Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Thomas Davies
NGOs
A New History of
Transnational Civil Society
A
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Davies, Thomas
NGOs
A New History of Transnational Society
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For my mother
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements ix
Introduction 1
1. Emergence to 1914
19
Early History to 1767 20
The Emergence of Modern INGOs, 17671869 23
Consolidation of the First Wave, 18701900 44
P roliferation and Decline, 19011914 65
2.19141939
77
The First World War, the Paris Peace Conference, and the
Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society, 19141919 78
The Development of Transnational Civil Society in the 1920s 92
From Consolidation to Collapse, 19301939 106
3. 1939 to the Present Day
123
The Second World War, the Onset of the Cold War and the
Division of Transnational Civil Society 124
The Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society from the
1960s to the 1980s 141
From Coalitions to Crisis, 1990 to the Present Day 154
Conclusion 175
The Three Waves of Transnational Civil Society 177
Explaining the Three Waves 178
Future Possibilities 181
Notes 183
Further Reading 243
Index 269
vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author benefited from the help of many people in writing this book.
He is particularly grateful to Professor Martin Ceadel at New College,
Oxford, for suggesting this avenue of research. Colleagues at the University of Oxford and City University London provided stimulating
environments in which the research for this volume was undertaken.
The author was supported by a period of sabbatical leave and a PumpPriming Grant from City University London. Research assistance from
Dr Holly Ryan was invaluable, as was the advice of colleagues and students,
especially Professor Peter Willetts and Dr Alejandro Pea. The author is
indebted to the archivists and librarians at the many institutions which
housed the works cited in this volume, as well as to the staff of Hurst Publishers. Numerous academics provided insights which influenced this volume, and the author is especially grateful to the anonymous reviewers of
the manuscript. The author is most indebted of all to his family, especially
to his mother, Pauline Davies, to whom this book is dedicated.
ix
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION
A New Perspective
Beyond its exploration of the deep historical roots of transnational civil
society, this volume aims to provide a new perspective through its consideration of transnational civil societys origins beyond the West,
through its unprecedented scope, and by evaluating how transnational
civil society developed in a cyclical pattern.
As John Hobson has argued, traditional accounts of world history have
had a tendency to underplay the significance of developments beyond the
European context in the origins of modernity.25 This has been the case
with existing studies of the history of transnational civil society as it has
for other institutions of international relations.26 In his account of the evolution of transnational humanitarianism, for instance, Michael Barnett
has claimed that it is rooted in Western history and globalized in ways
that were largely responsive to interests and ideas emanating from the
West.27 This volume, on the other hand, reveals the crucial role played by
ideas and institutions beyond the Western context in the development of
transnational civil society, especially from the late eighteenth century.
Although the comparative scarcity of source materials on INGOs
beyond the West, particularly in the earlier years of their development,
has limited the degree of coverage in this volume of the evolution of
transnational civil society outside Western Europe and North America,
this volume takes greater consideration of the Eastern origins of transnational civil society than much existing work. More generally, the range
of INGO activities covered is broader than in any previous study, and
includes business and professional associations, revolutionary and scientific societies, and religious and pan-nationalist groups, in addition to the
traditional areas of concern such as development, environmentalism, feminism, humanitarianism, human rights and peace.28
A key feature of existing literature on transnational civil society which
this volume aims to challenge is the assumption that in the present day
transnational civil society is of unprecedented scale and significance.
Jessica Matthews claim that increasingly, NGOs are able to push around
even the largest governments The steady concentration of power in
the hands of states that began in 1648 with the Peace of Westphalia is
over is symptomatic of the optimism surrounding the topic in the late
1990s.29 Although some authors since then have questioned the impact
and significance of INGOs and transnational civil society in the present
5
day,30 claims that there has been an epic and irreversible shift in favour
of such actors which have sturdily emerged have persisted.31 This volume aims to show not only that the impact of transnational civil society
in the past has been far more considerable than traditionally assumed,
but also that this influence fluctuates considerably, and continues to do
so in the present day.
Amongst the most common claims in much of the existing literature
on INGOs and transnational civil society is that it has developed in a linear fashion. For example, in one of the leading textbooks on INGOs
Ahmed and Potter claim that there has been a steady increase with a
marked upturn after World War II,32 while the titles of numerous articles and books on global and transnational civil society portray the topic
of investigation as being the rise of the phenomenon.33 This is the case in
respect of works of history as well as political science.34 This volume, on
the other hand, suggests a cyclical pattern, and argues that transnational
civil society has developed in three waves with peaks reached in the decades
preceding the two World Wars, and at the turn of the millennium.35
INTRODUCTION
The other principal piece of evidence used to support arguments concerning the unprecedented rise of INGOs and transnational civil society is the way in which they have become seemingly more efficacious
in the post-Cold War period, with reference to examples such as the
International Campaign to Ban Landmines and Jubilee 2000.38 However, the task of separating the role of civil society organizations as
opposed to other actors in examples of apparent impact such as these is
exceptionally difficult. Even harder to determine is the relative importance of the developments attributed to transnational civil society actors
in the post-Cold War era in comparison with earlier periods of history.
Do the apparent achievements cited in this paragraph from the postCold War era compare in scale to earlier apparent achievements discussed later in this volume, such as the abolition of the slave trade, the
creation of the League of Nations and the enfranchisement of women
in many countries?
As Anheier has argued, measuring transnational civil society is an
immense task, which is not helped by a statistical world order centred
around national units of assessment.39 A short history such as this cannot cover the immense range of possible means of assessing the dimensions of the phenomenon. However, this book does aim to adopt a much
broader perspective on the evolution of transnational civil society than
the limited focus upon INGO numbers and campaign impact that has
dominated recent work on the subject.
Given the emphasis of participation in contemporary assessments of
transnational civil society, an aspect of the evolution of transnational civil
society that this volume will consider is membership of INGOs and participation in transnational civil society campaigns. Units of analysis such
as these may reveal an evolutionary path that is far from linear. For
instance, the international petition to which the greatest proportion of
the worlds population adhered was not the much-celebrated Jubilee 2000
petition of the late twentieth century, or even the Live 8 List of the early
twenty-first century, but a petition for international disarmament circulated by womens organizations in the early 1930s.40 As this study will
also show, the memberships of some of the most prominent INGOs have
also declined significantly in recent years, and an even greater decline
may be evident if memberships as a proportion of global population are
taken into account.
A further means of gaining insight into the state of transnational civil
society at any time may be, as Anheier has suggested, civility a com
7
INTRODUCTION
less, it is hoped that the central focus of this work on INGOs, with their
common characteristics of basic organizational form over time, provides
a degree of consistency of focus throughout the more than two centuries
covered in this volume.
Factor
Scientific/Technological
Environmental
Economic
Social
External Political
10
Economic growth/interdependence/globalization
Global economic problems (e.g. NorthSouth
inequality, Great Depression)
Interstate harmony/peace
International political divisions/war
Balance of power
Transnational political problems
Rise and decline of nation states
Evolution and orientation of national NGOs/
domestic civil society
Imperialism and its decline/decolonization
Convening of international congresses and worlds
fairs
Development of international governmental
organizations
Evolution of international rules and norms
Spread of liberal/democratic national political
institutions
Rise and fall of illiberal/undemocratic national
political institutions
INTRODUCTION
Internal Political
TCS unity/co-ordination/centralization
TCS heterogeneity/divisions/decentralization
Nature of TCS objectives/policy/propaganda
Accountability, finance and internal governing
structures of INGOs
Leadership of INGOs
Achievement of objectives of TCS
Development of TCS expertise, experience, etc.
TCS links to governments
Environmental factors have a similar dual impact. It has been common to argue that in recent years the transnational nature of global environmental issues has provided new opportunities for civil society actors
to address problems which the machinery of geographically delimited
states may be inadequate to address. It is thought that the inability of
states effectively to deal with transnational environmental problems may
have led to the development of an alternative world civic politics to deal
with these issues that may bypass state institutions altogether.48 However, the detrimental impact of environmental problems is also a significant source of societal disruption and conflict,49 which has the potential
to undermine the economic, social and political conditions under which
transnational civil society may be said to flourish.
As regards economic factors, extremely high correlations have been
noted between the annual number of INGOs founded over the last
century and a half and indicators of economic development such as government revenues and exports.50 More generally, the expansion of transnational civil society appears to correlate with periods of economic
growth, whether the nineteenth-century expansion of long-distance trade,
or the development of turbocapitalism at the end of the twentieth century.51 Periods of economic contraction, on the other hand, have paralleled periods of contraction in transnational civil society activities, most
notably the era of the Great Depression during which INGOs suffered
a considerable loss of income.52
The social factors that may be said to influence the evolution of transnational civil society are highly diverse. In common with economic development indicators, social changes such as urbanization and education
correlate strongly with INGO foundation numbers.53 Psychological changes
11
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION
Associations, has also been referred to. The Annuaires de la Vie Internationale of the early twentieth century, the Handbooks of International Organizations of the League of Nations period, and the Yearbooks of International
Organizations of the post-war era are the most comprehensive surveys
of the state of INGOs and transnational civil society of their respective
periods, and therefore have been key source materials for this study.
The range of possible sources on the evolution of transnational civil
society is vast, and each form of source material is limited. Records kept
by organizations, whether governmental or non-governmental, are likely
to reflect the perceived interests of those working for the organizations;
and information on wealthy, formal actors from developed countries is
much more readily available than that on less well-resourced, informal
actors from developing parts of the world. Nevertheless, through its use
of selected material from the broad range of possible primary sources mentioned here, it is hoped that the research upon which this study is based
overcomes the limitations of reliance upon any one form of source material. Relevant existing secondary literature has also been referred to, and
is summarized in the further reading suggestions at the end of this book.
Chapter Outline
This volume dedicates a single chapter to each of the three principal waves
of transnational civil society activities: emergence to 1914, 19141939,
and 1939 to the present day. Each chapter has a broadly common tripartite structure, commencing with an evaluation of the emergence of each
wave and the factors facilitating it, followed by an assessment of the peak
of the wave, and concluding with a discussion of the decline and the factors underpinning that decline. Within each chapter, special attention is
paid to the creation of notable new INGOs in each phase, and to representative material to illustrate the scale and impact of transnational civil
society in each period, as well as the factors responsible for that scale and
impact. Each of the major sectors of INGO activity are covered, including communications, development, education, environment, health,
human rights, humanitarianism, labour, law, peace, professions, recreation,
service, sport, standardization, women and youth. While profit-making
corporations are excluded from the analysis, non-profit-making INGOs
set up to represent business, such as the International Chamber of Commerce, are included. In addition, although religious institutions such as
15
the Roman Catholic Church are not the key focus of this volume, religious orders such as the Order of St John and religious sects such as the
Quakers are mentioned, and some religious INGOs such as the World
Alliance of Young Mens Christian Associations are included due to their
pioneering role in the development of transnational civil society.
The first chapter commences with a discussion of early INGOs and
associational activities predating the development of contemporary transnational civil society. The main analysis begins in the late eighteenth century, and the first chapter assesses the many new INGOs that developed
between the late eighteenth and mid nineteenth centuries that existing
studies have tended to neglect.70 It looks at the factors that made possible the development of transnational civil society in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries and evaluates the origins of INGOs in this period,
including the influence of interactions between East and West. Amongst
the aspects considered are activism in respect of both African and white
slavery, the early humanitarian, labour and womens movements, and the
first scientific societies and international business, professional, standardization and sporting associations. It is argued that a peak was reached at
the onset of the twentieth century, with transnational peace activism at
the Hague Conferences and the emergence of the Union of International
Associations. It is emphasized that the development of transnational civil
society occurred in parallel with the development of the nation-state,
and that aspects internal to transnational civil society contributed towards
its decline in the build-up to the First World War.
The second chapter covers one the most neglected periods of the history of transnational civil society and INGOs: that between the two
World Wars.71 Contrary to conventional wisdom, it reveals the great
breadth and scale of transnational non-governmental activities that developed after the First World War and which peaked at the time of the
World Disarmament Conference in 19324. The role of transnational
civil society in the formation of the League of Nations and the International Labour Organization is discussed, as is the subsequent role of these
organizations in providing opportunities for transnational civil society.
The emergence of new INGOs in fields such as business, humanitarianism, health and education is covered, and the transformation of INGOs
into stronger institutions is evaluated with reference to examples such as
the International Chamber of Commerce. The scale and impact of transnational civil society in this period is evident in the relief efforts in the
16
INTRODUCTION
aftermath of the First World War, work for the protection of minorities,
anti-colonial and Islamic social movement organizations, and transnational disarmament activism. As in the previous chapter, the development of highly ambitious transnational coalitions just before a subsequent
collapse of transnational civil society activities is discussed, as are the factors contributing towards the decline, including the activities of INGOs
such as those in the movement for disarmament.
The period from the Second World War until the present day is the
focus of the third chapter. It highlights the dual role of the Cold War as
a factor not only splitting transnational civil society (such as in the case
of the labour movement), but also providing the conditions under which
considerable integration could take place within the Cold War blocs and
which could form a basis for the strengthening of transnational civil society in the long term. The emergence of new development organizations
such as Oxfam, new human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, and new environmentalist organizations such as Friends of the
Earth is used to illustrate the developing scope of transnational civil society, and the creation of regional organizations such as the Afro-Asian
Peoples Solidarity Organization is used to illustrate the broadening geographical scale of transnational civil society. The interactions of INGOs
with intergovernmental organizations including the United Nations and
the World Bank are discussed, as is the role of transnational civil society
in decolonization. The apparent peak of transnational civil society in the
1980s and 1990s is illustrated with reference to examples including the
movement against nuclear weapons, the revolutions of 1989, and the
campaigns surrounding baby milk substitutes and the banning of landmines, as well as the role of INGOs in the development of the internet.
Contrary to traditional portrayals of the evolution of transnational civil
society in this period, this chapter proceeds to a discussion of how transnational civil society may have declined in the twenty-first century, and
evaluates the factors underpinning that decline, including the actions of
transnational civil society actors. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the possible turning point of transnational civil society in the second decade of the twenty-first century.
The final chapter sums up the volumes findings on the role of transnational civil society in history and the way in which it has evolved. It
recapitulates the key characteristics of each period considered in the preceding chapters, and the factors responsible for explaining them. The
17
concluding chapter also considers the possible future trajectories of transnational civil society, as well as the openings for further research into the
evolution of transnational civil society and INGOs.
18
1
EMERGENCE TO 1914
In a pamphlet published in 1914, the Union of International Associations observed that there were in existence approximately 400 international associations, most of them non-governmental, covering the whole
field of study and activity and each aiming to constitute the most representative forces of the different countries in their own particular domain.1
This chapter explores the evolution of transnational civil society to that
point, principally through the lens of the development of INGOs. After
a brief introduction to the early history of INGOs, the chapter highlights
the hitherto under-explored transformation that took place from the mid
eighteenth until the mid nineteenth centuries as ancient forms of organization such as religious orders were surpassed by new international associations in a vast range of issue-areas. The many factors influencing this
transformation are discussed, including the role of EastWest contacts,
Enlightenment ideas and the effects of the Industrial Revolution. The
chapter proceeds to an assessment of the period from 1870 until 1900, a
phase of particularly rapid growth in INGO formation during which
many well-known and enduring INGOs in multiple fields of activity were
established, and which culminated in large-scale transnational associational activity at the first Hague Conference of 1899. It shows how in the
late nineteenth century transnational civil society influenced national and
international policy and developed new techniques for transnational lobbying. The concluding section of this chapter provides an assessment of
how, despite the proliferation of INGOs in the first decade of the twentieth century, transnational civil society actors fell into decline even before
19
the outbreak of the First World War. In each phase, the role of both external and internal factors in explaining the expansion and decline of transnational civil society is evaluated.
Religious order
Charity
Missionary society
Merchant hanse
Fraternal society
Performing arts
Scientific society
By far the most numerous of the ancient forms of INGO that survive
into the present day are transnational religious orders (RINGOs).
Although its records date only to the sixteenth century, the oldest may
be the Sovereign Constantinian Order, which purports to have been
20
EMERGENCE TO 1914
founded at the time of the conversion of the Roman Empire to Christianity in the fourth century.3 By the end of the sixteenth century, it has
been estimated that the number of Roman Catholic religious INGOs to
have been established had increased to at least ninety.4 These included
the Orders of Benedictine and Cistercian monks and organizations associated with the crusades such as the Knights Templar and the Hospitaller Order of Saint John, out of which the Saint John Ambulance
movement was later to develop in the nineteenth century.5 They were
joined by Protestant RINGOs from the fifteenth century, the oldest of
which claims to be the Moravian Church.6 In Asia, the Church of the
East developed extensive geographical distribution from the sixth century,7 and Sufi tariqahs such as the Naqshbandi order expanded their
reach across much of the Islamic world from the twelfth century.8
Religious orders are notable not only for their extensive history, geographical reach and in many cases survival into the present day, but also
for the crucial role that they played in the development of horizontal
relationships among people in different contexts before the emergence
of the public sphere.9 Their subsequent influence can be seen in the names
of many later organizations dedicated to objectives extending beyond
religion, such as the Independent Order of Good Templars, a temperance organization formed in the mid nineteenth century following the
model of earlier religious orders.
A religious movement that was to play a particularly significant role
in the later development of transnational activism and INGOs was the
Religious Society of Friends (Quakers). Members of this movement were
to be critical in the origins of anti-slavery and peace societies. Formed
amid the upheaval of mid seventeenth-century England,10 before the end
of the century they are said to have become a transnational society with
members in America, throughout the British isles, and on the Continent.11 Contrary to popular perceptions, early Quakers were inclined
not to eschew revolutionary violence until their January 1661 declaration against plots and fightings that was put forward in response to arrests
during the Fifth Monarchy uprising.12
The oldest transnational charitable organizations are of religious origin. Particularly significant in their development was the formation in
the seventeenth century by Saint Vincent de Paul of Catholic charitable
organizations in France and beyond, which today form the basis of the
World Wide Vincentian Family.13 Among these, the International
21
Association
of Charities describes itself as the first lay womens organisation in the world,14 now with over 250,000 volunteers in more than
fifty countries.15 Although the present international organization was created in 1971, the International Association of Charities traces its origins
to a Confrrie de la Charit established by Saint Vincent de Paul in
Chtillon les Dombes in 1617, composed of lay women aiming to visit
and to nourish the sick poor.16 It claims to have internationalized by
1634 with the establishment of sister organizations in both France and
Italy.17 The organizations established by Saint Vincent de Paul continued
a tradition of Catholic confraternities and guilds that may have preceded
the 410 sack of Rome, including some that had charitable objectives.18
Of even deeper roots are Christian missionary activities, which developed from the first century AD.19 By the seventeenth century, the missionary work of Roman Catholic religious orders such as the Jesuits was
paralleled by that of first Protestant missionary societies, many of which
survive to the present day, such as the New England Company (formed
in 1649) and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK,
formed in 1698).20 Christian missionaries were also confronted with
increasingly organized oppositional bodies such as the All Indian Pueblo
Council, which traces its origins to the first recorded meeting with the
conquistadores of 1598, and which appears to have been well organized
by 1680, although the current structure dates to the 1920s.21 Missionary
bodies such as SPCK were to be important in providing models of organization later adopted by INGOs with secular objectives, notably the
creation of auxiliary societies in multiple countries.
