoyable, and not difficult.
What were the consequences of this change? When I reflect back on the students
who could not fill in the application form due to questions that asked for their
opinion, and to the initial classroom sessions echoing with silence, or the rampant
plagiarism seen in the first assignments, I conclude that there was a transformation.
A revolution that demonstrated students felt responsible for their own thoughts and
ideas. This responsibility was reflected in the decline in the number of plagiarized
assignments which I received, an increase in the completed assignments and a
greater level of critical thinking. Opinions were backed by logical arguments and
proven evidence; hearsay was questioned by ones peers. Ideas, and knowledge
itself, became personal. The truth was no longer set in stone, but it was something
created and owned by an individual thinker (Thompson, 2003).19 Intellectual
property was not a weird concept from the West but empowerment and right of
ownership for even the youngest in the remotest (by Western standards) part of
the world.
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In terms of assessment, they realized that they were not only under the scrutiny
of their truth-seeking instructor, but needed to speak to their fellows and must
answer to them. By extension they developed an attitude and skills that would help
them to deal with other aspects of their lives and society. Furthermore, correcting
themselves and learning from each other allowed lessons to be learnt much more
effectively. The effective result of peer assessment was in fact self-assessment. By
giving students ownership of their own education, they began to feel a part of the
learning process.
Many of our students applied to study abroad, some even received scholarships
to study in London, Germany, the United States, Hungary, and even Japan; and the
courses at AKHP continue to attract new students. This success and the continued
popularity of AKHP courses is promising for this country which so desperately
needs a future. Every year international fellows are invited to teach at AKHP, where
they work with local fellows and academic writing fellows offering humanities
courses. The plans to continue work within the new university are also promising
for the future of these kinds of educational reforms.
Dahrendorf (2000) has suggested that after the collapse of the communist regime
the university systems in Central Europe were frozen and stagnant.20 These claims
can be generalized to Central Asia as well. He suggests that the frozen status is a
result of an attitude that education is not accessible. Without a sense that education
is something in which students participate they will never feel properly motivated.
It [Higher Education] has to be accessible to all who are able and willing. AKHP
has promoted such access through its curriculum, teaching practice, and social
environment. By giving students the right and the authority to think for themselves
we assured that they also took upon themselves the responsibility which goes along
with that right. This sense of ownership furthered another important goal, the idea
that students could make their own decisions. Students were encouraged to access
their own education and, I hope, to continue it at other international institutions.
This sense of access was what encouraged them to perform well in class and to
value their own opinions and that of their peers. Access to learning and authority to
think meant greater freedom to question and criticize. Access is an important part
of the philosophy of the community college as well, and the reform of education in
Central Asia needs to promote access the trend to create exclusive elite academics
would seem to go against this important democratic ideal.
To my knowledge there is no institution that copies the community college
model in Central Asia, but the AKHP curriculum reform has embodied many of its
characteristics: a combination of liberal and vocational education as well as close
and practical interaction with the community. Furthermore, AKHPs work is being
inherited by a new university which will incorporate AKHP and continue to effect
educational reform on a larger scale. The combination of the liberal, technical,
and vocational learning is something which is being discussed and is something
which may be of considerable influence in the founding of the new University of
Central Asia (UCA), an institution founded by a charter signed by the presidents
of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, and the Aga Khan. UCA will offer a range of
internationally recognized academic programs, including undergraduate, graduate
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and doctoral degree courses, non-degree preparatory courses for incoming degree
candidates, and vocational, professional development and distance education
courses for students and professionals beyond the three UCA campuses (AKDN,
2008). This university, which has yet to begin its classes, has been in the past couple
of years collecting resources for fulfilling these goals. These resources include a
School for Professional and Continuing Education (offering programs in Enterprise
Development, Information Technology, and New Media, Applied Languages, Public
and Social Sector Management, etc.), a school of business management, a school
of undergraduate studies, a program for cultural and musical training, instruction
and research, and an educational institute to train educators and work on curriculum
reform. The campus will also be a true campus with dormitories, a sports complex,
and a multimedia theatre. Hopefully this will not only develop a community at the
university but also encourage integration with the community. The conscious effort
to meet the needs of the local community will invariably be supported if there is
an understanding of why this kind of education is good. Maintaining a critical and
interdisciplinary curriculum will certainly support that understanding.
Conclusions
The community college model attempts to offer inclusive education in liberal,
academic, and vocational fields. In my experience this combination of practical (vocational), theoretical (academic), and personal (liberal) is the best way to
educate students, and I believe that it is crucial that students understand and know
why they are studying, because it gives them a clearer vision of what they want. My
students reasons were many, but I like to believe that I left them with something
more subversive, a raw enthusiasm for the new and unexplored. This teaching
experience reinforces the necessity of student-centered learning and convinced me
further that a fundamental change in the way students are educated is necessary for
the reform of institutions of higher education in Central Asia. Without this change,
students will never be truly motivated to learn; nor will they experience the joy of
learning or value their education.
Educational reform in Central Asia has numerous interest groups that seek to
modernize the academic institutions there. The success of an interdisciplinary curriculum that challenges students to think about a variety of answers suggests that
the future of education in Tajikistan needs to take into account the need for a liberal
arts education. By interacting with, and training students in, skills applicable in the
community the project was unique. Future reform ought to consider how the community college model interacts with and helps to create a social environment that
operates on liberal, technical, and vocational levels.
This chapter has had no qualms about suggesting reform for Central Asia, but it
would be a pity to end without at least a reflective comment or two. Here in North
America, as our postsecondary education becomes more product-oriented and
subject to the whims of the market, the social aspect of learning may be lost in the
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rationalizing process. It is important to remember why we learn. We go to school to

get a good job, but more importantly to broaden our minds and become reflective
and critical citizens capable in our own right. If the community outside of academia
is fenced off from the institution then a fundamental part of the learning process
will be nullified. An interdisciplinary liberal arts education is imperative for a
healthy and successful society and economy. Also linking that education directly
with the motivations and goals of society is essential.
The social aspect of a good education is hardly to be underestimated. As the
Internet becomes a more powerful tool, one of my concerns is the tendency to use
computer programs and podcasts to record lectures for students to download at their
leisure. Such technology can be powerful, but it must not be a one-way communication. Debate and discussion must happen within the classroom (my experiences
have always been more powerful in reality rather than virtual); students must have
a direct connection with their instructor. Students and instructors need real contact
with each other; cafes and other public spaces are important learning forums as
much as the classroom informal learning in the community is just as valuable as
the official lecture. It seems to me a terrible danger to put your faith in knowledge
production!
The issues which face Central Asia are not so removed from the North American
situation, but I believe that the changes that we will see there in the next few years
will dramatically highlight the positive, and negative, effects of whatever reforms
are instituted. We can aid in that transformation, but we can also learn from it. If
nothing else we can draw the lesson that it takes very little for the entire structure
of society to come crashing down; it must be continuously challenged, supported,
and made relevant.
Finally, on a more personal note, those students who first handed me assignments written on scraps of paper without even paragraph structure did eventually
develop clear thesis statements and argumentative structure in their essays. Their
class discussions were critical and informed; students comprehended and completed their readings with zeal. Their English skills and ability to use them, and
their speaking, listening, and writing greatly improved. These students became
capable, independent learners and went beyond previous expectations and have
learned the value of higher education. But most of all, the fact that these students
are still curious, capable of wonder and asking questions, fills me with admiration
at their resilience.
Notes
1. The AKHP team included scholars from Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. The AKHP curriculum,
training, and courses were implemented in three Central Asian countries. Specific elements
of the project run parallel to many community college models in the West and perhaps such
models should be introduced into the discussions of how reform occurs. See http://www.akdn.
org/humanities/Humanity.htm.
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2. I discussed the perception of the change with Sharofat Mamadambarova, the then assessment
officer at AKHP, in winter 2004. Sharofat was involved in education for over 20 years, and
she describes the change as one which happened over-night, a silent decision made by the
leaders of the republics in Moscow, and before anyone realized the Soviet Union had folded.
3. despite a vigorous rhetorical commitment to fostering a liberal education [universities]
are profoundly constrained in the possible directions of reform by the political and economic
context in which they currently function (Reeves, 2007).
4. Tajikistan has one of the highest number of citizens working abroad. Most migrants are
hired to perform repetitive unskilled labor. In 2003, IOM research showed that 48% of labor
migrants had some form of postsecondary education, as opposed to the general population of
Tajikistan, of which only 16% had postsecondary education (IOM, 2003).
5. While some claim this lack of critical thinking is in fact cultural in Central Asia, my fear
of making shallow Orientalist claims about the complex history and culture of this region
advises against such claims. In fact some research into the history of education in Central Asia
suggests earlier attempts at reform, for example, in the nineteenth century, the Jadid movement. (Khalid, 1998).
6. Over 2 years I visited the universities of Kyrgyz State Pedagogical University and the
American University of Central Asia both in Bishkek Kyrgyzstan, Russian Tajik State
University, and Tajik State Pedagogical University in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, Khujand State
University, in Khujand, Tajikistan, and Khorog State University in Khorog, Tajikistan. All
these universities are much smaller than the average North American university; they typically
enroll 2,0003,000 students at most.
7. Habermas discusses the emancipation of opinion, as a hallmark of the Enlightenment and
development of Western civil society. The weakness of the civil society in Central Asia is
often seen as an index of its authoritarian regimes and the lack of true democracy.
8. One noticeable challenge to the excess specialization in this region is the establishment of
the Central European University (CEU) in Budapest, Hungary, which specifically encourages
crossing traditional borders. The universitys unique combination of American, Western
European and regional intellectual and academic traditions enables CEU to place emphasis
on the shifting boundary between the local and the universal in the theoretical, as well as the
practical, aspects of research and teaching (CEU, 2008).
9. In winter 2004, Chad Thompson, a colleague at the AKHP, gave an example when local social
researchers were conducting some interviews; he described how they felt it was necessary to
correct the answers of some of the interviewees. When asked, Why?, they responded, as
though it were obvious to everyone, they gave the wrong answer.
10. Even the definition of what the humanities are is not clear or familiar in Tajikistan. While in
Russian the term Gumanitarnyi, an adjective, stands for the study of the arts and literature, it
does not include the more scientific aspects of studying the human being. The Russian translators decided to use the term Chelovechesky, a noun, which is roughly translated as the study
of the human (with a decidedly more biological or medical connotation).
11. It should suffice to mention the numerous educational programs supported and funded by
the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) are clear evidence of this
(OSCE, 2008). Also note the OSCE Academy, a postgraduate academy offering an MA in
Political Science, with a focus on conflict resolution and security in Central Asia.
12. This should also serve as a warning to the Western trend of generating highly specialized and
trained scholars. Where will our carpenters and welders come from if everyone becomes a
university graduate in business management?
13. Other terms might be equally applied such as flexible learning, experiential learning, or
self-directed learning, for one of the most concise descriptions and discussions of this term
see Student-Centred Learning, in ONeill et al. (2005).
14. Admission to the program was dependent upon the results of a TOEFL Exam and short group
interviews: students were asked to read a text in advance and required to answer questions in
a 10 min mock class.
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15. One of the revolutionary features of the American University in Bishkek is the number of
students in the halls, reading, chatting, etc. Instead of the empty dark hallways common in
other universities, there are pockets of students discussing, and others reading silently or
congregating around furniture placed at random in the halls. On a tour of the university I was
struck by the social environment, and I realized that it was the availability of seats, which were
absent in the traditional universities, that discouraged such a communal atmosphere, to my
mind, detrimental to the educational process.
16. Misunderstanding of the culture of education seems to be the root of most frustration. Patience
is an essential attitude on both sides. I often felt that it is they [the students] who are teaching
me and not the reverse (Salem, 2002).
17. Effective classroom discussion is my favorite activity, it takes considerable patience as
many students have to stumble through difficult concepts, and often their peers cannot even
understand them, but the benefits are well worth it. A good classroom discussion enlivens the
classroom and aids the learning process.
18. Plagiarism is the bane of the Central Asian educators existence. Civic Education Project
fellows when they first take up their post are warned that plagiarism is a notion that is not
understood at all. As a former AKHP-CEP fellow I was trained to watch out for it.
19. The Soviet system placed an emphasis upon ideological truth as something not created
but discovered, as described by Thompson (2003). One of the most important ideological
practices which has persisted in the notion of an absolute, external, truth, as reflected in the
statement We need a true ideology. Within this construct, truth is not a human product, but an
external element. Truth is not made, but discovered. Challenging this practice is essential to
create an environment where critical independent thinking is possible. Thompson also locates
the penchant for plagiarism in the conception of truth as external to the student. There is
no scope for debate, relationalism, or interpretation within this schema. How could a student,
lacking even the introductory credentials provided within this system, be expected to interpret
scientific works? Even more audacious, how could such students dare to advance their own
arguments? [authors emphasis].
20. Dahrendorf (2000, p. 16) stresses that new institutions set up from outside have in many
cases found it difficult to strike roots in their countries, and quite a few of them suffer from a
problematic relationship with the higher education system around them. The AKHP is such
an institution, and it is only through showing students that they can access their own education
will they be motivated to continue studying and learning.
References
Aga Khan Humanities Project, AKDN Web site, http://www.akdn.org/humanities/Humanity.htm.
Antelava, Natalia (2008). Winter Shortages Fuel Tajik Anger, BBC News Dushanbe, 12
February 2008.
Bunce, Valerie and Sharon Wolchik (2006). Favorable Conditions and Electoral Revolutions,
Journal of Democracy, Vol. 17, No. 4: 518.
Brookfield, Stephen D. and Stephen Preskill (1999). Discussion as a Way of Teaching: Tools and
Techniques for University Teachers, Buckingham: Open University Press.
Central Asian Youth Network funded by the OSCE, http://www.cayn.net/.
Central European University (2008). An Introduction to CEU, Central European University Web
site (www.ceu.hu).
Dahrendorf, Ralf (2000). Universities After Communism, Hamburg: Edition Korber-Stiftung, p. 13.
Habermas, Jurgen (1989). The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere An Inquiry into
a Category of Bourgeois Society, Cambridge, MA: MIT.
IOM (2003). Labour Migration from Tajikistan, July 2003, http://www.iom.int/jahia/webdav/
site/myjahiasite/shared/shared/mainsite/published_docs/studies_and_reports/Tajik_study_
oct_03.pdf, p. 30.
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Jacques, David (2000). When Teaching Becomes Learning, Teaching Strategies in Higher
Education: Effective Teaching, Effective Learning, Budapest: Civic Education Project.
Khalid, Adeeb Khalid (1998). The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform, Berkeley, CA: University
of California Press.
ONeill, G., Moore, S., and McMullin B. (Eds.) (2005). Emerging Issues in the Practice of
University Learning and Teaching, Dublin: AISHE.
OSCE Summer Camps (2008). http://www.osce.org/dushanbe/item_2_20467.html.
Reeves, Madeleine (2007). From Kritika to Critical Thinking? The Politics and Practice of
Social Science Reform in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan, paper presented at the 19th annual conference of the Study Group on Education in Russia, the Independent States and Eastern Europe.
Salem, Ayman (2002). Civic Education in Formerly Communist Countries: A Critical Analysis,
A Question of Method, Budapest: Civic Education Project.
Thompson, Chad (2003). Academic Peerage: Student Writing and the Politics of Knowledge
in Central Asia, presented at the Second Conference of the European Association for the
Teaching of Academic Writing in Budapest, 2325 June 2003.
University of Central Asia. AKDN Web site, http://www.akdn.org/uca/uca.htm.
World Bank (2005). The World Development Report 2006: Equity and Development, New York:
World Bank, pp. 284285, 294295.
Chapter 32
Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look

