The Geographies of Street Girls in Bogot, Colombia:

A Multi-Method Approach to Conducting Research with Street Children

Amy E. Ritterbusch
Florida International University

Prepared for delivery at the 2009 Congress of the Latin American Studies Association
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil June 11-14, 2009.

Introduction
The proposed doctoral dissertation research will investigate the everyday lives and spaces
of a population of children typically constructed as out of place and the broader context in which
they are rendered as such. In a six-phase, twelve-month research process, the researcher will
utilize child-led, geo-ethnographic methods coupled with archival research to examine the social
and spatial lives of twenty female street children in Bogot, Colombia.
The presence of street children in the developing world has been the subject of
international public scrutiny and academic interest for nearly forty years. 1 During the 1980s,
UNICEF estimated that 40 million children were living on the streets of major cities in Latin
America, many of which are still overwhelmingly populated with homeless children (Aptekar
1994). 2 Represented in popular discourse as a deviant, wasted generation of nobodys
children, 3 street children have often been targeted by social and spatial urban improvement
efforts to eliminate undesirable populations from public spaces in the city.
In Bogot, Colombia, social cleansing efforts in the late 1980s and early 1990s resulted in
the murder of 1,926 people, 124 of which were vagrant children and gamines (street children). 4
According to the U.S. State Department and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
(IACHR), extrajudicial killings, verbal, physical and sexual abuse, and violence against street
1

Street children have become an issue of global concern in the wake of important developments in the
recognition and protection of childrens rights. These include the International Year of the Child (1979),
the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) and ILO Convention No. 182 (1999) on the worst
forms of child labor.
2
Aptekar and Heinonen (2003) note the challenges of gathering accurate statistics on the street children
population due to categorical ambiguities and methodological limitations.
3
Aptekar cites a September 1984 article in El Tiempo, Bogot, Colombias leading news source, referring
to street children as a plague threatening the fabric of traditional family discipline (Aptekar 1991,
327).
4
These statistics reflect the number of registered murders reported by El Centro de Investigacion y
Educacion Popular in Bogot; however, it is noted that more killings may have gone unregistered
(HRW 1994, 3).
2

children by paramilitary groups and agents of the state continue to plague Colombian society
(IACHR 1999; U.S. State Department 2001).
Urban improvement efforts have also targeted the street children population and led to
the destruction of places in Bogot that are central to their everyday lives. A recent example
involved the elimination of El Cartucho, an area targeted as one of the most dangerous zones of
drug-dealing, youth prostitution and homelessness in Bogot (Cmara de Comercio de Bogot
1997). With the completion of a multi-million dollar urban improvement effort in July of 2005,
El Cartucho was replaced by a family- and community-centered park, El Parque Tercer Milenio, 5
displacing the informal merchant, vagrant, and street children population that formerly
dominated this space. 6 The recent events detailed here have situated Bogots urban center,
where the proposed research will be conducted, as a site where multiple processes of urban
change and exclusion can be observed.
Broader Impacts
While street children in general are subject to exclusionary practices such as those
detailed above, street girls in particular face multiple forms of exclusion with respect to their
social and spatial positioning in the city. Therefore, the broader impacts of the proposed research
lie in the production of knowledge about an understudied and disadvantaged group of female
children whose lives have been particularly misunderstood in previous academic studies and
within the international public imaginary. Research findings will be disseminated at academic
conferences and published in scholarly journals and a collaborative, cross-disciplinary
5