Although the great majority of INGOs dating to before the mid eighteenth century were of religious origin, there were other notable forms of
association. Some of these adopted quasi-religious forms, such as fraternal secret societies. Freemasons developed across state boundaries; the
Grand Lodge of England was founded in 1717, for instance, and boasted
several lodges beyond Britain and the Empire by 1740.22 In the educational sector, ancient universities would attract scholars and students from
multiple countries, and the scientific revolution that took place in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was accompanied by the development of associations of scholars. Londons Royal Society, for example, was
established in 1660 and developed a pan-European fellowship.23 In the
commercial sector, the establishment of colonies and consulates by merchant guilds in other countries was common practice.24 So too was the
22
EMERGENCE TO 1914
Anti-Slavery
Art
Cartel
Communication
Communism
Co-operation
Education
Encyclopedic
Exploration
Foreigners friends
Imperial trading
Indigenous rights
Lifesaving
News agency
Orientalism
Peace
Prison reform
Republicanism
Self-determination
Standardization
Vaccination
Womens emancipation
significant social transformation, including urbanization and the emergence in industrializing countries of a refashioned class system centred
around the bourgeoisproletarian divide. At the same time, the development of nationalism was to take place in a symbiotic relationship with
internationalism, as the subsequent discussion will illustrate.
24
EMERGENCE TO 1914
Amongst the most neglected but also most influential processes taking place in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was the
expanding interchange of ideas between East and West. This was to play
a vital role in the development of novel INGOs in the Atlantic world in
this period, especially in the origins of secular humanitarian organizations on a transnational basis. An example is provided in the far-reaching network of lifesaving or humane societies that developed at this time.
The first of these to be established in the Atlantic world was the Society
for the Recovery of the Drowned, formed in Amsterdam in 1767.26 This
organization promoted life-saving resuscitation techniques originating
in China in the Middle Ages but which by the mid eighteenth century
were being taught at the University of Leiden.27 The first humane societies in China, in contrast, may date to the 1300s.28 The oldest for which
records exist is the Chinkiang Association for the Saving of Life, which
was reputedly established in 1708 by a committee of benefactors, whose
names have been handed down to posterity in a laudatory tablet which
is still to be seen at Tantu.29 By the 1790s lifesaving societies had been
established in London, Lisbon, Vienna, Copenhagen and Algiers, as well
as many locations in British Imperial territories and the United States.
In addition to forming a transnational network, many of these organizations included honorary members in foreign countries, and many
extended their assistance to people of any nationality.30
Exchange of ideas between East and West was also significant in the
development of the revolutionary associationalism that evolved on a
transnational basis in the late eighteenth century. Amongst the literature
of the French Revolution was a Republican Koran, written by JosephAlexandre-Victor Hupay de Fuveau,31 and the perceived example of
Turkeywhere it was thought by some at the time that the moment
that the tyrant begins to lay a heavy hand upon the many, the Mussulmans
run instantly to armsappears to have motivated European revolutionaries.32 The transnational and transatlantic dimensions of the American,
French and Haitian revolutions were considerable, and included the activities of transnational revolutionaries such as Tom Paine and Claude
Fournier, as well as of transnational associations and networks including
freemasonry.33 A particularly significant revolutionary association was
the Paris-based Universal Confederation of the Friends of Truth, or
Cercle Social, which claimed to be a cosmo-political organization with
affiliates in Dublin, Geneva, Genoa, Hamburg, London, Philadelphia
25
EMERGENCE TO 1914
***
27
Mussulmans,
with all their prejudices, and the Heathens with all their
superstitious antipathies, learn to appreciate and adopt the practice which
saves them from sufferings and death.50 While the Royal Jennerian
Society showed success in gaining impressive protectors around the
world, another early-nineteenth-century humanitarian organization, the
Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline that was formed in
London in 1817, is notable for its success in securing the formation of
auxiliary societies abroad, including in France and Russia by 1820.51
The Congress of Vienna provided an early opportunity for non-governmental associations to petition an intergovernmental meeting,
although it should be noted that individuals had petitioned intergov
ernmental meetings since at least the Congress of Breda in 1667, and
Quakers lobbied the Congress of Nijmegen in 1678.52 At the Congress
of Vienna, representatives of German Jewish communities requested recognition of Jewish minority rights in German states and representatives
of German booksellers asked for press freedom and literary property to
be recognized, and these were taken into account in the federal constitution that was drafted for Germany.53 Within Britain, anti-slavery campaigners gathered almost 1 million signatures to 800 petitions for the
abolition of the slave trade to be among Britains demands at the
Congress.54 The British delegation responded, but the outcome was a
somewhat vague Declaration of the Powers on the Abolition of the Slave
Trade that noted that the public voice, in all civilized countries, calls
aloud for its prompt suppression.55
The year 1815 is also notable for the formation of the first peace societies. Opposition to war amongst those of Christian faith may be traced
back to the early Church and re-emerged in Europe in a series of sects
from the Waldenses in 1170 onwards, including the Swiss Brethren from
the 1520s and the Quakers from 1661.56 It was not until 7 June 1814,
however, that the earliest known meeting to create a modern peace society took place in London.57 Before a society could be formally established in Britain, the first three peace societies were founded in the United
States: in New York in August 1815, and Ohio and Massachusetts in
December 1815.58 The following year, the Society for Abolishing War
and the Society for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace
were formed in London.59 The founders of the first peace societies were
members of religious groups such as Quakers and Unitarians, and the
development of peace activism was facilitated by the geographically rel28
EMERGENCE TO 1914
atively secure position of the United States and Britain, their comparatively liberal political cultures, and by the general decline of fatalism in
Europe that had taken place in the eighteenth century.60
The period following the Congress of Vienna, given the reestablishment of conservative regimes across Europe, was one in which novel
INGO formation was constrained. There were exceptions, however. Two
pioneering internationalists in France and Britain, Marc-Antoine Jullien
de Paris and Robert Owen respectively, experimented in creating their
own international organizations. Since 1801 Jullien had put forward an
idea for a Socit Encyclopdique that was intended to centralize knowledge from all fields.61 After the Napoleonic Wars, this dream became
partially realized with the formation of a Revue Encyclopdique and its
accompanying Socit, building on Aubin-Louis Millins Magasin Encyclopdique and Annales Encyclopdiques of 17951818.62 The Revue
appeared from 1819 and was intended to become a means of open correspondence between the learned of all countries,63 and the monthly
dinners of the Socit that took place from 1818 united successively at
the same table not only the editors and collaborators of the Revue and
their numerous correspondents but also distinguished men of all nations.64
After the collapse of the Revue following the July revolution, Jullien
revived the Socit as the Socit de lUnion des Nations, whose sole
and noble objects were to excite that holy spirit of emulation which
tended to make man kind and sociable to manto eradicate national
prejudicesand, by the frequent collision of intellect, to promote peace
and good-will throughout the earth, by unitedly and mutually advancing the progress of civilization and improvement.65 Robert Owen, for
his part, formed in 1822 a British and Foreign Philanthropic Society for
the Permanent Relief of the Labouring Classes by means of education,
employment, exchange of productions, &c., in communities of 500 to
2000 individuals, which attracted the affiliation of London-based ambassadors of numerous European countries, as well as prominent British
philanthropists, but which achieved little else.66 In the 1830s, Owen went
on to create a highly ambitious Association of All Classes of All Nations
which aimed to effect, peaceably, and by reason alone, an entire change
in the character and condition of mankind, by establishing over the world,
in principle and practice, the religion of charity for the convictions, feelings, and conduct of all individuals, without distinction of sex, class, sect,
party, country or colour, combined with a well-devised, equitable, and
29
EMERGENCE TO 1914
mission, which will co-operate towards the fulfilment of the general mission of humanity. That mission constitutes its nationality.75 Young Europe
was followed by other internationalistnationalist organizations such as
the Peoples International League, established in London in April 1847
to disseminate the principles of national freedom and progress; to
embody and manifest an efficient public opinion in favour of the right
of every people to self-government and the maintenance of their own
nationality; [and] to promote a good understanding between the peoples of every country.76
At the same time, and closely related, the early international Communist movement developed amongst groups of German exiles in Paris and
later London. Formed in 1834, the League of the Outlaws may have
been the first international revolutionary Communist organization, with
a largely artisanal membership based in Frankfurt and Paris.77 It lasted
four years and seems to have been influenced by the charcoal burning
secret societies that operated in Europe in the early decades of the nineteenth century, such as Buonarrotis Universal Democratic Charbonnerie
that aimed to unite all the friends of equality, whatever their country and
religion are, by a common centre.78 The League of the Outlaws was succeeded by the better-known League of the Just, which split from the
League of the Outlaws in 1836;79 and subsequently by the Communist
League created in London in 1847, which expressed more explicitly the
aim of the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the rule of the proletariat, the
abolition of the old bourgeois society which rests on the antagonism of
classes, and the foundation of a new society without classes and without
private property, and was more clearly international in that reference to
membership of the League as being made up of Germans was annulled.80
The Communist League was preceded by the Communist Propaganda
Society (later the Universal Communitarian Association) formed in London in 1841 by John Goodwyn Barmby, who claimed to have brought
the term communism to England from France after a visit in 1840 to
establish links between socialists in the two countries.81 Barmby is also
credited with the first outline of an international communist organisation in his proposed International Association for the promotion of
mutual intercourse among all Nations of 1840, for which a provisional
committee was created in Paris.82 An International Association linking
Communist groups in Britain, France, Germany and Poland later materialized in the mid 1850s.83
31
Amongst the most intriguing novel INGOs of the 1830s was the
Socit Gnrale des Naufrages et de lUnion des Nations created in
1835 in Paris by Caliste-Auguste Godde de Liancourt, which by the
1840s was being referred to as the Socit Internationale des Naufrages
(International Shipwreck Society).84 According to its statutes, this organization was set up with a view to uniting the benevolent of all countries, embraced every species of means for the saving of lives in the case
of shipwreck or inundations, and whatever concerns the commerce, industry, and science of nations, and aimed to be composed of an indefinite
number of members of all nations.85 It appears to have been set up under
the patronage of the French King and Queen, the Queen Regent of
Spain, the Queen of Portugal and the Algarves and the Duchess of Kent,
and was reported to have managed to attract to its membership a great
number of admirals, ambassadors and ministers, and princes of all nations,
including Turkey, Spain and even China.86 Amongst its intended methods were the setting up of affiliated establishments in major ports, the
award of prizes to those who by their actions had contributed to the saving of the shipwrecked, the facilitation of correspondence among societies for the shipwrecked worldwide, and the publication of a journal
(which in the 1840s was entitled LInternationale) that aimed to cover
not only its actions in respect of shipwreck, but also literature, the arts
and sciences, commerce and industry.87 It was claimed that the Socit
Internationale des Naufrages helped to establish over 150 humanitarian
organizations in Africa, America, Asia and Europe, from the United
States to China, Norway to Zanzibar.88 However, it was to decline precipitously following corruption allegations involving its secretary general Godde in the early 1840s.89
The 1830s came to a close with the establishment in 1839 of the British
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS), which unlike earlier antislavery societies based in London looked explicitly beyond Britain and
its empire: English Quaker Joseph Sturge called the meeting that planned
the BFASS on 27 February 1839 with the objective of promoting the
abolition of the slave trade throughout the world by moral and religious
influence and such means only as will not directly or indirectly sanction
the employment of an armed force for its prevention or suppression.90
BFASS was established in large part due to a realization that success in
bringing about British legislation on the slave trade alone was insufficient: its founders resolved that so long as slavery exists; there is no rea32
EMERGENCE TO 1914
sonable prospect for the annihilation of the slave trade.91 Despite its
small and largely British membership, the BFASSs international activities were ambitious from the outset: in 1840, for instance, these included
lobbying several governments, including interviewing the King of France
and deputations in Spain and Portugal, exchange visits with US activists, exposure of slave-owning companies, and the circulation of 8,000
pamphlets in Brazil.92 The Society noted that the following year the
Quintuple Treaty for the Suppression of the Slave Trade was signed by
Austria, Britain, France, Prussia and Russia.93
Possibly the most notable activity of the BFASS in 1840 was its organization of the General Anti-Slavery Convention in London in June of
that year. Around 409 campaigners may have attended, including visitors from the United States, France and British colonies.94 At the opening session, Daniel OConnell declared the meeting to be more important
than any which has yet assembled on the face of the globe.95 The meeting is of note not only for bringing together the anti-slavery movement,
but moreover for its influence upon other movements, especially in stimulating the holding of international conventions in numerous issue-areas
of civil society interest during the subsequent decade.96 Whereas prior
to 1840 international conferences tended to consist primarily of Church
councils and post-war intergovernmental peace congresses, the international non-governmental conventions of the 1840s are significant in providing the framework around which new INGOs could later be established
on a lasting basis.97
Early suffragists such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton dated the origins of
the womens suffrage movement to the 1840 General Anti-Slavery
Convention, as the exclusion of women at this conference stimulated the
subsequent convening of the Seneca Falls convention in 1848 that effectively launched the womens suffrage movement in the USA.98 Stanton
recorded that when confronted with being denied the right to speak at
the general anti-slavery convention, she and Lucretia Mott agreed to
hold a womans rights convention on their return to America, as the men
to whom they had just listened had manifested their great need of some
education on that question.99 It should also be noted that womens antislavery organizations were amongst the most active in Britain and the
United States in the early nineteenth century;100 and that the earliest
womens peace societies may date to the development by mid century of
Elihu Burritts Olive Leaf Circles.101
33
Timed to take place just after the second General Anti-Slavery Convention, the first General Peace Convention was held in London in June
1843 and attended by 334 delegates, including twenty-six from the United
States and six from continental Europe.102 It was followed in August
1846 by the Worlds Temperance Convention, also held in London and
featuring delegates from the United States and France as well as Britain
and its empire.103 It was proposed that both of these Congresses should
be followed by the formation of an international organization, but these
plans came to little.104 The 1846 Conference of the Evangelical Alliance,
however, led to the formation of a lasting body that was intended to consist of those persons, in all parts of the World, who shall concur in the
Principles and Objects adopted by the Conference.105
With a view to further developing in continental Europe movements
already popular in Britain such as for free trade and prison reform, the
international congress movement spread to the continent in 18467,
starting with the holding of the Frankfurt Penitentiary Congress in
September 1846.106 Another penitentiary congress was held in Brussels
the following year, two days after the city had hosted the International
Congress of Economists, organized by the movement for free trade that
nine years later formed the International Association for Customs
Reform.107 The 1847 penitentiary congress is notable for resulting in the
formation in Paris of a Socit Internationale de Charit to bring together
those in different countries who concern themselves with the plight of
the impoverished and working classes, but its activities were cut short
by the revolutionary activities of 1848.108
1848 had an impact similar to that of 1830: it has been argued that in
1848 the concept of association became a general solution to the political crises of the time and innumerable new, openly political clubs and
associations appeared on the revolutionary stage in Paris, Berlin, Vienna,
and Milan.109 Amongst the impressive array of organizations active in
1848 was the Socit Universelle, which described itself as a vast commercial, industrial and agricultural association with a membership of
100,000.110 Although the revolutions failed to realize many of the aspirations of democrats and liberals, this was a critical moment for the development of alliances on a transnational basis among socialist and feminist
groups.111 For the peace movement, 1848 saw the first of a series of
Universal Peace Congresses take place.112 It was also a turning-point in
the development of pan-movementsor macro-nationalismswith
the convening of the first pan-Slav congress in Prague.113
34
EMERGENCE TO 1914
Beyond the events of 1848, another key factor stimulating the development of INGOs from the 1850s onwards was the convening by governments of Worlds Fairs, commencing with the Great Exhibition in
London of 1851. Inspired by the Great Exhibition, for example, a Socit
Universelle des Sciences, des Lettres, des Beaux-Arts, de lIndustrie et du
Commerce was set up in Paris that year to create a means of union among
everyone, to realise a holy alliance among peoples through the establishment of ongoing relations between intellectual and industrial leaders.114
The most success to be had in the formation of INGOs in the 1850s
was achieved during the Paris universal exhibition in 1855. A number
of international congresses were timed to coincide with this exhibition,
such as an international congress on charity that motivated the subsequent congresses on Bienfaisance that took place in Brussels in 1856
and Frankfurt in 1857, the latter resulting in an effort to create a successor to the Socit Internationale de Charit in the form of an Association Internationale de Bienfaisance.115 Official congresses of statisticians and of jurymen and commissioners of the exhibition both passed
resolutions promoting a uniform system of weights, measures and money
during the exhibition, and at a subsequent private congress an International Association for Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Measures,
Weights and Coins was formed with British, French and American
branches.116 The universal exhibition in Paris in 1855 also stimulated the
creation in the following year of the Socit Internationale des tudes
Pratiques dconomie Sociale to study the well-being of manual workers in all countries.117
Particularly significant is the formation in Paris in 1855 of an international federation by the Young Mens Christian Associations, which
had developed internationally since the formation in London in 1844 of
a society for the improving of the spiritual condition of young men
engaged in the drapery and other trades.118 The creation of the World
Alliance of Young Mens Christian Associations (WYMCA) in 1855
was of crucial importance in the history of INGOs, as it may have been
the first significant and lasting effort to form an international federation
of national associations.119 Whereas many INGOs of earlier foundation
had begun as national organizations that later expanded internationally,
or as small clusters of refugees based in a single city, the WYMCA consisted of widely geographically dispersed member non-governmental
organizations in multiple countries from the outset. The conference at
35
which the WYMCA was established was timed to coincide with the
Worlds Exhibition in Paris, and brought together representatives of
YMCAs from Belgium, Canada, England, France, Germany, Holland,
Scotland, Switzerland and the United States. Swiss humanitarian Henri
Dunant, who was later the leading figure in the establishment of the Red
Cross movement, was central to the organization of the foundational
conference of the WYMCA.120 The conference participants motivations
for the formation of an international organization were highly varied,
and included the need to overcome divisions amongst the national associations, to agree on common principles, to enable correspondence and
travel, and to transfer to the international level the already demonstrated
benefits of uniting local YMCAs in national bodies.121
***
As the foregoing discussion has shown, the period between the 1760s
and the 1850s was a crucial turning point in the development of INGOs.
