-1Berkeley publications in society

and institutions.
Volume: 4,Number: 1, Date: 1958, Pages: 1-11
THE THREE TYPES OF LEGITIMATE RULE-l(-

by

Max Weber
Translated by Hans Gerth
Authority means the probability that a specific command will be
obeyed. Such obedience may feed on diverse motiveso It may be determined by sheer interest situation, hence by the compliant actor's calculation of expediency; by mere custom, that is the actor's inarticulate
habituation to routine behavior; or by mere a.ffect, that is purely
personal devotion of the governedo A structure of power, however, if it
were to rest on such foundations alone, would be relatively unstable.
As a rule both rulers and rules uphold the internalized power
structure as "legitimaten by right, and usually the shattering of this
belief in legitimacy has far-reaching ramificationso
There are but three clearcut grounds on which to base the belief
in legitimate authority. Given pure types each is connected with a fundamentally different sociological structure of executive staff and means of
administration.,
*Copyright 19.53 by Hans H.. Gertho Editor s note: Weber's "Three
Types of Legitimate Rulett appeared posthumously in the Preussische Jahrbuecher in 1922 (vol. 187, pp l-12)., This exposition was not inclu~
in the first editions of Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (The Theory of Social
and Economic Organization)., In 1949-;-Eowever, Johanne'S'Winckelmann proposed a reorganization of Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, largely on the
basis of Weber's original piano (Johannes WinckeJiilann, "Max Webers Opus
Posthumum,n Zeitschrift fuer die gesamte Staatswissenschaft, 1949, vola
105, pp 368-387 o) He shmied that the 11 Three Types of Legitimate Rule 11 is
part of Weber! s original manuscript and is necessary for the adequate understanding of his analysis of authority which appeared as the third part
of Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft under the title ttTypes of Authority." The
meaning of this part and its connection with the whole of the work was
obscured by the omission of the separately published manuscripto In the
19.56 edition of Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (Tuebingen: J. c. B. Mohr,
1956 ), which was substa.TJ.tiaT.cy revisea by Winckelmann, rtThe Three Types
of Legitimate Rule" appears as section 2 of the "Sociology of Authorityn
{vol . 2, PP 5.51-5.58);. it :r;>recedes t~e sections on ttBureaucratic Authority, tt
"Patr~archal and Patr~on~al Author~ty, 11 "Feudalism, Estates and Patrimonialismtt and ncharismatic Authority anc. Its TransforirL:'ltion." These
sections turn out to be elaborations of' t.he section which is here published
for the first time in Englisho

Io
Legal authority rests on enactment; its pure type is best represented by bureaucracy o The basic idea is that laws can be enacted and
changed at pleasure by formally correct procedureo Tre governing body
is either elected or appointed and constitutes as a whole and in all its
sections rational organizations o
A heteronomous and heterocephalous sub-unit we shall call ttpublic
authorities" (Behorde)o The administrative staff consists of officials
appointed by the ruler~ the law abiding people are members of the body
politic ("Fellow citizens n) o
Obedience is not owed to anybody personal] but to enacted rules
and regulations which specify to whom and to what rule people owe obedienceo The person in authority~ too~ obeys a rule when giving an order,
namely "the law", or "rules and regulations" which represent abstract normso
The person in command typically is the "superiorn within a functionally
defined "competency" or "jurisdiction", and his right to govern is legitimized by enactmento Specialization sets limits with regard to functional
purpose and required skill of the office incumbento
The typical official is a trained specialist whose terms of employment are contractual and provide a fixed salary scaled by rank of
office, not by amount of work, and the right to a pension accordir.g to
fixed rules of advancemento His administration represents vocational work
by virtue of impersonal duties of office; ideally the administrator proceeds
sine ira et studio not allowing personal motive or temper to influence
conduct, free of arbitrariness and unpredictability, especially he proceeds
"without regard to person", following rational rules with strict formalityo
And where rules fail he adheres to 11 functional" considerations of expediency o Dutiful obedience is channeled through a hierarchy of offices
which subordinates lower to higher offices and provides a regular procedure for lodging complaintso Technically operation rests on organizational disciplineo
lo Naturally this type of Ulegaln rule comprises not only the
modern structure of state and city government but likewise the power relations
in private capitalist enterprise, in public corporations and voluntary associations of all sorts, provided that an extensive and hierarchically
organized staff of functionaries existso Modern political bodies merely
represent the type preeminentlyo Authority of private capitalist organization is partially heteronomous, its order is partly prescribed by the
state and it is complete~ heterocephalous as regards the machinery of
coerciono Normal~ the courts and police take care of these functionso
Private enterprise, however, is autonomous in its increasingly bureaucratic
organization of managernento The fact that, formally speaking, people enter
into the power relationship (Herrschaftsverband) voluntarily and are likewise "free" to give notice does not affect the nature of private enterprise
as a power structure since conditions of the labor market normally subject
the employees to the code of the organizationo Its sociological affinity
to modern state authority will be clarified further in the discussion of
the economic bases of power and authority, . The "contract" as constitutive
for the relations of authority in capitalist enterprise makes this a preeminent type of 11 legal authorityot?