The researcher obtained this information during pilot research in 2004. For more information on El
Parque Tercer Milenio in Bogot refer to the Institute of Urban Development:
www.idu.gov.co/sist_espacio/parque_tercer_milenio.htm
6
The example of El Cartucho reflects a common historical trend in Latin American cities of periodic
urban improvement that addresses social problems through the designation of deviant populations and
spaces (Portes 1972; Guerrero 1995).
3

relationship will be established between scholars in the United States and Colombia as a result of
the researchers visiting investigator/scholar status at Universidad de los Andes in Bogot.
Intellectual Merit
By beginning with the lived experiences and micro-geographies of Colombian street girls
and broadening the focus to examine the discourses surrounding their socio-spatial exclusion, the
proposed research will advance a new methodological and theoretical approach to understanding
and theorizing the current condition of street children in the developing world. This approach
will yield the production of new knowledge in multiple ways. Firstly, by interjecting
considerations of space and gender into the study of street children, the proposed research will
reveal the connection between the invisibility of female street children in public space and their
absence in academic studies and literature. Secondly, the proposed research will contribute a
bottom-up understanding of street childrens experience of the city as they see it (from the
childs eye view); a perspective that is only attainable with the participation of children in the
research process. Thus, the significant contribution will be the knowledge gained from using a
child-led participatory approach that emphasizes the ethical importance of conducting research
with children rather than imposing it upon them (Morrow and Richards 1996; Matthews et al.
1998; Thomas and OKane 1998).
Ultimately, the intellectual merit of the proposed research lies in the examination of
urban children out of place; female children who transgress societal expectations about the place
and behavior of girls. A focus on street girls will produce knowledge about a population that is
largely missing in the literature on Latin American street children and addresses the relative lack
of research on children in the global South existing outside of the socially and spatially
constructed realms of the family and home. The proposed alternative approach to theorizing
4

childhood will make a significant contribution to the sociological and geographic study of
childhood by moving beyond a binary logic (child-adult; home-homeless; public-private; in
place-out of place) to explore the manner in which street girls occupy a space somewhere inbetween these dichotomous constructions (James et al. 1998; Holloway and Valentine 2000a;
Holloway and Valentine 2000b; Aitken 2001; Matthews 2003; Kesby et al. 2006). In order to
conceptualize the social space of street children, their lives must be examined at these placebound points of intersection.
Conceptual Framework
1. The (In)visibility of Street Girls
I will demonstrate how, by excluding a specific focus on gender and focusing solely on
the lives of street boys, previous studies of Latin American street children resulted in
insufficiently-nuanced knowledge and policies (Felsman 1982; Aptekar 1988; Lusk 1992). While
it has long been accepted that street children are a heterogeneous population, (Lalor 1999, 760)
the literature on street children has overlooked the gendered divisions within this population as
well as the importance of gender-specific spatial factors in their everyday lives.7
The proposed research does not take the issue of street girls invisibility at face-value.
Rather, it takes into account that the true incidence of working girls may be hidden by the
nature of their work, which tends to be less visible than the work of street boys. For example,
females may work as maids in bars, back street hotels, and private houses. Street boys, on the
other hand, typically engage in more visible activities such as car washing, shoe shining, and
peddling (Lalor 1999, 761). The proposed research will corroborate Lalors contention (by

Both academic and policy-oriented definitions of street children have identified different categories of
street youth beginning most notably with UNICEFs (1984) categorization distinguishing children of the
street from children on the street (Lalor 1999).
5

examining street girls activity spaces) and will further extend this argument by revealing the
broader socio-spatial context in which these invisibilities are produced and reproduced. Drawing
from Wrights discussion of the connection between female disappearance and urban renewal in
Ciudad Jurez, I contend that the street girl in Bogot has been removed and excluded from
public space to generate an image of a cleaner and safer cityin the spaces where we find
her missing (Wright 2004, 371).
2. Children Out of Place
The proposed research employs the work of Sibley (1995) and Cresswell (1996) to
conceptualize the broader context of these socio-spatial exclusionary practices occurring in
Bogot. Drawing from psychoanalytic and object relations theory, Sibleys work on the
geographies of exclusion demonstrates the manner in which the stereotyping of people and
places are connected (Sibley 1995). 8 The relegation of street children to the margins of the city
reflects the desire of those who feel threatened to distance themselves from defiled people and
defiled places thereby demonstrating how spatial boundaries in Bogot can also be conceived as
moral boundaries (ibid, 50). Sibleys discussion of the process of socio-spatial purification in
nineteenth century cities can be applied to the case of Bogot in which the connection between
the stereotyping of street children and place has ultimately led to the elimination of areas that
they occupy and the creation of elegant family spaces such as El Parque Tercer Milenio from
which they are excluded (Sibley 1995a). Similarly, the work of Cresswell examining the way in
which space and place are used to structure a normative landscape- the way in which ideas about
what is right, just, and appropriate are transmitted through space and place will be used to
8

