38

'.'

'.:

McAllister

Who buys comic books? (1995). In M. Thompsoo, M. Dean, B, Frankenhoff,

J,
Creenholdt, and J. r. Miller (Eds.), Cornic' Buycr's Guidc 1996 a,nnuat qpp.
62_ily,
Iota. WI: K6usc Publications.
Wick, Ji (1989)i Cotn i. books os history: The naftotive an of Jack Jackson, An
Spiegelman, and'Hamey Pekar. lackson, MS: University prcss oi Mississippi.

Chapter 3

The Women's Suffragist Movement

Through the Eyes
of Life Magazine C artoons
J. Robyn Goodman

The first half of the ninetenth century marked a progressive change in

the economic and social order of the United States. Rural New England

had beer a household economy in which there werc "face-to-face

transactions betweei neighbors, noncash payments for goods and
serviccs, and an cthos of restraint in the collection of debt" (Kelly' 1999'
p. 3). llowever. with land shortages, population increases, agriculture's

commercialization, and the birth of industrial production in the mid1800s, the household economy yielded to a market-based econorny in
which families increasingly worked outside the homc (Kelly, 1999' p 5)'
Because a market-based economy "...increased the spatial and social
distance between home and work," the differenccs btween public/male
and private/female wcre expanded (Kelly' 1999' p. 20). By the carly
twentieth century, the seParation of the sPheres was in full force With
their spherc being the home, women were isolated from most political'
intotlectual, and public life.
Alihough their political role was greatly limited, affluent white
women found an opportunity io express themselves through the various
women's clubs that supPorted suffrage and through the ideology of the
republican moiher (a romanticism of domestic duties and motherhood in
which women's patriotic duty was to cducate their sons to be virtuous
citizens). Rhetorically grounded in the ideal of the republican mothcr,
they fought for a larger role in setting public policy. Thus, women's
suffrage organizations conducted 480 suffrage campaigns in 33 states
from i870 to 1910, and membership in the National American Womei's

"

ii,

i,

:l.:

rt ;4rrrl:\: -!-i.

Women's Suffrage Movement

Goodman

40

'
fronr 1893 to l9l0 (FlcxncL'
I /J
Suffr[gc Associntion Incrclsco' '"lo

19?51

Kraditor, l98l).

was
Coincidin! with the increase in women's agitation for suffrage
rgc'st-Prrct'
l
threc
thc
including
magazincs
ths lisc of Amcrican humor
widely quoted'
Jutlge, a\d Ldi, Thcsc humor magszines "were read and
orher periodicals
and"they popularizcd humor to such an extent that many
ilttnd ii atlvisablc to mnilltrin dcPartmcnts consisting entircly of originnl

lrumorous mattcC' ("Ccntury of Atnericrtt Hunror,"

l90l' p 490)

Thc

humor magazines and their numerous cartoons are Particularly

interesting ,our"", to use in studying an era because tlley ". 'p:rtray

reflect attitudcs, and reproduce phases of universal culture"

""ti'at,
(Meyer et al., 1980, p. 21) and ". 'illuminate the social customs'
and prejudice of the timo more clearly than do any of their

to"iuf

or.t"nriont,

conremooraries" (Munell, 1938, P. 93).

Bv exarnininq thc cartoons found in humor tnagazincs' one may

better undcrstanJthe role of cartoons in reinforcing political' cultural'
purpose of
social, and gender ideologies at the tum of the century The

humor
this chapter] then, is to explore how cartoons in a rcpresentative
the
during
ideologies
antisuffragist
and
masazine reflect suffragist
for
presents
argumcots
also
The
chapter
movement.
*oilcn', srffrog"
and
were
reflecrcd
ideologies
antisuffragist
and/or
suffiagist
why certain
may be'
others ignored as well as what the implications ofthe cartoons
the theoincorporates
In i-nvcstigating.these questions, this chapter
and
media
on
thcories
feminist
retical frameiorki of hegemony and
naturalizadon
systemltic
to
the
refcrs
pakiarchal ideology. Hcgemony
.of
itre ruling classii "alues and'idcas io form mass consent of the
cstabtish;d social ordcr; it is how the ruling class maintains its
dominance without overt force (Gramsci' 19?l; Gitlin, 1980; Shoemaker
& Rcese, 1996). Key to hegemony is the role of ideology' which serves
as a unifying forcJ in socicty (Shoemaker & Rcese, 1996) ''Under
dynamic
hegemony, id-eology is regarded as an essentially conflicted and

continuolly absorb and incorporate disparate values"

power (cramsci'
ici,tin, tgsO, p. 5l) to reproduce i6elf and maintain ils
these disParale
embraces
igZt; tnl.Qonit, 1983). When the majority
social ordcr
a
ncw
class'
ruling
the
valucs and,-consequcntly, challengcs
ot.these
the
occurence
DesPite
1995)'
is formed (Kellner, 1995; Lindlof'
to
the
opposition
of
much
out
that
challenges, Raymond Wiltiams Points
a
within
place
takes
it
betause
hegcmonic
still
is
rt" aorii"oot iaeology

oro'..rr. *tti"h

toit

frnmework allowcd by thc doninant idcology (Williams' 1980).

As part of thc sociocultural system, the mass media provide a

significant role in hegemony. They "'..continually produc[c] a cohesive
idcology...ihat scrvcs to rcproducc and lcgitimatc thc socisl structurc
through which the subordinate classes particiPate

in thcir

own

domination" (Shocmaker & Reese, 1996,p'237).

In conjunction with hcgcmony, fcntinist theorics statc that wc livc in
patriarchal
socicty that rn intaills thc powcr telations betwocn tlre sexcs
a
through an unquestioned consensus of male supremacy (Frazet & Lacy,
'1995; Tuchman, 1978) Because of this male supremacy'
1993; Berger,

femilist theorists maintain that the undcrlying patriarchal idcology

defines and frames gender and ihereby makes "woman" lss valued and
less powerful.
To understand how this patriarchal ideology operates in society,

feminists analyze "the network

of

practices, institutions, and tech-

nologies that sustain positions of dominance and subordination" and that

shape, proliferate, and construct our conceptions of normal and deviant
female behavior (Bordo, 1993, p. l5). One of thc most significant sits
for exploring patriarchal ideology's operation is the mass mcdia bcausc,:'
their images of women teach society the patriarchy's rcquired des of
femininity (Bordo, 1993) and they are the Primary means of conveying
hegcmonic values (van Zponen, 199l)

To placc suffragist and antisuffragist arguments in contoxt,

necessary to fitst look at an abridged history
antisuffragist movcmcnts.

of

it

l'

is

the suffragist and

The Suffrage and Antisuffrage MoYement

at thc Turn of the Century

Historianscitcthel848SenecaFallsmeeting_thefirstnational
women's rights convention-as the beginning of the women's suffrage-' ^
movement becuor" pan of the Proposed rcforms wcre for the Yotc.
Although there were many women's rights conventions after the initial
Seneca Falls meeting, the
women's activities.

