QI Afro-Pess Neg Case

I Negate the resolution

Framework

V: Liberty

S: Resisting Oppression
The role of the ballot is remaining consistent with the best
liberation strategy for the oppressed
The debate space allows us to engage in discussion which
allows us to break down racism to make change in the
community
Smith 13 [Elijah Smith, A Conversation in Ruins: Race and Black Participation in Lincoln Douglas Debate,
Vbriefly, 9/4/13 http://vbriefly.com/2013/09/06/20139a-conversation-in-ruins-race-and-black-participation-in-lincolndouglas-debate/]

it will require continued effort but the necessary

step in fixing this problem, like all problems, is the community as a whole admitting that such a problem with many socially
acceptable choices exists in the first place. Like all systems of social control, the reality of racism in debate is
constituted by the singular choices that institutions, coaches, and
students make on a weekly basis. I have watched countless rounds where competitors attempt to win by rushing to
It will be uncomfortable, it will be hard, and

abstractions to distance the conversation from the material reality that black debaters are forced to deal with every day. One of the students I coached,
who has since graduated after leaving debate, had an adult judge write out a ballot that concluded by hypothetically defending my student
being lynched at the tournament. Another debate concluded with a young man defending that we can kill animals humanely, just like we did that guy
Troy Davis. Community norms would have competitors do intellectual gymnastics or make up rules to accuse black debaters of breaking to escape hard

the only constructive strategy is to

acknowledge the reality of the oppressed, engage the discussion from the perspective of
authors who are black and brown, and then find strategies to deal with the issues at hand. It
hurts to see competitive seasons come and go and have high school
students and judges spew the same hateful things you expect to hear at a
Klan rally. A student should not, when presenting an advocacy that aligns
them with the oppressed, have to justify why oppression is bad. Debate is
not just a game, but a learning environment with liberatory potential . Even if
conversations but as someone who understands that experience,

the form debate gives to a conversation is not the same you would use to discuss race in general conversation with Bayard Rustin or Fannie Lou Hamer,
that is not a reason we have to strip that conversation of its connection to a reality that black students cannot escape.

My opponent must engage with me, refusal to do is silence.

Not engaging would mean denial of white privilege and
naturalize white supremacy
CrenShaw 97 [Carrie Crenshaw, Assistant Professor in the Department of Speech Communication, The
University of Alabama, Summer 1997, "Resisting whiteness rhetorical silence," Western Journal of Communication]

This analysis of Helms opening argument illustrates how the

through rhetorical silence.

ideology of white privilege operates

Helms statement was an argument over the meaning of the UDCits members,

its actions, and its insignia. It was an ideological struggle to maintain silence about the members whiteness and its implications

rhetorical silence about whiteness

sustains an ideology of white privilege. Second, intersecting gendered discourses work to preserve
this silence. Helms silence about whiteness naturalized the taken-for-granted
assumptions contained in his framework for understanding who is
harmed by this decision. The colossal unseen dimensions [of] the
silences and denials surrounding whiteness are key political tools for
protecting white privilege and maintaining the myth of meritocracy (McIntosh 35). This
silence is rhetorical and has important ideological implications. Scott observes that silence and
through a strategic use of gender. Two key issues arise here. First,

speaking have symbolic impact and as such are both rhetorica l. When considering the dialectic of speaking and silence,
he thinks of silence as the absence of speech. Silence is active, not passive; it may be interpreted. Furthermore, silence and

The absence of speech about whiteness

signifies that it exists in our discursive silences. It may often be intentional; it can be
interpreted, and it can occur simultaneously with the spoken word. Whiteness silence is ideological
because it signifies that to be white is the natural condition, the
assumed norm. Scott notes that silences symbolize the nature of thingstheir substance or natural condition.
Silences symbolize hierarchical structures as surely as does speech (15 ). Indeed, the very structure of
privilege generates silences, and ironically, the most powerful rhetoric for
maintaining an existing scheme of privilege will be silent (10). Thus,
silent rhetorical constructions of whiteness like Helms protect material
white privilege because they mask its existence.
speech may be both simultaneous and sequential.

