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Fuck Da Police AC

Hi,
This is the AC that I never disclose, I thought I upload it anyway cuz I thought it was
cool. The framework was never developed good enough for me to run it but
anywhere here it is.
Thanks,
Hansel

Part One is the Framework


Culture is depicted through rap music
Jamar

M. Wheeler (1981) [Jamar Montez Wheeler, University of Louisville, Rap music and hegemony : a
historical analysis of rap ' s narrative,1981 http://ir.library.louisville.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=2553&context=etd]

One of the most common mistakes that is made when lay people discuss Hip Hop is confusing it with rap music,
which is an element of Hip Hop. Rap, along with deejaying, break-dancing, and graffiti, are the four elements that
comprise the cultural reality that is Hip Hop. Hip Hop is a culture, a way of life, a way of looking at the world,
whereas rap music is a cultural practice that has emerged from the cultural landscape of Hip Hop.
Because rap music is Hip Hop's most visible element and the element most suited for the purposes of exchange
within the global marketplace, it is the one that is the most talked about in the general public and within academia
(Rose 1994). Although there is some disagreement within the rap literature about the origins of rap music, I
conclude that the best way to trace rap's beginnings is to locate it within the larger context of Hip Hop culture.
There is a general consensus within the social science literature that a politicaleconomic shift occurred during the
1970s. This shift is characterized by the "liberalization" of market forces from constraints imposed by nation-states,
such as the taxation necessary to fund social programs. Some of the most targeted social programs were those that
sought to redistribute the wealth gained through capitalistic enterprises that were tied to American soil. The
success of these initiatives and the subsequent economic and social restructuring that followed had major

Cities across the United States


began to lose federal funding for social services, and if you couple this trend with
a shrinking job market for those who were unskilled, the situation was
bleak for the poorest among the U.S. citizenry (Rose 1994). When this trend is applied to
New York City, this meant trouble for the Black and Latino communities that
were already adversely affected by historical racism. An event that should be seen as a
consequences for the urban 1 localities of the United States.

microcosm of the large-scale changes that were happening at this time can be credited as one of the main
instigators of the Hip Hop movement. The well-known urban planner Robert Moses had a dream. His dream was to
build an expressway that would connect New Jersey to Long Island, New York, which is a typical example of an
initiative designed to benefit the wealthy to the disadvantage of the poor (Rose 1994). Moses apparently had the
option of modifying his route so that working-class neighborhoods would be bypassed, but he chose instead to go
full steam ahead and this meant the demolition of hundreds of residential and commercial buildings (Rose 1994:31).
The aftermath of this project was white flight, landlords anxiously selling their property, destruction, abandoned

The youth still living in the


South Bronx, depicted as hopeless, began to build cultural networks and
develop alternative styles of living. These Afro-Caribbean, African-American, and Latino youth
developed a distinctive set of artistic practices that coalesced to form Hip Hop (Rose 1994 ). They
challenged, through artistic means, the cultural assumptions of
postindustrial America by reaffirming themselves as creative individuals.
Their social position placed them in the category of those Americans
known as the working and non-working poor, but through Hip Hop they 2 were
able to craft identities that reaffirmed their sense of humanness in the
face of marginalization.
buildings, and the forced relocation of thousands of residents (Rose 1994).

Rap is a medium in which the voices of the oppressed are


heard to reflect their struggles
Jamar

M. Wheeler (1981) [Jamar Montez Wheeler, University of Louisville, Rap music and hegemony : a
historical analysis of rap ' s narrative,1981 http://ir.library.louisville.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=2553&context=etd]

Rapping,

as a cultural practice rooted in Hip Hop,

includes rhymed narratives accompanied by


These narratives

electronically-based music that is usually produced in a recording studio 4 (Rose 1994).

