Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Herman Karl
It is not in dispute that American militia on the eve of the Revolution carried a
wide assortment of firearms (see, for example, Neumann, 1998, 2003; Ahearn, 2005;
Bohy and Troiana, 2010). Cain, n.d., lists five primary sources of firearms for militia
before the Revolution: imported muskets sold by local merchants; muskets and
equipment captured from enemy troops (most notably the French and Spanish);
locally produced weapons; stands of arms issued by the British government to
Massachusetts provincial and militia soldiers during the French and Indian War; and
finally, the rare procurement of a musket from a willing British soldier stationed in
Boston (13).
As firearms of the second, fourth, and fifth categories would have been
uncommon this essay addresses firearms that might have been sold by local
merchants and those locally produced for the civilian market typically smoothbore
fowlers and muskets. These firearms, in particular those of the New England militia
companies, are the focus of this essay. Rifles used by southern and middle province
backwoodsmen were virtually unknown in New England at the time of the Revolution.
Fowlers, the first guns made in America, likely comprised the bulk of militia arms
(Ahearn, 2005).
Whereas citizens that constituted the militia were well armed, the variety of
guns seemingly would pose a major problem for the Continental Armythe caliber
of the bores varied thereby requiring balls of different caliber, which could present a
supply problem. However, as will be discussed, although complicating supply of
ammunition it was not an insurmountable problem.
The bore diameter (caliber) of forty-three American Revolutionary War
muskets and fowlers described by Neumann (1998, 121-166, guns 77.MM -109.MM,
113.MM-116-MM) ranges from 0.88 to 0.58 with a mode of 0.70, an average of
0.72, median of 0.73, and population standard deviation of 0.069 (Table 1).
Table 1. Number of firearms in a given class of caliber (Neumann)
.56-.60
.61-.65
.66-.70
.71-.75
.76-.80
.81-.85
4
3
11
10
12
2
.86-.90
1
Because of the variation in caliber, molds to cast the proper sized ball
typically were supplied with each firearm (Fig. 1). Balls are always slightly smaller in
caliber than the bore so that they can be inserted in the bore. For example, typically
a .59 diameter ball would be used in a .62 caliber gun (Fig. 2).
There are many examples of gang molds from the Revolutionary War period
that cast balls of different sizes. One type of mold was used for buckshot and ball.
Another type casts balls of different sizes (Fig. 4). A Philadelphia Association
Committee of Safety report 29 May 1776 considered a proper mode of providing
Cartridges for the different bores of Fire-Locks carried by the Associators. They
directed that forty- four sets of Formers (dowels to form cartridges) be supplied for
the seven calibers (.71, .68, .65, .63, .61, .58, .54) of guns (Force, 1846). It is likely
that towns and the Continental Army purchased gang mold molds to stock balls for
the different caliber weapons that were in common use (Fig. 4).
ball could be used for more than 68% of the guns. Thus, because the caliber of the
firearms in the town was known, stockpiling only a few calibers could supply the
majority of guns. Those few militiamen with guns outside the norm could simply cast
their own balls.
required each soldier to furnish himself with a good fire lock one pound of
powder, twenty-four balls to fitt their guns As reported in the Continental Journal
and Weekly Advisor, January 22, 1778, The Third Bristol County Militia Regiment
wanted their men to have the following at muster: "a good firearm, a hundred of
buckshot, one pound of powder, forty leaden balls fitted to the gun.
Stipulating required equipment does not necessarily mean that soldiers were
so equipped and its dangerous to assume so. Consider this account of the Battle of
Bunker Hill (Swett, 1825):
Every man was immediately supplied with two flints, and a gill of powder with
fifteen balls to form into cartridges, but nearly all of them were destitute of cartridge
boxes, employing powder-horns only; and scarcely any two of their guns agreeing in
calibre, they were obliged to hammer their balls to a proper size for the pieces.
As well as illuminating the widespread lack of equipment, this highlights the problem
of troops having guns of different caliber.
The paucity of equipment plagued not only the militia but also the Continental
Army. This is especially true in the first few years of the war as exemplified by
General Washingtons general order of February 16, 1776 pertaining to the troops
besieging Boston (George Washington Papers, A).
The General is surprised to find the Militia applying for Cartouch Boxes and other
Accoutrements, when he had not a doubt, but they would have come compleatly
equipt--As the case however is otherwise, he directs that they should be served with
Powder-horns and Shot pouches, in lieu of Cartouch Boxes, and that every thing
which is delivered to them be charged to the Regiment that received it, that it may be
redelivered, or paid for at the expiration of the term for which they stand engaged,
and to this the Qr. Mr. Genl. and Commissary of Stores, are to give particular
Attention, without further direction upon this head.
These poorly equipped troops of the New England militias constituted the Continental
Army after Congress established it June 14, 1775.
Shortages of arms and ammunition (and other equipment) plagued the
Continental Army throughout the war. General Washington scrambled constantly to
find sufficient firearms as excerpts from a sample of his general orders and letters
show. Note how early Washington recognized that weapons of different caliber would
pose a complication.
In the Manufacturing of Arms for Publick use great care should be taken to make the bores
of the same size, that the same Balls may answer, otherwise great disadvantages may arise
from a mixture of Cartridges (Camp at Cambridge, October 13, 1775; The George
Washington Papers, B)
The Colonel, or commanding Officer of each Regiment, is forthwith to send out one, or
two, prudent and sensible Officers, to buy up such Arms as are wanted for his Regiment,
All Recruits who shall furnish their own Arms, (provided they are good) shall be paid
one Dollar, for the Use of them, shall have the Privilege of carrying them away, when
their time is out, and in case they are lost (through no default of their own) shall be paid
for them, at the end of the campaign (Headquarters, Cambridge, January 21, 1776; The
George Washington Papers, C).