Toward the Future
Miloni Gandhi
Introduction
As we move forward in an age of globalization, many nations are finding the need
to reevaluate the state of higher education within their country. Bhutan is an especially interesting case to examine because of its unique position in the world as the
only nation that functions not on Gross Domestic Product, but on Gross Domestic
Happiness, a national consciousness which aims to meld the spiritual and cultural
with economic development. The hope is that this belief system will allow for modernization that allows for the self-selection of the best modernity has to offer in terms
of telecommunication, travel, access to information, but at the same time create an
economic development system that will be sustainable and culturally relevant.
In the past Bhutan, the land of the Thunder Dragon has been a comparatively
isolated country, in part because of its geographic location, sandwiched between
two giants, India and China within the Himalayan mountains, and in part because of
the desire of the nations leaders to maintain the pristine environment of the area and
harmony between its peoples. However, in the recent past, as a response to globalization and large technological advances, a shift has been made by the government
to make Bhutan more visible internationally with several trade delegations visiting
other countries as well as large-scale preparations for the official coronation of the
new king in 2008 and the switch from a monarchy to a democracy. In order to better
understand the nature of the higher educational system in Bhutan, a short overview
is needed of the entire educational system. Traditionally, the only formal educational
institutions available were monastic in nature. The educational model currently in
place growing from British and Indians models is comparable to the Western education model and is a relatively modern phenomenon. Education in Bhutan follows a
national curriculum and a little known fact is that the Western educational model
is taught in English with the exception of the national language, Dhzongka. The
Bhutanese education system has functioned in the following manner.
Gross Domestic Happiness was a term created by the fourth king of Bhutan
Jigme Singye Wangchuck in 1972 to refer to the Bhutanese system of development
in which holistic development using Buddhist philosophies was taken into account,
not just economic development. For example, total quality of life and happiness of

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the people was as important to Bhutanese development as financial gain, showing

an important relationship with the material and spiritual worlds. Gross Domestic
Happiness has four overarching themes: promotion of equitable and sustainable
socioeconomic development, preservation and promotion of cultural values, conservation of the natural environment, and establishment of good governance. These
themes are all integral to the Bhutanese identity, and development must support the
Bhutanese desire to preserve their culture and tradition. This idea has been key to
development in the country since opening to the world in 1961 and is evident in
all major Bhutanese development texts, such as the Government Master Planning
Document Bhutan 2020: A Vision of Peace, Prosperity and Happiness stating
the following:
We realized and accepted early that, while others may have considered us poor and backward, our future was firmly in our own hands and that the future we would build would be
the result of our won efforts. This independence of spirit and mind contributed to the formation of our distinctive Bhutanese identity. It has given us dignity and helped to shape a
common sense of purpose as a nation. (Bhutan 2020, p. 22)
This policy driver has also played into educational reforms and policy in the country as the educational system is seen as an important means for transmission of
values and norms as students spend on average 8 h a day within the school system.
While higher educational attainment does not necessarily equate to higher levels of
happiness, it does however raise the total human capital in the country. That said it
is important that the education system, especially higher education, adequately represents the wants and needs of the Bhutanese society as defined by the Bhutanese.
Bhutan is undergoing many changes in the near future as it switched to a democracy
in June 2008. The last few years have been a very interesting time for higher education in Bhutan as the government created the first, and thus far only, university in
the country in 2003. Until 2003 there was only one college in the entire Kingdom
of Bhutan complimented by several professional and vocational institutions which
can be compared to community colleges in the American sense because these
vocational schools have terminal diplomas achieved in 12 years revolving around
a specific skills set such as mechanics. This chapter aims to fill the much need gap
on literature about higher education in Bhutan.
Overview of Bhutanese Education

Higher education in Bhutan has been constantly evolving to meet the needs of the
changing population and public interest in higher education. As of 2003, individual
colleges and institutes have moved under the newly created umbrella institution
of the Royal University of Bhutan, a single university model which would absorb
all the various institutions that had existed before. With this change, there has
been a creation of new constitution, mission statement, and goals which will function to better serve the needs of the Bhutanese population. More postsecondary
opportunities were seen as necessary at this time because more and more students
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Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future
591
were completing secondary education, as educational attainment for all was a

major goal of the government and thus more spaces needed to be made available.
Additionally, as the country positions itself in the global economy with more and
more outside influences permeating the country, it was deemed necessary to have
a university that taught the values that would reflect that unique Bhutanese identity
and development goals including the maintenance of Gross Domestic Happiness as
a policy driver.
In Bhutan education is seen as a social responsibility that the government must
provide and therefore is free or with minimal fees for student welfare (such as
meals or books) through secondary school to attract as many students as possible.
Bhutan strives to achieve Universal Primary Education but faces many obstacles
by way of a majority rural population having to overcome harsh terrain and long
distances to reach schools as well as battling fierce weather such as monsoons. At
present, education through Grade 10 reaches approximately 60% of the total population and the goal is that by 2015, all the school-going population will have been
absorbed into the formal education system. The goal was to achieve universal primary education by 2007, although no official declarations have been made as of yet
as to the attainment of this goal. Education is fully subsidized by the Government
of Bhutan including books, tuition, uniform costs for those who need it for the
primary and secondary classes, and all school-going children are given entrance to
schools with the successful completion of grade-passing exams. The government
also subsidizes a limited number of seats in tertiary education. The weather and difficult terrain are cited as the main reasons students do not make it to school. There
are many efforts being undertaken to alleviate these problems such as the building
of new schools in outer areas that will limit the time and distance required to reach
school, thus making it easier to attend; in the recent past over 150 community
schools have been opened making it possible for rural children to attend school
within a 1 h walk from their home (UNICEF, 2008). In 1961 the average lifespan
of a Bhutanese was 35 years, and fewer than 500 students went to school. In 1968
only 20 students completed high school (Bhutan, 1999; Ezechieli, 2003; UNDP,
2005) By the end of 2005, life expectancy had risen to 62 years for men and 65
years for women (WHO, 2008), and in 2002, there was a 55% literacy rate and that
number is projected to increase to 95% by the year 2012 (Services, 2002). Taking
all the environmental challenges into consideration, Bhutan has a well-developed
preuniversity education system with primary and secondary education prior to the
university or tertiary education. Basic education in Bhutan is defined as a total of
11 years of education (primary plus 4). A visual representation of the educational
system is presented in Fig. 32.1.
Primary education consists of 7 years starting with the preprimary at age 6
(kindergarten grade by US standards). At the end of primary education, students
take a national exam created by the Bhutan Board of Exams, the All Bhutan
Primary Certificate Examination. Secondary education follows for the next 4 years
and can be broken down into Lower Secondary Schools and Middle Secondary
Schools. The students are given the option to take all 4 years at the Middle
Secondary Schools or split their time between the two schools staying for 2 years
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M. Gandhi
Fig. 32.1 General education structure
at each. Lower Secondary covers Grades 7 and 8 and is equated to the US junior
high. The Middle Secondary Schools, also known as higher secondary schools
cover Grades 9 and 10. Given the rugged terrain and far distances to travel, there
are a greater number of boarding school options in the higher grades so students
can choose to live near the campus. Students and their families make the decision to
choose to live at the boarding halls or other facilities. Residing at boarding schools
or in close proximity to schools makes the retention and completion rates higher
than those students to lose interest in school because of the long distances involved
in traveling. The government is also in the process of identifying sites for future
construction of primary boarding schools (Division, 2007B). National examinations must be completed at the end of Grades 8, 10, and 12. Completion of Class
10 completes basic education, upon which students may enroll in Higher Secondary
Schools for the US equivalent of Grades 11 and 12, also known as preuniversity in
certain high schools (LMU, 2008).
At this point there is also an option of attending a private Higher Secondary
School (LMU, 2008) often abroad at international schools for those who can afford
the tuition and cost of travel and living. According to the World Bank, in Bhutan
Grades 11 and 12 are also considered to be junior colleges (WB, 1998). This distinction of a separate Grades 11 and 12, often called college is based on the British
model of education and thus blurs the line between what we in the United States
see as higher education versus secondary education.
While the government has declared primary education to be compulsory, secondary education has yet to be declared compulsory. The government tries to absorb
the greatest number of students at all levels through subsidized education costs, but
the distance to schools for rural children is still a main concern, especially during
harsh weather seasons such as the monsoons. Those who successfully complete
secondary education and achieve the Grade 10 passing certificate can then move
on to higher secondary school. It is not uncommon for students to attend higher
secondary out of Bhutan in other places such as India or Thailand due to the lack
of available spaces within the country.
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In the K12 arena, there is a small percentage of private schools; as of 2007,

there are 24 private schools 7 higher secondary, 16 primary, and 1 lower secondary (Division, 2007B). The private schools serve 6,148 of the total 175,852 student
population, from community schools to tertiary education. There are no private
tertiary education institutes although the Royal University of Bhutan has signed
Memorandums of Understanding with several private universities worldwide such
as Wheaton University.
Higher Education
Until 2003 there was only one undergrad institution, Sherubtse College, located in
Bhutan which was affiliated with the University of Delhi, India, and many other
vocational institutes such as the National Institute of Education and the Royal
Bhutan Polytechnic at Deothang. The difference between Sherubtse College and
the many vocational schools under the Royal University of Bhutan is that vocational schools do not have degree-granting capability. Vocational institutes such
as the polytechnics only grant certificates. Additionally, the six vocational training
institutes as recognized by the royal government of Bhutan are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Labor and Human Resources. Given that the higher education opportunities within the country were so limited, many students who could
afford to leave the country chose to pursue higher education outside the country.
The creation of the Royal University of Bhutan was meant to provide a more internalized system of tertiary education that embodied Bhutanese economic goals and
cultural values, the Bhutanese often refer to this drive to remain true to cultural and
spiritual routes wholesome education. The driving forces for creating university
include creating a space to validate indigenous knowledge, provide a symbol for
the countrys sovereignty and identity, giving students and staff an opportunity to
learn a larger variety of subjects with more resources, and gain credibility in the
arena of international higher education. These goals are also important to provide
better resources for the vocational schools in terms of connecting with other educational resources in the country and working under a uniform governing body which
will eventually lead to the facilitation of moving between institutions.
There are several professional schools under the auspices of the Royal University
of Bhutan where students can enroll if they choose not to purse a bachelors degree
either abroad or at Sherubtse College (Bhutan, 2008A), the only undergraduate institution in Bhutan. In the past, popular places to pursue higher education have
been countries where English was the medium of instruction for higher education
such as Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Canada, Thailand, India,
Singapore, and the United States. As of 2006, a total of 102 students, 81 men and
21 women studied abroad under the auspices of the Royal Government of Bhutan
Scholarships. An additional 2,530 students pursued higher education abroad based
on private funding (Division, 2007A). The bulk of students go to India for higher
education as it is the most cost-efficient, both in terms of cost of tuition as well as
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proximity to Bhutan. The following units are affiliated with the Royal University
of Bhutan (Bhutan, 2008B):
The Royal Institute of Management (RIM) established in 1986 with the goal of
development management and public administration human resource capacity
in the country.
The Royal Institute of Health Sciences (RIHS) established in 1974 located in
Thimpu, offering both diplomas and certificate programs for nurses, medical
technicians, and primary care workers.
The Natural Resources Training Institute (NRTI) in Lobesa through the Ministry
of Agriculture offering diplomas in Training, Forestry, Animal Husbandry, and
Agriculture.
Institute for Language and Cultural Studies (ILCS), Semtokha was founded
in 1961 as a monastic school at Semthoka Dzong, and is now a full-fledged
degree-awarding institution specializing in preservation and promotion of
Bhutanese language and culture. Education and research at ILCS will guide the
nation in producing modern Bhutanese with traditional knowledge.
Paro College of Education (PCE), founded on November 4, 1975, not only trains
teachers but offers courses in the Bachelor of Education as well as taking on
national curriculum development and research facility.
National Institute of Traditional Medicine (NITM), Thimphu, specializes in
traditional medicine. The institute offers Bachelors programme for dungtshos
(traditional medical doctors) and Diploma programme for Mempas. The institute also coordinates training of pharmacy technicians and research assistants.
Royal University of Bhutan Samtse College of Education providing for B.Ed. in
primary and secondary education as well as a postgraduate certificate in education and long-distance education programs.
Jigme Namgyal Polytechnic offering diplomas in civil, mechanical, and electrical engineering.
In the case of Bhutan, it is often difficult to separate the various institutions of
higher education as the government has recently undergone efforts to place all institutes of higher education under the umbrella organization of the Royal University
of Bhutan. In order to understand the function of diploma programs in Bhutan, it is
necessary to have an understanding of the complete tertiary education system. These
vocational and technical units also allow students to complete nondegree diplomas
in certain subjects similar to the junior college function in the United States, but
also certain technical schools have provisions for complete degrees. Also, these
diploma-granting programs allow for continuing adult education for members of
the workforce such as the diploma functions at the Royal Institute of Management
which provides civil servants an opportunity for professional development.
The only students who are limited in upward mobility within the greater higher
education system at present are those who choose to pursue only technical diplomas
at certain vocational schools. There have been no provisions made at present for
the absorption of these students into the higher education system at a later date if
they choose to attend again; however, reabsorption of vocational students is an idea
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that is being discussed. Re-absorption is a term used equivalent to transferring in

the United States. The discussion of reabsorption is particularly important because
it provides a way for those who are currently kept out of the higher education
system to reenter that would be cost-efficient and take into consideration the full
range of prior educational experience, without having to start from scratch. The
knowledge gained at the vocational institutes would save both time and money for
students if a mechanism to properly transfer credit can be instituted. The higher
educational system in Bhutan is constantly evolving and the same institutions
often perform many functions at different points in time. For example, pre-1976
Sherubtse College was a junior college (2008) offering preuniversity classes, preparing students for future university matriculation outside of Bhutan. Then in 1983
Sherubtse itself became a full degree-granting institution as a college affiliated
with the University of Delhi system, and certain former junior college classes were
moved to be taught in high schools themselves. Sherubtse College grants degrees
in arts and commerce as well as in the sciences. At present it is the only liberal arts
institution in Bhutan, however with plans to expand facilities there are talks of a
second liberal arts college to be opened in 2008 (Overland, 2005). At present, His
Majesty the Fifth King of Bhutan Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck serves as
chancellor of the university, and vice-chancellor is Dasho (Dr.) Pema Thinley. The
fact that the king serves as chancellor of the university system shows as an attribute
to the importance placed on education in Bhutan, and shows the commitment of
the monarchy to lead their people forward in an era of globalization. His Majesty
the fifth king has remained chancellor even after the 2008 switch to democracy. As
Vice-Chancellor, Dasho Pema Thinley oversees daily administration at each of the
bodies of the Royal University of Bhutan, including the vocational schools under
the university umbrella. Additionally, students must choose their stream when
applying to higher education from a choice of commerce, arts, science, or general.
In addition students may leave the Western education mode to pursue vocational
training in arts and traditional handicrafts or pursue monastic education. Each
vocational school has a principal who oversees daily functions. Although Bhutan
has dedicated 1013% of the countrys total fund allocation each planning period
to education, in recent decades the Royal government has had to take loans from
international agencies such as the World Bank as well as other bilateral agencies
to keep up with the demand for educational facilities (UNESCO, 2008B). New
curriculum has been introduced for the subjects English, Math, and Dzongkha in
primary and secondary schools, and those teaching within the new curriculum will
be given strong orientation to the new methods (Division, 2007B). In 2004, a total
of 12.9% was allocated to education with 20% of that total for higher education
(UNESCO, 2008C). There is currently no further data explaining the further distribution of funds to each institute of higher education.
Currently, within the Royal University of Bhutan system, the following schools
most resemble community colleges, Jigme Namgyel Polytechnic and the College of
Natural Resources. These institutions each have their own campuses and residential
facilities but only grant diplomas, not degrees. The College of Natural Resources
grants diplomas in Animal Husbandry, Forestry, and Agriculture. Students may
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matriculate after successfully passing the Grade 12 exams. The diploma program
lasts between 23 years. Jigme Namgyel Polytechnic offers diplomas in civil,
mechanical, and electrical engineering. Other institutes within the Royal University
of Bhutan offer a both diplomas and degrees, taking on characteristics of both
community colleges as well as full degree-granting institutions. At present, there is
discussion as to how to successfully convert diplomas to degrees if students wish to
continue their education. Vocational schools for subjects such as weaving and traditional crafts however are still considered terminal and those students do not have
a mechanism for reabsorption into the higher education system as students in these
schools do not have to complete any fixed level of secondary education. Students
may choose to attend their vocational schools at any point in time if they choose to
not pursue the Western educational system. These diploma-granting institutions are
integral in providing higher education opportunities for those who complete Grade
12 successfully and can no secure funding to pursue a 4-year degree. By completing
the diploma, graduates of these institutions can still find successful careers in fields
that are more hands-on, such as forestry or agriculture, and provide an avenue for
access to higher education that may otherwise have not been attainable for a large
portion of the population who cannot afford to go overseas or did not make high
enough scores in the Grade 12 passing exams to secure a seat at one of the internal
degree-granting institutions.
Higher Education and Modernization