Civil War interrupted and stalled

these

In 1,890, a new generation of leaders emerged and created the

National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) from the

.r

/-

,'

WomeD's Suffrage Movement

Goodman

lwo leading women's rights factions (Scott & Scott, l9Z5! Kraditor.
l98l). -NAWSA'was able to gain full women's suffrage in Colorado,
-Utah,-and ldaho. between 1890 and
1896. Howcver, from 1896 to 1910,

of;bte suffrage campaigns and 19 nationat campaigns were

unsucccssful (Flexner, 1975; Kraditor, l98l). Mary historians refer to
hurdreds

thcse ineffective years as the "doldrums" of the movement (Scott &

Scott, 1975; Kraditor, l98l).
ir Oespite the suffragiats' problems winning support, their agitation
.

was enough ofa threat to motivate the opposition's organization (Scott &
Scon,'1975, p. 25). Beginning in the 1870s with thc founding of thc fiIst

statc ahtisuffrage group, the antisuffrage moveinent grcw rapidly and

rached its pcak of power and influence betwecn 1895 and 1907_the
above-mcntioned doldrum ycars for the suffragists (Scott & Scott, l9Z5;
Camhi, 1994, p. 2). Finally in l9l l, a national antisuffrage organization,

rr't'''

National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage (NAOW-S), was

formed. Unlike NAWSA,. whose members continually campaigned all
over the counky for their cause, NAOWS actively campaigned only
when specific typcs of situations arose in specific arcas of thc country
(Camhi, 1994).

The anaisuffrage movement began to weakn around 1910. while the

suffrage movement strengthened due, in part, to changes in women's
placc in society. Recent household inventions and declining binhrates
gave women more time for outside activities. The number of women
factory workers increased, and tbese women saw the ballot as a way to
improve their bargaining power (Scort & Scott, l9Z5; Kraditor, lggl).
The change in women's political status and the suffragists' efforts
helped women gain tbe vote in Washington, Califomia, Oregon, Kansas,
and Arizona from l9l0 to 1912. In 1917, New york approved a
conJtiiutional amendment for full women's suffrage. Congriis passcd
thc constitutional amendment in 1919, and all the states ratified it b,
1920 (Kraditor, l98l ).

Arguments of the SufTragists and Antisuffragists

Throughout the fight over womcn's suffrage, both sides used various
arguments to support their position. Between 1890 and 1920. the most
common suffrage and antisuffrage argumenls were religious, biologicaU

43

anthropological, and sociological.

antisuffragisls often cited the version of creation in

which Eve was creatcd from Adam's rib' Antisuffragists said this story
showed men were meant to be the superior being because they were
created first. They also used God's statemcnt to Eve that her husband
wai to rule over her (Kraditor, l98l). Therefore, the antisuffragists
argued that women's suffrage was going against the will of God ("The

Wih religion,

Argument Against Woman Suffrage," l9l3).

ln response to these arguments, sufftagists showed the contradictions
in the creation stories as well as citing the b story as "a petty surgical
operatlon" (Stanton, 1895, p 20). They funher addiessed God's statemert
that the husband was to rule over the wife by citing other placcs in the
Bible that indicated women were equal to men or acted in heroic ways

(Kraditor, l98l ).
The second type

of

debate was based on biological issues of

women's physical or mcntal naturc. Antisuffragists insisted that the right

to vote was based on physical strength because ono must have a physical
power to enforce the laws. Men voted because they had the strength ao
cnforce the laws and to fight for their counhy's rights in war (Blackwcll'
1895; Cooper, 1890; Abbott, 1903). Antisuffragists further argued that
women's health was too delicate to withstand the mental strain and
physical exertion of political life (Kraditor, l98l; Camhi' 1994). In fact,

argucd that voting would place such a strain on

women^ntisuffragists
that they wer aPl to go insane (Camhi' 1994).
Antisuffragists also assefed that voting would cause women's sexual
some

degeneration. According to neurophysiologists, womcn's sex organs

would atrophy, causing women to become men and rcsulting in their
hahed of being a wife and mother (Camhi, 1994). With their visions of
women becoming men and the scparate spheres merging, altisuffragists
expressed concerns that women's voting meant an end to progrcss as
well as a kind of racial suicide (Benjamin, l99l: George' l9l3).
Besides the arguments based on physical issues, antisuffragists
claimed that, as biological beings, women were too emotional, illogical'
and irrational to vote (Kraditor, l98l; Moody, 1898; Collins, I9l2)
"Woman is impulsive; she does not inform herself...she does not
consider the consequences of a vote. In her haste to remedy one wrong
she opens the way to many. The ballot in her hands is a dangerous thing"
(Bock, 1913, p.3).

I
Womcn's Suffragc Movement

alrcady had great influcnce over men through the home and raising thcir
sons (Scott & Scott, 1975).

determlnrsm yt"t.t-v"-]
Suffragists countered the biological
point:'^ll:tt"n

th" defense
Thev
. ,"ri"g,t,ti"ii"i, 'i"t'lt
"ttickcd
ot
werc.a
1ru,"-tl::*li*
; .litf"Lcnces by nrgurng rnar rr iirysicalof.nbilitics
scrvicc'should
military
entcring
' votinc legitimacy, onty
feeble
"ttn
of "op"Ut"was not thJcase; elderlv and'
;:ii"ff;;;;i" Thi'vote
"oti""
even though th"f dti,l::,lil" jl:Xt{tl:'l

-"n\i,r"

allowed to

ffil;;;;;;;

io*, o' o-"r*o thJcountry @lackwell'

Ultinntcly, though, thc rhctoric of the antisuffrogists when dcaling

with sociological issucs tcndcd to focus on how voting would erode
women's traditional roles in society, Antisuffragists statcd that women's
voting would lead to the destruction of the home and family as institution, which they argued was already disintegrating with the bluning of
thc spheres (Coltins, l9l2; Gibbons, 1902). They supPortcd their Point
by comparing divorce rates in suffrage versus nonsuffragc states

!8el):.l"il

menalsowelepreven(edlromvotingbecausetheywerc.illiterate

iill**i', 'Gi,;in"'
T1':-q.*Pl',ll ffi illill'l,l',,*"'"'
--- -.-Suffragists' resPonse to. ar&u-mcn$ 4IJlJu! Pvv"vrvor
emotionalism
and
irn'tionalily
ni^i,i"t'o."iA.a'iltusuadons of men's

(Thompson, 1900; Benjamin, l99l). Moreover, they claimcd that men do

immoral things and children are lcft motherless whcn women ate out Participating in politics Ctarbell, l9l2). Antisuffragists addcd that womcn
best protct the home not by influencing policy, but by molding children
who will not become immoral once they grow up (Winston, 1896).