are usually characterized by boasting, toasting, and signifying, which are linguistic innovations that are
central to Black culture and precede rap. Toasting is the act of paying homage to one's crew,
oneself, or someone that the rapper admires. Signifying is the act of taking something unrelated to human
experience and relating it back to either the rapper or someone else. The most well-known example of signifying
was Muhammad Ali's adage, "I float like a butterfly, sting like a bee." It is clear that he cannot fly, nor sting like a

of these
methods combine to form a cultural expression that gives priority to Black
voices and articulates the pleasures, pains, and problems of Black urban
life (Rose 1994). Although it is clear that rap music emerged within the context of Hip Hop, what is not so clear is
bee, but is using these insects to signify his physical prowess as a boxer (Perkins 1996). All

where the origins of the orality in rap can be located. One scholar believes that the orality in rap can be traced to
ancient Africa, whereas other scholars trace it to more recent times, such as the spoken word texts of the Last
Poets, which were heavily influenced by the Black Power Movement of the late 1960s and early 1970s (Kopano
2002; Perkins 1996). Tricia Rose (1994), the most influential scholar when it comes to analyzing rap, locates rap's
orality anywhere from the 1950s radio disc jockeys who spoke in a Black vernacular to the pimp narratives of
Iceberg Slim. William Eric Perkins (1996) believes that Cab Calloway is not given enough credit for his contribution
to rap via his "jive scat" routine. Overall, the orality of rap in the beginning drew from various oral traditions that
are distinctly African-American, the cultural imperatives of Hip Hop, and at the same time from the marginalized
conditions that

frame the lives of rappers and the communities they represent.

Thus the ROB is to vote for the debater that best deconstructs
oppression through rap music.
Cultural identity, then, is dialogic, or polylogic; it brings to the fore a "need to stage
authenticity in opposition to external, often dominating alternatives " (p. 12;
emphasis Clifford's). In the process, "[T]he roots of tradition are cut and retied, collective symbols appropriated from external influences" (p. 15); thus,
"[tjwentieth-century identities no longer presuppose continuous cultures or traditions" (p. 14). In the specific case of art, the consequences are enormous:
If authenticity is relational, there can be no essence except as a political, cultural invention, a local tactic... A whole structure of expectations about
authenticity in culture and in art is thrown in doubt, (pp. 12-14) The analysis presented here will illustrate one such "local tactic," in the specific context of

If "culture" is constructed in a series of local acts of definition, music


may carry the significance that Martin Stokes elaborates in his admirable introduction to Ethnicity, Identity, and Music (1994).
There, noting the role that music often plays in building "notions of
difference and social boundaries" (Stokes, 1994: p. 3), he asserts that "[music does not...
simply provide a marker in a pre-structured social space, but the means by
which this space can be transformed" Music can play a special role in
establishing cultural identity, according to Stokes, because of its alliance with the
construction of pleasures in a society: "It is perhaps this that
distinguishes [musical] ethnicity... from the 'everyday' practices of
boundary construction and maintenance with which much social
anthropological writing on ethnicity is concerned" (Stokes 1994, p. 13). Most important for present
purposes, Stokes points out a musical practice that bears directly on rap contexts: Subcultures borrow from the
dominant culture, inflecting and inverting its signs to create a bricolage in
which the signs of the dominant culture are "there" and just recognizable
as such, but constituting a quite different, subversive whole , (p. 19)
music.

Only the voices of the ones oppressed have precedence. My


opponent cannot generate any offense in the round by himself,
because he is a white privilege cis gender male that only
reinforces the system. Thus its key that the only offense the
round is of the voices of the oppressed, specifically through
rap music.
ROBs must come first in every situation because
1) Real world impacts come first, the stuff we talk about in the debate space will
never actually be implemented, thus the most important thing that debaters
take away is the education that they learn in debate. By refocusing debate to
discuss issues like oppression, this will create a safe space which can be used
in order to make change in the debate community
a. Additionally, if debaters come out of the round with the intent of
challenging racial assumptions, this leads to greater change as their
discourse with others leads to more and more change

Part two is the Performance


NWA song Fuk the Police expressive the narrative from the
perspective of poor racially oppressed groups in our society.
Fuk the police expressive the anger and frustration that
minorities constantly face. The song highlights the struggles
and anger of the oppressed and in which police are able to get
away with committing crime in society with no repercussions.