My opponent framework must take into account the oppressed, if they do

not do so they are reinforcing white supremacy culture and thus not
taking into account all lives.

Contention 1 Qualified immunity for police

officers is bad
Current passages of qualified immunity dont take into account
race, this creates a system in which police are able to abuse
their power Walker 09 [April J. Walker, September 4, 2009 RACIAL PROFILING -SEPARATE AND UNEQUAL KEEPING THE
MINORITIES IN LINE- THE ROLE OF LAW ENFORCEMNET IN AMERICA file ]
All too often,

racial minorities have been disadvantaged by criminal procedure

rules that are race-neutral, as the rules have had a disproportionate effect
on communities of color.48 The chain of radicalized terror that spanned during slavery ,
lynching, and police whipping49 remains unbroken as the brutalization of minorities is
routinely, but unfortunately, practiced in todays criminal justice system .50 Like
lynchings and police whippings, contemporary police brutality is not an
exception to current law.51 Nonetheless, current legal doctrine seems to condone
police brutality and makes individual acts of abuse appear isolated ,
aberrational, and acceptable rather than part of a systematic pattern of official
violence.52 Thus, legal rules fragment instances of police brutality so as to
obscure its systemic nature, while police supervisors, prosecutors and
judges routinely turn a blind eye to its occurrence .53 Similarly, police torture of
suspects continues to be a tolerated means of confirming the presumed criminality of blacks and minorities. 54
As a result, the cost of relying on the criminal justice system leaves no
room for accountability for police misconduct and serious reform is needed.55

Minorities are most vulnerable to police brutality

Walker 09 [April J. Walker, September 4, 2009 RACIAL PROFILING -SEPARATE AND UNEQUAL KEEPING THE
MINORITIES IN LINE- THE ROLE OF LAW ENFORCEMNET IN AMERICA file ]

Over the last several years, police brutality in the U.S. and across its boarders has gradually increased.32 Moreover,
the issues of race, language barriers, and gender closely shadow reoccurring incidents.33 In addition, the injustices
suffered by victims of racial discrimination are well known. Historically, racism has been defined as the belief that
race is the primary determinant of human capacities. In effect, racism suggests that individuals should be treated

most victims of police

brutality are members of poor and minority communities [this] should be cause for
concern, and contributes to the perception that the police are more likely to
engage in force when dealing with a minority suspect than when dealing with a nonminority suspect.3 Capital flight, corporate downsizing, redlining, and various other routine
corporate practices weaken the resilience of local communities and lowincome communities capacity to respond to changes in their environment. They lack the
resources, like social capital-resources, that allow responses to crime that also
preserve and protect our children and families from various unaccountable powers
that sadly, plague poor communities.36 Like most of us, but unlike economists , police do
not make their choices by a rational calculation of comparative economic
values.37 Despite the social and economic progress of African-Americans
over the past fifty years, Americans continue to live in a country where racial
inequity is the norm.38 The dominant belief about Blacks , upon which their legal
differently according to their racial designation.34 The very fact that

rights, or lack thereof,

were historically constructed, was the belief in their

ontological inferiority.39 In traditional Americanism, black people are still
perceived as poor, lazy, lustful, ignorant, and prone to criminal behavior.40

Police brutality is an enforcer of white supremacy

Walker 09 [April J. Walker, September 4, 2009 RACIAL PROFILING -SEPARATE AND UNEQUAL KEEPING THE
MINORITIES IN LINE- THE ROLE OF LAW ENFORCEMNET IN AMERICA file ]