French Cham-

in the
ntrce stone Blackw-ell ciiea ini riots
i"t
and. beard-pulling
^u"r "^""ini.t,
Cornmons'
of
fistfights in the House
i
(Blacl(wll
behavior
irrational
men's
Nebraska Senate as cases of
I in the"iili"ir".'
I

iii K;",tli;;;]b8 I j.

i",;[""i"^f

'

Tho rhetoric of antisuffragists concluded thal voiing created

l99l). Thprcforc, many dcscriptiors of typical suffragists callcd thcrn "lwo-lhirds men" or

sccond, sufrrasists

-compared,':",:-111^Y::.:
uscd cxatnplcs or ttrcn
::;Jtil;;j'b:ilio'' ,ri"" Ilowirtl show
ancl knocking off ench othcr's litj
rH;;;; ti'.".rt "trt"t
"T'ltga
ncve! act rn sucn
ionu"n,ions ond stated women would
t##i$;;iliiaditor,
wcrc
worncn
tlrrt
".riil"or
198l)' As for the rrgurnent
women
gttt
,*","rf v-fii.ti*' suffragists poiotcd out thata comPadson":l-1"-t:'::"
was. unJust
training that men had so such

(Knrrliror, l98l)'
sociologlcal in tlnturc' Suffr gists
Othcr points of dcbate wcrs morc
and therefore'

""h;;;;;;;y
were being taxed withoui iepresentation
women were wage
ballot for self-protection Because more
;;;;;"
needed rhe vore to prolect
ililJ^,'i.,'owio ,"ia *o*ing class women
stanton, 1882) rhev arsucd that their
;#;1;;;i;ifutor, lesi
wages were lorv because *uc::. o:," i:1":1":.^':'::"*'"3::t:::"'i
i"lng pJliticatty inferior' working women cannot

t*,il.'*-t;;t*
*ith noting mcn (Kelley' 1898)'
*"'f,;Jf.*ti*neto;cally
.o*p"t"
countered the taxation-without-rePresen-

They showed.that
ction justification in several ways'
t"tt;;;;;;:ile
'rvitie-n.
taxation without
of
cry
colonists'
the
;"*
ily taxes and that
."p;"*"*i;i'i'"' related to their,dcsi::-i"i,llji"l")i:11::*t:l;li
:ffi!:"i3:1;'il-,;,ii{tit
[il*'"",*il:Hit"",i,;r:*:T;::;]
the {irst tenement housc
inctuding
votc'
their
witho'-ut
il;;;;;*d
said' women
iaws (canhi' 1ee4)' Finalv' it,was
1..- i;;';i;;;;;il

45

Inrnnish, unrltrrclivc wourcn (Bcnjatnin,

l'biologically belonging to neither sex" and urged mcn not to marry thcs
, mannish womcn (Bcnjamin, 1991, p. 82). AntiEuffragisas ven wamcd
, that with cquality of thc sexes women would havc to go to war and
.bacrilice chivalry (Ramee, 1909; Winston, 1896).
Suffrngists of coursc rcsponded (o thcsc point$ in thcir publlc dhtoursc. Thc incrcascd sllrlus and social position of women provided
suffragists' with ftetorical matcrial. Because working womcn live alone,
''men do not represent them (Lowe, l9l2). Suffragists also insisted the
vote would help them in their roles as wives and mothers. Mothers need, cd ihc vote and the knowledge of the inncr workings of the govemment
make their children "loyal and patriotic citizens" (Drukker, 1897, p.
. Without the vote, women "camot possibly be capable of transmitg the enlightencd ideas, the breadth of vision, the power of calm judgwhich come with the exercise of this civic function in a frce gov(Drukker, 1897, p.260). Furthermore, suffragists said the vote
vould help thcm protcct the home from immorality (Winston, 1896).
.i,,. In summary, the content of suffrage and antisuffrag justifications
often biological, religious, or sociological in naiurc, bu! ahe two
were not equally balanced along these three dimensions.
arguments tended to use rcligion and biology as tbeir main
weapons. Their prcdominant sociological justification was thu
,

46

Women's Suffrage Movement

Goodman

suffrage created mannish women. On the other hand, most of the

suffragists' conteitions were sociological, including a focus on the role

of working women, women's improved role

as mother and self-protector

ifallowed thevote, and the unfairncss oftaxation without representation,

through e'tery Life issue from

suffrage movement, lhe author looked
everv cartoon referring to
ll"".t" ti,isi;;;;ember l9l4 rnd collected
w3s chosen because-there
period
(N = 214) This time
subject of world war I
the
and
Pdor to 1909'

;;;;i. ;if;t.
il;;"#;;";"oons
began dominating

ca111t"::l t^::".

.,

,,..":{:#::''i;J?,1-:',"l,il,llffii;;;;i;,t;"

Activists' Depiction in Media

t:

Before moving to the analysis of how the suffragist movement was

presented in early-nineteenih-century humor magazines, one additional
djscussion that may help contextualize the discourse is a brief review of
how the mainstream media have portraycd protestors in general.
Researchers have found that media tend to cover protestors in a social

disnrption frame rather than in one that shows their activities

communicating their cause with the public (Custainis & Hahn, 1988).
This frame compounds the mainstream Middle America's desire to
maintain the status quo and current values. Generally, if activists support
values that run counter to the predominate values in mainstream society,
Middle America feels threatened and negatively evaluates the cause
(Gustainis & Hahn, 1988). Therefore, a basic distrust by Middle America

toward activists and the media's framing of activists as a social

disruption produce

negative view of the group.