Prior to this period, INGOs had consisted overwhelmingly of religious
organizations, as well as a few other bodies such as fraternal and scientific societies. In the era that approximately parallels the first Industrial
Revolution, by contrast, INGOs developed in a much wider range of sectors of activity, with greater specialism of focus and often with a diminished role of religion and secrecy. The INGOs of 17671855, many of
which proved to be short-lived, mark a point of transition from the earlier ancient forms of INGO and the better-known and commonly more
enduring INGO structures of the late nineteenth century onwards.
Some of the novel INGOs of the 1760s-1850s, such as the first International Association of 1834, were international only in terms of their
concern for cross-border issues, rather than in respect of their composition. Others were international preponderantly in the sense of consisting of groups of people of multiple nationalities either in single cities, or
a few citiessuch as the League of the Just. Some were nationally-based
but at the centre of large intercontinental networks of societies, such as
the International Shipwreck Society. Others, such as the Society for the
Improvement of Prison Discipline, had auxiliary societies in multiple
countries, following the model of earlier missionary groups. Some, such
as the Royal Jennerian Society, had impressive lists of honorary members from around the world on account of their work in multiple countries and continents. Many of them lasted only a few years, but some
36
EMERGENCE TO 1914
were to offer precedents for the more enduring INGOs of the later nineteenth century: Young Europe, for instance, had a pioneering federal
structure later taken forward on a more permanent basis by the WYMCA
and other INGOs of the later nineteenth century. While most of the
novel INGOs of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were
to disappear after a few years, a few survive (often in highly diminished
form) to the present day, such as the Society of Friends of Foreigners in
Distress, and the Asiatic Society in Kolkata.
Whereas few of the new INGOs of the 1760s-1850s were to be enduring and geographically widespread, the 1860s witnessed the creation of
a significant number of INGOs that did enduresome in terms of continued existence, some in terms of legacy, and some in both senses. The
decade began with the creation of one of the oldest Jewish international
organizations, the Alliance Isralite Universelle.122 Formed in the context of incidents such as the Mortara case, the Parisian founders of this
body in 1860 hoped that it would work everywhere for the emancipation and moral progress of Jews and provide effective support to Jews
facing persecution.123 Its activities to this day have included both lobbying and educational work, and it has stimulated the creation of analogous bodies in other countries.124
The year after the formation of the Alliance Isralite Universelle, Paris
was also the venue for the creation of one of the earliest scientific INGOs
in a specialist field: the Socit Universelle dOphtalmologie, the precursor to todays International Council of Ophthalmology.125 The Socit
Universelle dOphtalmologie followed the convening in Brussels in 1857
of the first international ophthalmological congress that aimed to serve
as a means of uniting the opthalmologists of all countries in a more
direct, more effective, more close, more lively fashion than had been
achieved by the Annales dOculistique.126 The year after the ophthalmologists formed their association, there was established in Brussels the
short-lived International Association for the Progress of the Social
Sciences.127 This organizations goals included not only to develop the
study of social science, but also to ameliorate the physical and moral
condition of the working classes.128
A humanitarian organization of far greater significance was to be established the following year: the International Red Cross. Central to its formation was Henri Dunant, who had already played a vital role in the
creation of the WYMCA.129 Having formed groups of volunteers to assist
37
EMERGENCE TO 1914
The year following LIPLs formation, Marie Goegg founded the shortlived Association Internationale des Femmes in order to support the
work of LIPL.146 The Association also aimed to bring an end to the complaints that are made from all directions about the ignorance of women,147
and some consider the Association to be the first international womens
organization.148 At the Associations 1870 congress in Berne, Goegg promoted womens suffrage; and the organization may have been the earliest INGO to draw international attention to the equal pay issue.149
The 1860s came to a close with the formation of one of the oldest
international business associations: the International Hotelmens Association, now known as the International Hoteliers Alliance, formed in
Koblenz on 11 June 1869 on the initiative of Cologne hotel-owner Otto
Caracciola.150 Further afield, the completion of the Suez Canal in that
year formed the context of an international commercial congress held in
Cairo, which passed resolutions not only concerning the canal (such as
that periodical reports be furnished by the Egyptian government to the
different chambers of commerce) but also on more general matters (such
as that a uniform monetary system be established in Egypt, and also
in Europe).151 This was the first in a series of international commercial
congresses that was to lead eventually to the formation of the International Chamber of Commerce.152
***
By the end of the 1860s, the transition from ancient to modern INGOs
that had begun in the late eighteenth century had been completed. Nongovernmental organizations that claimed to be international had become
not only more diversified and specialized than earlier INGOs, but had
also improved their capacity to organize on an enduring basis in multiple countries. INGOs also increasingly reflected class divisions, with a
growing divide between workers and bourgeois organizations. Furthermore, the potential for further expansion and diversification of INGOs
was evident in the range of private international congresses held in the
1860s that dealt with issues extending beyond those promoted by the
INGOs already in existence. These included the first international congress of societies for the protection of animals held in Dresden in 1860,153
a universal artistic congress in 1861,154 the first international congress
of students in 1865,155 and the first international medical congress in
1867,156 as well as regular congresses on veterinary medicine, botany,
pharmacy, astronomy, and archaeology and anthropology.157
40
EMERGENCE TO 1914
notable.166 In this period a number of Arabs who had studied Enlightenment thinkers in Europe promoted secularism as a path towards Arab
revival.167 There further developed more than twenty Islamic revivalist
movements advocating a return to fundamental principles, some of which
became the basis for resistance movements against European colonialism, and all of which were Sufi in origin except Arabias Wahhabis.168 In
Persia, meanwhile, the Bahai faith developed from a Shii-Islamic movement formed in 1844.169 From his time in Adrianople in the 1860s
onwards, the faiths founder Bahaullah wrote to the religious and political leaders of the world summoning them to heed [his] call, cast away
the things they possessed, and fear and follow God.170
***
EMERGENCE TO 1914
seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations.173
Social changes such as expanding literacy were crucial to the development of transnational civil society in this period. Urbanization played a
key role, with cosmopolitan cities such as London and Paris providing
the infrastructure for early international non-governmental conferences
and organizations. It has also been shown that developing class divisions
ensured increasing diversification of international civil society groups
along class lines. In addition, the development of what Iriye has subsequently termed global consciousness was important, reflected in popular mottos such as that all mankind are brothers, adopted by the first
International Association and many other organizations. Vital to the
development of transnational civil society from the eighteenth century
onwards had been the ideas associated with the Enlightenment, and the
accompanying decline of fatalistic assumptions about the possibility of
reform of international relations evident in works such as the proposals
for perpetual peace put forward by Charles-Irne Castel de Saint-Pierre,
Immanuel Kant and Jeremy Bentham.174
Amongst the most crucial factors underpinning the development of
transnational civil society from 1767 to 1869 were political developments.
These included the political impacts of the Enlightenment in, for example, expanding the scope for associations to operate openly rather than
in secret. The Congress of Vienna was an early opportunity for transnationally coordinated lobbying. Governments also organized international
congresses on specialist subjects such as agriculture, in which members
of private associations took part. In addition, the hosting of worlds fairs
from the mid nineteenth century onwards provided the setting in which
many early INGOs, such as the Worlds Alliance of YMCAs, were
founded, and governments encouraged the holding of international congresses in the host cities of worlds fairs.175 More broadly, the relative stability of the international system in the period of the Concert of Europe
facilitated enduring private international contacts. As is evident in the
formation of the BFASS, the international nature of political issues of
the period was also central to motivating the creation of INGOs. Imperialism facilitated the opening of new parts of the world to civil society
actors, such as missionary groups.
The close relationship between nationalism and the development of
internationalism has been revealed in the aims of groups such as Young
43
Europe. Furthermore, the growth of national associations provided building-blocks for the formation of international federations of national associations. More generally, the consolidation of the nation-state provided
the rule of law and stability that facilitated the development of both
national and international associational activity. The existence of neutral
countries such as Belgium and Switzerland also provided a conducive
setting for the holding of international congresses and the hosting of
INGO secretariats.
The example set by existing organizations and movements was a further dimension facilitating the expansion of transnational civil society in
this period. Members of organizations of earlier origins were to play a
key role in the creation of new INGOs from the late eighteenth century,
such as Quakers in the formation of anti-slavery and peace societies and
freemasons in the establishment of republican groups. The missionary
society model of auxiliary society formation was adopted by later secular associations. The example set by existing organizations is also evident
in the formation of a series of organizations describing themselves as
British and Foreign in the early nineteenth century, the diffusion of peace
societies to continental Europe that looked to the Anglo-Saxon model,
and the chain of international organizations leading to the creation of
the International Working Mens Association in 1864.176 The role of individual pioneers was also vital, such as Sturge in respect of the anti-slavery and peace movements, Mazzini and Marx in the case of democratic
and Communist organizations, and Dunant in the case of the YMCAs
and Red Cross.
EMERGENCE TO 1914
EMERGENCE TO 1914
47
in Wiesbaden with German, British, French, Russian and US participants, which had the purpose of promoting scientific initiatives requiring international collaboration.205 Nature magazine hoped that this
organization would be an international parliament of science, but
although its membership expanded impressively and included Japanese
participation from 1906, as one of its founders noted in 1918 the actual
scientific output of this association was small.206
The formation of more specialist scientific INGOs as seen in the 1860s
also continued in the following three decades. Particularly significant was
the International Statistical Institute, formed in 1885 to promote uniform statistical methods internationally,207 which both proved more
enduring than earlier international bodies for social science and became
a model for many later INGOs, such as the International Actuarial Association. It was followed in 1893 by the International Institute of Sociology.208 The range of applied sciences joining the INGO movement
expanded in this period, with the formation in 1895 of the International
Association for Testing Materials.209 As regards purer sciences, international mathematical congresses were convened from 1893 and an International Association for Promoting the Study of Quaternions and Allied
Systems of Mathematics was formed in 1899; but international bodies
in respect of particular pure sciences tended to be slower to develop than
in the applied sciences.210 As for the arts, international congresses that
took place in this era include those on the history of art from 1873, photography from 1889, and music and history from 1893.211
Anthropologists were amongst the most prolific attendees of international congresses in the late nineteenth century. The first International
Congress of Orientalists took place in Paris in 1873, primarily to study
Japan and secondarily other parts of the Orient.212 These congresses,
which today are known as the International Congresses of Asian and
North African Studies, have since taken place intermittently, with the
first outside Europe taking place in Algiers in 1905.213 Quicker to start
meeting outside Europe was the International Congress of Americanists, which first met in Nancy in 1875 and then in Mexico City in 1895.
It has been argued that in common with the orientalism of the period,
Americanism reinforced European nationalism by identifying a racial and
cultural Other to contrast with the attributes of civilization.214 The late
nineteenth century also witnessed the continued formation of associations of Europeans for the study of Asia, such as the Asiatic Society of
48
EMERGENCE TO 1914
EMERGENCE TO 1914
hosted the first international congress of working class housing organisations235 and the formation of the International Society for the Study
of Questions connected with Poor Relief.236
The hosting of the worlds fair in 1889 in Paris coincided with the
hundredth anniversary of the onset of the French Revolution. It was
therefore an ideal setting for the holding of Possibilist and Marxist congresses on the anniversary date of the storming of the Bastille.237 The
Marxist gathering, which was broadly representative of European and
North American socialist parties, is said to be the foundational congress
of the Second International, even though the Possibilist congress
attracted more press attention at the time.238 The Second International
is notable for promoting 1 May as an international day for the eighthour working day.239 Although beset with divisions from the outset,
following the expulsion of anarchists in 1896 an International Socialist
Bureau was created in 1900 when it was felt that it is important for the
international congresses, destined to become the parliament of the proletariat, to make resolutions that guide the proletariat in its fight for
deliverance.240
Global union federations also date their origins to the two workers
international congresses of 1889, on account of the meeting of particular professions on the fringes of these congresses.241 The process towards
the formation of global union federations in Europe appears to have
started in 1871 with the conclusion of a reciprocal agreement on trade
union issues among the glove-makers organizations of Germany, Austria
and Scandinavia, and the formation in the 1870s of short-lived organizations such as the International Federation of Tobacco Workers in London and the Central Organization of Potters in Germany.242 In 1889, a
congress of seventeen representatives of European and US typographers
unions took place in Paris, which was followed three years later by the
formation of the International Typographical Secretariat.243 International
secretariats of hatters and shoe-makers have also been traced to meetings in Paris in 1889, although the former organized formally in 1900
and the latter in 1907.244 A lasting International Federation of Tobacco
Workers appears to have been formed in Anvers in 1889, and was followed, inter alia, by international federations of miners in 1890, woodworkers in 1891, glassworkers in 1892, metalworkers in 1893, textile
workers in 1894 and transport workers in 1897.245 The meetings of the
Second International in the 1890s provided convenient opportunities for
51
EMERGENCE TO 1914
tional Board was created for association football to agree rules for the
British Home International Championship; the Board was to become
the model for the International Rugby Football Board which was set up
four years after that.272 The turning point for the formation of international sports federations was 1892, when international organizations for
cycling, rowing and skating were established: the primary objective of all
three of these organizations was the facilitation of international competitions and agreement upon common rules. Two years later the International Olympic Committee (IOC) was formed by Pierre de Coubertin,
who had been planning the revival of the Olympic Games since 1889 in
order to organize contacts between our young French athletics and the
nations that have preceded us in the way of muscular culture.273 The congress in Paris at which the IOC was created was preoccupied with the
definition of amateurism,274 and the first Olympiad that it organized in
Greece in 1896 attracted little press attention, had few visitors given the
poor transport connections to Greece, and of the 311 participants 230
were Greekalthough this still involved a greater number of international participants than had previous sporting occasions.275
The official report of the 1896 Olympiad gave much of the credit for
the organization of the Games to the Greek Crown Prince Constantine.276 A much more controversial example of the role of a royal in the
development of international civil society in the last three decades of the
nineteenth century is that of King Leopold the Second of Belgium.
Leopolds reign broadly coincided with the period during which Brussels was the centre of internationalism in Europe, an opportunity he
exploited as a convenient disguise for his colonial ambitions. In 1876,
the year in which Brussels was the host city for the international exhibition on hygiene and rescue work, Leopold invited explorers and geographers to a congress in Brussels ostensibly to found if possible the
international work of the rest-houses and scientific posts in Africa. A
quasi-non-governmental International African Association was established purportedly to the profit of science and philanthropy277 but in
fact for Leopolds personal profit, and within a decade he had ensured
that this organization became recognized as the government of Congo
and was transformed into the Congo Free State.278 The International
African Association was initially warmly received by humanitarians: the
Aborigines Protection Society even made Leopold its Honorary President, but by 1896 the Aborigines Protection Society was campaigning
54
EMERGENCE TO 1914
against the abuses that were occurring in the course of the exploitation
of Congos natural resources, reported to have included the trade in severed hands.279
The following year a very different African Association was formed in
London by Trinidadian lawyer Henry Sylvester Williams. This organization of Londons black population may have been the first organization to promote pan-African objectives.280 It aimed to encourage a feeling
of unity to promote and protect the interests of all subjects claiming
African descent, wholly or in part, in British colonies, and in other places,
especially in Africa. This Association organized the first Pan-African
Congress in London, timed to coincide with the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1900 in order to take steps to influence public opinion on existing proceedings and conditions affecting the welfare of the native in
various parts of the world. The conference, which included delegates
from Africa, America, England and the West Indies, not only transformed the African Association into the pan-African Association but
also issued an appeal to the Nations of the World that called for responsible government for the Black colonies in Africa and in the West Indies
and for the Congo Free State to become a great negro state.281
Pan-Africanism was one of many macro-nationalisms in the late nineteenth century. In the Americas, the Latin American governmental
initiatives of the early nineteenth century were succeeded by the US governments pan-American conferences from 1889. Pan-Atlanticism was
evident in the formation of organizations such as the Anglo-American
Association in 1871 and the Atlantic Union in 1897. In Europe, panSlavism and pan-Germanism were the most influential pan-movements.
In 1894 the General German League that had been created in 1891 was
renamed the Pan-German League to awaken and promote racial and
cultural homogeneity of all sections of German people and to promote
continuance of the German colonial movement.282 In East Asia, panAsianism developed in response to the forced opening of the region to
European influence from mid century.283 In Japan the Society for Raising Asia was formed in 1880 and succeeded by the Asia Association, and
the East Asian Common Culture Association was created in 1898.284 As
for South Asia, the development of Indian national consciousness is evident in the formation in 1876 of the Indian National Association and
the Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science, and the creation
of the Indian National Congress in 1885.