The notion that police brutality of minorities is greater than compared to whites is not a new concept. Since the mid-1960s, there have been several
United States Federal Commissions that have studied the trend.95 Unfortunately, most of the findings in the Kerner Report,96 a study published 40 years
ago, in 1968, still holds true today.97 Their findings were unambiguous and to the point: hostility between the police and minority communities was not
only a contributing factor to urban unrest and violence, but in some places, it was the sole factor.98 As the Commission put it, "Negroes firmly believe that

police
brutality
and
harassment
occur
repeatedly
in
Negro
neighborhoods.99 This belief is unquestionably one of the major reasons
for intense Negro resentment against the police.100 Even if the nation had somehow managed in
the intervening decades to resolve its urban and racial challenges, this extraordinary document invites a historical reflection.101 Furthermore, the Kerner

the police represented the enforcers of white supremacy,

racism, and oppression.102 In many cases this was more than just a perception, many police officers
Report findings revealed that

did, in reality, reflect and express those ideas.103 The Report also discussed the double standard of the American
justice system, where there is one set of laws applicable to whites and another for ethnic minorities.104 The Report
stated,

Our nation is moving toward two societies, one black, one white
separate and unequal. What white Americans have never fully understood
but what the Negro can never forget is that white society is deeply
implicated in the ghetto. White institutions created it, white institutions
maintained it, and white society condones it. 105 After the infamous Rodney King case of 1991,106
Report, this
report included Latinos and Asian-Americans in accordance with the changing demographics of the United
States.108 The Christopher Commission affirmed many of the findings of The Kerner Report; however , it delves further
another commission was formed to revisit the perception of police brutality in minority communities.107 Unlike the previous Kerner

into the issue of police abuse against minorities

Thus the Affs advocacy of limiting qualified immunity will not

and does not solve. It only continues this furtherization of the
racist laws to be put in place. Instead we need to evaluate
society. The aff only operates within society, this does not
work.

Contention 2 This causes

oppression to normalize which
causes unspeakable immorality
Society normalizes minorities as the bad person and police
as the good person. This creates a society in which we
detonate minorities as the criminal and whites as the victims.
Walker 09 [April J. Walker, September 4, 2009 RACIAL PROFILING -SEPARATE AND UNEQUAL KEEPING THE
MINORITIES IN LINE- THE ROLE OF LAW ENFORCEMNET IN AMERICA file ]
[Edited for male generics]
The role of race in criminal laws was a direct affront to blacks freedom and dignity80and in todays society,

many states continue to impose harsher penalties on blacks for assaults on

whites than on whites that commit the same offenses.81 Race, class, and
gender privilege, in a discourse that naturalizes oppression, veil the unspoken
societal assumptions.82 One assumption is that black and other minority
men are the bad guys [person] and the police are the good guys [person],
and if the police killed someone it must have been for a good reason.83
The attitude that they must have done something , 84 ingrained since slavery, is
nurtured and manipulated by the police, who are quick to release the
prior-arrest or medical record of their victims in order to somehow justify
being killed by the police.85 For a host of reasons, crime perpetrators are often
imagined as Black or Hispanic, while crime victims are imagined as being
white.86 In reality, four-fifths of violent crimes are intraracial. Whites are nearly six times more likely to be
murdered by another white than by a minority.87 Similarly, most victims of crimes committed by Black and Hispanic

officers are not

made upon graduation from the academyall of the images that one is
exposed to, that he/she reacts to, coupled with his/her own life
experiences help shape the officer into what he/she is about to become.90
perpetrators are Black and Hispanic themselves.88 But as one author89 has noted, police

Further, social scientists have demonstrated that there is a definite relationship between ones occupational
environment and the way one interprets events; an occupation may be seen as a major badge of identity that an
individual acts to protect as a facet of his or her selfesteem and person.91 An indispensable key in understanding
police motives, fears, aspirations, and the moral codes by which they judge themselves is to understand and
acknowledge how the police learn to see the world around them and their place in it.92 Thus, entry requirements,
training, and professional socialization produce homogeneity of attitudes that guide police in their daily work. 93
Policing generates powerful distinctive ways of looking at the world, cognitive and behavioral responses, which
when taken together, may be said to constitute, a working personality.94