Sibley employs Kristevas (1982) discussion of abjection and the compulsion to expel the abject as a
means of understanding the geographies of exclusion and the manner in which feelings of abjection attach
to place (Sibley 1995a, 8-9). This theoretical framework will be used to conceptualize street girls sociospatial exclusion in Bogot.
6

analyze the socio-spatial environment in which street girls are deemed out of place (Cresswell
1996, 8). This work, coupled with that of scholars examining the social construction of the street
child and dominant representations of street children as out of place (Scheper-Hughes and
Hoffman 1994; Connolly and Ennew 1996; Rizzini 1996; Bromling 1997; Glauser 1997;
Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman 1998), constitutes a comprehensive framework for examining
street girls position in Colombian society. 9
3. The City from the Childs Eye View
The proposed research centralizes a child-centered optic, which explores the ways in
which different constructions of childhood shape the meanings and use of everyday spaces such
as the home and street (Holloway and Valentine 2000a, 778). I will demonstrate how the
multiple meanings of the street and home as both material and imaginative can be visualized by
mapping street girls social and spatial lives and by illustrating their perceptions of places in the
city (Fyfe 1998; Hecht 1998; Beazley 2004; Blunt and Dowling 2006; Beazley 2008). Cahills
discussion of the ways in which children make sense of the implicit rules and social meanings
inscribed in the environment (their street literacy) and Matthews discussion of childrens
understanding of the semiotics of the street inform this examination of the childs eye view of
the city (Matthews 2003, 108; Cahill 2000). Theorizations of the social construction and
regulation of public space will also be used to depict the politics and contestation of place in
Bogot and the manner in which street girls carve out their own spaces in the city (Low 2000;
Mitchell 2003; Low 2005).
9

Childrens geographers have drawn from the work of Sibley (1995a; 1995b) and Cresswell (1996; 1999)
to illuminate the multiple ways in which street childrens actions transgress the expectations of place and
family spaces, the connections between homelessness and mobility, their experiences of spatial exclusion
and social control, and street childrens sites of belonging and exclusion (Beazley 1998; Beazley 2000;
Beazley 2002; Beazley 2003b; Beazley 2004; Gough and Franch 2005; Van Blerk 2005).
7

Research Questions and Hypotheses

Research Question # 1: Why are street girls missing in the academic literature on street
children?
Hypothesis # 1: Three main factors contribute to the under-examination of female street
children: the difficulty in accessing this segment of the street children population, the invisibility
of their activity spaces to the public eye, and their exclusion from the category of street
children. 10
These questions will be addressed through the use of activity mapping exercises,
participant observation, and the consultation of government documents to discern the formal
policy stance on the categories of street children.
Research Question # 2: How does the city appear from the childs eye view? What urban
places are central in their everyday lives? What social meanings are inscribed in these places?
Hypothesis # 2: Street girls feel neither at home in the city nor homeless. For street girls, the
space of the street is both a public and private domain in which they are simultaneously exposed
and hidden depending on the observer (i.e., client, street boy, general public). Their everyday
lives and mobilities revolve around places of refuge that are both material and imaginative.
Exploratory interviews, auto-photography, place perception interviews and mobile focus
groups will be used to address these questions.