-32. Technically, bureaucracy represents the purest type of legal

authority. No structure of authority, however, is exclusively bureaucratic, to wit, is managed by contractually hired and appointed officials
aloneo That is quite impossible. The top positions of the body politic
may be held by ."monarchsn (hereditary charismatic rulers), or by popularly
elected ''presidents" (hence plebiscitarian charismatic rulers), or by parliamentary elected presidentso In the latter case the actual rulers are
members of parliament or rather the leaders of the prevailing parliamentary
parties. These leaders in turn may stand close to the type of charismatic
leadership or to that of notabilities& More of this belowo
Likewise the administrative staff is almost never exclusively bureaucratic but usually notables and agents of interest groups participate
in administration in manifold wayso This holds most of all for the socalled self governmento
It is decisive that regular administrative work is predominantly
and increasingly performed ~ bureaucratic forces. The historical development of the modern state is identical indeed with that of modern officialdom and bureaucratic organization (cfo below) just as the development of
modern capitalism is identical with the increasing bureaucratization of
economic enterprisee The part played b.1 bureaucracy becomes bigger in all
structures of powero

3. Bureaucra~ does not represent the only type of legal authority.

other ~pes comprise rotating office holders or office holders chosen by
lot or popularly elected officers. Parliamentary and committee administration and all sorts of collegiate and administrative bodies are included
under the type if and when their competenc,y rests on enacted rules and if
the use they make of their prerogative follows the type of legal administrationo During the rise of the modern state collegiate bodies have made
essential contributions to the development of legal authorit,y, especially
the concept of "public authorities" (Behorde) originated with them. On
the other hand elected officialdom has played an important role in the prehistory of the modern civil service and still does so today in the democracies.
IIo
Traditional authority rests on the belief in the sacredness of the
social order and its prerogatives as existing of yoreo Patriarchal authority
repr~sents its pure type.
The body politic is based on communal relationships, the man in command is the "lord 11 ruling over obedient "subjects."
People obey the lord personally since his dignity is hallowed by tradition;
obedience rests on pietyo Commands are substantively bound by tradition
and the lord's inconsiderate violation of tradition would endanger the
legitimacy of his personal rule, which rests merely upon the sacredness
of tradition. The creation of new law opposite traditional norms is
deemed impossible in principle.. Actually this is done by way of "recognizing"
a sentence as "valid of yore" (the Weistum of ancient Germanic law). Outside the norms of tradition, however, the lord's sway in a given case is
restricted only by sentiments of equity, hence by quite eJastic bonds.
Consequently the rule of the lord divides into a strictly tradition-bound
sphere and one of free favor and arbitrariness where he rules at pleasure