55
EMERGENCE TO 1914
aims and common grounds of union speakers from a wide range of backgrounds, including Buddhism, Catholicism, Confucianism, Eastern
Orthodox Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Jainism, Judaism, Shintoism,
Taoism and Zoroastrianism.294 Of further significance for transnational
civil society is the part played by a number of the participants in the congress in the development of religious INGOs. Swami Vivekananda, who
spoke on Hinduism at the World Parliament of Religions, for instance,
subsequently transformed the Ramakrishna Math into a transnational
religious order with centres in the West as well as in India.295 At the end
of the nineteenth century, an American Unitarian minister who had
helped organize the World Parliament of ReligionsCharles Wendte
became the first secretary of the International Council of Unitarian and
Other Liberal Religious Thinkers and Workers, known today as the International Association for Religious Freedom.296
In Europe, transnational Roman Catholic religious orders remained
amongst the most numerous INGOs to be created in the late nineteenth
century. Other Christian groups also formed international bodies at this
time, including the World Alliance of Reformed Churches in 1875, the
World Methodist Council in 1881, and the Union of Utrecht in 1889.297
Christian youth organizations multiplied in this period too, with the
Worlds Alliance of Young Womens Christian Associations formed in
1894 and the World Student Christian Federation the following year.298
In 1878 the East London Christian Mission was transformed into the
Salvation Army: within a decade this organization had over 6,000 officers in Britain, Australasia, the Caribbean, continental Europe, North
America, South Africa and South Asia.299 The year when the Salvation
Army was formed also saw the relocation to India of the headquarters
of the Theosophical Society, an organization set up in New York in 1875
to oppose materialism and theological dogmatism by demonstrating
the existence of occult forces unknown to science, in nature, and the presence of psychic and spiritual powers in man.300 A somewhat contrasting
organization was set up in Brussels two years later: the World Union of
Free Thinkers which aimed to facilitate propaganda for rationalist ideas
through an entente between all those who believe it necessary to liberate humanity from religious prejudice and to assure freedom of conscience.301 Another organization, the International Union of Ethical
Societies which was formed in 1896, sought to disentangle moral ideals
from religious doctrines, metaphysical systems and ethical theories.302
57
EMERGENCE TO 1914
years after the Worlds WCTU had been created. This organizations
objectives were broader than those of the Worlds WCTU: its constitution committed it to the overthrow of all forms of ignorance and injustice.310 By the end of the nineteenth century there were National Councils
in Canada, Germany, Great Britain, New Zealand, Sweden, Italy, the
Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland and Argentina as well as the United
States.311 It was therefore more successful in internationalization than
the International Womens Rights Congresses that took place in Paris in
1878 and 1889, the latter of which featured just seventeen delegates from
outside France.312
As well as the promotion of womens rights to participation in national
politics, one of the core themes of transnational activism concerning
women in the late nineteenth century related to their protection. An
example can be found in the movement against the practice of footbinding in China, with the formation of anti-footbinding associations from
1874, amongst the most notable of which was the Natural Foot Society
set up by ten women of various nationalities in London in 1895.313
Another organization, the Ramabai Association set up by Indian Christian
convert Pamita Ramabai in Boston in 1887, aimed to provide refuge for
child widows in India.314 In continental Europe, the International Union
of Friends of Young Women was set up in 1877 to form a network of
protection around every girl obliged to leave her home to earn a living,
and so far as possible around every girl alone or in bad surroundings,
whatever her nationality, religion or occupation.315 By 1900 there were
8,000 friends of young women, of whom the majority were in Germany,
Switzerland and France, who gave girls departing their countries letters
of introduction to friends in the girls destinations and pamphlets explaining the Unions services.316
Given its transnational nature, the issue of sex trafficking was one that
attracted particular attention amongst cross-border activists in the late
nineteenth century. One key activist was Josephine Butler, who after touring Europe in 18745 set up a British, Continental and General
Federation, with a view to give practical form to the strong though
hitherto, to a great extent, latent feeling of abhorrence of the system of
state-regulated vice already existing in many of the best minds in France,
Switzerland, Italy and Germany, and to arouse a powerful public opinion in support of an agitation similar to our own, which has now commenced in those countries.317 This organization became known as the
59
EMERGENCE TO 1914
for Peace, and the following year in the same city the Universal Alliance
of Women for Peace by Education, also known as the International
League of Women for General Disarmament, and in 1898 the Association for Peace and Disarmament through Women.324 These organizations not only pioneered the promotion of general disarmament, but also
wider reforms of the international system, such as the International Senate for the pacific resolution of disputes promoted by the International
League of Women for General Disarmament.325
By this time, the peace movement more generally had had success in
forming more durable international organizations. As for many other
movements, Paris in 1889 was the turning point. That year the first of a
renewed series of Universal Peace Congresses took place in Paris from
23 until 27 June, organized by Lemonnier with assistance from Passy.326
Straight afterwards the Continental Hotel in Paris was the venue for the
first Interparliamentary Conference that Passy had helped to organize,
which brought together representatives from British, continental European, US and Liberian parliaments.327 The Universal Peace Congresses
were to be coordinated by an International Peace Bureau that was set up
in Rome in 1891,328 and the Interparliamentary Conference of 1889 was
the foundational conference of the Interparliamentary Union for
Arbitrationtwo organizations that have survived to the present day.329
Pursuit of international arbitration was central to the objectives of
international peace organizations in the late nineteenth century. This was
reflected in the names of a number of peace societies of the period, such
as the International Arbitration League and the International Arbitration and Peace Association in Britain. Also important in the movement
for international arbitration were organizations for international law that
developed in the 1870s.330 These included the International Law Association created in Brussels in October 1873, which included amongst its
aims the settlement of disputes by arbitration.331 It rivalled the Institute
of International Law that had been created in Ghent the month before,
with the ambitious aim to become the organ of the legal conscience of
the civilised world, as well as to promote the maintenance of peace and
the gradual and progressive codification of international law.332 Formation of the Japanese Society of International Law followed in 1897; it
claims to be the oldest academic society in Japan in the field of law.333
The issue of arbitration, alongside that of disarmament, mobilized one
of the largest transnational campaigns ever to have been undertaken as
61
EMERGENCE TO 1914
EMERGENCE TO 1914
Canada
and Great Britain in 1912, the National Association of Rotary
Clubs of America was transformed into the International Association of
Rotary Clubs.355 It was later to be joined by international organizations
of Lions Clubs and Kiwanians.
Further novel forms of INGO in the opening years of the twentieth
century included the International Union against Vivisection and the
International Central Bureau for the Campaign against Tuberculosis,
both formed in 1902; and the International Union for the Protection of
Infants and the Universal Society of the White Cross of 1907, both of
which made food safety a primary concern.356 That year, the International
Vegetarian Union was established in Dresden, an organization which
survives to the present day.357 A number of new organizations that mixed
governmental and non-governmental participation in this period, and
also survive to the present, reflected the technological developments of
the time, amongst them the International Institute of Refrigeration,
formed in 1909, and the World Road Association, created the following
year.358 In 1910 an International Office dedicated to the protection of
homeworkers was created in Brussels.359 Three years later the development of an Urban Internationale was evident in the formation of the
Union Internationale des Villes and the International Garden Cities and
Town Planning Association.360
As for the trade union movement, a novel development at the onset
of the twentieth century was the creation of the first International
Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres in Copenhagen in 1901,
which unlike earlier international trade secretariats was not confined to
a particular industry. This organizations objectives were initially fairly
limited: keeping the national trade union centres in touch with one
another, convening international conferences, preparing trade union statistics, etc.361 This led to the group being dubbed a post-box organization, but it was nevertheless significant in helping develop the reformist
approach and greater independence of the trade union movement.362 In
Zurich in 1913 the International Secretariat was transformed into the
International Federation of Trade Unions, with wider objectives including the protection and advancement of the rights, interests and justice
of the wage-workers of all countries and the establishment of international fraternity and solidarity.363
Beyond Europe the early years of the twentieth century saw the formation of a range of new regional INGOs. Some were formed by Euro66
EMERGENCE TO 1914
tific initiatives at the beginning of the twentieth century, such as the formation in 1903 of an International Association of Seismology to centralize
information on earthquakes.366 The International Association of Labour
Legislation created in 1900 formed the first International Labour Office
in 1901 and persuaded governments in 1906 to agree to the first international labour conventions, which dealt with the use of white phosphorus and womens night work.367 The convening of a second Hague
Conference the following year may be attributed in part to the efforts of
the Interparliamentary Union in persuading Theodore Roosevelt to invite
the Tsar to take this initiative forward.368 Although the second Hague
Conference achieved little, it is notable for being the occasion upon which
peace activists held a parallel non-governmental conference alongside
the intergovernmental congress, which may have been the first of its kind;
and the International Council of Women and the Salvation Army were
both offered deputations.369 The year after the second Hague Conference, the international movement against Leopolds exploitation of the
Congoin which the leading INGO was the Congo Reform Association (formed 1904), which supported the campaign in Belgium for annexation of the Congo by the Belgian governmentsaw the transfer of
Congo out of Leopolds hands.370 The following years saw non-governmental participation in the drafting of the 1909 Convention with Respect
to the International Circulation of Motor Vehicles, the drafting in 1910
of an intergovernmental Agreement for the Repression of the Circulation of Obscene Publications two years after an international non-
governmental congress on the issue, and an intergovernmental Convention
respecting Measures for the Preservation and Protection of Fur Seals in
1911, after years of non-governmental campaigning.371 US government
actions spurred by Asian missionaries culminated in the Hague Opium
Convention of 1912.372
Within sectors of transnational civil society in which INGOs already
existed, several enduring new INGOs were created in the opening years
of the twentieth century. Fourteen years after the creation in Washington, DC of the International Council of Women, the same city hosted in
1902 a conference at which was established the more explicitly suffragist
organization known today as the International Alliance of Women, the
constitutional aims of which were centred around information exchange.373
In the case of the environmentalist movement, the following year the
organization now known as Fauna and Flora International was estab68
EMERGENCE TO 1914
lished in London as the Society for the Preservation of the Wild Fauna
of the Empire, the great object of which was the formation of game
reserves or sanctuaries.374 Three years later London was also the location
for the establishment of one of the most significant international organizations for standardization: the International Electrotechnical Commission that aimed to consider the question of the standardisation of the
Nomenclature and Ratings of Electrical Apparatus and Machinery.375
A number of lasting business INGOs were also created at this time.
In Brussels in 1903 the International Dairy Federation was established
to further the development of new techniques such as pasteurization and
to combat food fraud.376 The following year the International Textile
Manufacturers Federation was established at a congress of cotton-
spinners in London, at which it was remarked that the developments of
large combinations of labour have rendered the position of individual employers, or even of small associations of employers, one of increasing difficulty. We have also seen the development of great federations of
capitalists, and just as peace between nations is generally maintained by
being prepared for war, so in industry experience shows that complete
organisation of both employers and employed tends to ensure harmonious working.377 A precursor to the International Chamber of Commerce
was established in Milan in 1906 in the form of an international committee in Brussels intended to coordinate the regular international meetings of chambers of commerce that took place from 1905 onwards and
to implement their decisions.378
Several significant international sports organizations that emerged in
this period are also worth noting. One particularly productive year was
1904, when the organizations that now coordinate Formula One, the
Speedway Grand Prix and the association football World Cup were set
up. Eight years later the International Association of Athletics Federations was established after it was noted at the 1912 Stockholm Olympic
Games that hints have been made that Swedish interests, in particular,
were altogether too much considered in drawing up the lists of events
in athletics and that a standard programme as well as uniform rules and
regulations for the competitions were needed in athletics in order that
all nations will be placed on an equal footing.379
Although some new INGOs of the early twentieth century proved to
be substantial and long-lasting, many more were relatively fleeting. In
the decade leading up to the First World War approximately double the
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EMERGENCE TO 1914
tions joined together to form a Central Bureau of International Associations, and this was transformed into the UIA at the first World Congress
of International Associations, attracting representatives of 132 international organizations to meet in Brussels in 1910 (a year from which only
one third of the INGOs that were established survive).383 The organizers of this conference felt that the congress was the latest development
in a vast and continuous movement [that] tends towards much greater
co-operation between similar groups in all countries [and] to the unification of methods and to international agreements on all points.384
Representatives of the vast majority of the principal INGOs of the period
took part in the congress, as did delegates from thirteen governments,
including Australia, Bolivia, China, the Dominican Republic, Mexico,
Turkey and the United States, as well as central and western European
governments (but not Britain, France, Germany or Italy). Among the
distinguished list of adhrents were such eminent figures as Lon
Bourgeois, Andrew Carnegie, Pierre de Coubertin, Baron dEstournelles
de Constant and Wilhelm Ostwald.385
In a booklet published in the year that Germany invaded Belgium, the
UIA outlined its aims in English as no less than to bring together the
International Associations, in order to pursue the systematic organisation of International Life in all its branches and developing the international associations actually existing by harmonizing their program
and their work, and by constituting a world center for their general services by means of organization of the representation of all the international associations in a federated body. The UIA intended that
international associations would deliberate in general meetings, where
questions of great interest, common to the whole of humanity, may be
brought forward; to formulate unanimous views and to unify their
methods.386 At the second World Congress of International Associations of 1913, bringing together representatives of 169 international organizations and twenty-two governments (this time including Britain,
France and Italy), grandiose plans were approved for an International
Palace in Brussels worthy of the importance of the organizations that
created it.387
A short distance to the north, the finishing touches were being made
to a Peace Palace that was to house the Permanent Court of Arbitration
in another planned world capital, The Hague. In the years running up
to the First World War, numerous resolutions for the promotion of peace
71
were passed not only by the primary peace movement, but by many other
sectors of transnational civil society. The peace work of womens international organizations since the nineteenth century has already been noted.
As for the labour movement, at the time of the Second Balkan War an
emergency congress of the Second International in Basle in November
1912 passed a resolution demanding peace in the Balkans, war on
war, peace for the world, building on an earlier peace resolution passed
in Stuttgart in 1907.388 The previous month, the international meeting
of chambers of commerce in Boston aimed to exemplify and promote in
a practical way the motto expressed at the opening of the Lige Congress,
Commerce is Peace.389
For some, such as Norman Angell, the international activities of labour
and business offered hope for a more peaceful world. In his well-known
work, Europes Optical Illusion, Angell asked: if both capital and labour
are being pushed by the circumstances of their development into complete internationalisation and coming to take no account of politiconational rivalries, what classes can remain outside such a movement?390
Angell argued that the movement towards internationalisation may go
a long way in many activities without affecting the race for armaments,
unless there also takes place a rationalisation of our political conceptions.391 However, his proposed means for achievement of this objective
reveals the thinness of his internationalism: he placed his faith in the
practical genius of the English race.392
Much of the international work of labour and capital in the period
leading up to the First World War hardly promoted Angells vision of a
more harmonious future. The peace resolution of the Second International at Stuttgart in 1907, for instance, was passed in the context of a
speech by Rosa Luxemburg which stated we must all think of the Great
Russian Revolution in connection with this point of the agenda in
case of war the agitation should be directed not merely toward the termination of war, but also toward utilizing the war to hasten the overthrow of class rule in general.393 As for INGOs in the business sector,
many of those to be created in the opening years of the twentieth century were not simply industry federations, but international cartels, such
as the International Rail Makers Association that was revived in 1904.
In addition to the evident divisions between capital and labour that
were ultimately to contribute towards the Cold War, the nationalistic
tendencies that many have cited as a contributory factor to the First
72
EMERGENCE TO 1914
World War were a significant aspect of the movement for the formation
of INGOs of the early twentieth century. Hoffman compares civil society of the turn of the century with earlier associational life as follows: In
place of the lofty ideals of civic association that transcended the nation
but remained rooted in local sociability, international organizations
emerged that aimed to assert and organize concrete political or economic
interests, for example, of nation states.394 This process may be seen to
have developed in the 1830s in Mazzinian associations such as Young
Europe. Early-twentieth-century nationalist organizations such as Young
Bosniawhich was responsible for the assassination that sparked the
First World Warlooked to Mazzinian associations as a model for their
activities.395 Furthermore, the ideal of national self-determination was
promoted by many who purported to advocate a more peaceful world,
such as Angell, who argued that peace under the Turks was equivalent
to war; the liberation of the Balkans was the corridor to civilisation.396
Liberal INGOs of this period, such as LIPL, may therefore be vulnerable to the accusation of holding what Michael Howard has termed an
almost unconscious acceptance of the medieval concept of the just war
in their advocacy of national self-determination.397
It is also worth noting some other ways in which INGOs reflected the
development of nationalism in this period. For example, several international organizations formed in the early twentieth century aimed to promote particular languages and cultures, such as the International
Federation for the Extension and the Culture of the French Language
established at Lige in 1905, and the English Association formed the
following year. While the activities of organizations such as these were
relatively benign, the same cannot be said of the international organizations for the promotion of eugenics. Amongst the most notorious was
the International Society for Racial Hygiene that was established in
Germany in 1905 by Alfred Ploetz, who in 1933 was to acclaim Hitler
as the man who had the will to implement racial hygiene.398 Seven years
after the formation of the Racial Hygiene Society, the University of
London hosted the First International Eugenics Congress with the
involvement of leading figures such as Arthur Balfour, Alexander Graham
Bell, mile Borel, Winston Churchill, Paul Doumer, Charles Gide, David
Starr Jordan, Reginald McKenna, Arthur Schuster and Ren Worms.399
To this Congress, Ploetz communicated a paper complaining of the
impact of Malthusianism on what he termed the highly endowed Nordic race, and an International Eugenics Committee was established.400
73
The previous year the University of London had hosted the Universal
Races Congress that by contrast has subsequently been credited as one
of an important number of agents in the development of liberal thought
away from the Victorian consensus that there was a hierarchy or chain
of different racial stocks.401 While much of the proceedings served to
reinforce racial stereotypes, the organizers intended the congress to aim
at encouraging between the peoples of the West and those of the East,
between so-called white and so-called coloured peoples, a fuller understanding, the most friendly feelings, and a heartier cooperation.402 Considerable effort was made to ensure representation at the congress from
across the globe, each session attracting more than a thousand participants, and plans were made for a permanent secretariat and further congresses, although no subsequent sessions took place.403
Two attendees at the Universal Races Congress were French journalist Jean Plissier and Lithuanian exile Jean Gabrys, who after a chance
meeting upon their return to Paris decided to set up a Central Office of
Nationalities in October 1911.404 The Central Office of Nationalities followed a similar path of development to the UIA: in June 1912 it organized an international conference on nationalities, and just as the Central
Office of International Associations was turned into the more ambitious
UIA, so the Central Office of Nationalities was converted into the more
ambitious Union of Nationalities (UON).405 Like the UIA, the UON
focused mainly on scientific activities, the publication of a journal (the
Annales des Nationalits) and the convening of conferences. However,
while the UIA concentrated on facilitating relations among international
bodies, the UON hoped to promote to the progress of universal and perpetual peace through its work on behalf of different nationalities.406 Like
one of the earliest INGOsMazzinis Young Europethe UON was
intended to promote the cause of national self-determination [which]
Plissier saw as a universal panacea that would solve all political problems.407 Given its purportedly pacific objectives, the UON attracted to
its Comit de Patronage such notable figures as Nobel Peace Prize winners Bajer and Fried, as well as LaFontaine of the UIA, which commissioned the UON to report on the demands of nationalities for the 1913
World Congress of International Associations.408
The pages of the Annales des Nationalits, however, reveal a very different picture to the anticipated promotion of peace through national selfdetermination, with numerous articles on the wars associated with the
74
EMERGENCE TO 1914
76
2
19141939
The period from the outbreak of the First World War to that of the Second is often overlooked in existing work on transnational civil society,1
and it has commonly been viewed as a period of stagnation in associational life.2 Historical work on the international relations of the interwar era has tended to concentrate on the evolution of interstate diplomacy.3
Authors writing at the time on international affairs in the 1920s and
early 1930s, on the other hand, would commonly note the impressive
number of societies, philanthropic, scientific, religious, fraternal and commercial, that cut straight across frontiers and bring men together with
influence and results too profound to be properly estimated.4 As this
chapter will reveal, the scale of transnational associational life that developed from the First World War until the early 1930s surpassed that which
preceded the conflict. The first part of this chapter explores how, despite
the First World Wars initially detrimental consequences for much of
transnational civil society, it eventually helped facilitate the development
of a new generation of INGOs that aimed to address a wide range of
issues, including those arising from the conflict and its aftermath. The
Paris Peace Conference of 1919 provided a particularly significant opportunity for transnational advocacy, with labour, peace and womens private
international associations, among others, having a significant impact upon
proceedings. The subsequent section of this chapter discusses the rapid
development of transnational civil society in the 1920s, and the expanded
range of INGO activities including interactions with the institutions of
the League of Nations and independent non-governmental policy ini
77
tiatives. The final part of this chapter looks at how in the 1930sin a
similar pattern to that which took place two decades beforeactors in
transnational civil society became detached from their circumstances,
with the development of large coalitions of INGOs that claimed to
represent the public opinion of the world,5 as international relations
deteriorated and transnational civil society fragmented, contracted and
lost influence in the years preceding the Second World War.