10

Felsmans (1981) sample of 120 Colombian gamines and Aptekars (1988) sample of Colombian
street children were comprised solely of males. Both cite the perception that girls who appear in the
streets in Colombia are defined by the general population as prostitutes, not street children (Lalor 1999,
761).
8

Research Question # 3: Where do street girls belong and what shapes this sense of belonging?
Where do street girls feel out of place or excluded? What shapes this sense of exclusion?
Hypothesis # 3: Despite the larger backdrop of socio-spatial exclusion and urban change in
Bogot, street girls construct geographies of belonging and inclusion through attachments to
particular places in the city. They are excluded from strictly regulated places such as El Parque
Tercer Milenio.
Cognitive mapping exercises and auto-photography will be used to address these
questions.
Research Question # 4: How are street children discursively constructed? Does this differ
across scales?
Hypothesis # 4: Street children are discursively constructed as both pure and defiled; however,
in the case of Bogot, this occurs across scales. 11 At the local scale, street children are
constructed as deviant based on their association with defiled places in the city; while at the
global scale, street children are constructed within the child rights discourse as innocent victims
endangered within their urban environment. 12
Locally-accessible primary sources (newspapers, institutional reports, and policy
documents) and international conventions and legislation (i.e., UN Convention on the Rights of
the Child; ILO Convention No. 182) will be consulted in order to address these questions.

11

As noted by Sibley, [c]hildren can be simultaneously pure and defiled based on their association with
particular places (Sibley 1995, 64).
12
Based on the Foucaultian notion of discourse(s) as practices that systematically form the objects of
which they speak (Foucault 1972, 49) as well as the conceptualization of discourses as socialspatial
circuits that are productive of urban, economic, and cultural landscapes (Wright 2004, 369).
9

Research Design and Methodology

1. A Multi-method Approach to Uncovering Socio-Spatial Relations
The significant methodological contribution of the proposed research on street girls social
and spatial lives in Bogot, Colombia lies in the innovative triangulation of participatory
mapping methods, ethnography, and auto-photography. The research design for the proposed
research is based on the methodological approach of childrens geographers (participatory
research and auto-photography), qualitative and feminist GIScience (creating counter-maps of
urban space), environmental and behavioral geography (cognitive and activity mapping), and
ethnography (participant observation, interviews and focus groups). These methods will be
employed in a six-phase research process during a period of twelve months in two central
localidades (districts) of Bogot.
1a. Ethnography
During Phase I of the proposed research, I will use participant observation in order to
become familiar with the lives and spaces of the street girl population. The key informant,
Timothy Ross, is a gatekeeper to this population of children and will assist me to gain access to
the social and spatial domain of the street girls (Ross 2002b; Ross 2006). This research phase is
crucial for establishing trust, through becoming embedded within the research context and
destabilizing researcher-researched power relations (Crang and Cook 2007; Emerson et al. 1995;
Wolf 1996). 13 During Phase II of the proposed research, I will conduct exploratory interviews in
order to produce a thick description of the everyday lives, daily routines, social interactions and
experiences of streets girls (Geertz 1973).

13

Refer to Section 5a on power relations between researcher/adult and participant/child.

10

The proposed research will also employ the ethnographic method of focus groups during
Phase V in order to stimulate conversation and empower the participants to identify the themes
for discussion and direct the research process. Previous research has found that young people
can find comfort and strength in numbers and in a group are able to feel that they are in control
(Langevang 2007, 272).
1b. Behavioral Geography and Feminist GIS
Phase IV of the proposed research is based on the work of environmental and behavioral
geographers regarding activity space mapping and mental maps (Lynch 1960; Gould 1975;
Pocock and Hudson 1978; Golledge and Stimson 1987; Walmsley 1988; Gould and White 1992).
The purpose of cognitive mapping is to reveal the internal knowledge and spatial cognition of
street girls regarding their external urban environment of Bogot. Furthermore, the activity
mapping exercise will reveal the individual activity spaces and central locations of the childrens
movement throughout the city (Golledge and Stimson 1987). 14 The objective of this research
phase is to produce counter-maps re-presenting the world in ways that question or destabilize
dominant representations [of urban space], which are often imbued with various silences (Kwan
2002a, 649). The proposed research draws from theoretical discussions of the connections
between GIS and feminist perspectives including the interest in the grounded, spatial contexts
of everyday life and a concern for understanding power relations and the description and
representation of context at levels of detail and scale flexibility that are difficult to replicate
without a GIS (Hanson 2002, 302). By combining the various kinds of data collected
(ethnographic, spatial, photographic), the proposed research will visualize participants