The traditionally negative depiction of activists

tudpe and puck,irs counrerpans, for

began to dec,ine

in the media

was

evident during the earliest years of the suffrage movement. News

editorials about the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention dscribed the
suffragists as "unsexed women" with "hook-billed noses, crow's feet
under their sunken eyes" and charged that the women were activists
because they could not find a man to marry (Wolf, 1991, p.68). Many of
these early verbal news accounts were accompanied by negative visual
poftrayals of the suffrage movement (Perry, 1994; Sheppard, 1994).
Accordingly, it is likely that the cartoons created later in the suffrage
movement supported antisuffrage ideologies and helped produce
negative public opinion toward the suffragism.

Methodology

In exploring the reseatch question of how cartoons in LiJe magazine

reflect suffragist and antisuffragist ideologies during the women's

l"trt-ii.

tgnot, whereas both Life

and

ltdge's were increasrng

cite Ly'e as
a.i.rson, 1964) seconi' magazine historicns
Ly'c
p
l42)'.Fin3llv'
inrluential of its time (sloan;' 1987'

iJ""i","io*i,

:;;ft; #,
;;";;;;;il;-pression

of the liberal social conscience" bv thg t.uT

Lrle broadly published

f"t"l"ll, 1938, p l2l)' Because
from its editorial
different
viewpoints
ideas and
views in its
ii lJ,rt" Potential for u *id"' t"ng" of socielal
,*"", ""Ji'"ti,t.
1987)'
l98b' p 784; Murrell' 19381 Sloanc'
'""1;
in
"*f"iti; iH"-'
i;;;;"", ro explain thar the Lile masazine
'no ::":I.1,"::
louno on
picture magazine that

,i""

"'i
irl"t^r "".i".t"

hurnoa

aog"tin. and noi the

same

-was

grad-

2000 Three Harvard

."li- "."*to-at until its canceliation inused
in this analvsis'-larselv
magazine
Life
the
il;;';;;;,';; $33,
i"'r'eii"i-ir."s'-'dy!t-:"::"Y;;';"t::ft
;:';;'ili#1;]'":liil
oe
the outset, Ly'e "was a magaztne

."*"r"llt" itt""

(Wood' l9?1' p'

its conte-mporaries Puck and J udge"

;il; il;;,;i; it";"s-1""

folded

in le36' Henrv Luce

and

rime'

tnc.'tougrrt tne rye'name for S92'00o1Petellt

ln-:*"" the rolc of Lfe
Because the PurPose of this rel
ideand/ot reinforcing sutfrage and antisuffrage
."nol-n-r-in
rmplrlhe
as
well
as
".ti.utr,ing
movement'

;-I"";-d;g
i".r?tt

"iiit""r"

the wJmen's suffrage

io"ologies on public opinion' id"9]9g'-:"t

:tit"l:L:1t
j:::''.'J"ffi
:,jl':l
::1i

li:*;:"i:*:*:.:L:t*':.';nff
that supthe interests included' and lhe strategies
ii.'ti"lrr"rv;, """,e,
Along these

;;;;l"o;"l"tv.
:iil; t"id;

lines' this analvsis

will

focus

the

-on
reflected in the
and aniisuffrage ideologies that were
themes that arose from the
cartoons but will also note any additional
prominent suf-frage. and
most
the
4i."",,t.".- a.ti"t discovering
the role of dominant
addresses.
this

."ii*ffr^*" "tt".ents,
implicrtions
ia."j"gv i" tn" J"n"ons, and rhe'hapter
In analyzing the

Lfe

of this ideology

author
cartoons and their ideological imPort' the

Women's Suffrage Movemcnt

Coodman

48

cxamincd thc chtractcrs' facial expressio[s, posturcs, actiols' apPearanccs, and thc unfolding sccne itr general. The author also looked at tl'ts
verbal componcnts of (he cartoons, espccially because captions may
guidc the reader toward the dominant system's prefencd, coded meaning
;rnd au'ay from altcrnativc meanings (Barthcs' 1977).

Suffragists in

,l/c

Magazinc Cartoons

gcncrrlly feminine characters and the women's suffragist movemcnt

as

something to hopc for.

Tbe sections below focus on the 158 cartoons that were concordant

with the specific points in the suffragist movement and the debates it
sparked. The cartoons as a whole show a strong leaning toward anti'
suffragist argulncnts.

lriology l|od thc SuffrrSist

This section maps the use of the three major ideological

conslructions-rcliSious, biological, lttd sociological-in thc Lil., nlg"

'l{oncn's Inferior Bodier. Eighteon cartoons (1070) rcflectcd biological

irzinc cartoons throughout the (ime period studied. Howevcr' alrrong thc
214 cartoons, only the biological and sociological argumcnts wore found,
constituting approximately 7070 of the cartoons (158 of the samplc)' Thc
lack of argurnents based on rcligious issucs reflected in the cartoons may
bc duc to rcligion's conflittion wilh othcr atgumcnts' plrticularly sociological. During this cril, socicty bclicved that womcn had a special in-

arguncnts in suffragist debatc. Although ahis is a small percentagc, some

cartoons in the category are worthy of discussion in light of thc public
debate over women's suffrage. One of these Portrayed women's physical
attributes in such a way as to suppon thc antisuffragist argumcnt that
womcn Arc too wcak to votc (Figurc 3,1). This cartoon showed womcn
hurling objccts at a court housc and unable to break a window. The
splattcr marks around thc window symbolize women's supiosed lack of
physical coordina(ion. By showing worncn as physically inferior bccausc
they cannot break the window, this cartoon reinforccs the antisuffragist
bclief that the right to votc is based on physical strcngth since onc must
lrlvc thc powcr to enforce the law, Another, similarly themed cartoon
from Fcbruary 13, 1913, used the old stereotype of women's fear of mice
to show the gcrdcr as inherently irrational. It shows two mice conspiring
to entcr a roorn fillcd with suffragists to "bust uP (he mcctinS" (p. 318).
Also notablc in thc.ca(oon is that scvcral of thc womcn appcar to have a
club in thoir hand, and one womal is waving her club at the window in
seeming dcfiance, Because these women are throwing objects at a
government building and have clubs in their hands, this canoon also

rvays. Thcse includcd the dcpiction of suffragists as |rlilitarlt (14)'

sufliagisrn as silly (5), and suffragists going tojail (5).
Of the non-negative cartoons, many depicted. suffrage in a neutral
manner. Four cartoons, in fact, specifically depicted the antisuffragistsuftiagist deba(e. Sincc thcsc cartoons clcarly favorcd neithcr sidc, they