In a society of normalization, the state exertion of bio power &

bio politics is made possible by racism which makes war and
genocide the permanent conditions of society while
simultaneously making it invisible or unconscious towards it
Mendieta 02 (Eduardo Mendieta, PhD and Associate professor of Stonybrook School of Philosophy, To
make live and to let die Foucault on Racism Meeting of the Foucault Circle, 4/25/02 APA Central Division Meeting)

This is where racism intervenes, not from without, exogenously, but from within, constitutively. For the

emergence of biopower as the form of a new form of political rationality, entails the
inscription within the very logic of the modern state the logic of racism. For
racism grants, and here I am quoting: the conditions for the acceptability of
putting to death in a society of normalization. Where there is a society of
normalization, where there is a power that is, in all of its surface and in first instance, and first line, a biopower, racism is indispensable as a condition to be able to put to death
someone, in order to be able to put to death others. The homicidal [meurtrire]
function of the state, to the degree that the state functions on the modality of
bio-power, can only be assured by racism (Foucault 1997, 227) To use the formulations from
his 1982 lecture The Political Technology of Individuals which incidentally, echo his 1979 Tanner Lectures the
power of the state after the 18th century, a power which is enacted through the police, and is enacted over the
population, is a power over living beings, and as such it is a biopolitics. And, to quote more directly, since the
population is nothing more than what the state takes care of for its own sake, of course, the state is entitled to
slaughter it, if necessary. So the reverse of biopolitics is thanatopolitics. (Foucault 2000, 416). Racism, is the
thanatopolitics of the biopolitics of the total state. They are two sides of one same political technology, one same
political rationality: the management of life, the life of a population, the tending to the continuum of life of a people .

And with the inscription of racism within the state of biopowe r, the long history
of war that Foucault has been telling in these dazzling lectures has made a new turn: the war of peoples,
a war against invaders, imperials colonizers, which turned into a war of races, to
then turn into a war of classes, has now turned into the war of a race, a biological unit, against its polluters and

Racism is the means by which bourgeois political power, biopower,

re-kindles the fires of war within civil society. Racism normalizes and
medicalizes war. Racism makes war the permanent condition of society,
while at the same time masking its weapons of death and torture. As I wrote
somewhere else, racism banalizes genocide by making quotidian the lynching of suspect
threats to the health of the social body. Racism makes the killing of the other,
of others, an everyday occurrence by internalizing and normalizing the
war of society against its enemies. To protect society entails we be ready to kill its threats, its
threats.

foes, and if we understand society as a unity of life, as a continuum of the living, then these threat and foes are
biological in nature.

Once we Otherize groups of people, this allows us to commit

genocide, slavery, segregation and a multitude of unspeakable
wrongs
Katz 97 (Katheryn D. Katz, prof. of law - Albany Law School, 1997, Albany Law Journal, |||edited for g-lang|||)
Edited for language

throughout hum[x]n history dominant and oppressive groups

have committed unspeakable wrongs against those viewed as inferior .
Once a person (or a people) has been characterized as sub-hum[x]n, there
appears to have been no limit to the cruelty that was or will be visited upon
[them] him. For example, in almost all wars, hatred towards the enemy was
inspired to justify the killing and wounding by separating the enemy from
the human race, by casting them as unworthy of human status. This same
rationalization has supported: genocide, chattel slavery, racial segregation, economic
It is undeniable that

exploitation, caste and class systems, coerced sterilization of social misfits and undesirables, unprincipled medical
experimentation, the subjugation of wom[x]n, and the social Darwinists' theory justifying indifference to the poverty

Contention 3 This turns there case,

we need to reject civil society
The Alternative is to renounce the state, in doing so we
combat the anti-black establishment. Reforms are only an
endless battle and keep minorities playing the white mans
game. Burning everything down solves.
Farley 5