14

In order to develop the methodological approach for Phase IV, the co-PI has worked closely with Dr.
Christopher Lukinbeal at ASU who is currently conducting cutting-edge research using cognitive and
activity mapping techniques with impoverished minority populations in the US.
11

perceptions and everyday experiences within their geographical context of the gendered space of
the street (Aitken 2002; Hanson 2002; Kwan 2002b; McLafferty 2002; Pavlovskaya 2002;
Schuurman and Pratt 2002; Matthews et al. 2005; Gilbert and Masucci 2006; Pavlovskaya and
Martin 2007). During this research phase, participants will be asked to locate their daily activities
on a map of the study area (refer to Table 1, p. 18) and will illustrate their place perceptions
during the cognitive mapping exercise (refer to Table 2, p. 18).
2. Study Sites
The central urban area of Bogot includes the two study localidades (districts) of Santa
F and Los Mrtires, both of which have a large identified presence of street girls. The maps on
page 20 and page 21 illustrate the concentration of urban improvement efforts within the two
study sites (see pink zones) that have affected the lives of street children in the surrounding
streets. From pilot research I conducted in 2004 and communication with the key informant, I
have identified nodes of street girls located between carreras 12 and 17 and calles 19 and 24.
Other key locations include El Parque San Victorino (known as La Mariposa), Terraza Pasteur
on carrera 7a with calle 24, and El Parque de Las Cruces. It is also necessary to investigate the
streets in Santa F below carrera 14 as the area has officially been designated a zona de
tolerancia [zone in which prostitution is tolerated] and has attracted significant numbers of street
girls. 15
2. Target Population and Recruitment
The researcher will use a snowball recruitment approach to identify a population of 20
female street children between the ages of seven and seventeen as per ethical guidelines. The
sample is not limited to a specific category of street youth and will therefore include street girls
15

The study sites fall within UTM (Universal Transverse Mercator) zone 18N.
12

involved in various types of work/activities and varying degrees of contact with the family. As
previous research has shown, qualitative studies with young people require prolonged
interaction with research participants, not only to understand their life worlds, but also to form
relationships, build rapport and gain mutual trust (Langevang 2007, 271). Therefore, the sample
size is appropriate given the need for prolonged engagement with each participant. The time
frame for phases I-V has been calculated accordingly. Recruitment will be guided initially by
Mr. Ross who, with over twenty years experience, has established trust and standing within this
population and is embedded in a diverse network of activists, scholars, and outreach workers
engaging daily with female street children. Collaboration with these contacts at different
institutions (governmental, non-governmental and academic) located in distinct sectors of the
study area will attenuate potential bias within the sample selection.
3. Preparation and Research Qualifications
The researcher is proficient in Spanish (both written and oral) and advanced to Ph.D.
candidacy in June 2008. Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval was obtained for the
proposed research in September, 2008. The researcher has previous fieldwork and data analysis
experience from earlier employment as a faculty research assistant on the NSF-funded study
entitled Comparative Latinizations: Civic and Place Engagement in Chicago, Phoenix and
Miami, conducting over thirty interviews, three focus groups, and guiding interview participants
through cognitive and activity mapping exercises. This experience prepared the researcher for
the methods that will be employed during the proposed research. The researcher is proficient in
data analysis using ESRI ArcMap 9.3 (spatial analysis software) and NVIVO7 (qualitative data
analysis software).