[2:17]
[One part of the song is omitted]
Right about now, N.W.A. court is in full effect
Judge Dre presiding
In the case of N.W.A. vs. the Police Department
Prosecuting attorneys are MC Ren, Ice Cube
And Eazy-motherfucking-E
Order, order, order
Ice Cube, take the motherfucking stand
Do you swear to tell the truth, the whole truth
And nothing but the truth so help your black ass?
You goddamn right!
Well won't you tell everybody what the fuck you gotta say?
Fuck the police coming straight from the underground
A young nigga got it bad cause I'm brown
And not the other color so police think
They have the authority to kill a minority
Fuck that shit, cause I ain't the one
For a punk motherfucker with a badge and a gun
To be beating on, and thrown in jail
We can go toe to toe in the middle of a cell
Fucking with me cause I'm a teenager
With a little bit of gold and a pager
Searching my car, looking for the product
Thinking every nigga is selling narcotics
You'd rather see, me in the pen
Than me and Lorenzo rolling in a Benz-o
Beat a police out of shape
And when I'm finished, bring the yellow tape
To tape off the scene of the slaughter
Still getting swoll off bread and water

I don't know if they fags or what


Search a nigga down, and grabbing his nuts
And on the other hand, without a gun they can't get none
But don't let it be a black and a white one
Cause they'll slam ya down to the street top
Black police showing out for the white cop
Ice Cube will swarm
On any motherfucker in a blue uniform
Just cause I'm from the CPT
Punk police are afraid of me, huh
A young nigga on the warpath
And when I'm finished, it's gonna be a bloodbath
Of cops, dying in L.A
Yo Dre, I got something to say
Fuck
Fuck
Fuck
Fuck

Tha
Tha
Tha
Tha

Police
Police
Police
Police

Pull your god damn ass over right now


Aww shit, now what the fuck you pullin me over for?
Cause I feel like it!
Just sit your ass on the curb and shut the fuck up
Man, fuck this shit
Aight, smartass, I'm taking your black ass to jail!

Similar to how in the song NWA prosecute the cop for


excessive force, limiting qualified Immunity will have this
affect. It will empower minorities to have power in the legal
system and be able to fight back. Its this symbolic and
cultural shift which serves as the thesis of the aff.

Part Three are the harms


Minorities are unable to trust the police because of the
excessive force that they utilize
Walker 09 [April J. Walker, September 4, 2009 RACIAL PROFILING -SEPARATE AND UNEQUAL KEEPING THE
MINORITIES IN LINE- THE ROLE OF LAW ENFORCEMNET IN AMERICA file ]
The difference between police treatment of whites and non-whites has been perceived by those adversely affected by the
mistreatment and those not affected by it.120 This different view of the police system was so significant that both former President
Clinton and former Attorney General Janet Reno addressed the matter.121 As former Attorney General Janet Reno later noted during
a speech on police misconduct, "[T]he perception of too many Americans is that police officers cannot be trusted . . . especially in
minority communities residents believe the police have used excessive force, that law enforcement is too aggressive, that law
enforcement is biased, disrespectful, and unfair;" this perception holds true of white and minority officers.122 But this is not simply

officers
surveyed also agreed that an officers prejudice towards the suspects race
may lead to the use of excessive force. 123 In addition, police decisions to
harass, though generally perceived as overzealous enforcement, constitutes another body of nonenforcement activities meriting investigation .124 Harassment is the
imposition by the police , acting under the color of law, of sanctions prior to conviction as a means of
ultimate punishment, rather than a device for the invocation if criminal
proceedings.125 While the police do have the right to use force when dealing with a criminal suspect, most departments
a perceived difference. In a study conducted by the Commission twenty-five percent of the 650 Los Angeles police

have precise and strict guidelines of when and under what circumstances that force can be applied.126

Minorities are most vulnerable to police brutality


Walker 09 [April J. Walker, September 4, 2009 RACIAL PROFILING -SEPARATE AND UNEQUAL KEEPING THE
MINORITIES IN LINE- THE ROLE OF LAW ENFORCEMNET IN AMERICA file ]
Over the last several years, police brutality in the U.S. and across its boarders has gradually increased.32 Moreover,
the issues of race, language barriers, and gender closely shadow reoccurring incidents.33 In addition, the injustices
suffered by victims of racial discrimination are well known. Historically, racism has been defined as the belief that
race is the primary determinant of human capacities. In effect, racism suggests that individuals should be treated

most victims of police


brutality are members of poor and minority communities [this] should be cause for
concern, and contributes to the perception that the police are more likely to engage in force when dealing
differently according to their racial designation.34 The very fact that

with a minority suspect than when dealing with a non-minority suspect.3 Capital flight, corporate downsizing,

practices weaken the resilience of local


low-income communities capacity to respond to changes in their environment.
They lack the resources, like social capital-resources, that allow responses to crime
redlining, and various other routine corporate
communities and

that also preserve and protect our children and families from various unaccountable powers that sadly, plague poor
communities.36 Like most of us, but unlike economists, police do not make their choices by a rational calculation of
comparative economic values.37 Despite the social and economic progress of African-Americans over the past fifty

