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Sustainable Rural Development in Western Africa: The Naam

Movement and the Six 'S'
by Takehiko Uemura
Associate Professional Officer, People's Participation/Environment
Rural Institutions and Participation Service (SDAR)
FAO Rural Development Division
Part 1 - The Naam Movement in Burkina Faso

Background
The Naam Movement was initiated in 1967 by Bernard Ledea Ouedraogo, a teacher and a
trainer of rural extension workers at the time when he started. The reason why he founded
the Movement derived from his bitter experience as a training officials of village groups
and cooperatives. These organizations have never worked well and never been accepted
by the people. He came to the conclusion that:
... the only concern of the officially organized farmers was to take advantage
of the donkeys, bullocks, carts, hoes, and other materials we would make
available to them. There was nothing else behind this demeaning form of
assistance, no vision, no global conception of development or of the rural
world, no doctrine or philosophy. There had been no prior efforts at
consciousness raising. It was normal that in such a situation the farmers had
but one concern: prime the State "pump" for all it was worth and cheat the
extension workers. (Pradervand, 1989: 19)
He also noticed that the organization were created "from above" and manipulated with
political aims in mind (e.g. for the purpose of local politicians' elections). Hence,
Ouedraogo and his colleagues began considering a completely new approach. He started
by looking back to the tradition of his village and tried to inquire into the old village social
organizations. They found one excellent traditional village organization which consisted of
young men and women undertaking various activities and having highly developed
cooperative characteristics. This was called "Kombi-Naam", which aimed at "...both
developing moral qualities such as solidarity, cooperation, friendship, and loyalty in the
young, and at the same time accomplishing socially useful tasks for the village"
(Pradervand, 1989: 20).
In the Kombi-Naam, all were equal, regardless of gender, class, caste, and wealth. This organization
also used to provide moral, civic, and technical training to village youth. The members of the group
worked together, and shared the fruits of the labour in the form of festivities once a year. Ouedraogo
explains:

After a careful study, we realized that the cooperative structures of the

Kombi-Naam were in no way inferior to the organizational framework of
European cooperatives. A Kombi-Naam group practiced a qualitative
democracy: people were chosen not for their position in the social hierarchy
(Mossi society is extremely hierarchic) but for their moral qualities. For

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instance, the Kombi-Naaba, the supreme chief of the Naam group, was
chosen for his leadership qualities and his ability to persuade. (Pradervand,
1989: 20)
Ouedraogo attempted to harness this story of the traditional cooperative to make
peasants understand their admirable tradition and to transform it into a contemporary
village development scheme. Nonetheless, he did not adapt all aspects of the organization.
The modern Naam, is open not only to young people but to people of all ages, involving the
whole village. It has also asked the village elders to be counsellors, which harnesses the
African tradition of respect for the wisdom of the elders. Thus, a customary cooperative
was gradually transformed into a dynamic institution for village development. Ouedraogo
describes the process:
Little by little, the "adapted" Naams grew in number. I must mention here that
in the work of awareness education that we undertook, we were very careful
never to attack any traditional customs. Instead, we built on the positive
aspects of these, on the values of solidarity, understanding, brotherliness
and friendship, which were already at the heart of the traditional Naam
groups. (Pradervand, 1989: 21)
It was not an easy path. There were many attempts to bring it down. According to
Pradervand, for example, in addition to strong antagonism from government agronomists
and economists, "a powerful leading national politician attempted to use the State rural
extension services to destroy his work..." (Pradervand, 1989: 21). The founder of the
Movement, however, refused to give in, and finally brought it to fruition after six years of
unflagging efforts.
Ideals of the Naam Movement
What is the philosophy of the Naam Movement? As it implied, it is expressed concisely in
the idea of "development without destroying". Ouedraogo, the founder of the Naam
Movement argues: "To make the village responsible for its own development, developing
without destroying, starting from the peasant: what he is, what he knows, what he knows
how to do, how he lives, and what he wants" (in Harrison, 1987: 280). Pradervand
continues to explain its ideal:
The Naam is a form of development adapted to local needs, created by the
people themselves, which instead of destroying traditional structures from
the outside, like leaven, transforms them from the inside. ...It starts with what
people are (based on a true appreciation of their African identity), what they
know (respect for traditional knowledge and values, which implies the
considerable effort necessary to become acquainted with them), their
know-how (rediscovery of traditional techniques, some of which, for example
in the field of water and soil conservation, have proven invaluable), and what
they wish to achieve (which implies meaningful grassroots participation in
defining the very objectives of development processes). (Pradervand, 1989:
22)
Ouedraogo also emphasizes people's participation, as well as self-motivation and taking
charge of problems, as essential elements of development:
It can be spontaneous, voluntary, created or incited. ... Only conscious
participation by populations taking concrete actions makes them realize the
gravity of their problems and their capacity to overcome the obstacles that
these problems pose.(Ouedraogo, 1989: 17)
As we will see, this Movement attempts to harness low-cost technologies, using local