The First World War, the Paris Peace Conference, and the
Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society, 19141919
Although the First World War was the occasion for the expansion in
volume of activities of some sectors of transnational civil society, such as
the international Red Cross movement, for most the onset of the conflict prevented many of their activities from taking place. As the pioneer
student of INGOs Lyman Cromwell White argued, it was almost impossible to hold international meetings during the conflict and revenues
declined, and supporters were busy fighting.6 Many INGOs of the prewar period were never to function again, such as the International Association of Academies, the International League of Anti-Vaccinators, the
International Neo-Malthusian Correspondence and Resistance Bureau,
the International Union against Vivisection, the International Union of
Ethical Societies, Internationalis Concordia, the Universal Scientific Alliance, and many of the specialist esperantist and prohibitionist INGOs
that had been formed in the early twentieth century. The overall rate of
INGO formation also continued to decline by approximately one fifth
in each of the first three years of the conflict.7
Apart from Europe, however, the rate of organizational formation was
relatively unaffected. On the day Germany declared war on Russia,
Marcus Garvey established in Jamaica the Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities League
(UNIA) with a bold set of aims, including to establish a universal confraternity among the race, to assist in civilizing the backward [sic] tribes
of Africa; to strengthen the imperialism of independent African states;
to establish Commissionaries or Agencies in the principal countries of
the world for the protection of all Negroes, irrespective of nationality,
and later to establish a central nation for the race.8 By mid 1919 Garvey
claimed his organization had a membership of 2 million in thirty
branches, based mainly in the United States.9
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19141939
Before US entry into the World War, concern for the humanitarian
consequences of the conflict was a significant motivation for INGO
formation there. In October 1914 Herbert Hoover established the
American Committee for the Relief of Belgium (CRB). This organization was created in response to the danger of famine in occupied Belgium
and northern France and was able to facilitate the maintenance of the
regions population at subsistence level throughout the war: despite being
a non-governmental body, the CRB had a number of state-like capacities, including concluding agreements with governments and issuing its
own passports.10 The year after the CRB was formed, the American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief (now known as the Near East
Foundation) was organized in New York by Cleveland Dodge in response
to the Armenian genocide in the Ottoman empire, and it claims to have
contributed towards the saving of a million lives in the Near East during the First World War.11
The extent to which South America was insulated from the First World
War is reflected in the creation in that period of some of its most significant international sports federations, including the South American
Football Federation CONMEBOL that was formed in 1916 during the
first South American continental football championship in Buenos Aires,
and the South American Athletics Federation CONSUDATLE that
was established two years later. Another Latin American organization
to be formed in this period was the Latin American Odontological
Federation, FOLA, established in Chile in 1917.12 Elsewhere, the year
1917 also saw the Bhandakar Oriental Research Institute established in
Pune,13 and the East African Womens League formed in Nairobi.14
Despite the setbacks of the conflict, a few new INGOs were also created in Europe during the First World War. Amongst the most significant was the Zimmerwald Left, established immediately after an
international conference that brought together anti-war socialists in
Zimmerwald, Switzerland, in 1915. The Zimmerwald Left aimed to
serve as a clarion for the revolutionary confrontations that the war would
inevitably provoke and comprised Lenin, Zinoviev, Radek, Berzin,
Borchardt, Platten, Hglund and Nerman.15 Radek introduced them as
the first, gradually awakening part of the international working class
with every day our circle will grow, until we are a great militant army.16
It has been argued that the history of international Communism begins
with the Zimmerwald Left, and the militant army to which Radek
79
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19141939
19141939
tation in the central organ of the League should be, not by delegates of
the executive branches of the Governments of the constituted states, but
by delegates from the Parliaments representing all parties therein, ensuring thus, not an alliance of Cabinets or Governments, but a union of peoples.41 Influenced by this resolution, a proposal for regular extraordinary
meetings of the League Council to include Parliamentary and NGO
representatives was considered during the deliberations of the Commission on the League of Nations on 13 February 1919, but was rejected.42
The international labour and socialist conference at Berne also passed
resolutions promoting national self-determination, labour standards, and
a permanent Commission, consisting in equal parts of representatives of
the States which are members of the League of Nations and of the International Trades Union Federation; a delegation was sent to Paris to present these resolutions to the President of the Paris Peace Conference.43
The resolutions on labour standards and a permanent international labour
commission adopted at the Berne Conference had evolved from the
demands for industrial clauses to be inserted into the peace treaty
adopted at an inter-allied trade union conference in Leeds in 1916.44 The
proposal for an international labour office at the Leeds congress is said
to be the germ of the ILO as we know it today.45 At the Paris Peace
Conference, the President of the American Federation of Labour, Samuel
Gompers, was appointed chairman of the intergovernmental commission on labour legislation that drafted a Labour Charter and the constitution of the International Labour Organization (ILO).46 There was a
widespread perception that the creation of the ILO was a response to
the revolutionary demands of labour in 19181919.47
Just as the international socialist conference in Berne finished, another
international conference in Paris brought together delegates from the
allied countries of the International Alliance of Women from 10 until
16 February 1919. President Wilson received a deputation from them in
the evening of the first day, and three days later he proposed the creation
of an intergovernmental commission to enquire into the international
concerns of women, but had to withdraw the proposal in the face of
Clemenceaus opposition to discussion of womens political status.48
Instead, womens deputations were permitted to the intergovernmental
commissions on labour legislation and the League of Nations. An entire
sitting of the international commission on labour legislation was devoted
to hearing representatives of the Conference of Allied Suffragists, the
83
International Council of Women and several French womens associations, and their demands included equal opportunity, equal pay for equal
work, and the creation of national female labour committees. The
President of the commission assured the women delegates of the commissions sincere desire to give satisfaction to the claims of the Associations represented, and references to equal pay and womens participation
in national inspection systems were present in the commissions draft
articles for insertion into the Versailles Treaty.49 The commission on the
League of Nations received a joint deputation of the International Council of Women and Conference of Allied Suffragists on 10 April 1919, at
which requests were made for the appointment of women to the League,
abolition of the traffic in women and children, womens right to vote, and
international health and education organizations.50 The Covenant of the
League of Nations ultimately provided for equal opportunity for women
and men to obtain positions in the League and League responsibility to
supervise agreements concerning the traffic in women and children.51
The womens organization that was set up in 1915 to present womens
views at the peace conference, the International Committee of Women
for Permanent Peace, left it until May 1919 to convene its post-war congress in Zurich, at which it was transformed into the Womens International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). This congress condemned
the Versailles Treaty for having so seriously violate[d] the principles upon
which alone a just and lasting peace can be secured and sent a deputation to Paris to present its views, but found that none of the womens
proposals was accepted by the Big Four.52 Nevertheless, in its later relations with the League of Nations, WILPF was to pioneer many techniques for lobbying intergovernmental organizations.53
Another organization that is said to have blazed a path for NGO
involvement in international affairs54the International Chamber of
Commerce (ICC)originated in an International Trade Conference that
took place in Atlantic City in October 1919. The conference chairman,
Alfred Bedford, described this meeting of the industrial, financial and
economic leaders of the Allied countries and the United States for a single purposethe restoration of the worlds commerce to a normal basis
as the most important international trade meeting in history and a
corollary to the Peace Conference.55 The historian of the ICC, however,
argued that in so far as the conference, limited by war horizons, marked
the reforming of something like the old Allied industrial war front under
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85
they could render, we believed that there was one sole and sacred
responsibility, and that was that we should co-ordinate our endeavors to
go on and do the work that could only be done by the co-ordinated effort
of the Red Cross organizations of the world. In his hope that there would
be a time when every nation in the world will have a Red Cross organization and when the Red Cross organization will be recognized by the
people of the country as the national organization for the general good
and welfare of the people within that country, Davidson emulated (more
realistically this time) the goals of earlier humanitarians such as John
Murray of the Society of Universal Good-Will of Norwich, who in the
eighteenth century projected a centralized global charity with local
branches to administer relief .62
Another significant humanitarian INGO to be formed in May 1919
was the Save the Children Fund. This emerged from the movement in
Britain in opposition to the continuation of the allied blockade after the
First World War. Whereas the Fight the Famine Council from which it
emerged concentrated on political advocacy against the blockade, the
Save the Children Fund aimed to provide direct relief to those suffering
as a result of the blockade.63 The goals of one of its founders, Eglantyne
Jebb, expanded to include developing a powerful international organisation for child saving which would extend its ramifications to the remo
test corner of the globe, for which a Save the Children International
Union was created in Geneva in 1920.64
One of the clearest examples of the contrast between the INGOs established after the First World War and many of their nineteenth-century
precursors is provided in the field of scientific collaboration. Many of the
numerous international scientific congresses of the period before the First
World War operated with either no permanent organization, or one with
few purposes beyond the convening of congresses. From July 1919 this
changed significantly. In that month the International Research Council (transformed in 1931 into todays International Council for Science,
ICSU) was established in Brussels to co-ordinate international efforts in
the different branches of science ; to initiate the formation of international Associations or Unions deemed to be useful to the progress of science ; [and] to direct international scientific activity in subjects which
do not fall within the purview of any existing international associations.65
It succeeded in facilitating the formation of international unions dedicated to particular sciences, including astronomy, biology, chemistry, geodesy, geography, physics and radio-telegraphy.66
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for the extended moral influence of the United States.83 However, their
missionaries were to be rejected abroad, and the movement finally collapsed with the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment in 1933.84
A very different agenda for global political transformation was put forward on the other side of the world at the first Congress of the Communist International (Comintern) in Moscow from 2 until 6 March 1919.
The congress consisted of just thirty-five delegates from so-called communist parties in these smaller nations which had formerly comprised
the Russian empire or war prisoners or foreign radicals who happened to be in Russia at the time.85 At the congress, Zinoviev appealed
not to shrink from creating in the Third International the instrument for
creating an international Soviet republic.86 Subsequently, the GermanAustrian, Swedish, Balkan and Hungarian representatives moved that a
united, resolute, international organization of all communist elements be
founded to destroy the rule of capital, make war impossible, abolish State
frontiers, change the entire world into one co-operative community, make
a reality of the brotherhood and freedom of the peoples.87
The founders of the Comintern aimed to support the exploited colonial peoples in their struggles against imperialism.88 Such struggles were
gaining considerable ground in 1919, a year in which Amanullah
announced Afghanistans independence on 13 April (the day of the
Amritsar massacre in India), the 4 May protests took place in Beijing,
and the Egyptian revolution occurred. In South Asia, Gandhi used satyagraha in opposition to legislation impeding the home rule movement,
and in the same year the pan-Islamic Khilafat movement was launched.
At the September 1919 All-India Muslim Conference, the partition of
the Ottoman empire was opposed and an All-India Khilafat Committee
established.89 In November of that year, the Jamiat al-Ulama-e-Hind was
founded in Delhi to provide leadership according to the tenets of Islamic
law and for strengthening contacts with the rest of the Islamic world.90
In February of 1919, the First Pan-African Congress took place in Paris,
at which a permanent committee was established and a somewhat
restrained resolution called for League of Nations supervision of Africa.91
The year 1919 had seen the formation of a greater number of INGOs
than any previous year.92 Many of them represented the development of
a new generation, more focused on practical action and possession of a
substantial membership and financial resource base, whether the 3 million firms that the ICC claimed to represent, the more than 20 million
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Table 4: Illustrative table of selected INGOs founded 19191929, with preWW2 membership data
Category
Membership of illustrative
INGO preceding Second
World War95
Arts
Members in 38 countries
Broadcasting
Business
International Chamber of
Commerce, 1919
Children
Environment
International Committee
for Bird Preservation,
1922
Ex-Servicemen
Inter-Allied Federation
of Ex-Servicemen, 1920
Health
International Professional
Association of Medical
Practitioners, 1926
Humanitarianism
Human Rights
Migration
Minorities
International Federation
for Human Rights, 1922
Permanent International
Conference of Private
Organisations for the
Protection of Migrants,
1924
Congress of European
Nationalities, 1925
34 organizations in 31
countries
Member professional
associations in 27
countries
Approximately 40
associations in 14
countries
33 national minority
groups; approximately 40
million people96
91
Peace
Professions
Religion
Science
Socialism
International Federation
of League of Nations
Societies, 1919
International Federation
of Library Associations,
1929
International Headquarters of the Sufi Movement, 1923
International Council of
Scientific Unions, 1919
League of Nations
associations in 38
countries
40 associations in 29
countries
Branches in 13 countries
Scientific societies in 42
countries and 7 international scientific unions
6 million members in 35
countries97
Syndicalism
International Federation
of Trade Unions, 1919
Transport
Approximately 23 million
people in trade union
centres in 22 countries98
Students
Women
Approximately 900,000
students in 34 countries
25 airlines
Federation
of Social Workers, 1928); women (e.g. Associated Country
Women of the World, 1929); and youth (e.g. World Organization of the
Scout Movement, 1920; World Association of Girl Guides and Girl
Scouts, 1928).100
One of the principal reasons for the proliferation of INGOs and their
activities in the 1920s was the establishment of the League of Nations,
which provided an unprecedented opportunity structure for INGOs. The
League of Nations wasin the words of one of the drafters of its
Covenant, Robert Cecila great experiment; and this is reflected in the
early discussions of the Leagues Secretariat regarding its relationship
with INGOs.101 Apart from a reference in Article 25 to the establishment and co-operation of duly authorised national Red Cross organizations, the Covenant of the League of Nations did not specify how the
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The relief work of organizations such as the Red Cross was accompanied by that of international voluntary service organizations developing
in this period, such as the International Voluntary Service for Peace
(Service Civil International), established in 1920 to recruit men and
women from all countries who will give practical help in time of natural
catastrophes and will carry out voluntarily works of general utility.118 In
the fifteen years following its foundation, this organization drew 2,500
volunteers from Europe, Mexico, India and Iceland to assist in relief after
more than twenty natural disasters in Europe and India.119
Over the course of the 1920s, several INGOs were established dedicated to assisting migrants. One of the first was the International
Migration Service, created on the initiative of the American YWCA in
1921 on account of the importance of providing assistance in Europe
for women and children heading for America from all countries.120
Within a year the service had branches in eleven countries, and by 1934
it had assisted 20,000 families.121 In 1924, the Permanent International
Conference of Private Organisations for the Protection of Migrants was
set up with the objective of promoting international cooperation for the
protection of migrants through the instruments of the League of
Nations.122 It was followed in 1927 by HICEM, which united the Hebrew
Immigrant Aid Society of New York, the Jewish Colonization Association of Paris and Emigdirect of Berlin, and was to play an important role
in facilitating the emigration of Jews facing persecution in central and
eastern Europe.123
Some of the most significant non-governmental humanitarian work
in the 1920s was carried out on behalf of children. The Save the Children
International Union was the most prominent INGO in this field: within
five years of its formation in 1920 it had committees in forty countries,
4 million had been raised, and relief had been provided to children in
thirty countries.124 Its most notable achievement was the Declaration on
the Rights of the Child, which was adopted by the Assembly of the
League of Nations in 1924 and, along with the creation of the Leagues
child welfare committee, is said to have marked the passing of social
work for childhood into an official object of international relations.125
The Declarations author, Eglantyne Jebb, alongside Ren Sand of the
League of Red Cross Societies, was also central to the formation of the
International Council on Social Welfare in 1928, which aimed to facilitate personal contacts, to provide for exchange of information and to
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promote discussion among social workers and social agencies throughout the world.126 Another organization, the International Association
for the Protection of Child Welfare, which was formed in 1921 and was
of mixed governmental and non-governmental participation, was an early
example of an NGOIGO merger; the League of Nations took over the
governmental component in 1924.127
While Save the Children is notable for its promotion of childrens
rights, human rights more generally were promoted by organizations
such as the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), created
by human rights leagues in twenty countries in 1922 to promote the dissemination and application in all countries of the principles of justice,
liberty, equality and the sovereignty of the people, as issued in the French
Declaration of the Rights of Man of 1789 and 1793 and to work continuously for the extension of the rights of man to all persons and communities (refugees, outlaws, the stateless, the persecuted, national
minorities, etc.), as well as to promote peace through the League of
Nations.128 Since 1898 the Ligue des Droits de lHomme had worked as
a French association to defend the principles of liberty, equality and justice enunciated in the Declaration of the Rights of Man of 1789.129
FIDH, on the other hand, describes itself as the first international organization for the defence of the rights of man, and in 1927 it launched
an appeal to the international community for the adoption of a Global
Declaration of the Rights of Man and the creation of a permanent international criminal court.130 Ten years earlier, Andr Mandelstam had presented to the American Institute of International Law a draft declaration
on international law that included reference to international rights of
the individual, and by 1929 the International Law Institute had adopted
a Declaration of the International Rights of Man that was subsequently
endorsed by FIDH in 1931.131
Given the provisions of the minorities treaties that followed the First
World War, the protection of minorities was often the focus of practical
action by INGOs with respect to human rights in this period. In 1925,
a Congress of European Nationalities was set up to form a link between
the ethnical minorities of Europe; to facilitate the regular exchange of
ideas and cooperation between their responsible leaders with a view to
elucidating and solving the problem of nationalities so as to remove the
chief cause of European wars.132 This organization claimed to speak on
behalf of 40 million people and to have stimulated the whole treatment
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of the minority problem in the League of Nations, which had procedures for responding to minorities petitions.133 Because it was felt that
the Council of the League of Nations was hampered by the necessity of
having to act with excessive caution in respect of minorities complaints,
organizations such as the IFLNS attempted to carry out their own work
on behalf of minorities.134 The IFLNS mediated in the disputes between
thirty-four minorities and their respective governments between 1923
and 1938, and claimed to have had success in respect of the Danish
minority in Germany in 1923, the Bulgarian minority in Romania and
the Romanian minority in Bulgaria in 1928.135
The persecution of Jews in Europe at this time formed the context for
the formation of the organization now known as the International League
against Racism and Anti-Semitism. This organization developed from
the League against Pogroms that was established in Paris in 1927 by
Bernard Lecache, who aimed to save the life of Samuel Schwartzbard,
accused of murdering Symon Petliura, whom Schwartzbard believed
was responsible for pogroms in Ukraine. Following the acquittal of
Schwartzbard, the organization was transformed into the International
League against Anti-Semitism, which with objectives including the reconciliation of peoples, peace among races and equality among men as
well as defence of the rights of existence and peace of Jews throughout
the world was to attract a prominent membership including Albert
Einstein, Maxim Gorky and Sverine.136
Following the successful promotion of womens right to vote in many
European countries after the First World War, womens INGOs sought
to expand their agenda in the 1920s. The International Alliance of
Women, for instance, revised its objects in 1920 beyond the promotion
of woman suffrage to include sex equality in practically all fields of political, social and economic life.137 Womens INGOs were amongst the
most active in making efforts to exploit the new opportunity structure
opened by the creation of the League of Nations. At the first League of
Nations Assembly in 1920, for instance, a member of the ICW addressed
the delegates on the subject of the traffic in women and children, a subject for which a League Advisory Committee was set up with numerous
womens INGOs as assessors or advisory members.138 Womens INGOs
played a particularly pioneering role in the establishment of collaborative bodies to coordinate their work in relation to the League of Nations,
such as the Joint Standing Committee of International Womens Orga
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nizations that was set up by the IAW, WILPF, the Worlds YWCA and
the ICW in 1925.139 The new intergovernmental organizations of the
League of Nations system were not simply seen as opportunities, but also
threats that needed to be addressed: the formation of the Open Door
International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker in
1929, for instance, was motivated by the perception that it became daily
clearer that the problems created by the work and influence of the International Labour Organisation was a menace to women all over the world,
and that nothing but an international organisation would be in a position to combat its attack on the woman worker.140
A further dimension to the expansion of womens INGOs activities
in the 1920s was their effort to becomeor at least to appearwhat
they called truly international, [when] they added members and national
sections in Latin America, Asia, the Middle East and Africa.141 The activities of womens groups beyond Europe and North America, however,
were not always successful. A particularly notable example is the movement against female genital mutilation, which in Kenya was confronted
by considerable opposition from the nationalist Kikuyu Central Association: it has been argued that the campaign against female circumcision
became a symbol for colonial attempts to impose outside values, and
thus may have had a counterproductive effect on those whom it was
intended to help.142
The Kikuyu Central Association was one of many nationalist organizations to emerge in the colonies of European countries during the 1920s.