depicts suffragists as militants. According to Flexner (1975), a few

suffragists did use violent means such as breaking windows and
attacking government members with whips. Because these womcn were
not part of the mainstream movement, characterizing the movement as
militant was unjust and obviously supPorts the antisuffragist movement.
ln tlris sarnple, "militant" womcn are attomptinS to "take over" a

flucncc on and lcadcrship in morality and rcligion (Kelly' 1999) Bccausc

womcn wcre responsible for morality, religion, and tlrc houschold,
rcligion was often considcrcd Part of moaherhood and "thcir household
dutics"; this is n sociological nrguncnt
As will bc discusscd, of thc 158 cartoons that ieflccted the argumcnts
of thc suffragist dcbatc, 125 could be seen as supportitrg antisuffragist
vicrvpoinrs, a finding which complements an carlicr analysis of Lrft's
cartoons using r sliShtly dilfcrcnt timc span (citcd in Sheppard' 1994' p
E9). Thcsc l3l wcrc not thc total nunlber of ncgativc cartoons found in
thc Inagazinc during the time period studied. Some of thc Degativc
cartoons appearing in Life did not reflect specifically the Prominent
arguments in thc suffragist moYement, but instead ridiculed in other

canllot bc classified as bolstsring either. Anothcr scvcn cattoons

supported the nccd for womett's suffrage in order to outnumbr thc black
ancl immigrant votes, About l07o of the total number presented suffrage

in a positive way. These prosuffrage cartoons showed suffragists

as

courthouse, a symbol of Amcrica's truth and justice. By association,

tlren, these womcn are ftghting against America and the "ruth."

Women's Suffrage Movemenr

Goodman

50

5l

illri*t'.ffi i*.Jffi ljli,:[::JtT"Iii','ir".''ffi

t.*r*i'ilitrffi *int**l*:':ru

lr't :ilrit
Iit*jtilitl;l# :ti' ff lji :#:r*:: lnu
ijifr

y_,

^_
l ? J,_
a+.r

"-;ct ,.%h' .
-, lf:x,,..
-r-.----

i.i"ffi'l?':;ki,*li:::l''J'li"l';'il"i"lx?lr;lliii

;lrx*l#-,*T**'m#fftff

r,?:ril":idi

'"ili,"'3Loln",,.onwomen's*ilft

li,,"liliii:?;'i:"*...ii..1,..iifl

'"":litTlt#1#,'ffi

i*r-r'."*"*,"-Jl"T;,':f,'JJl,;:::

;j*,{i$.j''"'1"i:'.".*.'fill*:'*Li,*'.xil:Tl':#I.
Suffragist
SociologY and the

trllntr:##,ntfrT:il#n:ffi
NEWS ITEM
\!^S TIADE YESTI'RDAT
SIII!'RTCI:TTJ:S TO
'\ Trlti coul{l lrorst,
orr: of Tllc
Figurc 3.1. From
'I

ii

Lif. { l9l0,

runc 9), p. 1062

DESTROY

**n*'l*'i*tggs$sgali$*ffi
:']i' ::il1ff i:
*;ln;*ilru
if;ffi LIT;iiTdt","::

g
I
i

52

Goodman

Women's Suffrage Movement

)J

walking out the door to joiD a march, One of the marchers has a sign
reading, "Man is tyrant." This cartoon clearly supports the antisuffragist
conclusion that women in politics blurs the spheres and eventually leads
to the destruction of the home because the notion of family is built on the
separation of the public and private sphercs (Abbott, 1903; Collins,
l9l2). With the home destroyed, progress ended and racial suicide
ensued.

The photo of the hcavy-sct, unattractive suffragist is typical of thc

media's charactcrization of female activists. For example, antisufftagists
fostered an image of suffragist and feminist Lucy Stone as.,a big masculino woman, wearing boots, smoking a cigar, swearing like a troopeC'

(Wolf, 1991, p. l8). Similarly, in this carroon the woman is big,

masculine, and wcars boots, tbus reinforcing antisuffragists' negative
characterizations of suffragists.

;.1

ai o.
:F

:<

Finally, the military-style uniforms wom by the suffragists clearly

evoke thoughts of militant women marching off to war. Again, the
militant imagc signifies women's suffrage as a challenge to the middleclass hegemony becausc wonen are attempting to leavc their designated
private sphere to enter rhe public sphere (Kelly, 1999, p. 190). This
dcpiction of sufliagists as disrupting society is an carly prototype of the
media's coverage of social movements (Gustainis & Hahn, 1988).

':-

The Dclcrioralion of Society, Other cartoons presenting the separation of

social spheres characterized women disenfranchising men (Figure 3.4).
For example, a 1909 cartoon depicting a future life ,.20 Years Aftei'
women eam the ght to vote, shows a heavy-set, female police officer
arresting a man carrying a "votes for men" sign. Behind the anested man
is a small group of men. One is orating, and anothcr carries a "votes for
men flag. The crowd also includes a monkey pushing a baby carriage.
In this cartoon, dis&ster has overtaken society as men have lost the right

IL ll,

to vote. Although neither suffragists nor antisuffragists argued that

1to

i.

t\i

wonten would disenfranchisc men, this cartoon bolsters antisuffragist

bclicfs ovcr thosc of the suffragists. Antisuffragists in particular feared
that "men will gradually come under the power of women [if women's
suffragc is passcdl, who will tyrannize over them and degrade thcm"
(Cooper, 1890, p.28).
The inclusion of the monkey pushing a baby buggy funher maintains
antisuffrlgist idcology. Antisuffragists argued that the brcakdown of the

t)

Women's Suffrage Movement

Goodman

sDheres was retrogressive

it follows that antr(Camhi' 1994) Therefore'

*Tt'*i##:'#i$'*"'**,''mfiilfu
'n"

Tlll,liTi :""*":1, *'jl".jfJl til:[":,:''ffi illJllii'j:il

^,

lH:iii"i:S"""r,':"i*:';*lil,::,f fitl""",,-"m:i:i"A
;:illff#?*""':
th" antisuffrasist
l"ue.se

claim

;:; ll5l:
*tl"t *j*'::.-'::{:::t'*.i;
:;lli"-"i,.. r"ut
fn:l

uno

";lliy:'
[il[.;tx*''s'zu':$'##il:l;4i;::'nli:i;::*I'*
*-l
on war
which
study

1".;';";.;;;ic

Protcstors'

soci"tal values,

ffi :Jff :":f '!:i't:1"1:.jJ:+Jii1il'Jl','".,",ffi llJ,";';i;

e
tE

'*1'"',1il1"'f

.'i:|fi

oroer'
ultimately destroys the social

;ff.#T":',if,

$'i1#i*ll;**::r:i:*;lf.:"ruli
ttpbll-TTl?l'*",

iraniagc themes-'

i"i1i"if ;T'-t::":{**'l',:X"*:

that women's suffrdge displaces

that.mamatE-141
canoon (Figure 3 5)' was

a"tit^ure than suffrage.