as sympathy or antipathy move him, following purely personal considerations

subject especially to the influence of "good turnsou
So far as principles are followed in administration and settlement
of di~~tes. they res~ on substantive considerations of ethical equity, justice,
or utl.litarl.an exped~ency, not on formal considerations characteristic of
the rule of law o The lord us administrative staff proceeds in the same way...
n consists of personally dependent men (members of the household or domestic officials), of relatives, of personal friends (favorites), or associates bound by personal allegiance (vassals, tributary princes).. The bureaucratic concept of "competency11 as a functionally delimited jurisdictional
sphere is absento The scope of the "legitimaten prerogatives of the individual servant is defined from case to case at the pleasure of the lord
on whom the individual servant is completely dependent as regards his employment in more ilnportant or high ranking roles.. Actually this depends
largely on what the servant may dare d.o opposite the more or less docile
subjects.. Personal loyalty of the faithful servant, not functional duty
of office and office discipline, control the interrelationship of the administrative staff o
One may, however, observe two characteristically different forms
of positional relationships!' the patriarchal structure and that of estates ..
lo In the purely patriarcha,l structure of administration the servants are completely and personally dependent on the lord; they are either
purely patrimonially recruited as slaves, bondsmen-serfs, eunuchs, or extra
patrimonia~ as favorites and plebeians from among strata lacking all
rightso Their administration is entirely heteronomous and heterocephalous,
the administrators have no personal right to their office, there is neither
merit selection nor status honor~ the material means of administration are
managed under and on account of, the lord.. Given the complete dependency
of the admini~trative staff on the lord there is no guarantee against the
lord's arbitrariness which in this set-up can therefore have its greatest
possible swayo Sultanistic rule represents the pure t.ypeo All genuine
"despotismtt was of this natureo Prerogatives are considered like ordinary
property rights of the lordo
2o In the estate system the servants are not personal servants
of the lord but independent men whose social position makes them presumably sociallY prominento The lord~ actually or according to the legitimacy ficyion, bestows office on them by privilege or concession; or the,y
have contractuallY, by purchase~ tenancy or lease, acquired a title to their
office which cannot be arbitrarily taken away from them; hence within limits,
their administration is autocephalous and autonomouso Not the lord but
the,r dispose over the material means of administrationo This represents
estate ruleo

The competition of the officeholders for larger bailiwicks (and

income) then determines the mutual delimitation of their actual bailiwicks and takes the place of "competency".. Privilege often breaks through
the hierarchic structure (~ .~ evocando~ non apellando)o The category
of 11 disciplinett is absent., Tradition, privilege, feudal or patrimonial
bonds of allegiance, statl.;,s honor and 11 good willtt regulate the web of interrelations" The power prerogatives of the lord hence are divided between
the lord and the privileged aQ~nistrative staff~ and this division of powers

