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Abstract
This article argues that materialism is a variable relevant to many aspects of economic
psychology. The definition and measurement of materialism arc briefly reviewed, followed
by a discussion of the potential relationships between materialism and several economic
variables, including use of money, work motivation, giving, and material satisfaction. The
paper concludes with a discussion of the use of economic goods in social communication
and the potential role of materialism in such communication.
1. Introduction
* Corresponding author. Tel.: (314) 882-0280, Fax: (314) 882-0365, E-mail: marketmr@mizzoul.mis-
souri.edu
The terms ‘materialism’ and ‘materialistic’ are often used without defini-
tion. In philosophical usage, materialism originally referred to the notion
that nothing exists except matter and its movements (see, for instance,
Lange, 1865/1925). In popular usage, materialism more often refers to a
‘devotion to material needs and desires, to the neglect of spiritual matters;
a way of life, opinion, or tendency based entirely upon material interests’
(Oxford English Dictionary, 1989, Vol. 9, p. 466). Belk (1985, p. 2651
defines materialism as ‘the importance a consumer attaches to worldly
possessions’, while Bredemeier and Toby (1960, p. 77) refer to it as ‘the
worship of things’. When large segments of a society avidly desire to
consume goods for reasons that economists have traditionally defined as
nonutilitarian (e.g., status seeking, novelty), a ‘consumer culture’ is said to
exist (Belk, 1988; Fox and Lears, 1983). Although the philosophical usage
of the term ‘materialism’ is generally considered to be distinct from the
popular usage, materialistic consumers do rely on physical (material) pos-
sessions to manifest and perceive otherwise invisible personal characteris-
tics such as happiness, status, and social competence. This reliance on
material objects for meaning is reminiscent of the philosophical use of the
term.
A review of theoretical and lay conceptions of materialism suggests that
materialism involves at least three important elements (Fournier and
Richins, 1991; Richins and Dawson, 1992). First, materialists place posses-
M. L. Rich&, F. UC Rudmin /Journal of Economic Psychology 1.5 (IY94,i 217-231 219
sions and their acquisition at the center of their lives. Daun (1983)
describes materialism as a way of life in which a high level of material
consumption functions as a goal and serves as a set of plans. Csikszentmi-
halyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981, p. 231) note the dominance materialism
can achieve in one’s life, suggesting that for some materialists, ‘consump-
tion for the sake of consumption becomes a fever that consumes all the
potential energy it can get access to’. (Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Hal-
ton also describe in detail the positive roles that possessions play in
individuals’ lives, such as providing meaning and enabling a fuller unfolding
of human life. They refer to such uses of possessions as an instrumental
form of materialism. However, since this use of the term ‘materialism’ is
not consistent with more common usage both in popular and theoretical
writings, it is not employed here.)
Second, possessions and acquisition are viewed by materialists as essen-
tial to their satisfaction and well-being in life. Belk (1985, p. 265) notes that
for materialistic individuals ‘possessions ... are believed to provide the
greatest sources of satisfaction and dissatisfaction’ in life. According to
Looft (19711, materialists believe that expanded levels of consumption lead
to increases in the amount of pleasure obtained. While most individuals
care deeply about their own happiness, it is the single-minded pursuit of
happiness through acquisition or possession rather than through other
means that distinguishes materialism,
The third element of materialism involves the tendency of materialists to
judge their own and others’ success by the number and quality of posses-
sions accumulated. The value of possessions stems partly from their ability
to confer status (Mason, 1981; Veblen, 1899/1953) and also from their
ability to project a desired self-image and identify one as a participant in an
imagined perfect life (Campbell, 1987). Materialists view themselves and
others as successful to the extent they can possess products that project
these desired images. The use of possessions in forming impressions of
others and projecting images of the self is addressed later in this article.
Empirical research on materialism was rare and sporadic until the mid
1980’s. In part this reflected a lack, until recently, of appropriate measures
of the construct. For purposes of economics-oriented research, it is useful
to think of materialism measurement from two perspectives, depending on
the goal and context of the research.