As Bhutan moves forward in an era of modernization, one of the main concerns is
how to modernize yet at the same time, preserve its cultural identity and heritage.
With many more students going abroad for tertiary education to countries such
as India, Thailand, the United States, and Australia, as well as an influx of new
cultural phenomenon such as cable television bringing non-Bhutanese thoughts
and culture constantly into the country, there is increased concern that Bhutanese
culture needs to be at the forefront of higher education discussions. Local people
as well as policymakers feel that this is important as one Bhutanese mentioned,
I think a lot is changing because of television and travel. It isnt the same here as
it was even 10 years ago when I was growing up. A distinction also has to be made
to say that modernization and maintenance of culture and tradition are not mutually exclusive (Bhutan, 1999). For those that could afford it, students went abroad
for higher secondary (11th and 12th standard) to schools such as the Woodstock
International School in Mussoorie, India, in order to better prepare for college
entrance abroad, as Sherubtse had only limited seats available for students and was
not as highly recognized abroad. Historically, the education system in Bhutan was
closely pegged to the Indian educational system which was in turn based on the
British system of education; but in the recent past, Bhutan has been moving to create its own educational initiatives, standards, and goals that are more reflective of
the Bhutanese culture and spirit. Some of these changes have even included a shift
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away from traditional rote learning to more activity-based learning such as the use
of group projects and other interactive learning methods. As stated in the constitution and founding principles of the Royal University of Bhutan, a well-developed
higher education system that helped preserve the cultural identity of Bhutan and
allowed for more access was needed.
Being a microstate in this day and age, a question at the forefront of most higher
education officials is how to best achieve these goals in a manner that is equitable
for all parties involved. Also, Bhutan has the unique position to be able to look to a
variety of other developed educational systems such as that of the United States and
Australia as they move forward in developing their own higher education system.
The question that education officials grapple with is how best to achieve an educational system that will stay true to the spiritual and cultural needs of the country,
how to stay true to the countrys needs as well as prepare for a globalized world.
One way to see the best of both worlds is at the School for Traditional Medicine
where modern facilities are used hand in hand with traditional practices as
there is great value recognized in that which is traditional, demonstrated by the high
demand for traditional medicine by the greater population.
With more and more students going to school, there is also a change in students
expectations for careers post education. In the past, those who were not educated in
the Western system did not mind working on farmland in rural areas. Now, however,
as rural children rise through the education pipeline, they are unhappy continuing
life on the farm and seek white-collar jobs with the government (Ezechieli, 2003).
There is however a limited number of spaces for these jobs, and it is a struggle policymakers are trying to iron out. In this particular example, higher education does
not necessarily equate with greater happiness as there is then an expectation that
students who have it will get white-collar jobs when this is not a guarantee. This is
a current topic of discussion amongst educational policymakers as to how to better
level the expectations for jobs attained post graduation and the jobs currently available. Policymakers are trying to think of ways to better interest students into careers
that are in need of people. Some policymakers see the adaptation of a junior college
model with more options in the vocational and technical arenas as a way to combat
the mismatch between jobs available and jobs sought.
Models for Comparison

As higher education in Bhutan evolves, educators in this field as well as government
officials are looking to evaluate different educational models around the world. One
of the models that educators are looking at is the community college system of the
United States. Currently students who choose to enter vocational schools, such as
those for weaving and traditional handicrafts are tracked into a separate terminal
program leading to certificates. Once this certificate level has been reached, the
students education is complete. Students can enter the vocational school after
Grade 10 and can finish their education at that school in 12 years. However, the
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credits earned toward the certificate are nontransferable and thus the student is
at a disadvantage if he or she ever chooses to pursue a traditional 4-year degree,
because there is currently no reabsorbing mechanism which would give credit to
what was learned at the vocational level. That student then has to somehow finish
the requirements for Grades 11 and 12 and then reapply to the Royal University of
Bhutan. The Bhutanese government also has a very close educational relationship
with the government of Australia and their higher education organizational system is also being compared. In particular, an area to consider from the Australian
higher education system is the way even vocational schooling is able to seamlessly
transfer into degree-granting higher education programs. Currently, the American
community college model is something that is appealing because it would cut cost
tremendously for those who cannot afford to pay the fees for international travel,
and provide a mechanism to catch those students who can not be absorbed into
the Bhutanese educational system as of now. These issues were mentioned during
informal conversations with practitioners at the Royal Institute of Management in
August 2007 as avenues that warrant further inspection in the future, but currently
priority has been given to making the transition from the various institutes of higher
education with separate governing bodies to one large system, the Royal University
of Bhutan with one governing body.
Funding
While the government has managed to fund education for all who choose to take
advantage of it up to this point, it will not be able to maintain this with the growing population. Educational expansion in Bhutan has also largely been aided by
international organizations such as the World Bank, Asian Development Bank,
and other bilateral organizations. Certificate and diploma programs that are now
offered at technical schools can perhaps be moved to be housed under the community college model, especially if the Royal University of Bhutan arranges for these
students to have an opportunity at a later date to carry those units and expertise
toward a traditional 4-year degree. This will save not only time but also money for
those that choose to continue their education further. This system can also help to
give incentive for people to continue in the vocational track thus helping to solve
the mismatch between jobs that are open versus jobs that people want if they can
apply their vocational school units and knowledge base to a more traditional higher
education degree such as a bachelors of art or science at a future point in time
of their choice. Officials are working to create a uniform system of benchmarks
to help uniform this process not only between vocational schools and traditional
higher education institutes but also professional postgraduate certificate programs
that can then be applied toward masters programs for example. Conversations with
various education practitioners in Bhutan (August 2007) have shown that there is
much interest in how to better meet the demands for higher education in Bhutan by
entertaining a variety of different higher education expansion options.
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Staffing and Employment

Many higher education practitioners hope that there will be a more comprehensive
and united system in the future that will also take into greater consideration issues
of compensation and time for educators. Bhutan has a unique situation unlike many
other countries in which educators are also considered to be civil servants. With
this in mind, there is a large misfit in relation to the kinds of jobs available and
the kind of jobs that civil servants are seeking. Although teaching is a noble and
honorable profession, just like in the United States, many professors feel underpaid
and overworked. This is one of the reasons that there are a very limited number of
opportunities for higher education in Bhutan, as there are not enough professors for
the demographically young population which is causing surge in school attendance
and matriculation. Also, all students take an exit exam and the top performers usually opt for other jobs outside of teaching. Across the board, no matter what at what
institution professors and teachers were asked, the uniform answer is that teaching
professionals are underpaid and overworked, with little time for individual research
and development. Currently, higher education faculty tend to hold at minimum a
bachelor, most have a masters, especially if teaching at the professional institutes
such as the National Institute of Education, and more recently there is a push for
faculty to have Doctoral degrees, however that is still not the standard as it is difficult to find qualified individuals to teach at the university (RIM, 2008). Positions
in higher education include the ranks of Senior Lecturer, Associate Lecturer, and
Lecturer. In November 2006, there were 632 staff members in Bhutan, consisting of
337 teaching staff and 295 nonteaching staff (Bhutan, 2005). There are hopes that
with privatization as a viable educational alternatives and the new higher education
initiatives however, that this situation will be ameliorated.
Student Life
The rugged terrain of Bhutan makes it essential to have boarding schools and/or
residential facilities cost-efficient and accessible to provide a place for students
who come to attend specific colleges and institutes who live far away from the site
of study. For example, the National Resources Training Institute is quite removed
from the two larger cities of Paro and Thimpu, and, therefore, many students who
attend this program live in residence halls. Student life in Bhutan is much more
structured than their American counterparts with very little free time. Students
are expected to participate in numerous group activities including group fitness
and study time in addition to mandatory attendance for academic classes. Tertiary
education, just like primary and secondary also follows a 6-day per week schedule, limiting students free time even further. This is very different from higher
education models in the West where college is seen as a chance for students to
become more independent by choosing their own schedules and activities. The
residential living component is also thought to be an integral part of maintaining the
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Bhutanese cultural identity (Sinha, 2001) and is something that is not usually found
at American junior colleges. However, no matter how restrictive these limitations to
student life may seem, based on personal observation and discussions with a class
at the National Resources Training Institute (August 2007), the students also have
many of the same pastimes as their Western counterparts looking forward to watching movies in their spare time, hanging out with friends, and visiting the local town.
When I asked what they hope to change at their institution, just like most students
everywhere in the 1821 demographic interested in dating and meeting members of
the opposite sex, one young man responded, Miss, we wish there were more girls
at our school, at which point the handful of female students blushed.
Conclusion
The planned switch from a traditional monarchy to a monarchic democracy is a
momentous occasion for everyone from local populations to education officials.
This is an important time for the nation, as heads will turn to see the fate of Bhutan
as it evolves under this new system focusing on many issues such as privatization,
education, and the intersection of these two systems. As one of a handful of microstates in the world, in an era of expansion, Bhutan is taking its time to carefully
evaluate a wide variety of higher education systems in the world in order to create
a system that will help to preserve its cultural and spiritual identity as well as meet
the needs of its growing population to have better access to education that can be
comparable to other well-known educational systems.
The Royal Government of Bhutan has taken great care to plan for the countrys
future with the series of Five-Year Plans and if the developmental plan of action
as documented in this series is followed through, the people of Bhutan are sure to
see great changes in their future which will allow for a greater ease of access to
education nationwide at all levels.
References
Bhutan, R. G. o. (1999). Bhutan: http:www.unescobkk.org/fileadmin/user_upload/efa/EFA_MDA/
SEA_MDA_workshop_NOV06/bhutan_presentation.ppt
Bhutan 2020: A Vision for Peace, Prosperity, and Happiness. P. C. R. G. o. Bhutan. Thimpu, Royal
Government of Bhutan.
Bhutan, R. U. o. (2005). Royal University of Bhutan Annual Report 2005. Retrieved March 15,
2007, from http://www.rub.edu.bt/path.php?action=Report_2005.
Bhutan, R. U. o. (2008a). Royal University of Bhutan Sherubtse College. Retrieved August 13,
2008, from http://www.sherubtse.edu.bt/.
Bhutan, R. U. o. (2008b). Royal University of Bhutan. Retrieved August 1, 2008, from http://
www.rub.edu.bt/.
Division, M. o. E. P. a. P. (2007a). General Statistics, 2007. M. o. E. P. a. P. Division, Royal
Government of Bhutan.
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Division, P. a. P. (2007b). 26th Education Policy Guidelines and Instructions. M. o. Education,

Royal Government of Bhutan.
Ezechieli, E. (2003). Beyond Sustainable Development: Education for Gross National Happiness
in Bhutan. Education. Palo Alto, Stanford, MA: 133.
LMU. (2008). Bhutan Education System, from www.lmu.edu/globaled/wwcu/background/bt.rtf
Overland, M. A. (2005). Bhutan Plans Second Liberal-Arts College to Meet Demand. The
Chronicle of Higher Education 51(45): A41.
RIM. (2008). Royal Institute of Management Faculty and Staff. Retrieved March 1, 2008, from
http://www.rim.edu.bt/AboutRIM/FacStaf.htm.
Services, R. G. o. B. M. o. S. (2002). Ninth Five Year Plan Education Sector 20032007. M. o. S.
Services, Royal Government of Bhutan.
Sinha, A. C. (2001). Himalayan Kingdom Bhutan: Tradition, Transition and Transformation. New
Delhi, Indus.
UNDP. (2005). UNDP in Bhutan. Retrieved February 10, 2008, from http://www.undp.org.bt/.
UNESCO. (2008a). Introduction Bhutan. Retrieved March 25, 2007, from http:www.unescobkk.
org/fileadmin/user_upload/efa/EFA_MDA/SEA_MDA_workshop_NOV06/bhutan_presentation.ppt.
UNESCO. (2008b). National Report on the Development of Education. Retrieved February 20,
2008, from http://www.ibe.unesco.org/International/ICE47/English/Natreps/reports/bhutan.pdf.
UNESCO. (2008c). UIS Statistics in Brief - Bhutan. Retrieved February 15, 2008, from http://
stats.uis.unesco.org/unesco/TableViewer/document.aspx?ReportId=121&IF_Language=
eng&BR_Country=640.
UNICEF. (2008). UNICEF Bhutan - The Big Picture. Retrieved February 19, 2008, from http://
www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bhutan_background.html.
WB. (1998). Second Education Project in Bhutan Supports Governments Drive to Enroll
All School-Age Children. Retrieved September 25, 2008, from http://web.worldbank.org/
WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/SOUTHASIAEXT/BHUTANEXTN/0,,contentMDK:
20016491menuPK:64282138pagePK:41367piPK:279616theSitePK:306149,00.html.
WHO. (2008). Bhutan. Retrieved March 30, 2008, from http://www.who.int/countries/btn/en/.
Chapter 33
Globalization Theory and Policy Implications

for Community College Leaders
Robert A. Frost
Introduction
Just as the long historical process of globalization affects the operating environments
of emerging community colleges around the world, so too does it impact colleges
in all parts of the United States. College leaders in societies throughout the world
have witnessed shifts in manufacturing to service to knowledge-based economies,
cultural and linguistic shifts in service populations, and the pace of technology
advance to the point where knowledge emerges not in lines and clean facts, but
in swirls of new information, ideas, and possibilities. As a result, these external
influences have a dramatic effect on the leadership climate in community colleges,
presenting unusual challenges and decision-making scenarios. This chapter utilizes
the term college leader without regard to national or state systems, but in doing
so is referring to community-based, pre-baccalaureate, higher education, and public
college leaders.
Other chapters in this book offer details on neighbors much nearer than
many would have realized even a decade ago, representing potential partners,
learners, and even our very teachers in this expanding global learning environment. The policy and original data presented here indicate how the demands of
college leadership have intensified just as globalization has intensified through
both geopolitical power shifts (be it fall of Soviet bloc or rise of Islamic fundamentalism) and telecommunications and computer technologies. Second,
the chapter outlines policy considerations for leaders to make the most of the
emerging global learning and service environment. Community and educational
leaders can no longer operate on a strictly local, or internal level, as so many
influences on both learners and economic stability depend on the continuous and
open exchange of information and other resources. The hope is that readers will
connect the applicable cases in this book with the larger, often global, challenges
we face within our state, provincial, national, and transnational systems. In order
to do that, a brief description of the many ways globalization manifests its influences is necessary. As a result of presenting the above, the concluding analysis
reveals policy considerations for community college leaders in this emerging
global service area.