,""r"
"""ji-t-.'i'i"*i.1.-.
.utr,ug"

ii"*nliio"pi""tT"""ll..'-if ";Jl'f"'ilT'"rt^t""il',::T;'i:il:i"";
and matrimonv-wt* . "
.,eugenics."

are
-t:-"^1';;';:rini.i
rErrxxr'-*ona suf-fragist tents
RePresentatives lrom mc
---,.ra..-ntttft"taor",

d': :li'"Tff;Ti::,':$1"#l;:l
;:i;;"i; ."ii''"
wear glasses' oPrt.3
arc unaufactive,

*:1;;*lr

i:1"'""T"'

"t',:lL1':::u-^*lih*
*rulllr"-;tl r;;' ,',r

"to*a

of

'*: ::i"l:

f#r*Ti;I*1n*"x;1:l;'r*:T:1il:ff l#11:
iiil"" *;,."ot :h'j?ffi$"il;

surftagism

the

.booths_indeed,

*T;iih:,tff t**ifi il*::'ffi ;*iTl:"ff

'l;ii1"'#l':l

)o

Goodrnan

Womcn's Suffrdee Movemcnt

57

women's fears. During this era, spinsterhood made for an uneasy future
bcclusc wolllcll hrd littlc indcpcndencc and dcpendcd on mcn for thcir
subsistcncc (Kclly, 1999). Thcreforc, a woman's inability to find a
husband thrcatened one's life. Another such carloon, appearing in the
Septcmber 22, 1910 issue, also plays on rhese fears by showing Cupid
holding up his hand in a "STOP'gesture to a group of suffragists to
"ban" them from lovc (p. 468). Clearly, thesc types of cartoons support
(hc anl.isuffragist argumcnt that marriago and family constitute women's
true natures (Abbott, 1903).

Related to the undesirability of suffragists is the unattractive,

unf shionablc suffragist. Thc cartoon dcpicts the suffragists and

:.:

<+
<i
odoli
ct

feminists as dowdy, heavy-set women and thc woman heading for the
nlarriirge tcnt as svcltc and fashionablc. Anothcr canoon, from Fcbnrary
9, l9ll, cvcn showcd irn |at(ractivc "riuffragcttc" drcsscd irr nrasculinc
attiro inquiring to a beardcd lady at a circus sidcshow, ,,How did you
manage it?" (p. 315). Depicting suffragists as unfashionable and
Infltronly would bc a typical tactic of this cra. According to Kclly (1999),
socicty used discourses of fashionablc drcss to dcscribe likcd and
disliked women (p. 238).
As for the eugenics tent, it is marginalizcd in the cartoon by its
position on the far right and by its smaller sign. The cartoon seems to

imply that eugenics-a belief that socictal improvement would occur

through proper genetic breeding-is as, if not more, insane and
undesirabie as suffrage and feminism. Becausc antisuffragist arguments
during this tiDe saw marriage and children as the primaiy means of
societal and racial progress, this cartoon challenged the legitimacy of
eugenics and further supponcd anrisuffragism (Benjamin, 1991; George,

l9r 3).

In Figure 3,5, moreover, the young woman who is walking toward

the marriage tent clcarly excmplifies the Gibson Girl look. The Gibson
Oirf, crcated by LiJe magazine cartoonist Charles Dana Gibson, became
lhe epitomc of fashion and bcaury at the tum of rhe ccntury (Seid, l9S9).
Whsreas "the 'fat' woman had symbolized the family, the new slender
woman symbolized 'youth' and projected a 'disquieting and alert
glamour"' (Seid, 1989, p. 85). The new Gibson Girl, with her narrow
skirt to show off her slender physique, was the height of fashion (Seid,
1989). Because the standards of society society used fashion to describe
women in positivc and negative terms and antisuffragists argued that

58

Women's Suffrage Movement

Goodman

li",,

:,r,-:tll{i i:ilJ;:t"J,jttf"r;;"l*I#1
';H|r:,:li'Ji:lliffi :;',.,.#"Tiiij**rn"l*"1:,1;:
:::Tiliii*"'.T"'!{l{ii:l*x*",fffi inlj*ll*lt

l"d;il

il'1,:,1il11i;l:'1"J.i:t'1'J":J:l"l;il;;?sGpard,'1e85r
Taxstion Witltot't Representalion'

c':

!:F

;5
7,o
r^+

a{
i-

i:

t;
l),
l/i

shoutd--be noted that

-several

ilfu i u*;
m$i:l+r1
representn(tol-:]c.:ll"J::i;;
"t::i:rmil;*::
of the taxation without
;;;";;"
".1*.':
j?f"m;:lxH::T;ffi .:r":'"r:iil:l
*irT,uj;r;:u
are.ument

<x
m{

It

;;[*! t'x;:li:f ;i1'*:1,"[::T#iiut*t

Hr#

:n:1'.::'1ru:::l J:i":il,H:,':il':'lr'.iiir,'oui'.+*,.n,0,,o"" ^"*

fiiHltl';.:ni:,"lll"*ll'"ilT";l:::l'J1':i""::ii
the
.A::11i"
without rcprcsentation-and equates
theme-taxation

i[1t*tT'jl*::;;*:"1'*':;qilrri,:ii:":-,1iil
;;;;;;;. r.om- man's 'l*"11;,tir'Ll1iirry, $1i,it"',iSii "T llil;
H:iJ,",1i:'ili:1', ilo.,l,iin'l"nlJ1"*'"n'asist

arsuments'

Ideology Embodied and lmplications

-.. .

;;9i=

ulj

? aZt=

E=iel

<.=.

>|t{

807o
Considering that more than

of the

Tit'iffi f ",;:"5i"i.i^iit::'f.#sil::1f ":fr .fl Tfl ff

Hi,'ili:1r'#::"'if::L:"ff#l;';

t{

cartoons either reflect

IJT
*i"o'ing'nti'ot;o'ioon'

:'"*;*i:*i',:'".',",;**;i*ii:"**i*if

f;

l'1'::;:"lH'o

60

Goodman

Womcn's Suffrase Movcment

6l

for an idcology to maintain dominance (Foss, 1996, p. 295).