220 M.L. Richins, F. W. Rudmin /Journal of Economic Psychology 15 (1994) 217-231
Cultural analysis
A second research perspective attempts to assess the level of materialism
within a culture for purposes of comparing different cultures or tracing
materialism levels over time. Two separate approaches have been used. In
a very extensive series of studies, Inglehart (e.g., 1977, 1990) has attempted
to identify post-materialistic societies, in which individuals emphasize such
values as belonging and self-expression instead of material possessions. In
his surveys, administered primarily in Europe, he lists 12 goals and classi-
fies respondents as possessing materialist or post-materialist values by the
social goals they choose as most important. The second approach to
measuring materialism at a cultural level is content analysis. For example,
Belk and Pollay (198.5) used content analysis to examine materialistic
themes in print advertising in the U.S. between 1900 and 1980. Tse et al.
(19891 used content analysis to compare consumption values in advertise-
ments in Hong Kong, the People’s Republic of China, and Taiwan.
gested that the traditional work ethic has eroded in recent decades among
some segments of the population (Albee, 1977; Howard and Wilson, 1982;
see, however, Furnham, 1990, Ch. 71, materialism can still be said to have a
positive impact on economies. The desire for goods on the part of
(materialistic) workers may cause them to work harder or longer, enhanc-
ing their incomes and standard of living (Cherrington, 1980; Schor, 1991).
High levels of consumption by (materialistic) consumers can increase the
wealth of business institutions, increasing their ability to make capital
improvements and invest in research and development, which in turn leads
to greater productivity, technological breakthroughs, and again, higher
living standards.
There are negative consequences of materialism as well. For centuries,
religious leaders have warned of the spiritual hazards of materialism (see
Belk, 1983; Rudmin and Kilbourne, in press), and others have described
the harm to interpersonal relationships it may cause (e.g., Fromm, 1976).
More recently, materialism has been criticized for its negative impact on
the earth’s resources. Unbridled materialism uses natural resources at an
unnecessarily high rate and contributes to pollution and the destruction of
habitat and species (Durning, 1991; Hirsch, 1978; Meadows et al., 1972;
Worster, 1993).
Concerns have also been raised about the interaction between material-
ism and social systems. In the U.S. and Western Europe, there is growing
recognition that economic resources are more strained than previously
thought. Lower rates of job growth have combined with increasing de-
mands on those resources due to political reorganization, demographic
changes, rising health costs, and increased social welfare demands. The
result is that many societies are no longer economically capable of sustain-
ing a materialistic ideal. Standards of living are not likely to rise as they
have in the past; for many, they have declined. It has been suggested that
the inability of individuals to achieve their materialistic ideal contributes
(in part) to disturbances in social systems. These disturbances may include
excessive personal debt and increasing personal bankruptcy rates, dissatis-
faction and resentment among ordinary citizens, increases in property
crimes, and intolerance of immigrants and other out-group members.
Materialism and consumer culture are not limited to the developed
economies of Western Europe and North America but have been docu-
mented in a variety of Third World countries (Blair, 3965; Lewis, 1973;
Yellen, 1985). Belk (1988) describes some of the negative consequences of
the increasing materialism and desire for Western goods in these cultures.
222 M.L. Richins, F. W. Rudmin /Journal of Economic Psychology 15 (1994) 217-231
2.1. Money
Spending
Because acquisition is important to materialists, and materialists more
than others view their possessions as indicators of their own success in life,
ML. Richins, F. W Rudrnin /.Journal of EcunomicPsychology I5 (19943 217-231 223
they are likely to spend their money in different ways than those low in
materialism. Two studies have examined materialism and expenditures,
although the expenditures have been hypothetical. Belk (1985) found that
high materialism respondents are more likely than low materialism respon-
dents to report they would buy luxuries if they were unexpectedly given
$100. Richins and Dawson (1992) allowed their respondents a hypothetical
windfall of $lO,~OO and examined planned expenditures in six categories.