-5among the estates brings about a high degree of stereotypy in the nature
of administration.
Patriarchal rule (of the family father, ~ib chief, father of his
people (Landesvater)) represents but the purest type of traditionalist rule.
A:rry "authorities" who claim legitimacy successfully by virtue of mere
habituation repre5ent the most typical contrast, on the one hand, to the
position of a contractual~ employed worker in business enterprise, on the
other to the way a faithful member of a religious community emotionally
relates to a prophet. Actual~ the domestic group (Hausverband) is the
nucleus of traditionalist power structures. The typical nofficials 11 of the
patrimonial and feudal state are domestic officers with originally purely
domestic tasks (dapifer, chamberlain, marshall, cupbearer, seneschal, major
domo).,
The co-existence of the strict~ tradition-bound and the free sphere
of conduct is a common feature of all traditionalistic forms of authority.
Within the free sphere, action of the lord or of his administrative staff
must be bought or earned by personal relations. (This is one of the origins of the institution of fees.) It is decisive that formal law is absent
and that substantive principles of administration and arbitration take its
place. This likewise is a common feature of all traditionalist power
structures and has far-reaching ramifications, especially for economic life.
The patriarch like the patrimonial ruler governs and deci~e~ according to the principles of tt cadi justice11 : on the one hand d~c~s~ons
are strictly bound by tradition; however, where ~hese fett~rs g1~e leeway,
decisions follow juristically informal and irrat2onal cons2derat1ons of
equity and justice from case to case, also taking individual differences
into account~ All codifications and laws of patrimonial rulers emboqy the
spirit of the so-called "welfare staten., A combination of social ethical
with social utilitarian principles prevails, breaking through all rigor
of formal law.,
The sociological distinction between the patriarchal power structure and that of the estates in traditionalist rule is fundamental for all
states of the pre-bureaucratic epoch.. (The contrast will become fully
clear only in connection with its economic aspect, that is with the separation of the administrative staff from the material means of administration
or with their appropriation by the staff.) This bas been historically decisive for the question whether and what status groups existed as champions
of ideas and culture values.
Patrimonial dependents (slaves, bondsmen) as administrators are
to be found throughout the Mideastern orient and in Egypt down to the time
of the Mamelukes; they represent the most extreme and what would seem to
be the most consistent type of the purely patriarchal rule devoid of estates., Plebeian freemen as administrators stand relatively close to
rational officialdomo The administration by literati can vary greatly in
accordance with their nature: typical is the contrast between Brahmins
and Mandarins, and both in turn stand opposite Buddhist and Christian
clerics -- yet their administration always approximates the estate type of
power structureo
The rule of estates is most clearly represented by aristocracy,

-61

in purest form by feudalism which puts in the place of the functional and
rational duty of office the personal allegiance and the appeal to status
honor of the enfeoffed.
In comparison to pa.triarchalism all estate rule, based upon more
or less stable appropriation of administrative power, stands closer to
legal authority s.s the guarantees surrounding the prerogatives of the
privileged assume the form of special "rights" (a result or the "division
of power" among the estates) . This :ratio~.le is absent in patriarchal
structures , with their administration completely dependent on the lord's
arbitrary sway. On the other hand the stri..ct discipline and the lack ot:
rights of the administrative staff within :;>atriarchalism is more closely
related to the discipline of legal authority than is the administration
or estates~ which is fragmented and stereotyped through the appropriation
or the means of administration by thE': staff. Plebeians (used as jurists)
m~e 1 s princely service have been pacemsrkers of the modern state.
III.

Charismatic authorit,y rests on the affectual and personal devotion

of the follower to the lord and his gifts or grace (charisma) . They, comprise especially magical abilities, revelations of heroism, power of the
mind and of speech. The eternally new, the non-routine, the unheard of
and the eootional rapture from it are sources of personal devotion. The
purest types are the rule of the prophet~ the warrior hero, the great demagogue. The body politic consists in the communal relationship of a
religious group or following. The person in coli!.llWld is typically the
"leader"; he is obeyed by the "disciple". Obedience is given exclusively
to the leader a.~ a person 6 for the sake of his non-routine qualities,
not because of enacted position or traditional dignity. Therefore obedience is forthcoming only so long as people ascribe these qualities to
him, that is so long as his charisma is proven by evidence. His rule

falls if he is "forsaken" by his godl or deprived of his heroic strength,

or ir the masses lose faith in this leadership capacity. The administrative
starr is selected according to charisma and personal devotion, hence
selection does not consider special qual.i.fication (as in the case of the
civil servant) nor rsnk and station (as in the case of administration by
estates) nor domestic or ether for.ms of personal dependency (as, in contrast to the above, holds for the patriarchal adlninistrative staff). The
rational concept of "co.mpetencyt1 is lacking as is the status idea of
"privilege". Decisive for the legitimation or the commissioned follower
or disciple is alone the mission of the lord snd his followers r personal
charismatic qualification. The administration- so fer as this word is
adequate-- lacks ell orientation to rules and regulations whether enacted
or traditional. Spontaneous revelaticn or creation, deed and example 1 decision f'rom case to case, that is-- at least measured against enacted
orders-- irrational decisions are cha:racteristio or chariematic authority.
It is not bound to tradition: "It is written but I ao:y unto you" holds
for the prophet. For the warrior hero the legi tima:te orders vanish opposite new creations by power of the sword~ for "t.."le dem..~gue by virtue or
his annunciation or suggestion of revolutionary "natural law'' . The
genuine form of charismatic jlJ.Stice :md arb:i.tro.tion the lord or "sage"
speaks the law and the (::nilitary ro: r~ligious) follO'rlng give it recognition