13

The projects key informant, Timothy Ross, is an outreach worker and ethnographic
researcher with La Fundacin Social Fnix and La Fundacin Renacer, both non-governmental
organizations that provide counseling, education, and health care to street children (refer to letter
of cooperation 1). The professional relationship with the key informant was established during
pilot research in 2004, during which the researcher investigated gender differences among street
children in Bogot and conducted interviews with both street boys and street girls. Important
NGO and governmental contacts were established (Fundacin Renacer and Instituto Distrital
Para La Proteccin de La Niez y La Juventud [IDIPRON]) and key institutional leaders such as
Padre Javier de Nicol were consulted as the proposed research project was prepared.
The researcher has been invited as a visiting researcher to work with the Development
Studies Research Center (CIDER) at Universidad de Los Andes in Bogot and will be
contributing to the Centers Inequality and Vulnerability research line regarding the
experiences and prevalence of marginalized youth in central Bogot (refer to letter of
cooperation 2). Additionally, the researcher is actively engaged in dialogue with prominent
childrens geographers working with street children and street girls in Indonesia and other parts
of the world in order to discuss the condition of street children in a cross-cultural context
(Beazley 2008).

14

4. The Ethical Dimensions of Participatory Research with Children 16

The proposed research will incorporate the following approaches to conducting ethical
research with this population of vulnerable youth:
5a. Power relations between researcher/adult and participant/child:
In order to diminish the disparities in power and status between the adult researcher and
child participant, scholars advocate the employment of methods which are non-invasive, nonconfrontational, and participatory (Morrow and Richards 1996, 100). Accordingly, many of the
ethical problems in research involving direct contact with children can be overcome by using a
participatory approach (Thomas and OKane 1998, 336). After conducting research with street
children in Kampala, Young and Barrett emphasize the importance of making every effort to
become accepted and trusted by the children and to overcome the language barrier by learning
street slang, which are both necessary stages in the process they refer to as mutual
familiarization (Young and Barrett 2001, 385-387). The researchers found that the use of childled and participatory methods resulted in the research becoming important to the children,
rather than imposed upon them. Through this, the initial problems of gaining access to the street
child population in Kampala and the manipulation of the information given by imposing
researcher outsider influence began to diminish (ibid: 389). Young and Barrett also note the
importance of visual methods such as photo diaries (similar to the auto-photography employed in

16

The proposed project and instrumentation obtained IRB approval on September 11, 2008. Dr. Patricia
Price, the project PI and IRB chairperson at Florida International University, has carefully considered the
ethical and methodological components of this project along with the researcher. The project was
independently reviewed due to conflict of interest with the PIs roles, and standard methods of data
security and human subject confidentiality protections will be followed. Maps and unidentifiable
photographs will not be published until three years after completion of the study. Participants will be
asked to choose a safe location to conduct the research, and allowed ample time to develop mutual
familiarity and trust before commencing research.
15

the proposed research), which give the researcher access to spaces and aspects of everyday life
where the actual physical presence of the researcher would have affected and distorted the
situation (ibid: 391). 17
5b. Giving children control over the research process:
The child participants will be informed of the ability to decline participation in the study,
withdraw at any point throughout the research, and to inform the researcher of any discomfort
they experience due to the content of questions or imposition of the researcher. Participants will
also be encouraged to take an active role in the construction of research instruments and the
overall research design (i.e., by adding mapping variables and identifying important interview
topics), selection of activity locations, and interpretation of data (i.e, children will explain the
meanings of particular photographs, will review the maps they have drawn, and discuss the
significance of certain locations or patterns of mobility identified in any of the research phases)
(Alderson 1995; Punch 2002; Alderson and Morrow 2004; Christensen 2004; Williamson et al.
2005; Morrow 2008; Skelton 2008; Sime 2008).
5c. Reporting back to participants:
In addition to the participation of children in the interpretation of data, ethical guidelines
also call for researchers to provide all individuals involved in the research process with a report
of the main findings resulting from the study (Morrow and Richards 1996; Christensen and Prout
2002; Van Blerk and Ansell 2007; Hopkins 2008). In the case of this particular population of
children, I will generate a condensed report that will be read to all participants. Participants will
also be given an opportunity to discuss misrepresentations or other concerns about the findings.