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Globalization as Both a Historical and Immediate Process

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) did not cause an immediate
elimination of US manufacturing jobs. Nor did inviting increased numbers of
Mexicans into the United States during World War II (to help with both harvests
and war production) hurt agribusiness. European economies are booming today
as a result of connectivity and open border policies set in motion in the twentieth
century. Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and several other Latin American countries have
made recent progress in both educational reforms for workforce development as
they simultaneously adapt to the rigors of global trade networks. Few can deny that
decisions leaders made both 60 and 16 years ago impact our lives in unpredictable
ways today. Mexicans, of course, have a very different view of both NAFTA and
US border history. Europe turned similar historical pages when invitations were
made to central and eastern neighbors to join in this bold new European Union.
Are Russians, Americans, or Chinese aware of the dramatic changes this union
will unleash? How might we look back on this historical union, made in peace,
100 years from now? Such is the way globalization works: many decisions, actions,
and steps taken, occasional chaotic events, and yet changes appear only in subtle
and hard-to-predict forms across historical time.
Philosophers as diverse as Adam Smith and Karl Marx recognized that many
powerful influences labor, capital, ideas could flow from one land to the next
and no human force could seal off borders that others treated as open. For all
its suffering through human rights abuses and economic embargoes, for decades
even Cuba has managed to trade beyond the restrictions of US imposed sanctions.
However, and unfortunately, the term globalization has been used rather loosely
to mean the world perceived as one social space (see Levin, 2001); are Havana,
Chicago, Santiago, Hong Kong, and Jakarta even remotely close to being one social
space? Hardly. Globalization is therefore a contested term; we all agree it exists, but
the extent to which it exists and in what forms it manifests power and influence is
much more subtle. In the words of Thomas Friedman, [t]his thing called globalization can explain more things in more ways than anything else (Pink, 2005, p. 1).
For higher education leaders to embrace concepts like globalization, they must
also consider its manifestations, risks, and rewards, as there are many bumps in the
long road toward a truly global education community. Globalization theory does
help answer many complex questions leaders face, and it provides a framework for
imagining future education scenarios. It is in this leadership context that the definition and framework are provided below.
Globalization as a Concept, Defined and Expanded

But just as the above seems obvious, so are there overstatements and predictions associated with globalization. All it takes is travel to a remote, landlocked,
and technology-starved nation like Bolivia to see that, even while Friedman was
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605
correct in identifying globalization as the new world order (Friedman, 1999), the
world is nowhere near flat as he later described, to indicate how globalization,
through shared technology, is leveling the playing field (Friedman, 2005). Thus,
globalization is contested, largely because scholars across the natural and social
sciences have so many views on its limits and manifestations. Waters defined globalization as a social process in which the constraints of geography on economic,
political, social and cultural arrangements recede, in which people become
increasingly aware that they are receding, and in which people act accordingly
(Waters, 2001, p. 5). Waters definition offers general elements in this process, but
details remain sketchy on how we should act accordingly. The additions below
consider how to we might act accordingly in a leadership capacity.
Globalization fits very neatly within open systems theories (Katz and Kahn,
1966; Senge, 1990, 2006), in this case meaning that colleges are strongly influenced by their external environments. A colleges survival is much more dependent
upon the networks and associations that draw resources into it, than by internal
quotidian operations. While managers may be concerned with the day-to-day
activities, leaders preoccupy themselves with ensuring a viable future. To thrive
in a globalized education environment, even as leaders recognize external changes
impacting colleges, they also prioritize their colleges (external) responses to globalization. Seen in this context, colleges are actors in their own destiny, seeking
resources and partnerships with others, and thus creating the potential to shape that
destiny. How community college leaders help to shape that destiny depends on the
associations they forge with external networks and partners. It is these networks,
described here as a global service area, that draw information, human capital, funding, technology, and other resources within usable reach. It is these resources that
bring a sustainable future within reach of their colleges and communities.
Toward a Comprehensive Globalization Theory

From an online search utilizing amazon.com, Google, and search engines within
the Oregon State University Library system, there are hundreds of book titles that
include the term globalization. Indeed, after tracking new titles that included the
term globalization informally for nearly 10 years, Fazal Rizvi, a globalization
expert and professor of Education Policy Studies at the University of IllinoisUrbana-Champaign, finally stopped after 500 (Rizvi, 2005). By then, despite the
critics, it was obvious the phenomenon was real.
Nevertheless, while globalization exists, there is no agreement on a definition
or theory that encompasses all aspects of globalization. The list below represents
a theory of globalization developed over 2 years of reviewing globalization literature from the fields of education, economics, sociology, and other social sciences
disciplines, and includes the work of educators, scholars, and government policymakers from five countries. While many additional points could be added, the list
below is presented as an early meta-theory of globalization. These points illustrate
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the widely accepted views today that globalization theorists have developed over
the past 20 years. The theorists added to each are a minimal few for those seeking
further reference to each item.
1. Capitalism is the engine of globalization (Braudel, 1992; Waters, 2001).
2. Global production practices increase competition, monopolization, and consumption (Friedman, 1999; Slaughter, 1998; Steger, 2002).
3. Globalization further enables producers to relocate to low-cost production centers (Chomsky, 1999; Friedman, 2005).
4. Expanding production becomes synonymous with modernization. Attempts
to question modernization are considered counterproductive or regressive
(Slaughter, 1998; Stromquist, 2002).
5. Local authority decreases as education, production, and political arrangements
occur outside the control of any locality (Lasch, 1995; Stiglitz, 2002).
6. Deruralization occurs over time as people migrate in search of work (Reich,
1991; Wallerstein, 1984; Waters, 2001).
7. Asymmetries of information are magnified as data access, new technologies,
financial, and other knowledge provide competitive advantages (Stiglitz, 2002).
8. Nation-states uphold transnational practices and intersocietal linkages (Altbach,
2003; Waters, 2001).
9. Instant communications technologies are critical to the development of these
transnational practices (Stiglitz, 2002; Stromquist, 2002).
The sum of the features above indicates a highly turbulent, even chaotic, operating
environment for community, technical, and similar colleges with a historically
local orientation. But in chaos, there are also continuous opportunities for renewal
and growth, through continuous adaptation. The following descriptions offer just a
few examples of how each of the above features could impact colleges and influence their response. The numbers in parentheses highlight to which point above the
statements refer. For example, the first two (1, 2) highlight the fact that colleges
produce not only workers to support an economic system, but also consumers who
are social agents within that system. Will we educate citizens to consume more,
conserve more, or be apathetic to the limits of our planet?
As Friedman and many others have noted, (3) communications and various
technologies make relocation easier, thus displacing and reorganizing citizens at
all levels of the economy. How will college leaders incorporate this challenge into
their work? How can leaders prepare a community to be lay-off free? One answer
lies in expanding the Web of partnerships that exist between colleges, workplaces,
political offices, and social agencies with the goal of achieving planned growth.
Consider how companies choose locations; the formula combines all of these areas
and emphasizes the level of community education. So a community can modernize
(4) without compromising values as long as it is willing to make partnerships
without respect to cultural or native idiosyncrasies (5).
Community education centers in this context become key components to building learning and working communities that can respond positively to the continuous
change of twenty-first century life. Indeed, the cultural context, the very learning
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that is associated with cultural transmission, values, and community health, is the
key item that integrates the above features into a successful future. The cultural
context is perhaps the one missing, and yet unknown, principle in the above list.
Will humans be able to prioritize maintenance and strengthening of cultural values
and social norms as the technological advances and the mobility of work wreak
havoc on the traditions of family, religious, and other community values? It is just
as likely that common cultural values will be the very glue that continues to bind
people together in the face of economic upheavals. Education leaders may be the
key individuals to stress the symbiotic relationship between economic and cultural
advancement.
As Robert Reich (1991) and numerous other scholars have indicated, rural and
small-town life will be stressed, if information flows in the global age stop at the
world cities. Economically we have already witnessed this as manufacturing has
moved to transportation hubs, low-cost labor centers, and locations with the most
modern communications infrastructure. Successful knowledge communities prioritize not only a strong business opportunity, but also diverse arts and aesthetics
that all support pleasure in lifelong learning. Such communities include some college towns in the United States, cities like Queretaro and San Miguel de Allende
in Mexico, Cordoba, Argentina, Bali, Indonesia, as well as cities like Capetown,
South Africa, or Dubai in the United Arab Emirates. In all these places, learning,
libraries, community arts, and applied technologies interact in association with
local cultural norms. In a future scenario where only a part-time work life may
be possible, will education centers like those above expand elsewhere to promote
healthy lifelong learning, renewal, and retraining? While often the research on
globalization prioritizes the economic, it is critical to recognize the role public arts,
community theatre, writing and oral history workshops, as well as heritage learning (the passing on of historical knowledge and traditional technologies) all play
in keeping strong community bonds. Thus, cultural transmission is not only good
for developing an economic knowledge community, but also for sustaining the very
population. The growth of community colleges globally is a key advance in this
integration of culture, learning, work, and lifelong development.
As economies grow, instilling the value of lifelong learning while simultaneously offering various pathways into learning opportunities can vastly improve
population stability in rural spaces. Deruralization (6), increasingly a social as well
as an environmental threat, must be met by economic and social incentives that
connect rural networks and reinforce rural life. Whether western Argentina, central
Wyoming, or Mongolia, this is difficult without extensive publicprivate cooperation. Spatial and population challenges must be met through ties that bind beyond
mere economic incentives. Knowledge networks may grow into economic partnerships, but the past suggests that pursuing production opportunities has not always
helped rural areas develop stable growth. Rural college and community leaders for
this reason are in the vanguard of forming creative regional development initiatives
that enable economies to mature from (for example) natural resource exploitation to
sustainable practices like timber farming, ecotourism, wind and other natural power
sources, as well as technology-driven, just-in-time manufacturing.
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Like many futuristic movies, often it is easier to see elements of fear in the future
than to imagine opportunity. This is the work of leaders. For example, even as the
above identifies increasingly monopolistic behaviors, so does it also show that,
through the work of nation-states and instant communications, both information
sharing and maintenance of legal frameworks are not elements of the past. This
is due to (7) the above; competition without similar tools, technology, or currency
does not produce a flat world. Friedman emphasizes urban spaces in India, China,
and similar examples that include like technologies, trade balances, and education
access. In a truly globalized world, (8) there will still be much planning work for
governments and education leaders to temper adverse effects of global competition.
Small communities too will further specialize, evaluate essential technologies, and
concentrate their economic investments to assure stable growth. Two examples
illustrate this point.
Fifteen years ago, development experts struggled for answers on how small
communities in South Asia (particularly in India and Bangladesh) and Central
Africa would keep up into the information age. Through cooperative planning
between governments, academic experts, and development specialists, micro-credit
lending programs grew from a trickle to a wave of projects, showing better repayment records, and greater impact on small business, than the large-scale, and often
graft-ridden, structural lending programs of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
and other international lenders (Yunus, 1999, 2007). For such programs to work,
it takes bold partnerships between ideas people like Jeffrey Sachs (2005), lending
agencies, and education leaders, to be at the ready when mass-level skills training
is required. Understanding credit repayment systems, raising quality production
standards, or completing large physical infrastructure improvements (hydroelectric
power, communications and electricity grids or wind farms, for example) all require
the active participation and vision of education leaders.
Higher and technical education in southern Africa historically has been challenged by funding shortfalls, distance, and loss of intellectual capital through
outward migration. Rather than try to place a community/technical college equidistant between small communities, an economic impossibility, planners decided to
leapfrog traditional campus models and build a virtual higher education crossroads
that would link scholars, learners, and communities. Today, the African Virtual
University (2008) offers distance learning opportunities in over 15 countries,
in several languages, and links learners to low-cost courses offered in Europe,
Australia, the United States, and elsewhere. While on the surface this would appear
to support Friedmans flat world, there is little doubt this occurs only through the
synergies created by the determination of education, government, and development
organizations planning efforts. In short, the bold vision of educators and development specialists were required to level this field.
As the examples and (9) point above show, colleges and similar education
resource centers have great value as places where technology and knowledge storehouses act as the nerve centers of ideas and growth. This idea has been tried and
tested since the 1970s in US community colleges (Gleazer, 1980) admittedly not
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always with great success (Brint and Karabel, 1989; Dougherty, 1999; Dougherty
and Bakia, 2000). However, now is the time for an intergenerational dialogue to
occur on how to reassert community-based education as a new global community
engine for economic and social stability. Most importantly, even as new investments in technologies and increasing competition make cooperation ever more
important, leaders should take heart that the above advances in the United States,
Latin America, Central Africa, Bangladesh, and elsewhere all happen through our
current nation-state system of laws, treaties, credit systems, and longstanding public policies. In short, this is no time to lose confidence. Education leaders regardless
of location will need to position their institutions at the intersections of commerce,
culture, and technology transfers to gain the most connectivity and knowledge to
benefit their local quality of life.
What Can Be Done to Enhance a Communitys Future?

Given the above details of how globalization actually affects local college environments, what actions will improve a communitys future in the emerging global age?
An initial response to the question can be offered through findings from a multisite case study with leaders at five US Midwestern, and mostly rural, community
colleges (Frost, 2005). Analysis of the above expanded definition, and the actions
identified below, will lead to the policy considerations that conclude the chapter.
The list, constructed from college leaders responses, includes:
1. Curriculum planning includes considerations of preparing graduates for work in
multilingual, multinational, borderless industries.
2. Business training is designed to help a local firm or facility compete (or partner)
with an international competitor.
3. Resource acquisition seeks funds from nontraditional sources, including contracts, grants, gifts, and social partnerships (nongovernment organizations
(NGOs) ) to increase global competitiveness and profile. All education constituencies must both partner and learn to accept new entrepreneurial approaches to
education.
4. Outreach includes novel differentiation of products and services in order to
reach distant student, corporate, or even extra-national trade authorities.
5. Communications technology training supports a pace to maintain competitiveness with external technology and business community pressures.
6. The community definition expands to support ongoing training needs of workers continuously at risk for displacement due to migration of industry to low-cost
labor sources.
7. College leadership is predisposed to consider multiple external influences in
decision making, including rival colleges, lower-cost labor sources in other countries, attracting relocating corporations, and even how decisions might affect
international student flows.
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8. Regional partners prioritize efforts at rural colleges to stem migration to world

cities.
9. Decouple funding from individual students so that migration allows for equitable
instruction, particularly to support foreign languages offered, level of dominant
language of instruction services (like ESL), intercultural communications in the
classroom, and other sociocultural phenomena.
The first four items above identify that acquiring external resources are key to an
organizations survival. This should inform our policy decisions through the application of one simple truth: Colleges are economic, social (educational), and cultural
agents for their local communities. As a result, every management decision must
be based on improving a colleges ability to act to improve the communitys global
position; to improve students motivation to learn new ways to process and redistribute knowledge; and to root the most fundamental cultural values into the learning process. Such core management principles promote community, education, and
economic development, and expose day-to-day prescriptive management as a key
flaw in globalizing a college. But how does this inform our policy decisions? As
the rural case study shows, economic, social, and educational development are so
tightly interconnected, that it is unlikely one will occur without the other in any
cultural or national context.
These descriptions from practitioners indicate a growing awareness that globalization, over time, results in broad societal changes political, cultural, and informational as well. Among the participants, there were some who saw globalization
as progress. Most saw it as inevitable. Leaders in this study were highly articulate
in how their community had changed as a result of global influences and how asymmetries of information had changed their economic domain, especially through
migration of educated residents, loss of high-wage positions, replacement of locally
owned businesses with large national or multinational chains, and the resultant loss
of revenue to both the college and community. However, even as the leaders offered
responses to competitive influences, so too did they indicate how the community
college could play a highly beneficial role in an increasingly global society.
Policy Considerations in the Emerging Global Service Area