[We] continue to live in a country where racial inequity is the


norm.38 The dominant belief about Blacks, upon which their legal rights, or lack thereof ,
were historically constructed, was the belief in their ontological
inferiority.39 In traditional Americanism, black people are still perceived as poor, lazy, lustful, ignorant, and
years, Americans

prone to criminal behavior.40

Qualified Immunity incentives a culture of unchecked police


violence
Worthy 16 [Sabrina S. Worthy, Failure to Prosecute Police Misconduct Breeds a Systematic Tolerance of
Police Law School Student Scholarship Seton Hall Law 2016 http://scholarship.shu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=1847&context=student_scholarship]
There is disconnect between what the Supreme Court has affirmatively held and the objectively reasonableness
application. The root of the problem is the aftermath of the fatal shooting. The unarmed suspect is dead and the

section 1983 acts solely as a


remedy measure for victims but it does not deter abusive police behavior.
In cases where the victims are awarded damages, it has no effect on police
officers whatsoever. The awarded money comes from the state and not the
officers own pocket.136 Furthermore, the expense of litigating the case is
painless for officers because it is covered by the city and a lawyer is
appointed to their defense.137 The lack of deterrence contributes to the
growing amount of cases of police brutality.138 Police officers with
charges of excessive force pending, hardly ever suffer any disciplinary
action from the police department. Despite allegations of excessive force,
officers return back in uniform and become repeated offenders. For instance, in
the Rodney King trial two out of the four officers had histories of using excessive force.139 Police officers
use of excessive force becomes a pattern of violence.140 Officers tend to
believe they can get away with it because there are no repercussions for
their actions.141 In one disturbing case, former Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) officer Mark
family is left grieving in hope of receiving justice. The problem is

Fuhrman was recorded saying: I had 66 allegations of brutality . . . under color of authority, assault and battery . . .
. Torture, all kinds of stuff . . . . Well, they know I did it. They know damn well I did it. There's nothing they could
do . . . . I mean, we could have murdered people and got [sic] away with it. 142 Officer Fuhrman is known for his
part in the OJ Simpson trial. Fuhrman was charged with perjury for his testimony at trial. Fuhrman gave a taped
interview in 1985 to Laura McKinney, an aspiring screenwriter working on a screenplay about female police
officers.143 The recorded tapes became known as the Fuhrman tapes. McKinney asked Fuhrman, so you're
allowed to just pick somebody up that you think doesn't belong in an area and arrest him? He responded I don't
know what the Supreme Court or the Superior Court says, and I don't really give a shit ... if I was pushed into saying
why I did it, I'd say suspicion of burglary. I'd be able to correlate exactly what I said into a reasonable probable
cause for arrest.144 This is disturbing because he was able to get away with it.

No one questions the

officers conduct which reinforces the misconduct.

Police brutality is an enforcer of white supremacy


Walker 09 [April J. Walker, September 4, 2009 RACIAL PROFILING -SEPARATE AND UNEQUAL KEEPING THE
MINORITIES IN LINE- THE ROLE OF LAW ENFORCEMNET IN AMERICA file ]