High and low materialism respondents differed in four of the six types of
expenditures, with high materialism respondents spending as much as three
times more than low materialism respondents in some cases. Studies of
actual expenditure patterns (e.g., Lunt and Livingstone, 1992) would more
clearly show the influence of materialistic values on spending practices.
A related research topic concerns compulsive shopping. O’Guinn and
Faber (1989) found relationships between compulsive, opt-of-control shop-
ping and personality traits such as envy (which has been linked to material-
ism), while Hanley and Wilhelm (1992) studied compulsive buying and
money attitudes. This is a promising area for inquiry. While critics have
blamed ‘rampant materialism’ for excessive debt and bankruptcy, empirical
studies testing this thesis have not yet been conducted.
have allowed the United States to achieve one of the highest material
standards of living in the world. This increase in work stands in sharp
contrast to European economies in which work hours have declined. In
Schor’s analysis, an important cause of increasing work and declining
leisure among Americans is their materialistic values.
Given the presumed role of materialism in work motivation, research
documenting and elaborating this relationships is warranted. For instance,
there appears to be some tension in the relationship between materialism
and work. The traditional (Protestant) work ethic values work for its own
sake and for its social contributions (see Furnham, 1990, for a comprehen-
sive review), while the materialist is more instrumental in his/her approach
to work, valuing work primarily for the buying power it provides. It is
possible that this instrumental orientation involves a denigration of work
itself. Some evidence of this is provided in a study by Belk (1989). He asked
college students to report their liking of comic book characters with which
they were familiar. Using content analysis procedures, some of the charac-
ters were classified as consumption heroes (hard working, intelligent, and
unselfish) and some as consumption villains (greedy spendthrifts who
obtain wealth through luck, crime, or magic instead of hard work). Materi-
alistic students tended to like the consumption villains (and dislike the
more traditional consumption heroes), while the opposite was true for
students low in materialism. This finding suggests that materialism is linked
with work attitudes; it may be a useful variable in modeling the relationship
between work attitudes and various work behaviors.
2.3. Giving
are at least two respects in which individuals have some degree of choice
concerning the taxes they pay. In some economies, tax evasion and tax
avoidance are practiced by significant segments of society, and personal
values such as materialism and greed are likely to play some role in this
behavior. Second, in many political units, citizens have the opportunity to
vote on specific taxes directly affecting the social welfare of the locality.
These taxes may be used to improve a variety of public services such as
roads, schools, and sewage treatment facilities or to provide aid to disad-
vantaged members of the community. Research could assess whether the
self-interest of materialistic individuals makes them likely to favor only
those tax levies of direct personal benefit.
3.1. Identity
It is well recognized that one’s sense of self stems in part from the
possessions one owns (Braun and Wicklund, 1989; James, 1890; Mc-
Cracken, 1986; Simmel, 1900/1978). Although not tested empirically, it has
been suggested that materialists are more likely than others to define their
selves through possessions (Wright et al., 1992).
Several studies have examined the symbolic meanings of possessions as
they relate to identity (e.g., Dittmar, 1992; Furby, 1978; Richins, 1994b;
Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988). An emerging body of evidence suggests
that possessions have different meanings for those low and high in materi-
alism and that these individuals use possessions in different ways. Richins
(1994a), for instance, found that materialists are more likely to value
possessions for their status, appearance-related, and utilitarian meanings
while those low in materialism are more likely to derive value from a
possession’s symbolic ties with other individuals (e.g., gifts) or its potential
for hedonic satisfaction.
Collections are organized groups of possessions. Among other functions,
collections may be used by individuals to create or improve self-identity
(Beaglehole, 1932; Moulin, 1987; Rigby and Rigby, 1944). Collections have
been viewed by some scholars as a means of legitimizing acquisitiveness
(e.g., Clifford, 1985); thus, materialism may be associated both with the
intensity of the collecting motive and with the types (and meanings) of
objects collected.
ML. Richins, F. W. Rudmin /Journal of Economic Psychology IS (1994) 217-231 227
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