-7whi<:h .is obligatory, un:ls!Se somebody raises a CO'Uilter claim to charismatic

vall.d1.ty This oase presents a struggle of leaders which in the last analysis
can solely be decided by the contidence of the community; only one side can
be right, the other side must be wrong and be obliged to make amends.
The type of c~ariematic authority has first been developed
by R. Sohm 1.n his Kirchenrecht for the early Christien community without his recognizing that it represents a type of authority. The
term has since been used repeatedly without recognition of its bearing.
.

. A.

br~llumtly

.
Early history shows alongside a few beginnings of "enacted" authority,
which are by no means entirely absent, the division or all power relationships under tradition. and charisma.. Besides the "economic chief" (sachem)
of the Indians, an essentially traditional figure, stands the charismatic
warrior prince (corresponding to the Germanic "duke") with his following.
Hunting and war campaigns, both demanding a leader of extraordinary personal
endowments, are the secular, magic is the "sacred" place of charismatic
leadership. Throughout the ages charismatic authority exercised by prophets and warrior princes has held swey- over men. The charismatic politician-- the "demagogue"-- is the product of the occidental city state. In
the city state of Jerusalem he emerged only in religious coetume as a
prophet. The constitution of Athens , however, was completely cut out for
his exietence after the innovations o:~ Pericles and Ephial tes, since with:out the demagogue the state machine would not f\mction at a.ll.
B. Charismatic authority rests on the ttfaith" in the prophet, on
the "recognition" which the charismatic warrior hero the hero of the street
or the demagogue find personally, and this authority falls with him. Yet,
charismatic authority does not derive from this recognition by the subjects.
Rather the reverse obtains: the charismatically legitimized leader considers faith in the acknowledgement of his charisma obligatory and punishes
their violation. Charismatic authority is even one of the great revolutionary forces in history, but in pure form it is thoroughly authoritarian
and lordly in nature.
C. It should be understood that the term "charisma" is used here
in a completely value-neutral ser.JSe. For the sociologist the manic seizure
and rage of the nordic berserk, the miracles and revelations of any pettifogging prophecy, the demagogic talents of Cleon are just as much "charisma"
as the qualities or a Napoleon, Jesus, Pericles. Decisive for us is only
whether they were considered charismatics and whether they were effective,
that is, gained recognition. Here, "proof" is the basic prerequisite.
The charismatic lord has to prove his being sent "by the grace of god" by
performing miracles and being successfui in securing the good life for his
following or subjects . Only as long as he can do so will he be recognized.
If success fails him, his authority falters. Wherever: this charismatic
concept of rule by the grace of god l1as existed, it has had decisive
ramifications. The Chinese monarchgs position was threatened as soon as
drought floods military failure or other misfortune made it appear queationabl~ whethe; he stood in the grace of Heaven. Public self-impeachment
and penance in cases of stubborn misfortune, removal and possible sacrifice
threatened
Certification by miracles was demanded of every prophet
(the Zwickau people demanded it still from Luther).

him.