The notion that police brutality of minorities is greater than compared to whites is not a new concept. Since the mid-1960s, there have been several
United States Federal Commissions that have studied the trend.95 Unfortunately, most of the findings in the Kerner Report,96 a study published 40 years
ago, in 1968, still holds true today.97 Their findings were unambiguous and to the point: hostility between the police and minority communities was not
only a contributing factor to urban unrest and violence, but in some places, it was the sole factor.98 As the Commission put it, "Negroes firmly believe that

police
brutality
and
harassment
occur
repeatedly
in
Negro
neighborhoods.99 This belief is unquestionably one of the major reasons
for intense Negro resentment against the police.100 Even if the nation had somehow managed in
the intervening decades to resolve its urban and racial challenges, this extraordinary document invites a historical reflection.101 Furthermore, the Kerner

the police represented the enforcers of white supremacy,


racism, and oppression.102 In many cases this was more than just a perception, many police officers
Report findings revealed that

did, in reality, reflect and express those ideas.103 The Report also discussed the double standard of the American
justice system, where there is one set of laws applicable to whites and another for ethnic minorities.104 The Report

Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white
separate and unequal. What white Americans have never fully understood
but what the Negro can never forget is that white society is deeply
stated,

implicated in the ghetto. White institutions created it, white institutions


maintained it, and white society condones it. 105 After the infamous Rodney King case of 1991,106
Report, this
report included Latinos and Asian-Americans in accordance with the changing demographics of the United
States.108 The Christopher Commission affirmed many of the findings of The Kerner Report; however, it delves
further into the issue of police abuse against minorities
another commission was formed to revisit the perception of police brutality in minority communities.107 Unlike the previous Kerner

Limiting Qualified Immunity is uniquely key to solving for


police brutality
Wright 15 [SAM WRIGHT, Want to Fight Police Misconduct? Reform Qualified Immunity, Nov 3, 2015,
Above the Law, Sam Wright is a public interest lawyer who has spent his career exclusively in nonprofits and
government]

to truly hold police accountable for bad acts, civilians must be able
to bring, and win, civil rights suits themselves not rely on the
Department of Justice, or special prosecutors, or civilian review boards to
hold officers accountable. And in order to both bring and win civil rights suits, civilians need a
level playing field in court. Right now, they dont have one. Instead, police officers have recourse to
In order

the broad protections of the judicially established doctrine of qualified immunity. Under this doctrine, state actors
are protected from suit even if theyve violated the law by, say, using excessive force, or performing an
unwarranted body cavity search as long as their violation was not one of clearly established law of which a
reasonable officer would be aware. In other words, if theres not already a case where a court has held that an
officers identical or near-identical conduct rose to the level of a constitutional violation, theres a good chance that
even an obviously malfeasant officer will avoid liability will avoid accountability. To bring about true

change should begin with an


act of Congress rolling back qualified immunity. Removing the clearly
established element of qualified immunity would be a good start after all,
shouldnt it be enough to deviate from a basic standard of care, to engage
in conduct that a reasonable officer would know is illegal, without having
to show that that conducts illegality has already been clearly established
in the courts? Thats just a start. There are plenty of other reforms that could open up civil rights lawsuits
accountability and change police behavior, this needs to change. And

and help ensure police accountability for bad conduct. Two posts (one, two) at Balkinization by City University of
New York professor Lynda Dodd provide a good overview. Campaign Zero should consider adding civil rights
litigation reform to its platform, our policymakers should consider making civil rights litigation more robust, and, if
we want to see justice done, we should push to make it happen.

This is similar to NWA in the song, giving minorities that ability


to fight in court is what is key and serves to make more change
Society normalizes minorities as the bad person and police
as the good person. This creates a society in which we
detonate minorities as the criminal and whites as the victims.
Walker 09 [April J. Walker, September 4, 2009 RACIAL PROFILING -SEPARATE AND UNEQUAL KEEPING THE
MINORITIES IN LINE- THE ROLE OF LAW ENFORCEMNET IN AMERICA file ]
[Edited for male generics]
The role of race in criminal laws was a direct affront to blacks freedom and dignity80and in todays society, many
states continue to impose harsher penalties on blacks for assaults on whites than on whites that commit the same