The development of Indian nationalism is evident in the formation of a
range of All Indian organizations of sectors of the Indian population,
such as the All India Trade Union Congress in 1925 and the All India
Womens Conference and the Federation of Indian Chambers of
Commerce and Industry in 1927. Beyond colonial Asia, the Japanese are
credited with the first attempt to give substance to a vague Pan-Asian
sentiment, with the convening of Pan-Asian Conferences from 1920 by
the Japanese Pan-Asian Society.143 Two years later, the Eastern Bond
Association was formed in Egypt to work for a close co-operation
between Egypt and all other Eastern peoples in their struggle for national
liberation, to establish an Eastern League of Nations, to promote cultural, scientific, economic and social bonds among the peoples of the
East, to disseminate the Eastern idea and to rejuvenate the Eastern civilization.144 The development of Afro-Asian consciousness was evident
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in Palestine, North Africa and Syria in the 1930s.150 Its activities were
preceded by those of the Young Mens Muslim Association (formed in
reaction to and partly modelled on the Worlds Alliance of YMCAs),
which was established in Egypt in 1927 and spread to many other Arab
territories; its educational and social welfare activities foreshadowed those
promoted by the Muslim Brotherhood.151
Keen to exploit anti-colonial sentiment was the international Communist movement, which facilitated the formation in Moscow in 1920
of the League of Islamic Revolutionary Societies that aimed to make
the Muslimswho are used like slaves, enslaved and dominated by the
imperialists and capitalistsmasters of their own fate under the leadership of Turkey.152 Although this organization is said to have led little
more than a fictitious existence,153 other Communist anti-colonial organizations were more substantial. The League against Imperialism, for
instance, set up in 1926, had branches in Britain, France, Germany, India
and the Americas.154
Communist organizations were active in numerous aspects of transnational civil society in the 1920s, including freethought (the Proletarian
Freethinkers), humanitarian aid (Workers International Relief and International Class War Prisoners Aid), peasants (the International Peasant
Council), sport (the Red Sports International), tenants (the Tenants
League), war veterans (the Union of War Veterans), and youth (the Young
Communist International).155 Amongst the most substantial was the Red
International of Labour Unions (Profintern) that was created in Moscow
in July 1921 to fight against the corruptive ulcer, gnawing at the vitals of
the world labour union movement, of compromising with the bourgeoisie and to carry on decisive battle against the International Bureau of
Labour, attached to the League of Nations and against the Amsterdam
International Federation of Trade Unions, which by their programme and
tactics are but the bulwark of the world bourgeoisie.156
At the opposite extreme were organizations such as the International
Entente against the Third International, created in 1924 by Geneva-based
lawyer and ICRC delegate Thodore Aubert, aiming to bring down Communism by all lawful means and seeing itself as the world centre of the
anti-Bolshevik movement.157 It was set up to oppose the constant attacks
of subversive groups at the forefront of which is the Third International through action at the international level and to defend the principles of order, family, property and fatherland.158 With branches in
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tions in this decade, such as radio broadcasting and air travel, were accompanied by new INGOs like the IBU and IATA, which played a key role
in their governance. The context of post-war economic recovery was in
part facilitated by INGO initiatives such as the ICCs role in the Dawes
Plan. Also important were wider social and political developments, such
as the enhanced political role of women in many countries; as one feminist pamphlet published in 1915 argued, an increased role for woman
in political life was significant because she has neither part nor share in
the slaughter of humanity, and she may speak where man dare not
because to her has fallen the task of bringing into the world those human
souls and bodies which in war are but food for cannon, [she] is able to
realize what man is not able.196 The context of the First World War was
particularly important in the mobilization of INGOs in the decade following the armistice, given both the short-term humanitarian consequences of the conflict that many INGOs aimed to address, and the
long-term desire to prevent the wars recurrence which, through their
international work, many INGOs aimed to render possible. The spread
of democratic institutions at the national level in many countries following the First World War provided greater scope for associational activities, both national and transnational, and the Wilsonian ideals associated
with the 1919 Paris peace settlement provided legitimacy for many of
the goals pursued by INGOs in the following decade. Amongst the most
important contextual factors of all was the work of the League of Nations
in Geneva, with Alfred Zimmern arguing in 1929 that the League of
Nations had brought to the table both new subjects of international discussion and new types of men to deal with them, including non-
governmental experts nominated by responsible international bodies,
such for instance as the International Chamber of Commerce.197
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do from big and powerful organisations like the Red Cross and the InterParliamentary Union, to the obscure and sometimes dubious organisation with high-sounding programme, imposing letter-head, a Secretary
and President perhaps andthat is all!199 In this context, as in the opening years of the twentieth century, components of transnational civil society were developing ambitions that exceeded their means. Pickard noted
how at the turn of the decade Paul Otlet of the Union of International
Associations was putting forward an ambitious proposal for what he calls
a Mundaneum at Geneva which would comprise a great University,
Exhibition, Library, and House of International Organisations
designed to be a scientific, documentary and educational World Centre,
representative of organised humanity as distinct from the organisation
of Governments in the League of Nationsa resurrection of his proposals for a world centre in Brussels from 1911 to 1913.200 The following paragraphs will explore the development in the early 1930s of large
transnational coalitions of INGOs, especially around the World Disarmament Conference of 19324, which made grand claims with respect
to their representativeness. This chapter will then conclude with a discussion of how, as the 1930s developed, INGOs lost influence at the
League of Nations, became increasingly exploited by governments, and
fragmented along the geopolitical divisions of the period.
The initial years of the 1930s witnessed the continuation of many of
the trends with respect to the expansion of transnational civil society that
had taken place in the 1920s. The rate of organizational formation
remained high in these years, and included significant new womens organizations in 1930 such as Equal Rights International, the International
Federation of Business and Professional Women and the Pan-American
Womens Association. The continued expansion of transnational civil
society beyond Europe in this period is reflected in the convening in
January 1931 of the All-Asian Womens Conference in Lahore, which
was originated by Mrs. Cousins, International Representative of the
Womens Indian Association of Madras after her world tour, and which
sent a representative to liaise with the League of Nations in Geneva.201
The continuing development of inter-organizational cooperation among
INGOs in the same years is reflected in the creation of a Liaison
Committee of Womens International Organizationsincluding the
International Council of Women, the International Alliance of Women
and the Worlds Alliance of YWCAsin London in November 1930,
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As Charnovitz has pointed out, After 1932 only a few new episodes
of NGO involvement occurred within the League.215 Amongst the most
notable occurred in 1935 when in response to the request of the Latin
American delegations, the Council invited fifteen transnational womens organisations to present statements on the nationality and status of
women.216 The Latin American request was in response to the efforts
of US feminists working through the Inter-American Commission of
Women217 that had been set up in 1928 at the sixth Pan-American
Conference.218 As Carol Miller has noted, Throughout 1936 and 1937
the League received information from member states and womens
organisations that generated the publication of several hundred pages
of data on the worldwide status women,219 but efforts towards League
of Nations conventions on womens rights and nationality proved to be
unsuccessful.220
In his pioneering study of INGOs, White found In the latter years of
the Leagues existence, considerable dissatisfaction among the INGOs
regarding what they considered to have been a growing tendency of the
League to withdraw from collaboration and co-operation.221 A particularly significant development occurred in 1936 when the non-governmental assessors were removed from the League of Nations Committee
on Social Questions.222 White posited that this may have been due to
the fact that as certain ways of doing things became firmly established,
officials became more and more reluctant to accept proposals which would
upset the established routine or which would mean additional work.223
Pickard argued that INGOs at the time believed that it was because as
Munich approached, governments and inter-governmental agencies
tended to cold shoulder NGOs as a bit of a nuisance.224
Before the decline of INGO relations with the League of Nations, the
Great Depression already had a detrimental impact. White found that
beginning in 1932, the great decline in income slowed down the extension of activities for several years.225 From 1932 onwards, the rate of new
INGO formation was slower than in the 1920s: the number of INGOs
established in the second half of the 1930s was little more than half the
figure for the late 1920s.226 Although several significant new INGOs
were established, including the International Youth Hostel Federation
in 1932, the International Federation of Film Producers Associations in
1933, the International Union Against Cancer in 1934, Alcoholics
Anonymous World Services in 1935 and the Ford Foundation in 1936,227
many of the new INGOs of this period reflected fragmentary trends.
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time to be the pre-eminent INGO for international peace in the interwar years, the IFLNS managed to acquire member branches in forty countries by 1930.235 Some member branches had considerable memberships
and independence from government: with a peak membership of 406,868
in 3,040 branches in 1931, the League of Nations Union in Great Britain
was undoubtedly the most substantial peace association in history.236
Elsewhere, however, the state of the League of Nations associations was
very different. They were commonly dependent on their respective governments for assistance: in the case of the Czech League of Nations movement, the Czech government is reported to have supported both a
national Czech League of Nations Union (run from the offices of the
Prague Fascist Club and whose leadership was reported to have no faith
in the League or international cooperation and no records of membership)237 as well as more pacificist League of Nations societies within the
country in order to play them off against each other as it saw fit.238 In
many countries, including in Czechoslovakia, different League of Nations
Societies represented different ethnic groups, and a particularly common
practice was to exploit League of Nations societies in the pursuit of the
demands of different nationalities across central and eastern Europe. In
the case of the Bulgarian League of Nations society, for instance, the organization was reported by the IFLNS to have been composed largely of
emigrants from territory detached from Bulgaria in the Treaty of Neuilly
and was rather a Society for minorities and treaty revision rather than a
full collaborator in our work for the League of Nations.239
Governmental manipulation of private associations was evident long
before the crises of the 1930s. Rosenberg has argued that in the 1920s
the US government undertook vigorous steps to shape the international impact of private citizens and groups and especially under Hoover
often informally awarded a private group or corporation official blessing or monopolistic privileges in return for carrying out some element
of American foreign policy.240 Elaborating on this argument, Suri claims
that this resulted in restructuring the economies of Latin American and
Asian countries along lines that benefited exporters in the United States
and disempowered local citizens.241
In the 1930s, while the US government turned increasingly away from
these practices and towards official cultural and economic agencies,242
more generally INGOs became increasingly caught up in the international contest among Fascist, Communist and capitalist states. Within
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Germany from 1925, Hoffman has argued the far Right permeated bourgeois and workers associational culture, which had been predominantly
liberal or socialist before 1914. In other words, the Nazis conquered
German civil society from within.243 Following the assumption of power
by Hitler in Germany in 1933, Mussolini believed that fascism has
become a universal phenomenon The dominant forces of the nineteenth century, democracy, socialism, liberalism have been exhausted
the new political and economic forms of the twentieth-century are fascist.244 In June 1933, he set up the Comitati dazione per lUniversalit
di Roma (CAUR) as a Fascist rival to the Communist International,
aiming to cull statements of allegiance from various foreign movements
calling themselves fascist, and to integrate these fascisms into a loose
organization which paid fealty to the genius of Mussolini and the leadership of Italian fascism.245 CAUR organized an international congress
of Fascist groups in Montreux in December 1934, attended by delegates
from Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Greece, Ireland, Lithuania,
the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Romania, Spain, Sweden and
Switzerland, as well as Italy.246 CAURs director claimed that nothing
prevents all our nationalisms from proclaiming the universality of fascist doctrine on certain fundamental points And so the super-national
idea harmonizes perfectly with the national idea.247 Leeden has argued
that, at this congress, There was virtually unanimous support for the
notion of an International which would unite the forces of youth on the
continent against the dual enemies of Bolshevik materialism and capitalist egotism, and the Congress provided for the creation of a permanent commission for universal fascism to be the Secretariat for the
Fascist International, a supreme co-ordinating committee for fascistic
propaganda and communication.248
Mussolinis ability to charm international youth organizations in the
mid 1930s appeared to be considerable, and in May 1935 he was apparently recognized as the spiritual head of youth by the leadership the
International Confederation of Students, Pax Romana, and the Federation of Jewish Students.249 However, as Morgan has pointed out, the
experience of the Montreux congress seems to provide further and conclusive evidence of the impossibility of organising a fascist International:
the congress split on the issue of race, and the permanent commission
met twice only, in early 1935.250 CAUR lost the support of the Italian
regime, since it was thought that the foreign movements with whom the
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in March 1929, which aimed at rallying the broad masses of the workers and the intellectuals in all countries to mass action against Fascism.261
Three years later, on the initiative of the political commission of the Exe
cutive Committee of the Communist International, a conference was
held in the same city in March 1932 to plan a campaign against imperialist war, which would become the starting-point of an effort to win
over new masses by party slogans.262 The result is what became known
as the Amsterdam-Pleyel movement, named after the International
Congress against War held in Amsterdam in August 1932, which established the World Committee against Imperialist War;263 and the European Anti-Fascist Workers Congress, held in the Pleyel Hall in Paris in
June 1933, which created the European Workers Anti-Fascist Union.264
The organizations established by these conferences merged in August
1933 to form the Joint World Committee against Imperialist War and
Fascism, later abbreviated to World Committee against War and Fascism,
which aimed no lower than to co-ordinate the actions in the whole world
against war and fascism and appealed to the hand and brain workers in
all parties, the trade unions of all tendencies, to the peasants and members of the middle classes, to the youth and the women.265 The World
Committee organized several international anti-Fascist congresses in
1933 and 1934, aiming to coordinate the anti-Fascist work of youth,
women and students, respectively, and spawned an array of committees
such as the Womens World Committee against War and Fascism and
the World Students Committee against War and Fascism. Although
commonly regarded as a fellow travelling organization of limited cre
dibility,266 the World Committee achieved some success in appealing
beyond the Communist movement, counting among its British women
supporters Vera Brittain, Charlotte Despard, Sylvia Pankhurst, Margaret Storm Jameson and Ellen Wilkinson.267
Another front organization formed in 1933 that was to attract a wide
array of international notables was the World Committee for the Relief
of the Victims of German Fascism.268 This organization was set up by
Muenzenburg following the burning of objectionable books by the Nazis
in May 1933,269 and was to become well-known for circulating The Brown
Book of the Hitler Terror, which contained vivid images of people murdered by the Nazis and purported to prove that It was the morphia-fiend
Goering who set fire to the Reichstag.270 Muenzenberg biographer Sean
McMeekin has argued that, despite clear evidence that the book was, in
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short, a fraudulent hack job, until the 1960s most historians adopted the
Brown Books thesis about Goebbels planning and executing the Reichstag
fire by sending a team of conspirators through Goerings secret tunnel.271 Muenzenbergs Commission of Inquiry into the Origins of the
Reichstag Fire, which staged a counter-trial in London in September
1933 to support the Brown Books case, is also credited with having provided the first international citizens tribunal.272
Following the success of his Brown Book campaign, Muenzenberg
seemed in many ways to be losing his political touch.273 The development of the Popular Front in 1934, however, provided the context for
continued proliferation of Communist front organizations into the later
1930s. The peace movement was amongst the most affected transnational
social movements, especially following the entry of the Soviet Union into
the League of Nations in 1934. With the work of the International Consultative Group fading into irrelevance following the collapse of the
World Disarmament Conference, a new effort to coordinate the peace
work of multiple INGOs came in the form of the International Peace
Campaign (IPC), formally launched in March 1936. Claiming in the
late 1930s to be at the present time the most powerful expression of
international public opinion, the IPC achieved the support of forty
INGOs with a combined membership estimated to encompass 400 million people.274 Supporting organizations included ICG members, such
as CIAMAC, the IFLNS and the Disarmament Committee of Womens
International Organizations; the International Co-operative Alliance;
the International Alliance of Women; international trade secretariats;
the World Jewish Congress; and numerous international peace societies.275 It had national committees in forty countries, and its international
congress in Brussels in September 1936 brought together 4,100 delegates and was hailed by Britains Daily Herald as the greatest peace congress in history.276 The IPC promoted a four-point programme
emphasizing the sanctity of treaty obligations, disarmament, League of
Nations actions for the remedying of international conditions that might
lead to war, and especially strengthening the League of Nations for the
prevention and stopping of war by the more effective organization of
Collective Security and Mutual Assistance.277 Although able to coordinate substantial transnational campaigns in favour of collective security
and boycotting Japanese goods in 19378, the IPC swiftly collapsed the
following year after the announcement of the NaziSoviet Pact.278 The
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19141939
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19141939
tutions the influence of private initiative, mainly in the field of international policy, is today less efficacious than it was just a short time ago.314
When he surveyed the leaders of pre-eminent INGOs at the time,
Ruyssen found considerable agreement upon the factors they believed to
be responsible for this decline. There was a concentration on the external
political environment in which INGOs operated, such as the way in which
gradually in every country more and more functions are concentrated in
the State which feels all the more in a position to make light of popular
grievances or aspirations. They also noted how governments needed to
make decisions rapidly given the speed of events in the late 1930s, as well
as the increasing degree of governmental control of the media, and the
greater information at the disposal of governments in contrast to private
citizens. There was also acknowledgement of the role of transnational civil
society itself: a number of respondents argued that in the democratic
countries, the Governments put themselves in a situation of obvious inferiority to the totalitarian states if they let themselves be buffeted about
by fluctuations of an unstable public opinion deeply divided against itself
and that the mediocre success of propaganda undertaken on international
questions has had a depressing effect in certain circles.315
Factors which had previously facilitated the expansion of transnational
civil society in the short term in the 1920s had worked in the longer term
to contribute towards the inhibitive economic and political environment
of the 1930s. The economic recovery of the 1920s had been in part underpinned by unsustainable lending, with the encouragement of INGO initiatives such as the ICCs role in the Dawes Plan.316 The post-war
democratizations that had helped open up civil society space had also in
some cases been built upon unsustainable foundations, the proportional
electoral system in Germany for instance facilitating the entry into parliament of extremist political parties.317
The divisions in international politics in the late 1930s reflected the
divisions within and between the components of transnational civil society at the time. That the world had become divided along ideological
lines reflected the success of transnational movements such as that for
international Communism. As for the liberal internationalist movement,
the claims of some of its leaders to represent the public opinion of the
world had underestimated the divisions that existed even before the deterioration of the later 1930s. Furthermore, although liberal internationalists failed to bring about a successful conclusion to the World
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networking forms, growing geographical reach of transnational civil society, the ascent of transnational corporations as targets for transnational
activism, the development of politics beyond the state2 and the role of
transnational civil society in the ending of the Cold War. The final section of this chapter discusses how, in the 1990s, intergovernmental conferences, neo-liberal economic globalization and the internet provided
significant opportunities for transnational civil society, and facilitated the
formation of large transnational coalitions of INGOs, some of which
aimed to adopt more horizontal forms of organization than had been
seen previously, but some of which had ambitions exceeding their means,
not unlike those of the transnational coalitions preceding the two world
wars. This section shows how claims in respect of the development of
global rather than merely transnational civil society in the 1990s proved
to be somewhat hollow given the decline that took place in the subsequent decade. The analysis concludes with a discussion of the potential
turning point which transnational civil society is confronting in the second decade of the twenty-first century.