-8So far e.s the belief in legitixnacy matters for the stability or
basically legaJ. etruetures of authority, this stability rests xrostly on
mixed foundations. Traditional habi tuation or "prestige" (charisma) fuse
with t..he belief :in formal legality which in the last analysis is also a
matter or habit. The belief in the legitimacy or a.uthori ty is shattered
alike t..lu:-ough extraordinary mie:fortunes whether this exacts unusual. demands
from the subjects in the li~ht of' traditionp or destroys the prest.ige or
violates the usual formal legal/correctness. But with 1111 structures or
authority the obedience of the governed as a stable condition depends above
all on the availability or an administrative starr and especially its continuous operation to maintain order and (directly or indirectly) enforce
submission to the rule. The term "orgemization" mea.ns to guarantee the
pattern of conduct which realizes the structure of authority. The solidarity or its (ideal and material) interests with those or the l.ord is decisive for the all important loya.J.:ty or the starr to the lord. For the
relation of the lord to the executive erliat.'f it genera+J.y holds th8.t the
lord is the stronger opposit~ the resisting individual because of the isolation of the individual. starr member and his solidarity with the lord.
The lord is weak opposite the staff members as a whole when ;they band
themselves together.? as has happeMd occasiomllly in the past and present.
Deliberate agreement of the staff is requisite in order to frustrate the
lord's action and ~ile through obstruction or deliberate counter action.
Likewise the opposition requires an administrative starr or its own.

D. Charismatic rule represents a specifically extraordinary and

purely personal relationship. In the case of continued existence, however,
at least when the personal represente.tive of charisma is eliminated, the
authority structure has the tendency to routinize. This is the case when
the charisma ia not extinguished at once but continues to exist in some
.form and the authority of the lord, hence, is trsnsferred to successors.
This routinization of charisma proceeds through:
:
1. Tr~i tionalization of the orders. 'l'h;e authorit".f of precedents takes the place of the charismatic leaderqs or his staff's charismatic creativity in l.aw and administration. These precedents either protect
the successors or are attributed to them.

2. The chari~tic staff of disciples or followers changes into

a.legal or estate-like staff by taking over internal prerogatives or those
appropriated by privilege (fiefs, prebema).
3. The meaning of c.herisma. itself '1!JeY undergo a. change. Decisive
in this is the way in which the problem of s'!.J.cceseorship is solved, which
is a burning question for i:leoJ.ogical. and indeed often material reasons.
'l'hie question can be solved in variou~ ways: the merely passive tarrying

for a new charisms:tically certified or qualified master usually gives way

to en a.ctive search for a successor 1 especiel.ly if none readily appears
and if any strong interests are vested i...'IJ. the continuity of the authority
structure.

a) In this endeavor people may search for characteristic traits

or the charismatic que~ification.. A rather pure type is represented by
the search for a new Dalai Lama. The st-.dct:i.,y :pe.rsonal: extraordinary
char.g,cte:r of the charisma thu.s is transro~d intc- e. regularly determinable
quality.

-9.

b) People may use the lot, oracles , or ether indicative

'l'hus, the belief in the qualified ch~ismatic shifts to a
bel1ef ~the reape~tive techniques.
tecJ;Illq~es.

c)

People m.ey designate the qualified charismatic leader:

(~e) The chsrismatic le&der himself may do so. In this

case we have suceesso::-ahip by design~tion, which occurs f'requerri:;.ly a"!lllng
prophets and warlords. Therewith the belief' in ..c.he personal legitimacy
of charisma changes into the belief in the legitimate acquisi t.ion of power
prerogatives by lawful and di,rine designation.
(~b)

The charismaticSlly qualified diAciples or following

may designate ~~e successor end have the religious or ~litsry community
accede to it by grsntir.g recogn.i tion. The conceptio~n of this procedure as