?q
e{.

PI'
;tq

The nature, use, and purpose of humor funher advances this

contention. I'Iurnor is uscd "as an cssontial form of social communication" (Boskin, 1979, p.5). Bsciusc it "is intcgmlly rclated to a
culture's code," humo. thlusts societal membgrs toward social coherence
and control (Bo;kin, 1979, p. 5). Cartoons, as a form of humor, portray
human attitudes and "reflect basic social values with intense clarity"
(Boskin, 1979, p.7; I3ogardus, 1945). Through lhc c (oons' rcfloction of
antisuffragist ideologies, the broadcr social valucs reinforced by the
cnrtoons inchrdc maintitining scparatc sphcres, women's submission to
|rritlc autlrority, a|ld wo|llco's pritnury rolu as wifc and molhcr,
In addition to bolstering dominant values, the humor of the cartoons
also undcrcut alternative and oppositional values, Humor is often used
ag inst upwardly nrobilc minority groups such as suffragists (Boskin,
1979, p. 30). Thc mocking of minority groups convys accepted
behaviors and attiludes to socicty. When a social group threatens the
dominant ideology, humor also may be used to subvert their message.
Thus, humor may function as a corrective for societal outsiders and ,.is
ticd (o powcr, autonomy, and aggrcssion" (Walkcr, 1988, p. l3).
Cartoons in Life reinforced the negative ponrayal of suffragists
found in other social discourses at the time. As Munell argues, ..throughout tho country generally..,thc [suffrage] movement was but a subject fo!

ridicule" (Murell, 1938, p. l8). When one ridiculcs and belittles one's
opponcnts, one is attcmpting to sccurc domination. Since cartoons express this "wish for domination and control" (Bogardus, 1945, p. l4l),
one may conclude that, bccause suffragists wcre going against the dominant idcology, suffragc carloons subvcrtod thcir messagc by rcflccting
l|ntisuffragist idcologics and itnagcry to maintilin thc status quo,

Exploling thc idcntity of thosc who creatc the cartoons furthor

sustains the argutncnt that suffrlgc cartoons uphcld thc dominant idsology. ISccarrsc rnost cartoonists wcre Dlen, it follows that thcy would

rcveal men's view of women, which at this time was domestic. moralsubmissivc, mothcrly, clraste, and dcpendent (Franzen & Ethicl, 19g8, p.
l3t Ev rrs. 196()). ''Rcrcly did carly ctrtoonists conccm thcmsclves with
worncn's own fcclings and dcsircs-e spccially for equality. Thcy wcrc

far more concerned with the threat thcse desires Dosed to their own
cornfortrblc way of lifc" (Franzen & fthiet, tgt8, p. t3): Therefore,

mille cartoonisls mocked suffragists because womsn's suffrage threat-

Women's Suffrage Movement

Goodman

potiticians actively seeking

feminine. They also show

position in society and the societal order.

. ened their

.:The editorial content of l{fe further supports the dominant ideology

add antisuffragist ideologies. During most of 1909, neady
of Life's
^ll example,
ditoriat-neither favored nor disfavored women's suffrage. For
lffe in its February 18, 1909 issue ran an anicle thal said whn both sidcs
aigumi:nts are encountercd, "that the strongest argument against it is
;'Becausp,' and the strongest argument for it the same" (p. 220).
r;- However,, l9l0 marked'vehement
antisuffrage editorial as excmplified
: by the birth'of Priscilla Jawbones'
weekly columns, which mocked
' suffraiists and their ideologies, and by l-l/e's essay contest on why a man

-should

not marry a suffragettc. In addition,

it is imponant to rote tho

characterization of Priscilla Jawboncs conesponds with antisuffragists'

blif that suffragists are unattractive and mannish. Jawbones is depicted

/,,-.

as a gap-toothed old hag who wears glasses-the stereotype of

,i

^-l',:

,r

.
.

suffragist. The Jawboncs column coniinued rhrough l9l l.

In-1912, Life again ran a contest, this time asking if a suffragette
should marry, Thc winncr's answer, according to thc November 14,l2l2
issuc, was "Certainly not. A man's wife should be his ideal, not his
ordeal" (p- 2192r. After 1912, the editorial was mixed again, but more
was antisuffEgist than suffragist.
The ideology of life suffragist cartoons began to change later in the
decade. however. Most of thc cartoons betwcen l9l9 and 1920 focused
on two consistent themes, the first theme being how womcn's voting was
good for society and would clean up the world. An example pictured a
woman talking with Uncle Sam and pointing to an angel who govems
over the "bener organized world." The caption rcad: "Don't forget where
we're going." The second theme depicted the political parties courting
women's vote. For example, the political party symbols, the elephant and
donkey, bow on one knec while extending their top hats to a fashionably
thin woman, The caption reads: '"Tell me, pretty maiden, are there any
more at home like you?'
Clearly these themes diverg from previous suffrage cartoons. These
new ca oons emphasized the value of \pomen's votcs-women's votes

'will improve society, which was a common suffragist

argument

(Addams, 1906; Winston, 1896). Also, the portrayals of the suffragists

themselves began to change. They began to be depicted as the typical
Gibson Girl-beautiful, fashionable, and thin-rather than the heavv-set.

bespectacled hag. The cartoons show them as desirable

to men

and

1"*"L:,1-"-t::'

;i'.il;;";;l1i*"':.,..rq:ff;J::illf
,H::ii$i,lliii'll;
October 28' 1920 cover ot lqe
rer

the

Uniir-*""

is congratulated-on
o,o*" in which an attraciive suffragist
in sheppard'
duplicated
is
ov r"ay Libeny (this cartoon

ir"r*ii" "",i
1994' D 93)
and
cartoons bolstering dominant
. The imPlication of the earlier cartoons'
mainstream
a
part
of
as
.",t#;#;l''ij;;gv it tt'ut.tr'"tuenced the publrc opinion,about wonega$vety
medium, may
-tnt
(1970)' the Pnm-ary
'*.havc
ro Maurice and cooper
Accoriing
l"tt
."";.
atso
was to mold Dublic opinion Canoons
li"i*" "i "ia"-t tn this-era
of
use
oprnron through its
Td.:! lil
soueht "to influence public
and allusions" (Fisch^er'
'ri'J,l",rt

symbolt' -slogans' refcrents'