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material, that can be taught and spread quickly, such as water-conserving techniques of
building stone lines along the contours, and a three-stone stove. Therefore, its ideals can
be summarized as "development from within", starting with the people, incorporating
indigenous values, tradition and technical knowledge, utilizing local resources and
endowments with simple technologies, encouraging people's participation, and aiming at
self-reliance.
Practice and impacts of the Naam Movement
How are these ideals implemented in practice? The heart of the Naam Movement lies in
the villages. Naam groups have built wells and dams, set up vegetable gardens, planted a
village woodlot, established village shops and mills. They also promote savings for village
development, rearing chickens, simple water-filters from layers of charcoal, sand and
gravel in a clay pot. They have a village health agent, pharmacopoeias, and a cereal bank.
The cereal bank allows peasants to avoid purchasing grain from the market in the end of
dry season when prices are at their highest. Harrison illustrates the function of the bank:
The cereal bank buys cereal in cheaply at harvest time, from inside and
outside the village, stores it locally, and sells it at cost when it is needed.
Cereal banks cut out the middle man's profit, provide more favourable prices
for growers and consumers, even out the seasonal switchback in prices, and
ensure that grain stores are available locally. (Harrison, 1989: 283)
There are three more conspicuous examples of the Movement's activities. The first
example is traditional stone lines which are used to restore soil erosion. This is the
product of cooperation between a western NGO and local peasants in the Naam group.
Peter Wright, a project director of Oxfam discovered an excellent traditional
water-conservation scheme when he was working with villagers, but he, at the same time,
noticed that if these are aligned properly with the contour levels, they would work better
(Wright and Bonkoungou, 1986: 79-86).
Wright invented a cheap method to measure the contour by using a hosepipe, maximizing this
schemes' effectiveness. Lines of stones ranged along the contour amazingly "increase infiltration,
boost crop yields, reduce erosion, and are even capable of rehabilitating totally degraded land.
[Moreover,] [t]he technique of making them is so cheap and simple that the stone lines are spreading
with astonishing speed" (Harrison, 1989: 165). The Naam Movement disseminated the techniques
widely, from neighbour to neighbour, from village to village.
The second example is the improved three-stone stove which is created based on the traditional
three-stone fire. This stove is simple to make with almost no cost, but saves 35-70 percent of wood
use. It therefore helps reduce women's workload gathering firewood as well as preventing
deforestation. The Naam Movement began introducing it around 1981. The Movement also trained
women in the construction of the stove and the training of other women. As a result, 83,500
improved stoves were in use by April, 1986 (Harrison, 1989: 219).
Finally, the Naam Movement has altered gender and inter- and intra-generational relationships.
Before this Movement started, village women were never allowed to express their ideas and
opinions in public, to eat with men, or even to own their own livestock. But as the Movement has
prevailed, women are allowed to express themselves freely in public, and own their own bullocks and
sheep. In addition to this, the Movement has revolutionized the relationship between women
themselves and connected women in other villages. Marcelline, a female villager in Burkina Faso
explains:

With the Naam group, women have become like sisters, whereas before
there was not a good understanding between them. Now there are no more
racial, ethnic, or caste distinctions. Before, women didn't know each other
well, but now they have acquaintances in other villages. There is real
sisterhood between the women of the Naam groups. If one of them has a

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problem, immediately the other will come to her aid. (Pradervand, 1989: 115)
By the same token, the Movement has changed the relationship between generations.
Before the Movement came, young villagers did not speak in front of the elders. There
used to be a distrust and conflict between the two. However, now, thanks to the change
that the Movement brought about, even elders ask young men their opinions and ideas,
and vice versa.
Overall, the Naam Movement has been successful in developing people's minds, a spirit of
self-reliance, village's well-being, and in transcending gender and generation. By 1985, there were
no less than 1350 Naam groups, and "...there are over 4,000 Naam and affiliated groups in the
Yatenga area of Burkina Faso, with well over 200,000 members...in 1989" (Pradervand, 1989: 22).
Moreover, this Movement went beyond its territory and expanded further to form seven regional
federations, called the Six "S", with like-minded self-help organizations.