a right to "elect11 or 11 nomi.na:te" the su0cessor is seconde.ry. 'l'he mdern

concepts of elec~:'.on and nomination must be kept out of this. The original idea was not the:t of 11 voting" fo:.... an electors.l candidat,e of one's choice
but to determine &J.d !'eccgnize "~he "right. o-.ae 11 7 that is the chat"ismatically
qualified :maste::c who he.s e. ce.ll to successorship. A "wrcngn election,
hence, wa.s :an at.one.ble wro:c.g. The basic postulate was tha~t unao.imi ty must
be attainable 1 lac:k of unanimity was error and weakness.
In any ca~e belief then no ~onger was belief in the person ~ ~
but in the person of' the m2.s-t.er as 11 correctly11 and 11 vslidly designated"
(possibly enthroned) or oth.erwise inaugurated into power like into possession
of a property object.
(!St.~)
P~ople may believe in. 11 heredit~:ry charisma" and think
that the charisms:~ic qualification is i.t'"l the blood. This suggestive idea
represents ,i'iJ;ost, ~.hs notion of a "hereditary right~' :tn prerogatives.
The idea
bet~O!'J9 dominant in the occide:rrt on.ly 6.uzo1ng the middle ages.

nss

Frequ~ntly

charisma at,te.chea o:o.:cy to the sib a11d its new depository .must
first be determined a.c~ording to one ot the a.forem:mt.ion~d r-JJ..es and
methods (ca, cb~ or cc). Where fixed rules exist with rdgard to the person
they are not horoogeneous. Oll.ly' in the medieval oe;~ident, and in Japan the
right to h"lheri t ..~he ,;,rOWl'l by p:dmoge:n.i ture J:ms clearly won out arA has
greatly contributed _.~o the stability of s:up:r.el!'!le authority, as a.ll other
forms give rise to 1r:~ernP.~ conflicts"
The belie:f: then is no-~ longer belief in the perso:r. ~-*: ~ but in
the "legitimate 11 heir ot' the dynasty~ the timFJl,.v e.nd extraordinary nature
or charism is st;ronglj; t~e.n:3:f'or..ood in a traditionalist. direction; the idea
of the divine right of k:lngs ruling "by the grace of Ood ha.a a"'.so changed
its meaning CO!!!pleteJ.y: now the lord reigns in hi.s own ::-ight, not by virtue of 11 persona.1.V~ eharisme. aclmowledged by the subjects. The right to
rule then is completely independent of. persona.:"t quali-t:?..es .
(cd) Charisma may be depersor.alized ~ oojectified into
ritual. Then people oe1:ie"'.re that char~.S1l'\a is a magi.c~J. qv.Hlity which can
be transferred or :p:roduoed by &. apecir,.J.. kind of: hienx;;gy i o1ntrur:m.t, laying
on of hands o:r oth~r s'3.cr.\llt1lC.m-tal e.ots .

-10efficacy of the respec-';;.ive

sacr~r.ta1

act.

The claim to authority is com-

pleteJ.y indepeudent, o'!: the cherisma:t.ic R s person.~. qualities , as is especially

obvious in -~he C8:tn<:>l:!.c principle of the ~h~acter indel~bilis of the: priest.
(~e) The Chs.rlmna:tic principle of 1egit:imation, which is prmari:i.y authori tarim in. me~.g, "tJ.!13.Y be re~inte:rpreted in ~ aniji-authoritarian direction. The empi:r.-ics.l vtilidit.y o:f ch8rismtic rule rest.s on
whether or no~ "the person or the ct.e:riem!l.tic :i.f$ recogni.zed as quW.ii'ied by
the governe-d and baa proven J:li.s c}:l..srisnw.. According i:,o the genuine conception or charif!!nla people O"flre tbia recognition to the legitimate pretender
becau..."'e of h:ts qual:i.ty. This r~le.:~:ton!!hi}) canj' ho;reirer 11 easily be reversed
to Ireoo:l that the free r~ccgnition of the P!'.U"'~'G of the governed be the presupposition or legitimacy end i":;s basil! (democratic legii.;ima.cy). Then
recognition becomes an nelection" and ~e lord, legitimate by virtue of
his own charisma.' bee ames the :r.u.le by grace of the ruled and the mm1d~.te.
Design~.Uon 'by th~ follow-lng, ~.cclam-:rt.ion by ~he {m:ilitery or religious)
comnum:ty, and the:Iile'bisc:f:te have hisi;.?'.t"iCP.>lly often assumed the nature
of an. ele(;t:ion by Yoi;~. !:'lUiS they have w;de t...lte c.hosen JD:rd or charismatic
claims in-'i,o 8l1 of'f'ic:~ 'll of the governeC. whom they elect a:t their pleasure.