The Second World War, the Onset of the Cold War and the
Division of Transnational Civil Society
The commencement of the Second World War was received as a defeat
for internationalists: the new secretary general of the International
Federation of League of Nations Societies remarked in September 1939
that twenty years of endeavour to substitute the rule of law for the arbitrament of war, to build an international society have been spent in
vain.3 As with the First World War, the Second World War was to have
a greatly detrimental impact upon transnational civil society. The rate of
INGO formation in 1939 was approximately half that of 1938, and
remained at a similarly low level for each of the following five years.4 Organizations as diverse as the Communist International, the Inter-Allied
Federation of Ex-Servicemen, the International Confederation of Students and the International Consultative Group for Peace and Disarmament
failed to survive the conflict.5 Many of the INGOs that endured had to
reduce their activities: the International Alliance of Women, for instance,
had to abandon its London headquarters for financial reasons, to postpone many of its meetings and to transfer its journal to the Womens Publicity Planning Association (which diluted the journals content), in
addition to having several of its leaders killed by the Nazis.6
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In the regions of the world that were relatively unaffected by the war,
on the other hand, new INGOs continued to multiply. The growth rate
in the Americas was particularly high. New formations in 1940 alone
included the Inter-American Bar Association, the Inter-American Statistical Institute, the Pan-American Association of Ophthalmology, the
Latin American Society for Plastic Surgery and the Chamber of
Commerce of Latin America. A similar number of inter-American organizations were formed each of the following three years, and in 1944 the
Pan-American Liaison Committee of Womens Organizations was created.7 The opportunity that the conflict in Europe presented for transnational civil society in the Americas is particularly vividly illustrated in the
creation of the Inter-American Statistical Institute in 1940: the war in
Europe was perceived in the Americas to have had such a profound impact
on Europe-based INGOs that it was assumed that many had perished,
including, as Stuart Rice observed, the International Statistical Institute
(ISI, which in fact survives to the present day), so an Inter-American
body was established to carry forward the traditional work of the ISI
within the comparatively peaceful area of North and South America.8
Beyond the Americas, the volume of new INGOs created during the
Second World War was much smaller; but in Africa these included
the East African Dental Association in 1943, and in Asia the Indian
Institute of World Culture in Bangalore in 1945. Of greater significance
were new Islamic INGOs formed during the conflict. The Islamic Cultural
Centre, inaugurated in London in 1944, apparently owed its existence
to the British war cabinets desire in 1940 to pay tribute to the thousands of Indian Muslim soldiers who had died in battle for the British
Empire during the First World War and whose successors were making
a significant contribution to the current war effort.9 The year following
this decision, in the context of the increasing likelihood of Indian independence, Jamaat-e-Islami was established in Lahore, which stated as
its goal the pursuit of ukmat-e-ilhiya, an Islamic state in contrast to
the secular-liberal state promoted by the Muslim League; following the
partition of India, it developed into a transnational network of political
parties promoting this objective across South Asia.10
Some of the most significant new INGOs to be formed during the
Second World War were pan-Arab. During the 1930s, an increasing
number of societies had been created in Egypt promoting a pan-Arab
identity that encompassed North African as well as Asian Arabic speak
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ers, such as the Arab Progress Society in 1930, the Society for Arab Unity
and the Committee for the Spread of Arab Culture the following year,
the Arab Bond Society in 1936, and the Association of Arab Unity and
the Bond of Arabism in 1939.11 Pan-Arab organizations formed elsewhere in the 1930s included the Nationalist Action League in Syria in
1933 and al-Muthanna in Iraq in 1935, and in the context of the Palestine
Arab rebellion many of these organizations joined together in 1937 to
form an organization to adopt a nationalist programme of the Arab
nationalist youth from the [Atlantic] Ocean to the [Persian] Gulf .12 In
1940, the Arab Baath (Resurrection) Socialist Party was formed in Syria,
which was to describe itself as a popular national revolutionary movement striving for Arab unity, freedom and socialism,13 and developed
branches in other countries from 1948.14 With the British government
encouraging pan-Arabism during the Second World War, the Arab Union
Club was reformed in Egypt in 1942 and became a society to promote
the combination of all Arabic-speaking territories under one political
government, while each of them would be able to choose the kind of
regime and way of life she pleases.15 It aimed from its outset to form
branches in all Arab countries,16 which it succeeded in doing in Baghdad,
Beirut, Damascus and Jaffa in addition to Cairo.17 Its objectives were
endorsed by the Egyptian Prime Minister, and all of the territories in
which it had branches (except Palestine) were to become founding members of the Arab League.18
Another organization considered to have been a precursor to the Arab
League is the General Arab Womens Federation, which was established
as a result of the Arab Feminist Conference in Cairo in 1944. This conference was organized by the Egyptian Feminist Union leader Huda
Shaarawi, who in 1938 had convened the Eastern Womens Conference
for the Defence of Palestine at which an international Permanent Central
Committee of Women for the Defence of Palestine had been established.19 By 1944, she was promoting the broader objective of a pan-Arab
feminist union to strengthen feminist movements inside individual Arab
countries, while enhancing their participation in the international feminist movement.20 In the early 1940s, pan-Arab professional congresses
also became increasingly frequent,21 and by the end of the war some of
these were transformed into permanent international organizations, such
as the Union of Arab Pharmacists that dates its establishment to 1945.22
In Europe and North America, many of the most significant INGOs
created during the Second World War were established to deal with the
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127
vide information that could both hasten victory and provide an optimum
setting for postwar reconstruction.28
Greater in number were the associations promoting a new international organization to replace the League of Nations in the post-war era.
The associations that had promoted world government in the late 1930s
were joined in 1940 by a US Federal Union, formed by Clarence Streit,
and by the World Government Association, also based in the United
States and also aiming to promote world government on democratic
principles.29 The following year World Federation was set up by Ely
Cuthbertson in New York to promote a World Federation Plan that
would promote a global federation consisting of eleven regional federations; and in 1943 the Citizens Conference on International Economic
Union was created to promote free trade, stable currencies and international economic union.30 Following the war in 1945 the Committee to
Frame a World Constitution was organized in Chicago, to promote a
highly ambitious plan for a Federal World Republic with tax-raising and
passport-issuing powers.31
More practical were the numerous organizations set up in the United
States during the conflict that were dedicated to studying the problems
of post-war settlement. The most notable of these was the Commission
to Study the Organization of Peace, established by James T. Shotwell and
Clark M. Eichelberger of the US League of Nations Association in
November 1939, to review the past and build upon the history of the
League of Nations plans for an organization of lasting peace.32 The Commissions members were described as a whos who in international relations scholarship from the fields of education, government, labor and
business.33 The following year John Foster Dulles formed the Federal
Council of Churches Commission on a Just and Durable Peace, to clarify the mind of our churches regarding the moral, political and economic
foundations of an enduring peace.34 In 1941 these organizations were
joined by the Free World Association, organized by Louis Dolivet of the
International Peace Campaign, which aimed towards educating public
opinion for world organization without diminishing sovereignty to the
extent that it would limit or subordinate America or any other country.35 The same year saw the formation by former members of the International Consultative Group of the Institute on World Organization, to
study political, economic, and social problems relating to world organization in order to aid in promoting a durable and just peace,36 and of the
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129
131
quate provision for the ultimate achievement of human rights and fundamental freedoms is commonly thought to have been central to the US
delegations promotion of the UN Charters human rights provisions,
although, as Ian Clark has argued, the essentials of the Consultants
demands were already embraced in draft amendments.63
The reference to non-governmental organizations in Article 71 of the
United Nations Charter brought the term into common usage. The role
of these organizations in contributing towards this and other components of the Charter has commonly been seen as a starting point for analyses of how a close partnership was developing between non-governmental
and inter-governmental international organizations, a major challenge
to the geopolitics of the emerging Cold War that was threatening to
divide the world.64 However, as Bertram Pickard noted, the arrangement
for consultation with the United Nations was not only a denial of integral participation of certain non-governmental elements as in the ILO
but also in effect a so-far-and-no-further obstacle to any continuance of
the pragmatic but close IGONGO partnership developed under the
League.65 Whereas, he argued, the Leagues characteristic consultation
with the NGOs of that day, though non-statutory, took the form nevertheless of participation without vote, in the United Nations arrangements this privilege was jealously reserved for the specialized agencies,
and expressly denied to NGOs.66 The term non-governmental organization defined NGOs in terms of what they were not, a less positive
denotation than the terminology of previous eras, such as private international organization. By 1945, there was a widespread perception among
governmental policy-makers that private international organizations had
had too much influence in the League of Nations era, especially at the
World Disarmament Conference, so the provisions of the UN Charter
expressly limited INGO input to the economic and social spheres.67
Furthermore, some INGOs were to play a role in the exacerbation of
tensions as the Cold War developed in the late 1940s. At the end of the
Second World War, many INGOs were reconstituted: in 1945, for
instance, the International Air Traffic Association was succeeded by the
International Air Transport Association, and the International Federation
of Trade Unions by the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU).
The number of INGOs founded in 1945 was as high as in the early years
of the 1930s, a rate of formation that was to double in the following year
and to be sustained for the following two decades.68 More than twice as
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many INGOs were formed in the first two decades of the Cold War than
had been formed in any previous two decades,69 but much of the expansion can be accounted for by the division of transnational civil society
along Cold War lines in this period.
A significant number of INGOs split in two in the early 1940s. As
Peter Willetts has argued, several international NGOs came to be more
sympathetic to the communists than Western opinion could tolerate and
as a result Western groups split from the world organizations and formed
their own rival international NGOs.70 The best-known example is the
secession of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
(ICFTU) from the WFTU in 1949. In the opening speech of the
ICFTUs founding conference, H. L. Bullock stated: We are here to
learn by our mistakes, and to see more clearly than we did on that earlier occasion the significance of the contemporary conflict between the
democratic and the totalitarian way of life. We must not make the mistake of trying to comprehend in our new World Confederation contradictory and irreconcilable objects and aims.71 The formation of the
WFTU in 1945 had seen unprecedented cooperation between Communist and non-Communist trade unions, but Christian trade unions did
not take part from the outset, and, as Denis MacShane has argued, the
relationship between the US and Soviet members of the WFTU were
ragged from the very outset of the WFTUs existence.72 WFTUs failure to secure a higher status in the United Nations system than other
non-governmental bodies was a humiliation, and by the end of 1946
WFTU had failed to establish its own institutional raison dtre, by
providing services or organizing interventions with effect.73 The US participant in the WFTU, the Congress of Industrial Organizations, was
used by Truman to build support for the Truman Doctrine, and promoted
WFTU as the trade union participant in the distribution of Marshall
Aid, an issue which split the movement and was to lead to the secession
of the ICFTU in 1949. However, MacShane has argued that the confrontation within trade unions domestically and internationally was one
of the causes rather than a consequence of the Cold War since intra-left
hostility in the trade union movement was deep rooted.74
Divisions along Cold War lines within transnational civil society that
preceded, and potentially contributed towards, the collapse of USSoviet
relations were not confined to the international trade union movement.
The numerous Communist front and anti-Communist organizations of
133
the period preceding the Second World War were described in the preceding chapter. During the conflict, further new organizations exacerbated the development of an EastWest divide within transnational civil
society, such as the International Monarchist League created in 1943,
which claimed that its founders had seen what had happened in Central
Europe when the Hohenzollern and Habsburg monarchies had been
overthrown, leaving the vacuum to be filled by Nazism, and they feared
that the fall of the Romanian, Bulgarian, Yugoslav and Albanian thrones
would lead to the eastward expansion of the communist domination.75
At the end of the conflict, a considerable number of new Communist
front INGOs were created. The most significant womens and youth organizations to be founded in 1945, for instance, were the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY ) and the Womens International
Democratic Federation (WIDF), both of which became perceived to be
Communist front organizations, despite some non-Communist support
and their apparently relatively innocuous founding objectives, respectively: of close international understanding and cooperation amongst the
youth with respect for the diversity of ideas and national conditions
and coordination of the activity of millions of women who, during the
last war, got together to oppose with all their might fascism, the cause of
misery and war, to defend the liberty of their peoples.76 They were joined
the following year by a larger number of Soviet-leaning organizations,
including the International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL),
the International Organization of Journalists (IOJ), the International
Union of Students (IUS), the World Federation of Scientific Workers
(WFSW) and the World Federation of Teachers Associations (FISG).77
At the opposite end of the spectrum was the Liberal International,
which was established in 1947 with the objective of uniting not only
political Liberals, but freedom loving people of all nations so that a united
stand might be made against the enemies of democracy.78 Many of the
Communist front INGOs founded in the mid 1940s found themselves
confronted by the creation in the later 1940s of rival non-Communist
counterparts in their respective fields of activity. In 1946, for instance,
WFDY was confronted by the (re-)formation of the (pro-Western) International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY ); while in 1948 WFDY was
confronted by the creation of the World Assembly of Youth and the IOJ
was confronted by the formation of the International Federation of Free
Journalists (IFFJ). As Willetts has pointed out, the formation of rival
134
While Indian efforts towards pan-Asian regional organization had little effect, Pakistani efforts towards pan-Islamic organization were more
successful. The World Muslim Congress that had been founded in 1926
had practically gone into oblivion following the Jerusalem congress of
1931, but after the creation of Pakistan, it was reactivated and it started
functioning from its newly established permanent headquarters in Karachi.89 In East Jerusalem in 1952, the prime example of a transnational
Islamist political movement was formed by Shaykh Taqiuddin al-
Nabhani, who created Hizb ut-Tahrir with the aim of reinstating Islam
through a popular Islamic revolution which would install a Caliph.90
Split along EastWest and NorthSouth lines and with a growing
trend towards regionalization, international non-governmental organizations in the 1950s were less central to international politics than they
had been before the Second World War. Even the United Nations, as
Lador-Lederer observed, generally took account of the nuisance value
of NGOs rather than of their positive nature.91 Jeremi Suri has further
argued that there is little evidence that in the 1940s and 1950s INGOs
made much of a tangible difference to policy or everyday life.92
Despite their divisions, within the sectors in which INGOs operated
in the 1940s and 1950s there were several occasions upon which their
influence was considerable. This was commonly the case when there was
a significant intergovernmental political opportunity structure. One of
the outstanding examples of INGO influence in the 1940s was their contribution to the development of human rights norms, taking further the
commitment by states to human rights in the Charter of the United
Nations, which provided the political opportunity structure for INGO
human rights campaigners. Both the Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948 were in large part responses to INGO
pressure.93 Ren Cassin, the leader of numerous Paris-based INGOs and
principal architect of the Universal Declaration, noted the importance
in the drafting process for the UDHR of the encouragement and assistance of INGOs in refining the clauses of the Declaration, especially
womens INGOs, whose contribution was especially valuable when the
definitive provisions of the Declaration regarding marriage, the family
and children were being worked out.94 According to Korey, Cassin and
Eleanor Roosevelt also came to the conclusion that, rather than governments, it was the NGOs who would take on the challenge of transform
137
ing the words of the Declaration from a standard into reality.95 Beyond
their input into the UDHR, international womens NGOs were significant in promoting international agreement upon the principle of equal
pay for equal work embodied in the 1951 Equal Remuneration Convention and the broader 1958 Employment (Discrimination) Convention
of 1958.96
INGOs in the 1940s and 1950s were also an important aspect of what
has commonly been described as one of the most significant transformations of the postwar international scene97decolonization. Despite
their often short-lived existences, bodies such as the Asian Relations
Organization and the African and Asian peoples conferences have been
credited with an important role in the awakening of Asia and Africa.98
Furthermore, non-governmental networks were central to the dissemination of techniques for resisting colonial rule, with the independence
campaigns of Nkrumah, Kaunda and Nyerere modelled explicitly on
Gandhian lines.99
Although one impact of decolonization was to promote the fragmentation of transnational civil society along regional lines, another was to
promote its dispersal beyond its traditional principal loci in Europe and
the Americas. Whereas in 1938 the League of Nations recorded the existence of just five INGOs with headquarters in Asia and none with headquarters in Africa, by 1951 the Union of International Associations
recorded ten INGOs with headquarters in Asia (of which five had had
headquarters in Asia by 1938) and four INGOs with headquarters in
Africa, all of which had been founded after 1941.100
The period following the Second World War also saw the formation
of several of the most significant INGOs that operate in the present day.