Race, class, and gender privilege, in a discourse that naturalizes


oppression, veil the unspoken societal assumptions.82 One assumption is
that black and other minority men are the bad guys [person] and the police
are the good guys [person], and if the police killed someone it must have
been for a good reason.83 The attitude that they must have done something, 84
ingrained since slavery, is nurtured and manipulated by the police, who
are quick to release the prior-arrest or medical record of their victims in
order to somehow justify being killed by the police. 85 For a host of reasons, crime
perpetrators are often imagined as Black or Hispanic, while crime victims
are imagined as being white.86 In reality, four-fifths of violent crimes are intraracial. Whites are
offenses.81

nearly six times more likely to be murdered by another white than by a minority.87 Similarly, most victims of crimes
committed by Black and Hispanic perpetrators are Black and Hispanic themselves.88 But as one author89 has
noted, police officers are not made upon graduation from the academyall of the images that one is exposed to,
that he/she reacts to, coupled with his/her own life experiences help shape the officer into what he/she is about to
become.90 Further, social scientists have demonstrated that there is a definite relationship between ones
occupational environment and the way one interprets events; an occupation may be seen as a major badge of
identity that an individual acts to protect as a facet of his or her selfesteem and person.91 An indispensable key in
understanding police motives, fears, aspirations, and the moral codes by which they judge themselves is to
understand and acknowledge how the police learn to see the world around them and their place in it.92 Thus, entry
requirements, training, and professional socialization produce homogeneity of attitudes that guide police in their
daily work. 93 Policing generates powerful distinctive ways of looking at the world, cognitive and behavioral
responses, which when taken together, may be said to constitute, a working personality.94
.

Once we Otherized groups of people, this allows us to commit


genocide, slavery, segregation and a multitude of unspeakable
wrongs
Katz 97 (Katheryn D. Katz, prof. of law - Albany Law School, 1997, Albany Law Journal, |||edited for g-lang|||)
throughout hum[x]n history dominant and oppressive groups
have committed unspeakable wrongs against those viewed as inferior .
Once a person (or a people) has been characterized as sub-human, there appears
to have been no limit to the cruelty that was or will be visited upon [them]
him. For example, in almost all wars, hatred towards the enemy was inspired to
justify the killing and wounding by separating the enemy from the human
race, by casting them as unworthy of human status. This same rationalization has
It is undeniable that

supported: genocide, chattel slavery, racial segregation, economic exploitation, caste and class systems, coerced
sterilization of social misfits and undesirables, unprincipled medical experimentation, the subjugation of women,
and the social Darwinists' theory justifying indifference to the poverty

To clarify
1) The aff does not accept the state, it merely rejects it but operates within the
state to make change. Limitation of Qualified Immunity creates both a
symbolic and cultural shift from the status squo that will lead to greater
impacts in the future.

AT Wrong Forum
1. TURN--If Im winning my role of the ballot, then its the perfect forum
2. TURNneg saying this case belongs in another forum is
a. what youd expect from any legitimate kritik of the system as people
dont like change
b. shows the importance of the ACIm deconstructing why this isnt the
norm or why it isnt accepted in the debate space

AT No Weighing Mechanism
1. Not true, you can weigh by the significance of what we are criticizing, the
probability of our cause being effected, the scope of people affected.

AT Music is ablest
TURN This is false,

Deaf people are able to engage with music


Cervin 13 [Robert Cervin, Deaf People Can Hear Music, 11/16/2013, Distributed 2013 by Northern Virginia Resource
Center for Deaf and Hard of Hearing Persons (NVRC), http://www.nvrc.org/2013/11/deaf-people-can-hear-music/]

Scans show that deaf people hear vibrations in the part of the brain where sounds are
processed. The world of music is not closed if you suffer hearing loss. Many deaf people still attend

concerts and even become performers. How can this be? Researchers at the University of Washington have uncovered an
whilst
scanning their brains with functional magnetic resonance imaging, a technique that reveals brain activity. Both
important clue. They exposed ten deaf students and eleven with normal hearing to non-audible vibrations on the hand,

groups showed activity in the part of the brain that processes vibrations. But
only the deaf students also showed activity in the auditory cortex, where sounds
are usually processed. This suggests they can hear vibrations. People with hearing loss
can be helped to enjoy musical concerts more by giving them balloons which help them feel vibrations from the instruments with
their fingers, in much the same way as the students in this study were exposed to vibrations. These new findings suggest how this
might work. It also means that surgeons should always try to preserve the auditory cortex if they have to do brain surgery on a
deaf person because it obviously still has an important function

A2 Logans NEG

1AR

Overview
The aff is winning under the ROB because
1) Limiting Qualified Immunity is the first step for change
2) And will also solve for oppression better
Start on the framework and ROB debate