Today community colleges manage diverse local needs while navigating on the
open seas of global higher education, where (as shown above) student migrations,
intellectual capital, knowledge networks, and virtual universities all interact at
diverse and often unpredictable events and moments. But, just as Weick (1976)
recognized the enactment process, where an organization gave agency to the external environment, Levin (2001) indicates that a colleges global context is not only
defined by external pressures, but also: the global context has become internalized,
both reflected in and reproduced by the ideology of economic efficiency, productivity, and the commodification of education and training (p. 13). Thus, policy must
33
611
include an outreach process, but also an introspective, and yes, critical evaluation
of our own realities and potential. As education leaders, we have an opportunity to
not only witness, but to make the future as well.
Community colleges and similar community-centered education centers historically have been conceptualized in nearly every location as local institutions.
However, throughout time these centers have been a part of that slow, historical
process called globalization. In the current era, thanks to numerous new technologies and expansion of capitalism as the global economic system, the pace of
globalization also is expanding at an unprecedented rate. In order for community
colleges to thrive in the twenty-first century, leaders will need to consider bold new
investments and take considerable risks to advance their institutions and communities. The following list emphasizes policy options and roles for college leaders:
1. Colleges must prioritize the binding of international relationships with colleges,
communities, and companies into global service networks.
2. Curriculum areas will need to integrate global service networks. This happens
in many ways including: linking intercultural and vocational skills; assignments
in all courses that link workgroups across time, space, and language gaps; and
by applying learning synergies to real social, economic, and environmental
problems.
3. Curriculum efforts recognize the critical role of culture and aesthetics in public
life. Creativity and pleasure occur as social outgrowths of positive public experience; in this regard, colleges can emphasize their role as creativity catalysts by
designing and promoting use of innovative learning spaces. This policy is more
in response to the individualizing nature of many new technologies, and recognition that humans remain social beings.
4. Strategic plans integrate the work of faculty and community leaders through
curriculum, future planning, and international education objectives. This policy
requires a reconsideration of the role of faculty in the twenty-first century for
many educational systems.
5. Increase the number of boundary-spanning agents who can support community education development. Traditionally, colleges have employed an international education director to act as a roving diplomat, or entrepreneur, to bring
home international opportunities. Today, colleges must recognize what universities have been doing for years, promoting faculty roles to allow for development and community agency on an international level. Many national systems
relegate faculty roles to part-time or classroom teachers. Such positions are too
limited to be effective in a global organization without agents who connect these
part-time faculties to a larger mission of long-term social development.
6. The above requires the system (US community colleges are often led by district
trustees or a state board) to appoint highly sophisticated leaders. Leaders today
must have the capacity to support; entrepreneurial faculty; long-term (over
10 years) development objectives; complex financial arrangements that involve
publicprivate partnerships; and be of high social intelligence capable of interpreting intercultural and multilingual leadership environments. Will community
612
R.A. Frost
colleges have the ability to prioritize the talents of a bilingual, nonnative leader
over a locally raised native son? Can trustees forge co-presidencies where
natives and new agents lead global development campaigns? There are many
new leadership scenarios possible in the emerging global service area.
7. Modernize and mix language laboratories with other growth incubators to
prioritize: social engagement and world communications. Indeed, whole new
approaches to raising children in multilingual environments is the real need,
but for adult learning, at a minimum, we must meld together language learning
applications with truly functional activities like making friends, satisfying intercultural curiosities, communicating with a coworker across the world, or meeting a potential business partner. These can only happen through learning within
language-rich environments. Currently, colleges can do this through a one-stop
language laboratory where multilingual students, computer-assisted voice and
video technologies, and language software all work together to support communications across national and other borders.
If there is one thing this chapter emphasizes, it is the priority of focusing college
energies on resource acquisition. As funding withers at the state level, colleges
must increasingly attract diverse, independent funding streams toward community
education. College leaders have many roles, but in recent years much attention has
been given to the leader, or president, as chief development officer. While presidents must cultivate external relationships, primarily they must serve as transformational leaders to a new class of entrepreneurial, global-thinking faculty. Organizing,
freeing, and then managing this class of worker to build the new knowledge and
resource networks as described above will be the key to sustaining long-term
growth and prosperity in the community colleges of tomorrow.
Conclusions
This chapter was written for college leaders regardless of national origin with the
express purpose of boiling the essential arguments and challenges associated with
globalization into a format for future policy considerations. Leaders need historical
grounding and contemporary frameworks to construct likely future scenarios and
the vision to lead. Few can argue there is a strong impetus to improve the quality of
our management of public education, human, and financial resources. In previous
generations, there was both time and distance between local actors and the larger
world; time to delay decisions and distance to discourage innovation. The findings and policy considerations presented in this study offer community education
leaders action items to create their own future scenarios. With the rapid pace of
contemporary globalization, there is little doubt that todays leadership decisions
will strongly influence the long-term interconnectivity of global knowledge and
resource exchange networks. This interconnectivity, in a global age, may be the one
key to sustaining vibrant communities.
33
613
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The Challenge of Change: International

Adoption of Community College Models
Edward Valeau
We live in an age of globalization where the exportation of knowledge and higher

education is the commodity of choice. This is particularly true in terms of the
Community College model. Recognized as an American phenomenon, the model
has been, and continues to be, influenced by many other countries. As secondary
education nears universal levels, advanced and developing countries are stimulating
the need for quality post-educational opportunities that are flexible and responsible
to local needs. The transnational impact of community college models is precisely
their ability to address access and opportunity, advance or deal with implications of
globalization, and develop a responsive trained work force.
This volume on Community college reform captures in real time the challenges
associated with nations adopting the community college model. Issues relate to
planning, budgeting, curriculum development, governance, interdisciplinary studies, and local partnerships are explored in depth. When combined, these issues
paint what exists as part of the internal construct of these institutions. Revealed in
this work are the institutions themselves, individual leaders, and various actors who
collectively ensure local success. The various chapters in this book also connect
these educational institutions to socioeconomic reform efforts, as no institution
exists independently.
Five common themes used throughout this book support a comparative discussion on the adoption of community college models by other nations. The goal of the
themes is to demonstrate the power of the community college model as a purveyor
of academic, philosophical, economic, and institutional and community reforms. It
is also intended to give the reader a framework from which to view what challenges
exist and the responses recommended for addressing them. Few works on the subject
of community college models have tried to capture the movement in this way and
thus this approach is both unique and expansive. The authors represent practitioners,
scholars, faculty, and administrators who are in the real trenches of challenge and
change, and committed to making a difference in the lives of others.
Academic themes show how institutions adapt to local needs and serves as a
reminder that the glue to institutions of higher learning in any form begins with the
academy. Student profiles present in this volume depict the impact of the changing nature of the curriculum. Terms like student-centered learning, student counseling, the whole learner, community, partnerships, etc., merge to show that students
615
616
E. Valeau
and community are part of the educational planning process of centralized and
decentralized governments. Philosophical issues define the direction of reform and
in this volume illustrate how similar ideals flow internationally and influence the
adoption and survival of community college models. Countries are examining equal
opportunity and access as they realize an educated workforce is consistent with
economic participation in this age of global dependency. Arguably, this approach
lends itself to a humanitarian approach and a softening of patriarchal behaviors
known worldwide. Economic reformation is particularly poignant as it is without
question that economics dominates the landscape of educational reform, and is the
impetus for the adoption of many community college models. Institutional reform
directly affects creative, purposeful innovation, and change across all aspects of a
nations growth and the educational program that supports its existence is a linchpin
for change to take place. Finally, community reform helps define the role of education, who education serves, and the purpose of that education. Examples of reform
are noted to highlight the power of the community college model on villages and
communities around the globe.
Over the last 2 decades, world opinion regarding globalization and higher
education has changed. The flow of thought has evolved away from closed borders
and into open borders of a sort. The impetus undoubtedly is influence by Friedmans
seminal work regarding the world is flat. Even with new questions of whether
these interconnections are as meaningful as Friedman suggests, world economic
challenges brought on by globalization have altered the field of postsecondary
education. This current book, thus, uncovers how community college models are
influenced by globalization flows and, yet through adaptation to local needs, have
stepped in to fill a serious educational need and void in both industrialized and
developing nations. Quite revealing, universities, with traditional vestiges, are
looking to form partnerships with community colleges, thus moving away to some
extent from the elitism that so often characterize their existence.
Implemented reform influences lives by equalizing opportunity and access, or
by linking education to human resource development. For example, the creation of
an Agricultural Business Institute in a North American Community college to serve
the needs of an agricultural region involved in exporting vegetables to large countries such as China, Mexico, and India remains a model of cooperation between
business and the college. The creation of Small Business Development Centers to
train young entrepreneurs in areas of sales, financing, marketing, and advertising of
goods shows the range and power of the community college model in various countries. In this context, we can conclude that more certification of skills training and
expanded emphasis on defined languages of business, technology training across
borders, community and business partnerships, and the sharing of ideas globally
will become the norm rather than the exception for all of postsecondary education
activities. These are but a few of the many examples that demonstrate the impact
of the community college model and its various forms on people, places, and the
economy globally and locally.
Community colleges have extensively become the institution of choice for
countries seeking to create access for its people, a workforce for a globally
The Challenge of Change: International Adoption of Community College Models
617
dependent society, and a need to build a civil community. The synergistic aspect
of the community college model with its common characteristics of curriculum
development and flexibility, vocational training, economic efficiency, degree and
non-degree focus, community outreach, partnerships that lends itself to local development gives meaning to ideas of access and opportunity. As the responses take
shape, new and innovative models arise, take form, and provide more opportunities
for change to accommodate the situation and conditions of those who can profit
most from education. This is particularly true for people who are poor and without
hope, and yet, this book cautions the reader to realize that education is not yet available to large masses of people. Equally important is that education does not always
provide access to jobs and support economic or social mobility. However, community college education for most does offer the key to a better life and community
prosperity. It is a start for the world citizens to reap the true benefits of advanced
education. The largest winners in the struggle are students and local communities.
Through access and opportunity, the hope of shaping their circumstances in a manner that allows for participation in the changing economy remains real.
One thing for certain, this book demonstrates that the need for a world-educated
citizenry is important and that nations everywhere are challenged to respond by making community college models viable, no matter where it is located on the globe. We
cannot overlook the fact that educational, political, social, and economic leadership
model for global solution is a world challenge and that it can occur most effectively
with the adoption of the community college model. They are transforming nations,
developing creative responses to change, and giving hope to the hopeless.
As demands for expanded education continue and the community college model
becomes the model of choice, awaiting the reformers are issues of major proportion that can and will influence their current and future success. While explained
throughout the book, they are repeated differently here for emphasis. First is to
attract qualified staffing as the learners needs vary. Teachers must have skills in
pedagogy and the ability to act as guide or coach and not be a talking head that
requires rote memory from students. Second is to facilitate curriculum offerings
and to have well-planned sites which communicate to the student a place where
learning occurs and is available. This curriculum offers workforce preparation,
student transfer, distance learning, and international education through defined
partnerships. The third issue concerns financing which is a major problem for institutions of higher education no matter where they are located. This is particularly
problematic in countries with funding models limited primarily to the government
or tuition. Throughout this book, successful reform is linked to nongovernmental
agencies, organizations, and strong aid programs that are responsive to the residues
of globalization. Tied to the massification of higher education, their roles are clear.
Finally, reform includes governance and operating systems that perpetuate and recognize teamwork, faculty and administration accountability, standards and program
quality, transferability of programs, articulation with other universities, and relevant
programs that can promise students meaningful employment and businesses with
a trained workforce. Combined, such visionary leadership demonstrates vigilance,
patience, and converges to challenge innovativeness and relevance.
618
E. Valeau
This book outlines a clear path for discussion and additional research. It gives the
readers a theoretical view to observe the formation and the foundation of the community college, and in so doing, outlines reform in the context of global responses
and threats to this model by the behavior of universities and other systems attempting to fold them into their structure. It examines the pillars of the community college
related to curriculum development, design, and impact and finally provides a glimpse
into new emerging models that will need further study as these models continue to
evolve to respond to the needs of learners and communities worldwide. To assist
further, we conclude with the following recommendations and considerations:
1. Increase the international discussion on presence of community college models
by augmenting to existing professional societies and developing new ones that
are devoted to successful practices.
2. Increase the opportunity for faculty, administrator, and trustee exchange between
community college models.
3. Establish a student community college World Congress to hear from the students
and their views on the community college.
4. Establish and/or support policies that value international experience as part of
the preparation needed to teach in community college models.
5. Encourage and support more collaborative research between community college
faculties nationally and internationally.
6. Support existing efforts by strengthening local nation associations, NGOs and
their work in international education to understand, appreciate, and value the
impact made by community college.
This call for a new visionary leadership and policies that stress stronger relationships across all borders, curriculum that recognizes the critical role of culture, strategic planning, the role of the faculty and the community is timely and pragmatic.
In an effort to better understand international reform efforts in the community
college, an understanding of scholarly research, case studies, and best practices
is needed. This book provides a discussion of the current concerns of the field of
international education, strategies for effective and pragmatic policy, planning, and
implementation of these reforms at the local, regional, and national levels, and
issues that will be important for defining change in the future. In sum, the formation and foundation of the community college have changes, such that a new model
that uniquely serves the learner and the community. This model is committed to
sustain access and equal opportunity for all those who can profit from learning
socially and economically and hence serves that best interests of nations. And a
new model that uniquely serves the learner and the community, is committed to
sustain access and equal opportunity for all those who can profit from learning
socially and economically, and serves the best interest of the nations, has evolved.
This volume is pertinent to those who take leadership not only to internationalize
the community college, but to provide a framework to support the policy changes
necessary to make international education an institutionalized and central component of all community colleges. What emerges is a blueprint for developing new
programs and establishing leadership-training education as an institutionalized and
central component of all community colleges.
Author Index
A
Acs, Z., 485, 486
Adams, F., 293
Adamson, D., 457
Addi-Roccah, A., 385
Agar, M., 424
Aird, C.E., 322
Akhmadeeva, L., 417435
Alfonso, M., 130
Allchin, A.M., 282, 283
Allen, C.M., 380
Allen, W.B., 380
Alleyne, M.H., 22
Altbach, P.G., 28, 259, 382, 606
Anderberg, M., 410
Anderson. D.D., 402
Anon, 361
Antelava, N., 573
Archer, L., 29, 384
Arnold, R., 221
Arnove, R.F., 197200, 207
Ashwill, M.A., 201
Averianova, I.E., 13, 461
Ayalon, H., 383, 385
Azizova, N., 545558
B
Bailey, T.R., 13, 130, 461
Baker III, G.A., 63
Bakhtin, M., 422
Bakia, M., 609
Banks, J.A., 462
Barnes, T.L., 407, 410, 411
Barrow, D., 323
Barry, F., 484
Barton, P.E., 263, 268
Bawer, F.B., 8, 17
Baza, F., 223
Becher, T., 454
Begtrup, H., 283