[Anthony Paul is a Professor of Law at Boston College, Perfecting Slavery,

http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1028&context=lsfp]

What is to be done? Two hundred years ago, when the slaves in Haiti rose
up, they, of necessity, burned everything: They burned San Domingo flat so that at the end of the
war it was a charred desert. Why do you burn everything? asked a French officer of a prisoner. We have a right to
burn what we cultivate because a man [person] has a right to dispose of his
own labour, was the reply of this unknown anarchist. The slaves burned everything
because everything was against them. Everything was against the slaves,
the entire order that it was their lot to follow, the entire order in which
they were positioned as worse than senseless things, every plantation,
everything. Leave nothing white behind you, said Toussaint to those dedicated to the end of
white-over black. God gave Noah the rainbow sign. No more water, the fire next time. The slaves burned
everything, yes, but, unfortunately, they only burned everything in Haiti.
Theirs was the greatest and most successful revolution in the history of
the world but the failure of their fire to cross the waters was the great
tragedy of the nineteenth century. At the dawn of the twentieth century, W.E.B. Du Bois wrote, The
colorline belts the world. Du Bois said that the problem of the twentieth century was the problem of the colorline. The problem,

now, at the dawn of the twenty-first century is the problem of the colorline. The colorline continues to belt the

the slave power that is the United States now threatens an

entire world with the death that it has become and so the slaves of yesterday, today, and tomorrow,
those with nothing but their chains to lose, must, if they would be free, if
they would escape slavery, win the entire world. We begin as children. We are called and we
world. Indeed,

become our response to the call. Slaves are not called. What becomes of them? What becomes of the broken-hearted?

The slaves are divided souls, they are brokenhearted, the slaves are split asunder by what they are
called upon to become. The slaves are called upon to become objects but objecthood is not a calling. The slave,
then, during its loneliest loneliness, is divided from itself. This is schizophrenia. The slaves are not called, or, rather,
the slaves are called to not be. The slaves are called unfree but this the living can never be and so the slaves burst
apart and die. The

slaves begin as death, not as children, and death is not a

beginning but an end. There is no progress and no exit from the
undiscovered country of the slave, or so it seems. We [They] are trained to
think through a progress narrative, a grand narrative, the grandest
narrative, that takes us up from slavery. There is no up from slavery. The
progress from slavery to the end of history is the progress from white-over-black to white-over-black to whiteoverblack. The progress of slavery runs in the opposite direction of the past present future timeline. The slave only

It is only
under conditions of freedom, of bourgeois legality, that the slave can
becomes the perfect slave at the end of the timeline, only under conditions of total juridical freedom.

perfect itself as a slave by freely choosing to bow down before its master.
The slave perfects itself as a slave by offering a prayer for equal rights.
The system of marks is a plantation. The system of property is a
plantation. The system of law is a plantation. These plantations, all part of
the same system, hierarchy, produce white-overblack, white-over-black
only, and that continually. The slave perfects itself as a slave through its prayers for equal rights.
The plantation system will not commit suicide and the slave, as stated
above, has knowing non-knowledge of this fact. The slave finds its way
back from the undiscovered country only by burning down every
plantation. When the slave prays for equal rights it makes the free choice to be dead, and it makes the free choice to not be.
Education is the call. We are called to be and then we become something. We become that which we make of ourselves. We follow

Freedom is the only callingit alone contains all possible

directions, all of the choices that may later blossom into the fullness of
our lives. We can only be free. Slavery is death. How do slaves die? Slaves
are not born, they are made. The slave must be trained to be that which
the living cannot be. The only thing that the living are not free to be is
dead. The slave must be trained to follow the call that is not a call. The slave must be trained to pursue the calling that is not a
calling. The slave must be trained to objecthood. The slave must become death. Slavery is
white-over-black. White-over-black is death. White-over-black, death,
then, is what the slave must become to pursue its calling that is not a
calling
the call, we pursue a calling.