17

Through the use of these methods, the potential for Hawthorne effect is considerably decreased.
16

5d. A child-focused methodology:

The work of childrens geographers is increasingly framed around a child-focused
participatory methodology that emphasizes the importance of conducting research with children
and enables the participants to express their perceptions, attachment and interaction with places
they identify as important in their everyday lives (Van Beers 1996; Matthews et al. 1998;
Beazley and Ennew 2006; Evans 2006; Cahill 2007; Kesby 2007; Panelli et al. 2007; Thomson
2007). Additionally, participatory approaches are becoming central to the social and spatial study
of childhood as they enable participants to explore their subjectivities and capacities in ways
that not only generate rich data but which can also effect alternative agency and action in
participants lives (Kesby 2007, 203). The recognition of children as competent social actors is
also related to the premise that children imaginatively construct and practice space in ways very
different and other to adults, which calls for a methodological approach that incorporates the
childs eye view and the voices of children (Williams et al. 2006, 89; see also Matthews and
Limb 1999; Holt 2004). Phase III of the proposed research will involve the method of autophotography to give the street girls an active role in the design and implementation of the study.
This method has been used by childrens geographers in previous studies as a way of involving
the participant in the process of knowledge construction and to serve as a stimulus for storytelling (Langevang 2007, 277; see also Aitken and Wingate 1993). Participants will be given
disposable cameras and will be asked to take photographs of significant places in their urban
environment over a period of one week. Participants will discuss the meaning and socio-spatial
dynamics captured in each photograph during the follow-up place perception interviews and
collage-making exercise, which will provide a view into the everyday lives and spatialities of
street girls in Bogot.
17

6. Research Schedule
Phase I: Participant Observation, September 1 October 31, 2009
I. Objective- to become familiar with the general behaviors, interactions and socio-spatial
context of street girls in Bogot and to establish rapport with participants.
Phase II: Exploratory Interviews, November 1 December 31, 2009
I. Objective- to establish trust, build rapport and gain a sense of the participants everyday
lived experiences in the streets of Bogot.
II. Stepsa. Participant locates the optimal interview location.
b. Lasting one hour, the semi-structured interview will explore the home/homeless
duality and the city from the childs eye view.
Phase III: Auto-photography & Place Perception Interviews, January 1 February 28, 2010
I. Objective- To reveal street girls experiences and perceptions of place.
II. Stepsa. Participants are given a disposable camera and asked to take pictures of people
and places that are significant in their lives over a period of one week and during
different times of the day (morning, afternoon and evening). Participants are
asked to take pictures of places they consistently use each day, places they are
unable to access or are excluded from, and places where they feel welcome or
safe.
b. Collect the cameras and develop the photos.
c. Photo Interviews: participants are asked to discuss the significance of each
photograph.
d. Collage-Making: each participant will make a collage of her photographs
reflecting the story of her place-world.
Phase IV: Cognitive and Activity Mapping, March 1 April 30, 2010
I. Objective- To create counter-maps representing the urban space of Bogot from the
perspective of street girls. 18
II. Stepsa. Activity Mapping: With a colored pencil, the participant will mark her daily
activity spaces on a map of the study area pertaining to the spatial variables listed
in Table 1 (separate activity maps for day vs. night activities will be created to
highlight temporal distinctions). 19
18