r nr. Moreover,
ii",jl.'i. ""i""t""d

nlli':1;"i*S"1,"i1:"1;li:T::"ili:

co
deDictions were able to solidlry

ii""r"*.,.*'o"rr*"1'i1,":,10.:",*,fi
l..:lj,';'"";:"'1,ill,l'r.,.1
oY
manncrs, and casily understooc

iiiii;,'rs;?1.;
,*r,

Boss Twced
ftct, Thomas Nast's cartoons of

oruii. "pi"t""

hclPed

(Fischer' 1996)'
and expel him from office

Conclusion

reflectcd both suffrage and

In summary, Life m'lrazrne canoons

than 80% Tl":'"9 "t:"-lfi:|:
.'jr,*iit"rl'ra1i,r"giesl but more antisuffrage
ideologies tt":t-":-11
;r**il: Th" twoiost prominent
and marriage i:tY*'
i10.,:t:".
;:;;;;"t werc separation of spheres
stP"fu::
the dominant ideology that included

illj"-nt'*"* *a
ffi;""t ;;t,rtil

:t

to

The prevalence or
motherhood' and domesticity
the dominant
suPported
thus
carioons
:l,i"r;?;;-*;i"sies in thesocial
reflecting
Bv
change
;"a helpei subvert
have been inllunceq
in the cartoons' public oPinion may

tl:'::lt:i::

tiiGt
i;;;i;itt

ffi:il"'i;',;::j'::"":"1iff
ff$ifiJ$
ano
l,;':i"j1l'ilfread
"thc most influential cartoon
and wtdety
masazines "were
rl

,il"". tilt';.'i42)
'"-,"ilt:a""i"',v"rlT:1",":i,"J"t"l:f,[$"tt"?*:#';:ff ,:i
io tne u'
and humor

the lgth Amendment

nationwidewomensuffrag,butnotuntillg20,T2yearsaftertheseneca

64

Goodman

Women's Suffrage Movement

Falls Convention.
Cartain ideologies have changed little in 100 years. Friedan's (1963)
observation that the media subjecr womcn to the femininity myth still
applics. This myth asserts lhat women are passivc, dependent, and

fr.

Drxkker, S. T. (1897, April5). Voring morhcrs.

Amc canJ/lwesr.
S. M. 11989). Bon lot libe y: A hirtory oI vromen in
Am.rica. New
-E*T,
lnc rrcc rrcss.

_,
.
^

lL: hveland prcss.

Franzcn, M., & Erhict, N. (lgg8). Make waJ! 2OO,eors

Prospcct,

characterization has survived, it impedes women from an absolute break

from lhe traditional private/home sphere.

cdtooftr. Chicago: Chicago Rcvicw press.

Frazcr, E., & Lacy, N. ( tgg3). potitics of conmuaity:

ani
ol

proctice

(!n

ed.j.

American women in

feminirt critique of tib.rat.

conmunicolion debate. New yo*: Harvcster Whcalshcaf.

Fricdin, B. (1 963). nt./arrint .,rrJriqr., Ncw yotk Dcll.

Rcfcrenccs

Ccorgc, A. N, (f913). Wonan'r,i8hy

Womtn suffrnfc.

ASSOctaU( n (.)pposcd to

Abbott, L. (1903, Scptcmber). Why women do not wish rhc suffrale. Thc Atla tic
92,289-296.
Addlms, J. (1906, fcbnmry), Thc ntodcrn city nnd thc municipnl frarchisc for
wonrcn. InM,J, Buhlc&P. Bu c (Iids,) (1978) Tlc concisc histrtry of tomu st(fnge:
Selections frorn the classic work oJ Stanton, AnthonJ, Cage, an.t Harpzr
1p.- 3ii).
I

ti[ &

Wm8.

Benjamin, A. lrl, (1991). A history of thc anti-tulJragc movenent in the ll;ikd

Statesfrom 1895 to 1920, Lewiston, Nyt Edwin Mcllcn press.
Ilcrgcr, A. A. (f99-5). Oin .al
tlcisn: A fihcr d/lr) corcol,1r. Thousr d onks,
CA: SoS. Public{lions.
Illackwell, A. S. (1895, May 4). Thc physical forcc argumc0r. Ttie Wonan,s

Col nu.

Bogardus, E, S. (1945). SocioloSy of rhc carloon. ,Sociology and Sociat Rescarch, 30

(l), 139-r47.

Bordo, S. (1993). Unbearuble weight: Feminisn, tyestern cuhurc, and lrc bo(l.r.
Berklcy. CAi Universiry ofCalifornia Prcss.
Boskin, J. (1979). /tt rnor ond social changc in ,wcntieth-century Americo. Bostonl
Boston Univcrsity Press.

vone : Attcricon anlkullrogisn,

It)g0-1920.

Brooklln, NY: Carlson.

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Chapter 4

Humor and Gender Politics:

A Textual Analysis of the
First Feminist Comic in Hong Kong
Wendy Siuyi Wong and Lisa M. Cuklanz

Comic books constitute one of the most popular reading media of

Hong Kong people. Thc market share of locally produceJ comics in
Hong Kong is dominated by boys, comics such
Oriental Hiroes,
Bruce Lee and Wind and Cloud (Wong & yeung, 1999).
And, liki

most places all over thc world, Hong Kong's comic books, whether

locally produced or imported from Japan

or

Taiwan, are highly

shatified by gender in style, character prollles, conreat, and auaie-nce.

fierc is a clear division of audience into male or female. with bovs
reading action comics, and girls rcading ,,soft,' comics about
romance rather than martial arts. Tbere are very few locally produced
comics designed for female audiences, and women comic artists are
also very rare in the history of Hong Kong comics.
Reviewing the past 30 years of the development of Hong Kong
comics, only about l0 women comics artists of any note -can
bi
found. Therc include, from the 1960s, Lee Wai-cbun, liwan Shan-mei,
and Tse Ling-ling; from the 1970s, Kam Tung-fung; in Oe taie
1980s, Chan Ya; in the 1990s, Mak Ka-pik, and Shriet
Ching, and
most recently, Lau Leelee. Only three of these, Lee Wai_chuni
Chan
Y4 and Lau Lee-lee, can be dcscribed as in any way prominent.
Although this lisr of women comics artists of Hong Kong -is short, it
does not mean the topic is not wofth examination, researcih, and
anal_
ysis. Rather, this is a topic that has not received the scholarly
attention
it descrvcs. The only scholarly article in the field of communication
on gcndel in cartoons in Hong Kong examines television cartoons