Belgarde, L., 263
Bell, J., 482
Bell, L.A., 121
Bennett, R., 487, 493
Benyi, T., 129
Berger, P.L., 60
Berry, J.W., 423
Berryman, S.E., 555
Bertalanffy, L.V., 396
Bethune, S., 401
Birdthistle, N., 485, 486
Blaug, M., 369
Bledsoe, T., 293
Boase, J., 502
Bode, P., 462
Bogart, Q.J., 63
Borish, S.M., 283, 284
Bowl, M., 422
Boyte, H., 65, 66
Brainard, J., 121
Braudel, F., 606
Brawer, F.B., 3, 17, 26, 280, 461
Bray, M., 204, 205
Breen, J., 384
Breier, M., 368
Bridger, S., 456
Bringle, R., 503
Brinkerhoff, J., 502
Brint, S., 123, 130, 263, 609
Brissett, N., 315
Brookfield, S.D., 579
Browne, A., 437
Bryant, D.W., 279
Bunce, V., 573
C
Caffrey, J., 22
Carducci, R., 482, 503
619
620
Carnoy, M., 24, 73, 263, 270
Carpenter, J., 268, 272
Cejda, B.D., 295
Cerych, L., 3
Chan, M.A., 324, 331
Chen, A.S., 61, 519
Chen, T.M., 57
Cheng, K., 126
Chiang, M.H., 57
Chomsky, N., 243, 606
Christie, P., 362, 364
Chuan, Q., 162
Cisse, A., 241244
Clark, B.R., 29, 130, 420
Clarke, L., 301
Clayton, T., 22
Cohen, A., 4, 8, 14, 27, 31, 295, 461
Cohen, A.M., 3, 8, 17, 26, 28, 55, 63,
118, 120, 121, 126, 131, 166,
280, 281
Contardo, J.B., 45
Cook, J., 360
Coombs, P.H., 366, 367
Courtney, S., 61
Cowan, C.A., 26
Cowan, L.G., 368
Cula, A., 353
Cummins, R.L., 408, 410
Cunningham, J., 488
D
Dabalen, A., 352
Daffe, G., 237
Dahlheimer, R., 259
Dahrendorf, R., 582, 586
Dalton, P., 449
Dang, D., 205
Daniels, J.L., 402, 410
DaVanzo, J., 457
Davenport, T.R.H., 362, 363
David, B., 373
Davidovitch, N., 373397
Davies, S., 197, 198, 385
Dayton, B., 429
de Courtivron, I., 23
De Garay, A., 228
De Ibarrola, M., 221
De Lange, J., 361
Dellow, D.A., 14, 31, 482
Delors, J., 230
De Moura, C., 220, 221, 231
De Siqueira, A., 14, 22, 33
De Wet, N.C., 360, 366
Dey, E.L., 384
Author Index
Diagne, A., 237
Ding, A., 130
Dmitriyev, G.D., 455, 456, 462
DoBell, D.C., 481497
Dougherty, J., 384
Dougherty, K., 66, 609
Doyle, C., 489
Dror, Y., 388
Drucker, P., 547
Duan, X., 123, 124, 128130
Dudina, O.M., 472
Dudley, J., 457
Duffey, D., 489
Durt, M., 369
Dussel, I., 187
E
Edwards, R., 57, 60, 437451
Efendiev, A.G., 472
Eisenstadt, S.N., 396
Elmalia, A.A., 360
El Mallah, A.A., 29
Elsner, P.A., ix, 15, 22, 24, 214
Epstein, I., 126
Erickson, H., 283
Erisman, W., 45
Eskow, S., 22, 23
Evans, H., 193
Evelyn, J., 33
Ewell, P., 265, 268
Ezechieli, E., 591, 597
F
Fgerlind, I., 283, 295
Fain, E.F., 282, 283, 286
Falcetta, F.M., 26
Farnsworth, K.A., 214
Fenske, R., 273
Ferdman, B., 423
Fernndez, E., 420, 429
Fields, R.R., 63
Fitzsimons, P., 485
Flores-Crespo, P., 222224
Floud, J., 381
Fonseca, F., 330
Forster, F.M., 289
Fossum, P.R., 117
Foster, P.J., 28, 368
Freeman, K., 453
Freire, P., 59, 121, 243
Friedman, T., 23, 605, 606
Friedman, Y., 393
Frost, R.A., 609
Author Index
Frumin, I.D., 471
Fuligni, A., 423
G
Gallacher, J., 32
Gallart, M., 221
Gandhi, M., 589
Garcia, G., 456
Garca, N., 220, 221, 231
Gayle, V., 25
Gerber, T.P., 464, 465
Gerhart, G.M., 362
Gibbson, M., 60
Gibson-Berninger, B., 12, 31
Giddens, A., 58, 305
Gijsberts, I., 454, 455
Gilchrist, C., 309
Gilliland, J.R., 280
Gimmestad, M., 504
Giroux, H., 59
Gleazer, E.J., 608
Gleazer, E.J. Jr., 63
Glen, J.M., 294
Goedegebuure, L.C.J., 259, 273
Gongcheng. Z., 520
Googins, S., 503
Gordon, D., 393
Gordon, M., 23
Gorlova, I., 453476
Gorman, G., 481
Grafton, C.L., 403
Grant, D., 448
Greenberg, J.A., 279
Griffin, K., 491
Grubb, W.N., 248
Gu, C., 51, 53
Guess, A., 31
Gueye, B., 244
Guppy, N., 197, 198, 385
Guri-Rosenblit, S., 383, 390, 396
H
Ha, H.V., 211
Habermas, J., 571
Hadari, V., 374, 389
Haddon, M., 448
Hagan, E., 483, 484, 487490,
493, 496
Hall, K., 299
Hamon, M.M., 569
Hampshire, S., 448
Hanson, G., 264, 267
Hardiman, R., 120
621
Hardy, D.E., 295
Hardy, M.S., 407, 410
Harmon, G., 406
Harper, W.A., 27
Hart, J.K., 282
Hartmann, R., 127
Hasley, A., 381
Hatcher, J., 503
Hatton, M., 501512
Hawkins, J.N., 27, 360
Hayden, M., 205
Hayes, M., 486, 488
Haynes, J.D., 269
Heater, D.B., 56
Heaviside, S., 268, 272
Heiman, P., 393
Heinze, M.C., 402, 410
Hernandez-Gantes, V., 483, 490
Hershkowitz, S., 378, 379, 390
Heyneman, S.P., 33
Higgins, K., 24
Higgs, L.G., 365
Higgs, P.J., 369
Hills, G., 489
Ho, C., 61
Hoang, N.T., 210, 211
Hoare, O., 323, 325, 329, 330, 333
Hobbs, J.R., 424
Hogan, R.R., 403, 410, 411, 413
Hoksbergen, R., 502
Hollman, A.H., 282
Holzer, H.J., 200
Hongyu, Z., 519
Hooftman, J., 264
Horn, L., 42
Horovitz, T., 374
Horton, A.I., 293
Houston, G., 292
Hout, M., 385
Hovland, K., 462
Howe, G., 300
Hu, N.B., 118, 127129
Huang, C., 62
Huang, F., 53
Huang, W., 5155
Huang, X., 126
Hubble, S., 439
Humphrys, J.G., 27
Hunt, R.C., 128
Hurtado, S., 384
I
Ilyin, M., 456
Imamov, A.Z., 558
622
Imamov, E.Z., 558
Ingle, S.A., 481497
Iram, Y., 360, 373397
Ishumi, A.G.M., 12, 28
Israeli, A., 377, 379, 390, 392, 394
J
Jacab, J.W., 131
Jackson, B., 120
Jackson, K., 502, 503
Jacob, W., 351, 352
Jacques, D., 579
Jansen, B., 366, 503
Jansen, J., 352
Jansen, T., 57, 61
Jashnik, S., 27
Jha, J., 193
Johnson, A.G., 120
Johnson, D., 269
Johnson, R.W., 364
Johnstone, B., 121
Jones, P.W., 25, 200
K
Kahn, R.L., 605
Kajstura, A., 403, 410
Kamp, M., 552
Kamyab, S., 561568
Kang, O., 122, 124
Karabel, J., 29, 123, 130, 272, 609
Karen, D., 385
Kari, N., 65, 66
Karimov, I., 547
Karis, T., 362
Kasozi, A.B.K., 354
Kast, F.E., 396
Katahoire, A.R., 344, 345
Katsinas, S.G., 295
Katz, D., 605
Katz, J.A., 483, 487, 490, 495
Kaveh, M., 390
Kaw, M.K., 81
Keim, M.C., 403, 410
Kelleher, F., 193
Keller, J., 273
Kelly, 367
Kennedy, J.L., 263
Khalid, A.K., 585
Khilnani, S., 56
Kim, D., 122124
Kingdon, J.W., 455, 463, 469, 474
Author Index
Kintzer, F.C., ix, 4, 15, 17, 23, 25, 27, 29, 32,
279, 281, 402, 409
Kisker, C., 503
Kitaev, I., 551
Kivinen, O., 259
Kneller, D., 23, 32
Knight, J., 197, 203
Knott, D., 439
Knowles, J., 457
Knox, J., 446
Kogan, M., 453, 454
Kolesov, V., 472
Koltai, L., 15, 25, 26
Kong, X., 124, 127, 129, 504
Korthagen, F., 422
Kroc, R., 264, 265, 267, 268
Kruger, E., 362, 363
Kubly, B., 360
Kubow, P.K., 117
Kulich, J., 292
Kuratko, D., 481483, 486, 488490
Kusch, J., 417435
Kuznik, A.J.E., 402
Kwok, S.S.K., 166
L
Laden, B.V., 420
Lam, Q.T., 205
Larson, D.C., 292
Lasch, C., 606
Lategan, L.O.K., 15, 25
Lauglo, J., 11, 14, 22, 28, 29
Le, T.C., 201
Lederer, J., 269
Lee, G., 403
Lee, P., 61
Lee, R., 403
Leeflang, O., 262
Leist, J., 295
Leitch, S., 440
Lerman, R.I., 200
LeRoy, G., 283
Letseka, M., 368
Levin, H., 515543
Levin, J.S., ix, 6, 10, 11, 21, 24, 27, 30, 118,
198, 199, 457, 458, 460462, 604, 610
Levine, D.U., 268, 269, 271
Levine, J., 490
Levine, R.F., 268, 269, 271
Levy, A., 457
Lezhanina, E., 476
Li, M., 165, 515543
Author Index
Lim, D., 24
Linda Yeuk-lin Lai Wong, 52, 519, 520
Lin-Liu, J., 24, 131
Lisman, C.M., 56, 61
Liu, Y., 457, 466, 470
Lively, K., 263
Livni, E., 472
Lobba, Noreen, 311
Lockley, S., 449
Lomax, P., 422
Lossky, N., 282
Lowe, J., 10, 11, 25, 29, 32
Lowndes, N., 503
Luckmann, T., 60
Lund, H., 283
Luria, S.E., 381
Luria, Z., 381
Luschei, T.F., 24
M
Macfarlane, D., 360, 367
Madden, L., 29
Maidment, F., 483, 490
Mansoor, I., 342, 356
Marginson, S., 197
Margo, R.A., 123
Mrquez, A., 225
Marshall, J., 268, 272
Martin, I., 57
Martinez, M., 420, 429
Martnez Rizo, F., 223
Masharipova, Sh.M., 552
Massinga, R.A., 24
Matlay, H., 489
Maxey, J.E., 402
Mazeran, J., 220, 225, 226, 229
McBreen, D.P., 123, 129
McCormick, A.C., 484
McGuire, K.B., 63
McIntosh, P., 120
McKenney, J.F., 25
McLaren, P., 21, 23, 25
McMurtrie, B., 11, 12, 17, 29
McNair, S., 10
Meek, V.L., 259, 384
Mellander, G.A., 17, 32
Mellander, N., 17, 32
Merry, U., 457
Miller, M.T., 295, 296
Miller, R.I., 376, 396
Mitchell, G.N., 403
Mizrahi, Y., 380, 388
Mminele, S.P.P., 364
623
Moeck, P.G., 295
Moens, M.B., 253, 264
Mohrman, K., 125
Mok, K.H., 198, 204, 205
Mooney, P., 128
Moreland, R., 60
Morest, V.S., 490
Moriarty, J., 40
Morphew, C., 406
Morrill, J.A., 401
Morrison, T., 380
Mortensen, E., 283, 292
Mortimore, T., 451
Mosa, A.A., 28
Moyana, T.T., 72
Mphahlele, M.C.J., 364
Mpondi, D., 74
Muoz Izquierdo, C., 220, 221, 223, 230
Musisi, N.B., 335, 336, 345, 352, 353
Muwanga, N.K., 345, 352
N
Neave, G., 220, 221
Nevill, S., 42
Newman, F., 198
Ngara, E., 76
Ngo, T.M., 199, 215
Nguyen, K.D., 203
Nieto, S., 462
Nkabinde, Z.P., 364
Nkomo, M., 362, 364
Noah, H.J., 453
Noffke, S., 433
Novick, M., 230
Novikov, A.M., 472
Nsiah-Gyabaah, K., 26, 29
O
OBanion, T., 11
Obour, S.A., 26
Ochs, K., 294
OGorman, C., 488
Oketch, M.O., 352
Okinyal, H.F., 336, 344, 352
Oldham, C., 120
Olfield, A., 56
Oliver, D.E., 199202, 204, 205,
207, 208
Olssen, M., 198
ONeill, G., 576, 585
Onurkan, G., 417435
Overland, M.A., 595
624
P
Panitchpakdi, S., 164
Parry, G., 438, 440442
Pascarella, E.T., 44
Pasteur, K., 476
Paulston, R., 283
Pazi, A., 387
Pema, E., 417435
Peters, B., 301
Peters, M.A., 198
Pham, M.H., 201
Pheterson, G., 121
Phillips, D., 294
Pine, F., 456
Pink, D., 604
Polischuk, L., 472
Popkewitz, T.S., 59
Porter, J.D., 273
Postiglione, G., 6, 10
Preskill, S., 579
Prokhoroff, G., 548
Q
Quigley, A., 51
R
Raby, R.L., ix, 3, 4, 14, 23, 28, 30, 33, 71, 72,
76, 77, 304, 359, 360, 437, 453,
457459, 475
Rademeyer, A., 367
Raffe, D., 8
Raftery, A., 385
Ramsey, G., 224, 225
Rarmos, M.B., 59
Ratcliff, J., 12, 31
Reeves, M., 585
Reich, R., 606, 607
Renkiewicz, N.K., 403, 410, 413
Rhoades, G., 197
Rhoads, R.A., 429
Rice, G.H., 483
Rinne, R., 259
Rizvi, F., 605
Roberts, F.D., 323
Roberts, V., 303, 308, 315
Robertson, R., 21
Robinson, L., 407, 410, 411
Robinson, P., 486, 488, 490
Rochlin, S., 503
Roginskiy, P., 461
Romano, R.M., 15, 17, 31, 33
Rmer, R., 260, 262
Author Index
Rose, G.A., 403
Rosenfeld, S.A., 16
Rosenzweig, J.E., 396
Ross, D., 262, 269, 410
Ross, R.A., 403
Rozanova, J., 456
Rubinstein, A., 386, 390
Rubio, J., 225
Rugarca, A., 227
Ruiz, E., 221
Rury, J.L., 122
Russell, T., 422
Russo, C.J., 364
Rust, V.D., 280
S
Sabar Ben-Yehoshua, N., 386, 393
Sachs, J., 608
Sack, R., 236, 238, 246
Said, E., 418
Salas, 225
Salem, A., 578, 586
Sall, E., 352
Saunders, P., 61
Savarese, M., 40
Schmida, M., 387
Schriewer, J., 60
Schroeder, K., 501512
Schugurensky, D., 24, 197199
Schuyler, G., 42
Scott, R., 449
Selingo, J., 121
Selvarathuam, V., 14, 28
Senge, P.M., 605
Shattock, M.L., 438
Shavit, Y., 385
Sherman, N., 376, 396
Shichor, Y., 119
Shishkin, S.V., 472
Silva, M., 223, 225, 227, 229, 232
Simpson, E., 448
Sinha, A.C., 600
Sink, D., 502, 503
Sinlarat, P., 139
Sinuany-Stern, Z., 379
Skelcher, C., 503
Slaughter, S., 606
Sloper, D., 201, 207
Smith, A.J., 489
Smith, L., 2426, 31, 203
Smolentseva, A., 466
Soen, D., 381
Solomon, G., 489, 496
Author Index
Spangler, M., 503
Spoor, M., 545
Ssebuwufu, J.P.M., 345
St. George, E., 28, 206
Starobin, S., 420
Steger, M.B., 606
Stein, S., 56, 57
Steiner-Khamsi, G., 23
Sternberger, L., 502, 503
Stewart, J., 447
Stiglitz, J.E., 606
Stivers, C., 424
Stromquist, N.P., 198, 200, 606
Strmqvist, G., 283
Strmqvist, S., 283
Strydom, A.H., 15, 17, 25, 27, 32, 359, 360
Suarez-Orozco, M., 423
Swirski, B., 396
Swirski, S., 396
T
Tabata, J.G., 362
Tal, H., 374
Tammet, D., 448
Tarrow, N., ix, 4, 23, 360, 457
Terenzini, P.T., 44
Thelin, J.R., 119
Thomas, D., 33
Thompson, C., 581, 586
Tian, H., 129
Tobolowsky, B., 409
Todaro, M.P., 367
Tonks, D., 31, 384
Tormala-Nita, R., 255, 258, 260, 262
Tran, H.P., 197, 201, 207, 214
Tran, P.D., 207
Trim, P., 502, 503
Trow, M., 380
Tsai, H., 55, 60
Tummerman, D., 548
Turner, B., 56
Turner, D., 439
Tursunova, Z., 545558
Tuten, T., 502
Tuttle, C.C., 295, 296
U
Umana, C., 406
Ural, I., 31
Urban, D., 502
Usher, N., 58, 60
Usher, R., 57, 60
625
V
Vaala, L.D., 407, 410, 411
Valeau, E., 30
Vandenabeele, J., 61
van Bemmel, 260
Van der Linde, C.H., 32
Van Wyk, B., 369
Van Wyk, S., 360
Vasquez, G.H., 31
Vaughan, G.B., 13, 31
Vernon, G., 10, 11
Veugelers, W., 503
Vilakazi, H.W., 369
Villa Lever, L., 222224
Vos, A.J., 259
W
Wallerstein, I., 606
Wang, W., 281
Wangoola, P., 59
Wardekker, W., 262
Watanachai, K., 136
Waters, M., 457, 605, 606
Watson, K., 139
Webster, P., 437
Weick, K.E., 610
Welch, A.R., 364
Wells, R., 11
Wildemeersch, D., 61
Wilkie, D., 6
Wilson, D.N., 10, 12, 401413
Winslow, E., 488
Wirak, A., 351, 355
Witter, G., 236
Wolchik, S., 573
Wolensky, A., 374
Wolf, L., 24
Wolhuter, C.C., 359370
Wray, M., 449
Wright, S.W., 55
Wright, T., 52
Wu, R., 129
X
Xiaohua, C., 519
Xing Dan, 168
Y
Yamano, T., 27, 360
Yang, R., 124, 126129, 503
Yaoz, H., 384, 386
626
Yogev, A., 382, 383
Yumuk, A., 431
Yunus, M., 608
Z
Zamani-Gallaher, E.M., 453476
Zeithaml, C.P., 483
Zeleza, T.Z., 71, 74
Author Index
Zemsky, R., 263
Zeszotarski, P., 457, 461
Zheng Gongcheng, 519, 520, 526
Ziayev, M.K., 546, 550,
554, 555
Zijlstra, H., 503
Zilberstein, M., 386, 393
Zion, N.L., 386, 387, 390
Zuma, M.S., 359
Subject Index
A
Academic drift, 293, 406
Academic reforms, ix, 13, 14, 28, 187, 188,
248, 253, 257, 259, 267, 359, 365367,
382, 384, 404, 462, 466, 487, 495, 501,
546549, 551, 562, 570, 572575,
582584, 615
Accreditation, ix, x, 12, 22, 28, 46, 80, 84,
167, 177, 182, 186, 187, 199, 203, 204,
206, 209, 213, 247, 254, 269, 273, 305,
307, 308, 347, 375, 378, 390, 394, 445,
458, 548
Administrative reforms, ix, 80, 86, 240, 245,
336, 343, 344, 533, 558
Admission criteria, 1214, 28, 5355, 74, 99,
108, 129, 203, 210, 246, 256258, 262,
265, 332, 338, 345, 348, 349, 385, 387,
392, 405, 446, 456, 459, 465467, 469,
470, 563, 564, 567
Adult education/instruction, ix, x, 3, 5, 6, 8,
11, 12, 17, 44, 45, 47, 51, 53, 59, 61,
63, 66, 85, 94, 105, 158, 161, 166168,
177, 256, 258, 269, 272, 277, 279,
281283, 290, 325, 374, 459, 489, 531,
535, 536, 540, 558, 565, 594
Aga Khan Project, ix, 31, 515, 569, 575586
Alternative system/pathways, ix, 3, 10, 12, 39,
40, 81, 84, 459, 481, 525
Anglophone Caribbean, 299319
Articulation, 87, 160, 167, 175, 181183, 186,
187, 192, 211, 310, 311, 314317, 324,
402, 405, 406, 409, 410, 413, 492, 496,
504, 617
Asian Development Bank (ADB), 100, 202,
502, 550, 572, 598
Assessment
for faculty and staff, 83, 392, 450
for students, 44, 83, 141, 200, 268, 350,
449, 450, 485, 571, 582
Associate degrees, 13, 15, 22, 33, 45, 47, 54,