Part 2 - From the Naam Movement to the Six "S" Association

Background
The international Six "S" Association has been set up by Bernard Ledea Ouedraogo, the
founder of the Naam Movement, and Bernard Lecomte, a French development specialist,
in 1976. Ouedraogo felt the necessity to consolidate self-help movements by exchanging
their experiences and ideas with each other, and to raise international funds to make their
movements more dynamic. On the other hand, Lecomte disagreed with the orthodox path
of aid and sought a new approach which induces the self-reliance of local people. They
met at an ENDA (an African environmental NGO) meeting in 1975. There, Ouedraogo's
experience and knowledge of rural development as the leader of the Naam Movement
were combined with Lecomte's unique idea of aid, "flexible funding", or funding not tied to
specific projects which was the product of his sharp critique to the conventional way of
funding. Thus, they came to establish the Six "S" Association which is uniquely run by
peasants themselves.
Ideals of the Six "S"
The Six "S" stands for Se Servir de la Saison Seche en Savane et au Sahel - Six times
the letter 'S' - which in English translates as "Using the dry season in the Savannah and
the Sahel". The concept of this Association is, as its name shows, to utilize the dry
season, when peasants have no job, to promote village development. More concretely, it
aims at connecting the scattered peasant self-help groups and supporting the self-reliance
of villagers through providing funds and training groups in the Sahel region.
It is not surprising that its fundamental philosophy is the same as the Naam Movement, "developing
without destroying". As mentioned, it strives to build on the best of each tradition in each region
rather than to destroy it, as Western approaches generally did. It starts from the peasants rather than
from the top that often distrusts or undervalues peasants' knowledge and ability.
What makes the Six "S" unique is, as we will see later, its system of "flexible funding", invented by
Lecomte. It means making funds available to each Six "S" self-help group without advance
knowledge of the projects for which the funds will be used. In other words, this Association entirely
trusts the ability and the spirit of self-reliance of each member organization. This idea derives from
the critique of conventional aid which distorts the link between local population and an aid agency,
forcing people's initiatives into the framework of the agency's estimates of expenditure. Namely, aid
agencies are apt to "impose a timetable and a fairly rigid budget, define the precise aim of the
project, negotiate who will carry it through and who the recipients should be, and so on" (Pradervand,
1987: 39). This often results in suffocating local initiatives and self-reliance.

Practice and Impacts of the Six "S"

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But how is it possible to put it into practice, even though we understand both negative
effects of the orthodox method and positive aspects of "flexible funding"? The unorthodox
idea came to be possible by the decision by Marcel Heimo, the director of the Swiss
Development Cooperation (DDA). Since then, the DDA and the Six "S" established a
durable relationship as a partner, and the DDA is still, thirteen years later, a major backer
of the Six "S" (Pradervand, 1989: 99). The machinery of the Six "S" is quite distinct, as
well. It is not only formed and run by the peasants themselves, but is also highly
decentralized to keep the autonomy of each self-help group. The Six "S" is run by a
thirteen-member board (eleven Africans and two expatriates, one of whom is co-founder
Lecomte), and its General Assembly of approximately forty members. It has a
headquarters and permanent secretariat in Burkina Faso, headed by co-founder
Ouedraogo. In each region, from about ten to fifty village groups are organized into a Six-S
"zone". "Each zone democratically elects a management committee to administer the fund
allocated to the zone at the annual 6-S meeting" (Pradervand, 1987: 38) and it designates
representatives to the General Assembly of the Federation. The Assembly represents not
only regional grassroots groups but also the main donor organizations (Pradervand, 1989:
100). There, they discuss the shortcomings and failures of the past year as thoroughly and
frankly as the success and achievements.
How does the Six "S" implement their ideas in practice? Their activity ranges from all sorts of village
projects, motivating, communicating, supervising grassroots groups and their members, to a host of
training programs and "flexible funding". Here, let us examine the implementation of "flexible
funding"; its training programs; its cultural activities; and its role as grassroots communicator.
As an overview of the practice, it may be pertinent to begin by looking at "flexible funding", which is
one of the core activities of the Six "S" (Lecomte, 1986). This funding works in three stages. The
first stage is institution building, coming before the implementation of any project, determining
peasants' ability to organize themselves. If it is negative, the Association "helps the groups summon
up their own resources, starting with savings, which in turn leads to the trust in their own capacities
that is the only sound basis for the future action" (Pradervand, 1989: 104). The Six "S" also "helps
the groups create a network, find grass-roots communicators, master elementary concepts of
management, and lay the groundwork for literacy training" (Pradervand, 1989: 104). In this way, the
Association encourages local people to start a dialogue for development as well as giving on-site
training to create a basis for self-reliance.
At the second stage, the Association starts to offer financial assistance to the zones which could
demonstrate "their ability to save, to manage, and to carry on a dialogue in expressing and defending
their viewpoints, needs, and priorities" (Pradervand, 1989: 104). Here, the assistance is "flexible",
meaning peasants themselves can decide how it is to be used. It is also not in the form of gifts, but
of loans, to prevent peasants from being passive. According to Pradervand, "[t]he first two stages in
the development of a federation can easily take eight to ten years" (Pradervand, 1989: 104). Hence,
the donors are especially requested to be patient and to nurture grassroots self-help groups.
Pradervand argues:

...grass-roots development is a way of travelling more than a goal. If we may

use a metaphor, it means being ready to travel in a mammie wagon with
people--with all the delays, punctures, breakdowns, and discomfort that
implies, but also an incredibly rewarding experience and human
enrichment--rather than driving alone in an air-conditioned Range Rover with
two spare wheels, a cool drink in the ice-box, and a fixed timetable.
(Pradervand, 1987: 41)
In the third stage, Association groups have acquired enough experience and have
demonstrated their ability to manage, to do almost everything, by themselves. In this
stage, "[t]hey can now become autonomous: they are able to negotiate loans with local
banks. The financial role of the partner is over" (Pradervand, 1989: 104). What is the
result of "flexible funding"? Pradervand positively evaluates this funding system:

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It is the 6-S system of flexible funding that has made it possible for unknown
peasant groups to organize themselves regionally, to create an
infrastructure, to set up their first training sessions, to purchase means of
transportation such as bicycles or motorbikes, and to offer modest
compensation to the farmer who undertakes the organization of an area's
growing network. (Pradervand, 1989: 103)
The Six "S" also has heavily invested in training and, in addition to its own activities, has a
variety of "training in action" programmes collaborating with Agriculture Ministries and
foreign NGOs. According to Pradervand, they are:
vegetable gardening and marketing techniques; basic literacy training in the
local language; general approaches to erosion prevention; a specific
technique for building anti-erosion walls; training peasants with audio-visual
aids (6-S has developed a series of slide shows in a variety of West African
languages and has purchased the appropriate technology to show them in
villages); building walls; livestock breeding; milling; maintenance of village
pumps; primary health care and nutrition; ...vaccination and care of poultry...
organization of village pharmacies; and construction of coal filters (to filter
water). (Pradervand, 1987: 42)
He also illustrates how it works: "[f]or example, if the coordinator of a zone wishes to
teach the farmers in the area how to build a small dam, he will invite 6-S members from all
over the zone to join in building the dam" (Pradervand, 1989: 101). They emphasize
training because of their belief that success depends on training. Training creates new
ideas, and ideas are power.
The Six "S" emphasizes cultural activity. Restoring or raising indigenous culture and a sense of
identity is essential for "developing without destroying". For instance, Bamba-Tialene, a member
village of the Six "S" in Senegal, has an Art and Culture Committee. It undertakes historical and
cultural research on the region and is the "think-tank" of the village in defining its development model.
Habibou N'Diaya, the president of the Committee argues:

We researched our past to discover things that are vital for our future, for
instance, the principle of solidarity and mutual assistance upon which our
society was once based. [This principle was generally set aside during the
prosperous 1960's, when rising incomes fostered greater individualism.] We
have 'rediscovered' traditional herbal medicine and have summarized our
findings in a study that is used for literacy training. We also wrote a book on
the history of our region. Above all, we have to get back to our roots. We
have to be ourselves. (in Pradervand, 1989: 129)
One of the main reasons why these projects have worked quite well is the existence of the
grassroots communicators. The communicators, as their name shows, transmit information
from the grassroots to the Six "S" leaders and vice versa. They also conduct the literacy
courses in local languages, supervise ongoing projects, receive delegations from and visit
other villages, and are responsible for basic health care in the village. The communicators
even make contacts with local state administration to avoid a conflict with them. Samba,
the grassroots communicator in Mali explains: "Initially, the local authorities did not
understand what we are trying to do and were very suspicious. Lots of patience and
clarification was needed to get the 6-S message across, but now the head of the local
administration backs us in our work" (in Pradervand, 1989: 108).
The important point is that they develop these activities, ceaselessly stressing the significance of
self-reliance and the Six "S" spirit. Samba, again, asserts what they are:

As I understand it, 6-S spirit means first and foremost relying on yourself,
your activities. ...6-S was created to help farmers organize productive

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activities during the dry season. But it is up to them to find what they want to
do. Suggestions that come from outside never work. (in Pradervand, 1989:
107)
As a result of his effort and the spirit, and of financial support from the Six "S", his village
has completed many projects ranging from construction of numerous tracks between
villages, improved stoves, and a training and meeting centre to reforestation, and creation
of a young people's theatre group (Pradervand, 1989: 109).
Problems of the Six "S"
As we have seen, the Association has been quite successful in both mobilizing villagers to
be self-reliant and raising their well-being. Nevertheless, the Six "S" is not perfect, and has
some problems. The first problem is that delays of reimbursements of loans are increasing.
The reason can be explained by the fact that the Association has accepted many groups
without checking sufficiently their ability to save and to manage due to increasing demand
for membership in the Association. This is also because of increased economic difficulties
faced by the Sahelian countries. Secondly, its philosophy sometimes does not seem to be
completely disseminated to every member of the Association. Some peasants would say,
"Why should we make an effort to save if we can easily get money from 6-S?" This is
mainly due to lack of training of the Six "S" communicators as well as its growing
membership.
The third problem is that the Association still heavily relies on a few dynamic key persons such as
Ouedraogo and Lecomte. Many grassroots movements like the Sarvodaya Shramadana Movement
in Sri Lanka hold the same problem. Only time will tell whether or not the movement itself is strong
enough to succeed when the current dynamic leaders retire.
Finally, women are under-represented in governing roles in the Six "S". Nevertheless, it should be
remembered that development is a long term process, and we need continuing efforts and patience
to see positive results. Women in the Sahel, before the Association came, were not even allowed to
express their opinions in public. Now, they can do it freely. This is significant progress. In this way,
the situation is likely to, gradually but certainly, change. Moreover, these problems are not intrinsic to
its philosophy or practice of the Six "S". Indeed, in spite of these problems, the Six "S" has steadily
expanded.

In 1988, 6-S comprised approximately 3,560 village groups in 75 zones

spread over four countries: Burkina Faso had the highest number of member
groups, followed by Senegal, Mali, and Mauritania. Zones were being
created in Niger and Northern Togo, and groups in Chad, the Cape Verde
Islands, and Guinea Bissau had expressed an interest in joining.
(Pradervand, 1989: 99)
The Six "S" has encouraged local initiatives and fostered self-help organizations. What it
has done is a long-range attempt to empower local groups to become masters of their own
destiny. It takes considerable time, but once established, it seems to be durable and
sustainable. Bara Diombele, the village chief of Dogani-Beri in Mali said: "6-S is for us a
symbol of hope. We have achieved with 6-S things we ourselves never even imagined we
could achieve" (in Pradervand: 98).
Concluding remarks
The Naam Movement and the Six "S" suggest many essential elements for development.
Their success clearly articulates the significance of "development from within" approaches
--from people's desires to be self-reliant and from each local group itself -- not from the
outside. Their success also lies in starting from "tradition", in people's participation with
decentralized organization, and in fully utilizing local resources and endowments, which are

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also ingredients of "development from within". It also underscores the need to rethink the
way in which aid is administered by the North, namely, that it should not force local people
to develop into a straitjacket that is created by the donors. Rather they should maximize
the inner dynamics of self-reliance of local people by trusting them as a partner. Harrison
notes that "all the activities [that the Naam movement] has stimulated are managed and
run by villagers. Professionals and experts take up their proper role of training, technical
and financial bach-up" (Harrison, 1987: 280). The donor's role needs to be one of
supporting the local struggles -- the local efforts to develop "from within". Africa is in crisis.
But we should not ignore a robust tide which steadily flows at the grassroots of the
continent. This tide is the hope for Africa's future and should be supported. In the Naam
Movement, the Six "S" indigenous self-help movement in the South, and its collaboration
with the supporters which have a proper philosophy from the North, we could see a
brighter future for Africa.

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