A co~&a.ble development can be observ-ed in. t.....,_e transfo:riru?.tion or

the principle of cb.~i&'Ira't:;1.c law. Origilo.e.lly the militl3ry or religious
comnunity ha.d to re:cognize the pronounced lmr. Thus the competition of
possible d:i.verse end contradicto!"'J laws might be decided by charism,.tic
means, ss a last resort by cOOJIDi i:J:oon.t of the conmunity to the "right" law.
This charismatic pri.."'lciple coUld easil:y change to the--legal~- ide~. that
the governed should. fr'eely determne the lWJ!J" t,Q be e:tll'orr..:ed by freely expressing their w:l.11 a..."::l.d int.ention, and that. vote (!Ounting, hence, majority
. decision, bte the legi timaoo ~f!r'..."3 f:or so doillg.

The ai!'ference between a chosen le&.er ~d an elected official

then cc,nsists only in t.he maning which- the-person ele,:t.ed, given his
personal qua.li M.es , can a.."'1d does ~tte.eh to b.ia behavior opposite the staff
snd the gonverned. 'I'he off:ic:i.al will wholly behave sa the namdata?y of his
master-- here the v~tere. The leader will beM.ve as solely responsible
to himself. Hence as long as the ~ead.er ca:u succe~si\Jlly claim. their confidence, he w-lll a.et aB he ae~s fit (lead~r-1e~rao;y') ru1d. not as the
officia~ ~ ~ho follC?re~ the expreeCJed or premt~ed rl:Ll of the voters $1B t-.n
imperaJ..;:lve ma:nd~rte o

1'2_'r3!1Blato!' g s n.o"'ie ~ This allusi<Yn to J esu.s' death and its interpreta:tion as a dowr.!'s~J. of his charis:matic aufu. .xrity come out roore st.rongJ.y
in Weber's 11 Socio:ogy of Charismatic Aut.hority11 (Cha:dai~W.tis-.mus 11 ~ J{irtschm--~ ~d Gese1.lsch~U~t, in From XflE'Z Weber:
Esam i.'1 Sodglogy, H. H.
Gerth ~d Co Wrignt 1t'i.llsp trs. (New York~ Oxford tJ:nivers:l.ty Press, 1946,
p. 248 J. ~('here Weber states: 11 by its Yery nature, the existence of charismatic a:ut..'l).ori ty is speoifically u.nsta.ble. 'I'he holder Dl."\Y' forego his
cher:i.s:m.a; he ID.El..Y feel 1 fors~A.ken by hi~ GoC. ~ 1 as J eeua did on the cress; he
may pro.-e t.o hi.t'l ~ollowers i:;hiS.t. '~.rir);;;J.e is gone out of r-.:~. :n. 1 It is then
that his ~.ssicm i~ ext1.ng.dshed. r attd hc-;pe wrl ts ~d. se~~hes f()r !t :new
holder ~f char!sm~.~

-11In his later work, .Ancient Judaism, HaM H. Gerth and Don Martindele tre. (Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Prees, 1952), p 376, Weber reversed
his position. He points out that "the words or the cross, 'l~W God, ~ God,
why he.st thou forsaken mev form the beginning the twenty-second Psalm,
which from beginning to end elaborate Deutero-Isaiah I 1!1 thesis of' meekness and the prophecy of' the Servant .or God. If' actually not first the
Christisn conmunity but Jesus himself' should have applied this verse to
himself, this would certainly allow us to infer not intense despair and
disappointment-- a strangely frequent interpretation of' the word- but on
the contrary, messianic self-reliance in the sense of Deutero-Isaiah and
the hopes expressed at the end of' the Psalm."