81, 142145, 148, 149, 151, 160,
164167, 177, 178, 180, 188, 192,
253273, 304, 305, 315317,
325329, 331333, 405, 459,
483, 520, 523, 525, 532, 533, 539,
563, 565, 567
Associations
American Association of Community
Colleges (AACC), viii, 25, 45, 208,
209, 279, 310
Association of Canada Community
Colleges (ACCC), 6, 16, 22, 100, 208,
209, 310, 311
Community College Baccalaureate
Association (CCBA), 11, 17, 310
Community Colleges for International
Development (CCID), 24, 26
Council of Community Colleges of
Jamaica (CCCJ), 178, 310312
East-West Community College Consortium
(EWCCC), 136, 137
First European Community College
Network, 7
Indian Centre for Research and
Development of Community Education
(ICRDCE), 24, 79, 82, 84, 87
International Association of Colleges
(IAC), 7
Postsecondary International Network
(PIN), 7
Vietnam Association of Community
Colleges (VACC), 209, 210, 213, 215
World Federation of Colleges and
Polytechnics, viii, 8, 22
Autonomy, 54, 80, 86, 108, 109, 127, 138,
157, 185, 198, 199, 201, 204206, 209,
212, 214, 285, 287, 295, 323, 343, 376,
393, 430, 431, 502, 506
627
628
B
Bahamas, 155, 174180, 185192, 202,
Barbados, 155, 173178, 180, 181, 184193
Belize, xi, xii, 26, 277, 299, 308, 321334
Bhutan, 515, 589600
Binary post-secondary educational system,
402, 406
Blended learning, 60, 525, 528
Branch campus, 27, 356, 458
C
Canada, xi, 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 15, 16, 25, 33, 52,
76, 98, 100, 136, 159, 174, 177, 180,
188, 203, 208, 209, 220, 222, 277, 310,
401, 406, 408410, 413, 453, 506510,
543, 593
Canadian International Development Agency
(CIDA), 24, 31, 100, 200, 208
Caribbean, x, xi, 11, 22, 24, 26, 29, 173, 175,
177, 178, 180187, 191, 192, 253, 255,
264, 267, 269, 270, 299309, 311,
314316, 318, 319, 321, 322, 326, 327,
331, 332
Caribbean Advance Proficiency Exam (CAPE),
13, 22, 176, 327329, 332, 333
Caribbean British West Indies, 277, 299
Caribbean Community Regulations
(CARICOM), 22, 177, 182, 187, 189,
299, 308, 327, 331333
Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC), 176,
182, 187, 310, 314, 327, 328
Caribbean Knowledge and Leaning Network
(CKLN), 312
Central-Asia, 515, 547, 556, 569, 570,
572577, 582586
Centralized government policy, x
Certificates
Advanced Craft Technical Certificate
(ACTC), 340
Advanced Technical Certificate (ATC), 340
Basic Crafts Technical Certificate
(BCTC), 339
Basic Technical Certificate (BTC), 339
Caribbean Secondary Education Certificate
(CSEC), 176, 177, 179
Junior Technical Certificate (JTC), 340, 347
National Certification, ix, 27
China, ix, x, 14, 27, 33, 49, 117119,
122131, 157168, 199, 204, 214, 238,
249, 333, 435, 453, 462, 503510, 515,
517522, 525, 526, 528, 529, 532536,
538, 539, 543, 556, 569, 589, 608, 616
Chinese higher education development,
122, 123, 125
Subject Index
Civil society, 49, 5166, 74, 157, 365, 454,
571, 576, 585
College of further education, 5, 7, 10, 22, 351,
417, 439441
College Universitaire Rgional of Bambey
(Senegal), 235250
College-University Dialogue, 373397
Collegiate (Academic) education, 46, 47, 80,
280, 281, 461
Community
change, xi, 12, 610
education, 1, 12, 31, 4447, 55, 62, 63,
79, 280282, 295, 296, 569, 606,
610612
engagement, 14, 53, 515
participation, 49, 63, 64, 66, 163, 185,
341, 342, 352, 356, 531, 534536,
539, 542, 617
reforms, xi, 615, 616
Community college
development of, 1, 58, 2133, 91111,
118, 119, 122, 125128, 131, 151, 152,
157, 158, 161, 165, 197, 198, 204, 205,
207, 213, 301, 304, 311
establishment of, 53, 9294, 101, 102, 111,
135137, 142, 151, 204, 208, 213, 215,
301, 302, 322, 522
reform of, 7278, 8288, 95100,
117131, 335357, 365369
social opportunity of, 29, 31, 63, 65,
71, 75, 80, 88, 107, 117122,
125132, 135, 136, 145, 146, 155,
167, 174175, 207, 241, 256, 268,
270, 279, 281283, 293, 302, 311,
312, 316, 324, 328, 344, 345, 384,
385, 418, 419, 421, 428, 430, 432,
455, 463, 472476, 485, 488
Conflict resolution, 26, 585
Continuing education, 8, 16, 17, 63, 80, 97,
101106, 109, 165167, 211, 250, 260,
267, 302, 403, 412, 461, 517525, 537,
538, 540, 542, 564, 565, 583
Cooperation, 63, 93, 94, 97101, 104, 105,
109, 111, 119, 122, 135, 136, 140, 141,
145, 161, 162, 164, 175, 180182, 184,
186187, 199, 203, 204, 208, 209, 213,
228, 240, 284, 349, 373397, 409, 435,
503, 505, 510, 547, 558, 570, 572, 607,
609, 616
Cost effectiveness, 74, 81, 354
Council for Mutual Economic Assistance
(CEV) (Vietnam), 91
Credentials, ix, 6, 24, 30, 42, 53, 64, 155, 163,
183, 225, 340, 346, 349, 405, 407409,
412, 586
Subject Index
Critical thinking, 76, 290, 431, 569, 570, 572,
573, 576, 577, 581, 585
Culture, 13, 21, 22, 28, 32, 59, 62, 65, 66, 75,
107, 109, 119, 120, 122, 131, 151, 157,
174, 198, 199, 211, 213, 214, 259, 272,
286288, 292, 293, 299, 330, 342, 355,
364, 365, 380, 381, 418
Curacao, x, xi, 29, 155, 253273
Curriculum
flexibility, ix, 3, 12, 28, 81, 106, 107, 129,
163, 304, 308, 344, 345, 438, 443, 444,
504, 506, 546, 567, 573, 574, 617
formation, 143150, 152, 286, 618
interdisciplinary curriculum, x, 386388,
489, 515, 569586, 615
short term curriculum, ix, 3, 10, 31, 99,
105, 135, 142152, 177, 266, 284, 285,
306, 322, 344, 349, 417, 418, 420,
422430, 434, 435
D
Democracy, 3, 26, 49, 51, 52, 56, 59, 66, 117,
119, 155, 157, 167, 283, 284, 287, 295,
321, 364, 391, 474, 536, 585, 589, 590,
595, 600
Demographics, 10, 40, 124, 174, 184, 185,
189, 290, 360362, 366, 375, 377, 392,
444, 455457, 462, 469, 471, 475, 517,
519521, 550, 599, 600
Denmark, 277, 279296
Desegregation, 364366, 369
Diploma
Advanced Diploma (AD), 340
International Business Diploma, 502,
506, 507
Diversification, 101, 122, 175, 186, 197,
199204, 330, 373, 374, 457, 470, 473,
539, 555
Developmental Education, vii, 17, 23, 29, 43,
44, 47, 75, 94, 96, 97, 103, 126, 138,
139, 143, 205, 219, 222, 238, 263, 304
Dutch Caribbean higher education, 253, 255
Dutch utilitarian education, 253, 267
Dyslexia, 439, 445, 447450
E
Economics
integration, 74, 91, 106, 109, 199, 213,
228, 229, 247, 268, 300, 636
island economy, 263, 266, 269271, 299,
300, 316, 321
market economy, 91, 95, 126, 158162,
164, 167, 198, 352, 362, 454, 466
629
reforms, x, 15, 28, 30, 73, 77, 95, 117, 118,
125, 126, 130, 158
training for job market, 220, 243247
Education
equal access, 378, 383, 471
inability to meet needs of job market,
237, 239, 244, 245, 247
opportunities, ix, x, 15, 25, 29, 30, 32, 66,
165, 265, 337, 363, 364, 385, 447, 453,
521, 566, 593, 596
policy, 97, 102, 107, 136, 137, 182, 199,
222, 247, 257260, 262265, 323326,
331, 332, 352, 364, 366, 369, 374, 379,
384, 465, 467, 469, 470, 483, 547, 563,
564, 567
policy in Mexico, 219232
quality, 26, 49, 53, 73, 95, 105,
109, 126, 130, 135, 137, 139,
143, 151, 167
reform, xii, 13, 15, 23, 51, 53, 75, 9598,
117, 119, 126, 130, 137, 138, 155, 159,
164, 205, 239, 248, 253, 277, 359,
365367, 404, 462, 546, 569, 572573,
582, 583, 616
technology, vii, 6, 9, 12, 13, 21, 27, 29, 31,
41, 60, 65, 73, 85, 92, 93
Elgin Community College (ECC),
491493
Empowerment, 12, 24, 26, 71, 8182, 384,
581
England, 159, 316, 357, 379, 440
English-speaking Caribbean, 173, 174
Entrance exams, 52, 107, 128, 427, 428,
562564, 566, 567
Entrepreneurial education, ix, 482497
Entrepreneurship education, 352, 482485,
487, 489, 493496
Equity, 15, 25, 26, 3032, 74, 129, 130, 186,
193, 269, 364, 369, 456, 463
European Polytechnic, 5
Experiential learning, ix, 61, 62, 485, 486,
489, 494, 496, 585
Exportation of services, x, 615
F
Finance reforms, 73, 466,
Folk high schools, 5, 277, 279296
Funding, 11, 27, 30, 33, 41, 4548, 73, 74,
77, 78, 84, 87, 88, 125127, 131, 137,
180, 185187, 198, 200202, 204,
206210, 214, 236238, 240, 248,
250, 268
Further education colleges, viii, 10, 22,
439, 440
630
Future, 13, 15, 26, 28, 30, 33, 75, 81, 84, 88,
103, 105, 109, 117, 118, 122, 127130,
145, 149, 152, 192, 203, 204, 211215,
225, 228, 236, 241249, 253, 262, 265,
266, 268273, 284, 290
G
Gender, 10, 57, 59, 285, 355, 411, 422,
455456, 464465, 519, 548549, 552,
557, 565
German Technical Cooperation (GTZ), 547
Global, 1314, 16, 21, 2330, 32, 53, 58,
6566, 71, 7476, 78, 117, 119, 127,
155, 157, 164165, 167, 173, 179,
197201, 204, 206207, 209, 213214,
235238, 254, 259260, 269, 271, 290,
299300, 303
Global education, xx, 78, 461462, 604
Globalization, 1, 13, 2132, 57, 60, 6566,
7188, 91, 97, 118119, 125, 137, 144,
165166, 197215, 245
Global market, x, 24, 155, 201, 254, 333, 423,
472473, 475
Governance
model, 87, 257, 265
reform, ix
Grassroots Reform, x, 53
Guyana, 155, 173193, 299
H
Higher education
education reforms, vii, 72, 102, 137, 139,
155, 205, 216, 359, 365367, 501
institutions, vii, 6, 7172, 74, 76, 7879,
9394, 96, 98, 101102, 109, 111, 131,
135139, 152, 159, 163, 176, 182, 198,
239240, 258, 262, 266, 323, 325326,
335, 337, 355, 359360, 363, 366368,
370, 374, 379, 387, 395396, 417, 421,
438, 440, 455456, 465, 501, 503, 505
Homogenization, 2122, 453456, 458459
Hong Kong, xxixxii, 11, 13, 155, 157158,
160, 164167, 204, 518, 520, 604
Humanitarian rationale, 1, 24, 25
Human Resource Development, x, 145, 155,
173175, 212, 335, 351, 355, 616
I
India, 6, 10, 12, 14, 2325, 27, 30, 49, 7990,
203, 589, 592593, 596, 608, 616
Industry collaboration, 79, 81, 179
Subject Index
Information technology, 60, 65, 104105, 173,
203, 270, 352, 583
Institutes
Bahamas Technical Vocational
Institute, 179
Dundalk Institute of Technology,
465, 489, 491
Frances Instituts Universitaires de
Technologie (IUT), 12, 221222
Institute of Technology, 6, 22, 27, 29, 178,
190, 203, 404
Institutional reform, x, 83, 546, 616
International development, vii, xxi, xxi, xxiv,
15, 22, 24, 26, 31, 241
Internationalization, 197, 199200, 207,
209, 211, 295, 453456, 458,
460461, 463, 503
International partnerships, x, 207,
503504, 510
International Standard Classification of
Education (ISCED), 6, 219, 256, 266
International students, 199, 287, 422426,
459460, 462, 470, 475, 509
Ireland, 10, 13, 25, 27, 481497
Islamic Republic of Iran, 561568
Israel, xi, 6, 10, 277, 373377, 379381
J
Jamaica, 155, 173193, 299, 301302,
308310, 313314, 317, 322
Japanese International Development Agency
(JICA), 350
Junior colleges, 6, 8, 13, 99, 123, 164, 166,
206, 277, 294, 321334, 515
K
The Kenan Institute of Asia, 137
Knowledge-based Society, 515, 545558
L
Labor force, 94, 97, 99, 100, 103, 112, 182,
189, 202, 213, 301, 312, 522, 557
Lateral transfer, 403
Leadership development, ix
Learning center, 22, 143, 162, 292, 518,
527529, 531, 534536, 543
Learning organization, 59, 489
Liberal arts, 16, 39, 42, 46, 54, 72, 257, 386,
387, 401, 493, 515, 563, 569571, 574,
577, 580, 581, 583, 584, 595
Liberation theory, 28, 72, 81, 518, 552
Subject Index
Lifelong education, xxiv, 23, 135, 136,
280, 413
Localization
local engagement, xi
need of local people, 119, 140, 142, 143,
145, 146, 148, 151, 596
Low status, xi, 11, 29, 30, 263
M
Mainland China, 117, 157, 158, 160, 162163,
167, 204
Management, 10, 27, 42, 47, 54, 58, 84, 86,
87, 92, 93, 95, 97, 101, 104, 553554
Mexico, 6, 14, 22, 25, 26, 125, 155, 219232,
321, 325, 604, 607, 616
Middle level skills education, 81
Migrant worker, 515, 517542
Millennium Development Goals, 190, 355
Ministry of Education and Training
(MOET-Vietnam), 105, 107, 108,
116, 199, 202
Minority education, 14, 25, 72, 75, 88, 123,
124, 210, 221, 242, 285, 373, 403, 421,
431, 434, 437, 471, 487
Mission, ix, 8, 1214, 16, 21, 2326, 2830,
5358, 62, 76, 81, 87, 93, 104
Mission drift, 406
Multiculturalism, 290, 369, 453456, 458,
462463
N
Neoliberalism, 24, 197200, 204, 206,
213214
Non-formal education, 97
Non-Governmental Organization (NGO), x,
xix, 6, 53, 54, 64, 242, 245, 246, 250,
289, 336, 343, 345, 351352, 365, 542,
555, 573, 574, 609, 618
Non-tertiary, 6, 253260, 262, 263, 265, 266,
269270, 272, 273
Non-traditional students, 7172, 239, 530
Nonuniversities, 192, 200, 337, 373, 374,
378379
North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA), 604
Norway, 4, 6, 7, 9, 25, 279284, 286290,
295, 484, 486
O
OECD, 6, 7, 164, 191, 380
Ontario, Canada, 401413
631
Ontario Colleges of Applied Arts and
Technology (CAAT), 401, 402,
404408, 411
Open Access, 13, 26, 32, 39, 72, 219, 220,
231, 322, 324, 456, 459, 467, 469, 470,
474, 476, 481, 484, 575
P
Participatory development, 135, 136
Pedagogy
student-centered, 23, 31
teacher-centered, 242
Philosophical reforms, x
Planning, ix, xxii, 15, 28, 41, 84, 97, 100,
121, 127, 128, 145, 158, 163, 165,
179, 181, 183, 184, 187, 202, 203,
213, 247, 268, 311, 323, 350, 377379,
401, 402, 412, 413, 420, 421, 433, 494,
529, 565, 574, 590, 595, 608, 609, 611,
615, 616, 618
Policy issues, 455, 463
Political transformation, 545, 617
Politics, 72, 91, 285, 331, 455, 466, 472,
475, 580
Polytechnics, viii, 8, 10, 22, 75, 80, 86, 165,
340342, 352, 406, 437, 486, 593
Poor/poverty, 28, 57, 76, 81, 85, 125, 130,
142, 146, 236, 294, 344, 352, 355, 503,
556, 572
Post-colonial higher education, 71, 259,
262, 366
Post-compulsory, 8, 39, 48, 281, 438,
458, 539
Post-secondary
education, 26, 309, 312, 319, 475, 546,
549551
non-tertiary education, 6, 253, 256257,
262, 263, 265, 266, 269, 270, 272, 273
training, 99, 546
Private community college, 343, 354
R
Reforms, ix, x, xi, 8, 13, 23, 52, 59, 71, 73, 75,
102, 109, 125127, 139, 158, 160, 164,
199, 204, 205, 338, 347, 359, 365367,
405, 515, 546, 547, 551, 572, 573, 582,
584, 590, 604, 615, 618
Regional university center, 30, 155, 235
Reverse-transfer, 401403, 406413
Rural education, 555
Russia, 4, 5, 9, 453456, 458467,
471476, 556
632
S
Scandinavia, 277, 279284, 292296
Self-esteem, 86
Senegal, 9, 22, 30, 155, 235249
Shanghai, 14, 118, 125, 155, 161, 164, 504, 515,
517, 519522, 524, 529, 533, 534, 536
Short cycle education, 561, 563, 568
Short program of higher education, 220224,
226, 230, 231
Short term education, 461
Social action, ix
Social engagement, 49, 5556, 6162, 612
Social justice, 49, 74, 117125, 128130,
384, 462
Social mobility, 12, 14, 15, 23, 25, 26, 28, 30,
31, 49, 71, 121, 126, 128, 381, 383,
390, 418, 617
Soft skills development, 82, 88
South Africa, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 22, 25, 74, 78,
125, 277, 359367, 453, 607
Specific learning difficulties, 445448
Strengthening institutional capacity, 182184
Students
profiles, 10, 80, 89, 224, 390, 615
selection process, 148
services, 42, 141, 179, 272, 311, 470, 563,
565566
Sub-Saharan Africa, 352, 360, 368370
Sweden, 279285, 287, 289, 290, 295
T
Taiwan, x, xii, 6, 27, 49, 5156, 5866, 100,
164, 204
Tajikistan, ix, 31, 462, 515, 569, 570,
572574, 576, 582583
Teaching force appointment, 141, 148
Technical and further education (TAFE),
vi, xxviii, 10, 99, 162, 406
Technical-vocational education, xxviixxviii,
181, 336, 341, 351, 362, 484, 525, 547,
563564
Technikon, 359, 363, 366367
Technological universities, 24, 219220, 222231
Thailand, x, 6, 7, 2223, 2627, 31, 49, 98,
135139, 141142, 152, 209,
592593, 596
Theoretical constructs, 1
Training
Business, Technical and Vocational
Education and Training (BTVET),
xxvii, 336338, 340344, 350,
355356
faculty and staff, 32, 82, 83, 87, 141, 330
Subject Index
Technical and vocational education and
training (TVET), xxvii, xxviii, 178,
181183, 185, 187, 547
Transferability, 30, 160, 405, 476, 537, 617
Trinidad & Tobago, 155, 173182, 185189,
191192, 299, 302
Two-year associate degree programs, 135,
142145, 405
Two-year college, 3, 483
Types of academic institutions, 392, 397
U
Uganda, 277, 335356, 368
Under-funding, 11, 29, 336
Underprivileged, 32, 79, 382383, 385,
393, 474
Unitary, 10, 366
United Kingdom, 177, 192, 310, 311, 316,
437441, 443, 445489, 593
United Nations Education and Scientific
Organization (UNESCO), xxvii, 95,
189, 203, 219, 256, 266, 301, 333, 355,
380, 454, 465, 547, 551, 595
United States, vii, 58, 14, 22, 24, 31, 39, 49,
52, 54, 72, 76, 91, 117119, 121125
United States Agency for International Aid
(USAID), xxvii, 25, 137, 200, 240,
248, 359, 365
United States Agency for International
Development/The Association
Liaison
Office for University Cooperation in
Development (USAID/ALO), xxvii,
24, 31, 208
Universities, ix, 3, 10, 11, 14, 24, 2730, 39,
41, 42, 4648, 52, 55
University college, xviii, 7, 9, 10, 13, 29,
81, 88, 178, 188, 208, 239, 241, 245,
247, 277, 281, 282, 295, 302, 307,
322, 336, 456
University College of the West Indies (UCWI),
xxvii, 302, 322324
University Council of Jamaica, xxvii,
308, 309
University Entrance Exam, 159, 161, 403,
427428, 562563, 566
University of West Indies, xxvii, 177, 322
Urban, 29, 32, 79, 88, 118, 123, 126127, 131,
135, 136, 157, 159163, 167, 236, 246,
279, 285, 295, 314, 362, 363, 375, 471,
472, 484, 502, 518520, 549, 556, 564,
604, 608
Uzbekistan, x, 10, 26, 462, 515, 545558, 574
Subject Index
V
Vertical student mobility, 81
Vietnam, xxii, 7, 10, 13, 22, 29, 49,
91103, 105109, 115116,
155, 197209
Vision, 25, 51, 54, 56, 59, 61, 81, 122,
123, 143, 176, 225, 239, 240, 263,
265, 267, 270, 283, 366, 454, 583,
590, 608, 612
Vocational, ixx, 1, 3, 6, 8, 1015, 22, 25,
2829, 43, 47
Vocational education, xxvii, 42, 48, 80,
85, 9798, 103, 118, 144, 151152,
165, 167, 181, 257258, 261262,
266, 268, 270271, 336, 341, 351,
362, 368, 375, 454, 484, 519, 520,
524525, 532, 545547, 549,
551552, 555557, 563564, 582
Vocationally inclined students, 259, 262
Vocational school fallacy, 15
Vocational technical institute, xxviii, 340,
346, 349
633
Vocational training, 1, 16, 22, 25, 2829,
7172, 92, 99, 104, 106, 107, 109, 162,
181, 185, 221, 222, 224, 230231, 239,
338, 340, 353, 374, 454546, 563, 593,
595, 617
Volkhochschulen, 5
W
Widening participation, 437438, 450
Wisconsin, 98, 121, 292293
Working adults, 166, 211, 562
World Bank, 6, 22, 31, 52, 73, 162, 191, 197,
198, 200, 551, 555, 572, 592, 595, 598
World Trade Organization (WTO), xxviii, 96,
164, 198, 203, 206, 212
Workforce preparation, 8, 14, 42, 72, 617
Workforce training, vii, 1, 31, 208
Z
Zimbabwe, xi, 14, 29, 49, 7178, 368369

