Pakistan has finally decided to undo the act of Liaquat Ali Khan who, in 1949, as the Prime

Minister (PM) of Pakistan, turned down the request of the then USSR to visit it; instead, he
visited the US in May 1950. The former USSR must have been annoyed at this. Fuel to the fire
was added when Pakistan joined the anti-USSR western alliance rooted in antagonism towards
the communist ideology, which was upheld and sponsored by the former USSR. This was how
the annoyance of the former USSR with Pakistan was turned into animosity and the same
reflected in the events leading up to the 1971 crisis, which witnessed Pakistan getting divided
into two halves. With hindsight, Pakistans reliance on the US for military and financial aid since
1947 attributed to Pakistans joining the anti-USSR camp, chaired by the US. Pakistan became
a prisoner to its needs sprouted from insecurity enforced by India by denying Pakistan
even the rightful share of assets consequent to partition.
It was the famous Atlantic Charter a joint declaration signed and released on August 14, 1941
by Franklin Roosevelt, the US president, and Sir Winston Churchill, the PM of the UK, following
their meeting during the Second World War, expressing their post-war aims that offered a
glimmer of hope to colonial subjects (including those populating British colonies) to exercise the
right of self-determination (i.e. the rights of all peoples to choose their own government and
which may be by opting for decolonisation), as enshrined in point three of the charter. During the
war, subjects from the Indian subcontinent fought alongside the British army against the Nazi
regime of Germany and did not hesitate to risk or lay down their lives for their colonial
commanders but did not revolt. Japans attack on Pearl Harbour in December 1941 brought the
US into the war theatre from where the US emerged as the victor of the war by creating a
humanitarian crisis in Japan, whereas the former USSR, which also bore the onslaught of the
Nazi army, remained one of the beneficiaries of the triumph. This point placed the former USSR
at least one notch below on the ladder of global significance vis--vis the US. Consequently, it
was quite natural with Pakistan to join the victor club preferably and hurriedly, since Pakistan
was beset by severe economic and military inadequacies since 1947.
The hostile embrace between Pakistan and the former USSR took place in Afghanistan from
1979 to 1991 and this time it ended in the dismemberment of the former USSR into several
small states. The score was settled. Communist ideology was defeated. From the rubble
emerged the Russian Federation carrying the cargo of legacy and the burden of the lament of
the former USSR, besides the resolve to reform its own system. The Russian Federation, the
core of which is Russia, can still be called the reduced, if not deflated, version of the former
USSR.
The Russia of today is grappled with two major issues on the foreign policy front: first, how to
support the allies (such as the regime of al-Assad of Syria) of the former USSR and second how
to cope with the needs of the modern age predicating on economic realities (instead of
ideological veracities including Islamic ideology) more than ever. Russia has been trying to
balance these two incongruent aspects. Regionally, Russia has been successful in mending
fences with China. Russia is in need of China owing to Chinas economic prosperity whereas
China needs Russias help (in terms of supplying energy resources and distributing transport
networks for the movement of goods to and fro from Europe) to develop its western half. The
other leg of Chinas need-based paradigm is to touch the warm waters of the Arabian sea, the
same warm waters the former USSR is said to have aspired to reach after stepping into
Afghanistan in 1979, even if the term invasion is avoided to elucidate the act.
Russia has also mollified Pakistan. Immediately after 1991, Russia started extending the hand
of friendship to Pakistan to which Pakistan remained sceptical. In the meantime, Russia also
tried to associate itself with the west but failed. On the other hand, since 1991, the US has also

started bringing India closer to its fold. Post-9/11 developments offered both the US and India
wider space to figure out ways of working together in a range of fields from nuclear energy
harnessing to space exploration. In the post-9/11 era, circumstances called developments have
also brought Pakistan nearer to Russia in reciprocal reconciliatory terms on both bilateral and
multilateral fronts including sharing the platform of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation
(SCO) in July 2015. In short, in Asia, the priority of Russia seems to be economic cooperation
and not military invasion. Russia is looking towards the East. The word hegemony is not being
bandied about.
Interestingly, the post-Cold War realignment was slow and shallow but the post-9/11
realignments are quick and sturdy between the regional countries of Asia. More interestingly
still, Pakistan was not happy with the former USSR but now Pakistan seems to be happy with
the modified but condensed version of the same called Russia. The appalling episode of 9/11
must have offered sufficient space to Russia to yearn for revival.
Pakistan must be asked how it views its former nemesis, the former USSR, which now
embodies Russia, to destroy the Islamic militant monster it has created and which is now
Pakistans biggest existential threat. Pakistan is soon going to offer a land route to Russia to let
its goods have access to the warm waters of the Arabian Sea or Russia may achieve that target
through China. If amity and reconciliation are the ultimate destiny of a crisis, who will justify the
lives lost on both sides of the border in a struggle to subdue the other in the name of ideology?

The writer is a freelance columnist and can be reached at qaisarrashid@yahoo.com