Participatory Mapping- the street girls will contribute mapping categories that are central to their
daily activities and perception of places in Bogot (in addition to the spatial variables listed in Table 1 and
Table 2). The researcher will also add mapping categories after completing research phases I - III.
19
The researcher will help the participants locate specific places on the map by identifying important
landmarks or other recognizable aspects of the urban environment. Research with young children in
Kenya demonstrated that children who are without formal training and with limited access to maps are
able to draw relatively sophisticated place representations and to recall their local environment in vivid
terms (Matthews 1995, 285; see also Blaut 1991; Blaut 1997a; Blaut 1997b; Young and Barrett 2001).
A cross-cultural study of young childrens mapping abilities has also presented evidence in support of
18

b. Cognitive Mapping: With a colored pencil, the participant will mark places on a
map of the study area pertaining to the spatial variables listed in Table 2 (separate
cognitive maps for day vs. night place perceptions will be created to highlight
temporal distinctions).
Table 1: Activity Mapping Variables
Notation on Activity Map Feature in GIS
Blue X
Point
Red X
Point
Orange X
Point
Table 2: Cognitive Mapping Variables
Variables
Notation on Cog. Map Feature in GIS
Places associated with Home
Purple X
Point
Places of belonging
Green X
Point
Areas of belonging
Green shading
Polygon
Places of exclusion
Orange X
Point
Exclusionary spaces
Orange shading
Polygon
Variables
Locations of work
Public activities
Private activities

Phase V: Mobile Focus Groups A Participatory Approach, May 1 June 30, 2010
I. Objective- To explore the group dynamics of street girls by embarking on a geographical
expedition in Bogot (Bunge and Bordessa 1975).
II. Stepsa. The researcher will select 3 groups of 4-5 participants to discuss important issues
that emerge during the interview process and previous research phases.
b. Participants will collaboratively identify places in the city that are central in their
everyday lives. The group will discuss the significance of each destination along
the way.
c. The participants will identify themes for discussion and the researcher will
contribute questions regarding street girls place attachment, the dynamics within
the street girl community, and interactions with other members of society.
Phase VI: Archival Research and Data Analysis, July 1 August 31, 2010
I. Objective- At Universidad de Los Andes (Bogot), the researcher will work with
geographers at CIDER to analyze the data collected during fieldwork and access
primary sources unavailable at the researchers home institution in the United States.
II. Stepsa. Archival research: The researcher will work with affiliated scholars to access the
following primary sources: two local newspapers (El Tiempo; El Espectador) and
policy documents from five local institutions involved with urban youth (Instituto
Distrital Para la Proteccin de la Niez y Juventud; Instituto Colombiano de
Bienestar Familiar; El Departamento de Integracin Social; El Viceministerio de
la Juventud; UNICEF Colombia). The researcher will work with each institution

the hypothesis that mapping abilities emerge without training in very young children of all cultures
(Blades et al. 1998, 269).
19

for one week to access materials and will examine the archives of both
newspapers (from 2004 2009) for three weeks.
b. ESRI ArcMap 9.3: organize and analyze the spatial data collected during the
participatory mapping exercises.
i. Acquisition of spatial data: GIS data layers will be purchased from
Colombias national mapping institute, IGAC (Instituto Geographico
Agustin Codazzi).
1. The following data layers are available from IGAC and will
provide the base layers for the mapping to be done: Barrios
(neighborhoods both legal and in the process of being legalized),
Unidades de Planeamiento Zonal (UPZ), localidades (urban
districts), land use zones, roads, Transmilenio (public
transportation system), parks and other public spaces, and socioeconomic strata.
ii. GIS will be used as a means to aggregate and display spatial data about
individual participants and groups of participants (Ormsby et al. 2008).
c. NVIVO7: code and analyze transcribed interview and focus group data, fieldnotes
and primary documents collected.
Dissertation write-up and completion, September 1, 2010 December 31, 2010
I. Objective- to prepare a theoretically driven and empirically rich doctoral dissertation that
will be published as a book.
II. Stepsa. Preparation of publications: for scholarly journals such as Childrens
Geographies and Childhood: A Journal of Global Child Research.
b.
Presentation of findings: at conferences such as the annual meetings of the
Association of American Geographers and the Latin American Studies
Association.

20

Urban Improvement Zones in Santa F- Source: Bogot Planning Department, www.dapd.gov.co

21

Urban Improvement Zones in Los Mrtires- Source: Bogot Planning Department, www.dapd.gov.co

22

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