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Community College Models

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Community College Models

Rosalind Latiner Raby

Community College Models

Library of Congress Control Number: 2009920579

This book is dedicated to our families for

Although community colleges in the United States are increasingly seen as a

Increasingly, students worldwide are seeking postsecondary education to acquire

and Schroeder), British Caribbean (Wolff), Curacao (Tormala-Nita and Cijntje),

Introduction: Community College Formation and Foundation

Defining the Community College Model ..............................................

Globalization and Community College Model Development.............

Community Colleges in the United States ...........................................

Introduction: Community College Models and Their Roles

From Education to Grassroots Learning:

Community Colleges and the Globalization

Indian Community College System:

The Development of the Community College Model

Modeling Social Justice Through the Community College ................

A Study of Community College Synchronization

Community Colleges in Chinas Two Systems ....................................

Challenges and Opportunities for Postsecondary Education

Introduction: Economic Conditions Globally Shaping

Globalization of Higher Education and Community

Part IV Introduction: Responding to Globalization:

Community-Based Folk High Schools in Norway,

Community Colleges Embracing Change:

The Junior College System of Belize ....................................................

Higher Education in Uganda: The Role of Community

Community College Model: Desideratum

CollegeUniversity Dialogue: From Confrontation

Reverse Transfer Constraints upon Planning

The Community College at the Crossroads .........................................

UK Case Studies of SpLDs and Widening Participation

A Multiple Streams Analysis of the Impact of Globalization:

Pathways to Participation: A Comparative Study

Introduction: Envisioning New Community College

Community Colleges as Learning Centers

Building a Knowledge-Based Society:

Junior Colleges in the Islamic Republic of Iran ..................................

A Liberal Arts Interdisciplinary Curriculum in Tajikistan...............

Bhutanese Education Systems: A Look Toward the Future ..............

Globalization Theory and Policy Implications

The Challenge of Change: International Adoption

Subject Index ..................................................................................................

Liliya Akhmadeeva currently is a Ph.D. Research Assistant and a Doctoral

Amy Shi-min Chen, Ph.D., is Director of Division of Professional Services for

Paul A. Elsner, Ed.D., is the Chancellor Emeritus of Maricopa Community Colleges.

Olda Hoare, Ph.D. in Community College Leadership at University of South Florida,

at Makerere Universitys School of Education. Mugimu has directed projects

Eboni M. Zamani-Gallaher, Ph.D. in Higher Education Administration with a

American Association of Community Colleges

Basic Crafts Technical Certificate

Caribbean Advance Proficiency Exam

E-Learning and Teacher Education

Colleges of Further Education (UK)

State Planning Committee (Soviet Union)

International Association of College

Japan International Cooperation Agency

The Kenan Institute of Asia

Millennium Development Goals

Ministry of Education and Training (Vietnam)

North American Free Trade Agreement

Postgraduate Diploma in Education