A2 Framework
Okay go onto the AC, at the top of the framework youre going to access the ROB
debate first. This means he cant access the impacts specific to his framework and
he must weigh under the ROB.
Youre going to be evaluating the round through the ROB debate, this means
1) His framework is evaluated second and
2) His impacts relating back to the framework now have no impact

A2 Substance

Murphy
I have multiple responses
1) He doesnt tell you why the neg solves for the systemic problem of
capitalism. At that point he doesnt garner any offense, dont let him justify in
his next speech of how he is going to do so, he should have done that already
2) The aff will always have a risk of offense in solving for this issue, if people are
unjustly put into prison for crimes then the aff can always say that we can
solve for this eventually. The neg does not provide you a specific or unique
reason of why qualified immunity deters this.

Sieda
I have 3 responses

1) The evidence doesnt talk about how cops are struggling from paying court
case, I read the whole article and it only talk about how cops are underpaid
2) Cops court fees are covered by the state and this mean they get paid to be in
the court
3) Thus Limiting qualified immunity is key to solving for oppression because its
this symbolic shift in which minorities are now being able to challenge the
state and the officers in the court room.
4) His evidence is non-unique, police officers are poorer in some areas in both
the aff and neg world. Because I take away the court fee link, he no longer
has access to this contention

Christopher

1) He gains absolutely no offense from this, cross apply the argument that you
evaluate the ROB
2) Effectively this means that since I prove that qualified immunity will solve for
oppression, then you can disregard this evidence since it only tells you to
look at the means when punishing police officers.

Now onto the K

Male generics Ks

A: Link
1

The usage of Rational Man in his murphy card to describe humxn being in general

The negs gendered languagesuch as manperpetuate


sexist oppression.
Sherryl Kleinman 07 (Sherryl Kleinman has taught at the University of North Carolina on gender inequality). Why Sexist Language
Matters. AlterNet. March 11th,
2007. http://www.alternet.org/story/48856/why_sexist_language_mattershttp://www.alternet.org/story/48856/why_sexist_language_matters

I'm not referring to such words as "bitch," "whore" and "slut." What I focus on instead are words that students consider just fine: male (so-called)
generics. Some of these words refer to persons occupying a position: postman, chairman, freshman, congressman, fireman. Other words refer
to the entire universe of human beings: "mankind" or "he." Then we've got manpower, manmade lakes and "Oh, man, where did I leave my
keys?" There's "manning" the tables in a country where children learn that "all men are created equal." The most insidious, from my observations,
is the popular expression "you guys." Please don't tell me it's a regional term. I've heard it in the Triangle, New York, Chicago, San Francisco and
Montreal. I've seen it in print in national magazines, newsletters and books. And even if it were regional, that doesn't make it right. I'll bet we can
all think of a lot of practices in our home regions that we'd like to get rid of. I sound defensive. I know. But that's because I've so often heard (and
not only from students) ... What's the big deal? Why does all this "man-ning" and "guys-ing" deserve a place in my list of items of gender
inequality and justify taking up inches of space in the newsletter of a rape crisis center? Because male-based

generics are another


indicator -- and more importantly, areinforcer -- of a system in which "man" in the abstract and men in the
flesh are privileged over women. Some say that language merely reflects reality and so we should ignore our words and work on
changing the unequal gender arrangements that are reflected in our language. Well, yes, in part. It's no accident that "man" is the anchor in our

words we use can also reinforce


current realities when they are sexist (or racist or heterosexist). Words are tools of thought. We can use
words to maintain the status quo or to think in new ways -- which in turn creates the possibility of a
new reality. It makes a difference if I think of myself as a "girl" or a "woman"; it makes a difference if we talk about "Negroes" or "Africanlanguage and "woman" is not. And of course we should make social change all over the place. But the

Americans." Do we want a truly inclusive language or one that just pretends?

Impacts

1.

2.

Its bad for the debate space, in order to combat sexism in debate, we must integrate the
evidence that we read. If we dont then we are only reinforce the negative aspects of debate
and exclude womxn debaters.
Thus it links back to the ROB because my opponent is causing more oppression as a result
by reinforce a patriarchal society.