It is clear that during the first two years of the war Continental Army soldiers
were predominantly armed with a variety of firearms that required different sizes of
ball. Thousands of arms had been shipped from French ports as early as 1774, but
these were a collection of arms purchased from various European countries and
varied in caliber and quality (Risch, 1981; Ahearn, 2005). Indeed, the quality of
some foreign arms was so poor that Robert Alexander, a member of the Secret
Committee, stated, If we rely on foreign arms and they are no better than the
sample we have I think, if used, they will kill more of our troops than the
enemy(Risch, 1981, 347-348). After the defeat of Burgoyne at Saratoga in fall 1777
France joined the war and began to supply model 1763/1766 Charleville muskets of
nominal .69 caliber to the army. However, this influx of frontline French military
muskets was not sufficient to replace entirely the variety of arms in the Continental
Army.
As stated earlier the variety of calibers presented a difficulty in supplying the
troops with the correct ammunition, but the problem was readily tackled and
mitigated as the three remedies that follow show (Risch, 1981, 348). Potential
mistakes of sending the wrong size cartridges assembled in laboratories as noted
above were obviated when soldiers made their own cartridges to fit their musket;
when balls of the correct size where not available, lead was sent to the unit so that
balls of the correct size could be cast using molds; and lists of the number of muskets
of each caliber were exchanged among brigades to determine if any unit could be
outfitted with sufficient arms of one caliber.
It is only in 1778 that the Continental Army could embark upon
standardization. Standardization was no simple task. Individual soldiers continued to
carry their own firearms well in to the war. Jacob Man, a Wrenthen Massachusetts
militiaman that participated at the Battle of Concord, carried his fowler throughout
the war serving in the Massachusetts Line (Mayesh, 2009). Undoubtedly, others did
the same.
It is likely the debates after the war on the need for a permanent professional
army complicated the process of standardization. Although a small regular army
continued in service after the war, the militia continued to be the main line of defense
for more than a decade as Congress debated the establishment of a permanent
professional army. Clearly, from the language of the Militia Act of 1792 the militia
was still armed with an assortment of firearms of different caliber.
That every citizen, so enrolled and notified, shall, within six months thereafter, provide
himself with a good musket or firelock, a sufficient bayonet and belt, two spare flints, and
a knapsack, a pouch, with a box therein, to contain not less than twenty four cartridges,
suited to the bore of his musket or firelock, each cartridge to contain a proper quantity of
powder and ball; or with a good rifle, knapsack, shot-pouch, and powder-horn, twenty
balls suited to the bore of his rifle, and a quarter of a pound of powder and that from
and after five years from the passing of this Act, all muskets from arming the militia as is
herein required, shall be of bores sufficient for balls of the eighteenth part of a pound;
and every citizen so enrolled, and providing himself with the arms, ammunition
(emphasis added).
The statement, bores sufficient for balls of the eighteenth part of a pound [.64
caliber], suggests that militia muskets could still be of different caliber subsequent to
1797 as long as they could accept a .64 caliber ball. Rifles were exempted from this
requirement. The 1795 Springfield musket of .69 caliber was the first standard U.S.
Army firearm. Apparently, even as the regular army was moving to standardization
the militia continued to carry assorted muskets and rifles.
American common sense, flexibility, and can do spirit enabled work around
solutions to ammunition supply mitigating the complication of mixed calibers so that
it did not fatally cripple the Continental Army and militias during the Revolutionary
War.
References cited
Ahearn, B, 2005, Muskets of the Revolution and the French & Indian Wars, Andrew
Mowbray Publishers, Lincoln, RI, 248 p.
Bohy, J. and Troiani, D., 2010, "We meant to be free always": the guns of April 19,
1775, American Rifleman, July 2010, v. 158, n. 7, p. 48 ff.
Cain, A.R., no date, The leather scanty and bad likewise: an analysis of British
weapons provided to Massachusetts provincial soldiers and militia during the
French and Indian War: http://documents.mx/documents/the-provincial.html;
viewed May 1, 2016.
Grinslade, T., 2005, Flintlock fowlers: the earliest guns made in America: Scurlock
Publishing Co., Texarkan, Texas, 248 p.
Mayesh, J.P. , 2009, Following the paper trail of a truly intriguing colonial longarm:
Man at arms, v. 31, n. 5, p. 32 ff.
Neumann, G.C., American-Made Muskets in the Revolutionary War, American
Rifleman,
http://www.jaegerkorps.org/NRA/American%20Made%20Muskets%20in%20th
e%20Revolutionary%20War.htm
Neumaan, G.C., 1998, Battle Weapons of the American Revolution, Scurlock
Publishing Company, Texarkana, Texas, 393 p.
Risch, E., 1981, Supplying Washingtons army: Special Studies Series, Center of
Military History, United States Army, Washington, D.C., 486 p.
Swett, S., History of Bunker Hill battle, with a plan (Third edition, Munroe and
Francis, Boston: 827), 25.
The George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799, A,
https://memory.loc.gov/cgibin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw040283)); viewed May 4,
2016
The George Washington Papers as the Library of Congress, 1741-1799, B,
https://memory.loc.gov/cgibin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw040029)); viewed May 4,
2016
The George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799, C,
https://memory.loc.gov/cgibin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw040232)); viewed May 4,
2016
The George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799, D,
https://memory.loc.gov/cgibin/query/r?ammem/mgw:@field(DOCID+@lit(gw040275)); viewed May 4,
2016
The George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799, E,
https://memory.loc.gov/cgi-