The alternative is to embrace nonsexist language. Changing


our thought processes is key to changing the real world.
Representation outweighs reality

Kleinman 07 (Sherryl Kleinman has taught at the University of North Carolina on gender inequality). Why Sexist Language Matters.
AlterNet. March 11th, 2007. http://www.alternet.org/story/48856/why_sexist_language_matters

I'm not saying that people who use "you guys" have bad intentions, but think of the consequences. All those "man" words -- said many times a
day by millions of people every day -- cumulatively reinforce

the message that men are the standard and that


women should be subsumed by the male category. We know from history that making a group invisible
makes it easier for the powerful to do what they want with members of that group. And we know, from too
many past and current studies, that far too many men are doing "what they want" with women. Most of us can see a link between calling women

We need to recognize that making women linguistically


a subset of man/men through terms like "mankind" and "guys" also makes women into objects.
If we, as women, aren't worthy of such true generics as "first-year," "chair" or "you all," then how can we expect
[womxn]/to be paid a "man's wage," be respected as people rather than objects (sexual or otherwise) on the job and at
"sluts" and "whores" and men's sexual violence against women.

home, be treated as equals rather than servers or caretakers of others, be considered responsible enough to make our own decisions about

If we aren't even deserving of our place in humanity in


language, why should we expect to be treated as decent human beings otherwise?
reproduction, define who and what we want as sexual beings?

Thus vote him down to make change in the community


1)

2)

You make key change in the community, if Logan loses the round on this K in
front of everyone, this will cause everyone in the room to talk about the round,
and in doing so they recognize the Ks purpose and look to make change. Thus,
It sets up a norm within the community.
This is the biggest impact in the round, even if he wins the substantive debate,
you still must drop him as this impact is pre-fiat and has bigger implication in the
real world.

AT Gendered language doesnt enforce oppression


Kleinman 07 (Sherryl Kleinman has taught at the University of North Carolina on gender inequality). Why Sexist Language Matters.
AlterNet. March 11th, 2007. http://www.alternet.org/story/48856/why_sexist_language_matters

before I discuss how benign-sounding words like "freshman" and "you guys" reinforce the gender inequalities on my list, above, let me tell you
about an article that made a difference in my own understanding of sexist language. In 1986 Douglas Hofstadter, a philosopher, wrote a parody of
sexist language by

making an analogy with race. His article ("A Person Paper on Purity in Language") creates
imaginary [a] world in which generics are based on race rather than gender. In that world, people would
use "freshwhite," "chairwhite" and yes, "you whiteys." People of color would hear "all whites are
created equal" -- and be expected to feel included. Substituting "white" for "man" makes it easy to
see why using "man" for all human beings is wrong. Yet, women are expected to feel flattered by
"freshman," "chairman" and "you guys." And can you think of one, just one, example of a female-based generic? Try
using "freshwoman" with a group of male students or calling your male boss "chairwoman." Then again, don't. There could
be serious consequences for referring to a man as a "woman" -- a term that still means "lesser" in
our society. If not, why do men get so upset at the idea of being called women?
an

AT They are more important issues to focus on

Kleinman 07 (Sherryl Kleinman has taught at the University of North Carolina on gender inequality). Why Sexist Language Matters.
AlterNet. March 11th, 2007. http://www.alternet.org/story/48856/why_sexist_language_matters

Now and then someone tells me that I should work on more important issues -- like men's violence against women -- rather than on "trivial"
issues like language. Well, I work on lots of issues. But that's

not the point. What I want to say (and dosay, if I think they'll give me the
time to explain) is that working against sexist language is working against men's violence against women.
It's one step. If we cringe at "freshwhite" and "you whiteys" and would protest such terms with loud voices, then why
don't we work as hard at changing "freshman" and "you guys?" Don't women deserve it? If women primarily exist in language as "girls"
(children), "sluts" and "guys," it does not surprise me that we

still have a long list of gendered inequalities to fix. We've


got to work on every item on the list. Language is one we can work on right now, if we're willing. It's
easier to start saying "you all" instead of "you guys" than to change the wage gap tomorrow. Nonsexist English
is a resource we have at the tip of our tongues. Let's start tasting this freedom now

Impact: The point is that Language will help solve violence and is one that we can fix right now.
Thus I outweigh on time frame and magnitude.

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