This took place in the context of developments such as post-war economic recovery, relative political stability in comparison with the war
years, and further improvements in communications, such as commercial jet aeroplane travel from the 1950s. Many of the new INGOs to be
established in the late 1940s and 1950s took forward on a more permanent basis the work of pre-war organizations, with the International
Organization of Standardization created in 1946 building on the work
of the earlier International Federation of National Standardization Associations, and the World Medical Association and the International Hotel
and Restaurant Association formed in 1947 taking further the earlier
work of the International Professional Association of Doctors and the
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NorthSouth divisions of the period also formed the context for the emergence of a new generation of INGOs that aimed to challenge these divisions. The new INGOs of the 1940s and 1950s challenging the EastWest
and NorthSouth divisions that had emerged both in transnational civil
society and in world politics more generally laid the foundations for the
revitalization of transnational civil society in the subsequent three decades.
those men and women who are imprisoned because their ideas are unacceptable to their governments.120 As Buchanan has noted, for Benenson
1961 was not any old yearit was the anniversary of the emancipation
of the serfs in Russia and the outbreak of the American Civil War.121
Benensons underlying purpose, which he hoped those who are closely
connected with it will remember, but never publish, was to find a common base upon which the idealists of the world can co-operate, in particular to absorb the latent enthusiasm of great numbers of such idealists,
who have, since the eclipse of Socialism, become increasingly frustrated;
he also stated that it matters more to harness the enthusiasm of the helpers than to bring people out of prison Those whom the Amnesty
Appeal primarily aims to free are the men and women imprisoned by
cynicism, and doubt.122 This has been interpreted as indicating that
Amnesty International was launched to address the unmet demand for
activism among certain populations in the free world.123
Amnesty Internationals initial work concentrated on informationgathering and letter-writing in respect of political prisoners in the First,
Second and Third Worlds, and within three years 1,367 prisoners had
been adopted by its 360 groups, established in fourteen countries, with
329 prisoners released.124 Amnesty International was awarded UN consultative status in 1964 and made use of the procedures later established
by ECOSOC for reporting human rights abuses to the UN Human
Rights Commission.125 As Clark has argued, Amnesty International also
expanded its activities to include promotion of stronger, preventative
international norms concerning prisoner treatment, most notably in its
1970s campaign against torture, which contributed towards the UNs
1975 Declaration on the issue.126
With respect to the peace movement, the context of the possibility of
nuclear annihilation evident in the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis and the
escalation of the Vietnam War in the later 1960s was particularly significant in its development. At the time of the Cuban Missile Crisis, peace
activists in the United States are thought to have staged Americas lar
gest open-air demonstration for peace up to that time.127 In addition,
Lawrence Wittner has provided evidence that during the Cuban Missile
Crisis the US governments caution reflected its sensitivity to public
opinion, with Kennedy fearing demonstrations, peace groups marching
in the streets, perhaps a divisive public debate, and US diplomatic messagesparticularly the claim that sane people would not fight a nuclear
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warillustrated the centrality of the ideas popularized by nuclear disarmament groups.128 He further argues that in the 1960s, pressured by a
worldwide movement and wary of public opinion, the leaders of most
nations ultimately proved capable of making substantial changes in their
nuclear policies, such as the Partial Test Ban Treaty of 1963 and the
Non-Proliferation Treaty of 1968.129
Despite the apparent influence of the nuclear disarmament movement
in government responses to the Cuban Missile Crisis, in the aftermath
of that crisis the nuclear disarmament movement is generally thought to
have faded away.130 The Vietnam War, on the other hand, stimulated
new forms of peace activism, such as the teach-in pioneered at the
University of Michigan on 24 March 1965.131 Students played a central
role in the movement against the Vietnam War, forming a Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam in 1968.132 That year
witnessed an explosion of revolutionary student movements, believing
that they were taking part in a world-wide struggle against the existing
order in East and West, and in North and South.133 It is claimed that at
this time there emerged a set of new social movements encompassing
peace, feminist, environmentalist and many other forms of activism which
were thought to be a product of a shift to a postindustrial economy and
different from social movements of the industrial age, with a focus on
moral, identity and lifestyle concerns rather than economic redistribution, and a preference for non-institutional political channels and nonhierarchical forms of organization.134 While what exactly was new about
the new social movements has been much debated,135 and although, as
this book has described, peace, feminist, environmentalist and many other
forms of activism have extensive previous histories, there are undoubtedly some novel characteristics of INGOs formed from the 1960s onwards
in respect of issues such as the environment and feminism.
The establishment of the World Wide Fund for Nature in 1961 to
provide greater financial resources for the already existent but weak
worldwide conservation movement may be interpreted as an incremental development, but was significant in that it provided unprecedented
levels not only of funding to conservationist projects, totalling more than
$5 million in the organizations first decade, but also of public awareness
of conservation issues.136 Similarly important in transforming public
awareness of environmental issues was the publication of Rachel Carsons
Silent Spring in 1962, which, together with the effects of affluence, the
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age of atomic testing, a series of well publicized environmental disasters, advances in scientific knowledge, and the influence of other social
movements, has been credited with sparking an environmental revolution in 196270, during which a new environmentalism developed, which
was more activist and political than earlier forms of environmentalism,
and more concerned with a need for humanity to avoid environmental
catastrophe.137 The result was a new wave of environmentalist INGOs.
Friends of the Earth, established in 1969, broke from the established
conservation movement in having as its specific purpose the task of
waging political battles to protect the environment.138 Greenpeace, initially the Dont Make a Wave Committee that was established in the
same year as Friends of the Earth, broke from traditional environmentalism in its use of high-profile non-violent direct actions that use the
media as a weapon.139
In the 1970s, environmental INGOs played a significant role in pre
parations for the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment,
at which they were permitted to speak at certain sessions and ran parallel conferences and journals, reintroducing to United Nations conferences intergovernmental procedures and activist tactics previously used
at the Hague conferences and those of the League of Nations.140 The key
outcome of this conference, the establishment of the United Nations
Environment Programme in Nairobi, motivated the formation of a network of environmentalist INGOs: the Environment Liaison Center
International in Nairobi in 1974, the same year as the European Environmental Bureau was set up to lobby the EU. As McCormick has argued,
the post-Stockholm era saw renewed growth in the formation of new
NGOs with 2,320 environmental NGOs in less developed countries, of
which 60 per cent had been formed since Stockholm, and 13,000 in more
developed countries, of which 30 per cent had been formed since
Stockholm by 1982.141 More generally, the number of INGOs more than
quadrupled between 1972 and 1984, from 2,795 to 12,686.142
Womens INGOs evolved in the 1960s and 1970s in a similar fashion
to environmentalist INGOs. As with the environmentalist movement,
literature on the subject had a crucial impact, in this case the publication
of The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan in 1963, which has been creditedor blamedfor destroying, single-handedly and almost overnight,
the 1950s consensus that womens place was in the home and with having ignited the womens movement, launched a social revolution and
145
transformed the social fabric of the United States and countries around
the world.143 The events of 1968 are thought to have been similarly significant, promoting mobilization in a decentralized and antihierarchical
organizational form.144 As Moghadam has argued, the second wave feminism that developed in the United States and elsewhere in the 1960s
was initially nationally based and nationally oriented.145 The new international womens INGOs of the 1960s consisted primarily of womens
business and professional associations, such as the International Union
of Women Architects (1963), the International Association of Women
and Home Page Journalists (1964) and the International Federation of
Womens Travel Organizations.146 The following decade, however, saw
international womens mobilization transformed.
Established INGOs played an important part in this process, which,
having taken part in the development of the 1967 United Nations
Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women in
1967, persuaded the United Nations General Assembly in 1972 to declare
1975 International Womens Year, and in the following Decade for
Women over a third of womens INGOs were founded.147 The Mexico
conference in International Womens Year was important in provoking
the establishment of new womens INGOs that made it their priority to
mobilize women and co-ordinate local and national activities through
networking, such as the International Feminist Network and the International Womens Tribune Center set up in 1976, in contrast to earlier
womens INGOs that restricted networking to an elite of those women
active at the international level.148 New womens INGOs were also
dedicated to an increasingly broad range of issues, such as development,
domestic violence and the environment.149 With the Decade for Women
coinciding with the second Development Decade, the two events melded
into each other in the sense that a core dimension for grappling with
womens issues became the concern for incorporating women into development, and a result of womens INGO pressure was the endorsement
of remarkably strong feminist positions as UN policy for development.150 However, splits between Northern and Southern womens
INGOs were exacerbated over the development issue, and new womens
INGOs that aimed to tackle the development issue from a Southern perspective were established, such as the Association of African Women for
Research and Development in 1977 and Development Alternatives with
Women for a New Era in 1984.151 Organizations such as Women Living
146
Under Muslim Laws and the Sisterhood is Global Institute (SIGI), both
also formed in 1984, on the other hand, have bridged international divisions in their pursuit of womens rights in Muslim countries.152
The new forms of networking and more radical forms of activism of
the 1970s extended beyond the womens and environmentalist movements. In the case of humanitarian INGOs, a more radical form of mobilization is evident in the creation of Mdecins Sans Frontires in 1971
to ensure medical and surgical aid regardless of the location of the disaster by veterans of the 1968 rebellion who had joined the French Red
Cross and were horrified not only by the carnage [in Biafra] but also by
the Red Cross principle of neutrality, which ruled out any public condemnation.153 Iriye has argued that as a founder of the organization
wrote, [MSF] was frankly subversive; it would not always wait for,
or go through, government authorization before acting, and it would not
hesitate to publicize its activities or the plight of the people it assisted.154
The creation of Africare, also in 1971, which was conceived in Africa
in the Republic of Niger and which from the beginning was always
there to work with the people and not to superimpose a plan for them,
also marked a novel development in aid organizations, as did the creation of Appropriate Health Resources Technologies Action Group in
1976 to assist health workers in developing countries to gain access to
information.155 A further transformation was evident in the responses to
the famine in Africa in the mid 1980s, when the major Western-based
Muslim charitable organizations Islamic Relief Worldwide and Muslim
Aid were founded in the United Kingdom in 1984 and 1985 respectively.156 However, this is also the point at which humanitarian aid became
a cause clbre, prompting such ad hoc celebrity-driven coalitions as Live
Aid and USA for Africa, which succeeded in raising considerable sums,
but much of which was used by the Ethiopian government to drive out
suspect populations, what we now call ethnic cleansing, and to resettle
Ethiopians on state-run farms that employed forced labour.157
As well as witnessing the transformation of existing transnational social
movements, such as for aid and development, human rights, peace, womens rights and the environment, the period from the 1960s to the 1980s
also saw the emergence of INGOs representing new issues and sectors
of society. The beginning of this period saw the formation of the organization that claims to be the only independent and authoritative global
voice for consumers, Consumers International, which was established in
147
in the region by INGOs, such as religion, with the formation of organizations such as the Muslim World League in Makkah in 1962 and Vishva
Hindu Parishad in Mumbai in 1964. Further evidence of building on
previous trends is provided in the expansion of Latin American INGOs
in this period, with notable new Latin American INGOs including
Confederacin Latinoamericana de Cooperativas de Ahorro y Crdito
in 1970 and Servicio Paz y Justicia in 1974. The most remarkable growth
in South-headquartered INGOs took place among the African states
that became independent in the early 1960s, with significant new INGOs
including the Organization of African Trade Union Unity in 1973. A
further key development was the formation of South-centred networks,
such as the Third World Network established in Penang, Malaysia, in
1984 on account of a growing disillusionment and frustration about the
inadequacy of established international agencies (like the UN organisations) in effectively taking up Third World issues and the need to provide closer co-operation among NGOs in Third World countries that
have adopted alternative patterns of development that are based on the
fulfilment of self-determined basic needs.164 Groups such as the Third
World Network contrasted with earlier South-oriented INGOs such as
AAPSO, not only in their more decentralized nature, but also in their
comparative independence from governments. The organization which
helped to create the Third World Network, the Consumers Association
of Penang (a participant in IOCU), helped spawn a wide range of Southbased networks, such as the Pesticide Action Network (1982), the AsiaPacific Peoples Environmental Network (1983), and the World Rainforest
Movement (1986), reflecting the growing diversity of South-based
INGOs in the period.165 Also reflective of this growing diversity was the
establishment of organizations such as the Arab Organization for Human
Rights in 1983 and the Asian Womens Human Rights Council established three years later.
While decolonization was to have a significant impact on the geographical dispersal of INGOs, the growth of transnational corporations
(TNCs) in this period was to have a considerable impact on forms of
INGO mobilization. In 1973 the United Nations reported that In the
past quarter of a century the world has witnessed the dramatic development of the multinational corporation into a major phenomenon in international economic relations, the activities of which rival in terms of scope
and implications traditional economic exchanges among nations.166
149
Foreign
direct investment quadrupled between 1960 and 1975 and then
more than doubled by 1985, and in 1988 the United Nations described
TNCs as the most important actors in the world economy given that
the biggest TNCs have sales which exceed the aggregate output of most
countries.167 It is in the context of a growing European challenge to the
post-war preponderance of US-based TNCs in the early 1970s that the
World Economic Forum developed following a meeting of European
business leaders in January 1971, to discuss a coherent strategy for European business to face challenges in the international marketplace.168
There also developed in the 1970s significant new INGOs to facilitate
international business transactions, such as the Society for Worldwide
Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT), a cooperative to facilitate international bank transfers set up in 1973 with support from 239
banks from 15 countries.169
The rise of the TNC as a significant economic and political actor in
world politics provided a new target for social change INGOs, alongside
the traditional target of governmental and intergovernmental actors.
During the 1970s a growing number of national NGOs were formed
aimed at promoting corporate social responsibility by corporations based
in their countries, such as the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (ICCR) created by US churches in 1973. Organizations dedicated to monitoring TNCs were also set up, such as the Transnational
Information Exchange established in 1977. In terms of transnational
activism, a pioneering case of mobilization against a TNC is provided
by the campaign that developed in the 1970s in respect of Nestls marketing of breast milk substitutes in developing countries, highlighted in
War on Wants 1974 pamphlet The Baby Killer. When published in
German as Nestl ttet Babys by Swiss NGO Arbeitsgruppe Dritte Welt
(AgDW), Nestl sued the group for libel, which attracted significant
media coverage and stimulated the formation in 1976 of a transnational
network to gather information on TNC promotion of baby milk.170 The
following year the Infant Formula Action Committee (INFACT) was
created in the United States to boycott Nestl until it ceased promotion
of infant formulas, a campaign which spread to Canada, New Zealand
and Australia in 1978, the United Kingdom in 1980, Sweden and West
Germany in 1981, and France in 1982.171 Following the WHO/UNICEF
meeting that was convened to discuss the issue in 1979, War on Want,
AgDW, INFACT, ICCR, Oxfam and IOCU formed the International
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umented abuses and protested against repression, and international pressures helped protect domestic monitors and open spaces for their protest.180
The activities of the Argentine Mothers and Grandmothers of the Plaza
de Mayo inspired relatives of disappeared elsewhere in Latin America,
leading to the formation in 1981 of the Latin American Federation of
Associations for Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared (FEDEFAM),
which lobbied for an international convention on disappearances, and
which in turn inspired the creation of similar associations in other continents, such as the Asian Federation against Involuntary Disappearance
and the African Network against Forced Disappearances.181
By far the boldest claims with respect to the impact of transnational
non-governmental networking in the period from the 1970s onwards
relate to the processes which ultimately brought about the end of the
Cold War. In the context of the breakdown of dtente in the late 1970s
and early 1980s, a second generation of INGOs in the nuclear disarmament movement was formed, which brought together peace activists from
both sides of the Iron Curtain. One of the most important initiatives was
launched by US and Soviet physicians, who took advantage of an important opportunity: the ill health of the Soviet Unions ageing leaders,
who approved the sending of a Soviet delegation of physicians to the
1980 conference in Geneva at which International Physicians for Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW) was founded.182 In the same year, an
Appeal for European Nuclear Disarmament (END) was launched in
Great Britain calling for a Europe free of nuclear weapons and a transnational movement to promote this, loyal not to East or West, but
to each other.183 The signing of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces
(INF) Treaty seven years later was attributed by Gorbachev to powerful
anti-nuclear initiatives such as IPPNW, without which it is unlikely that
this Treaty would have come about.184 END was to be yet more influential on account of its forging of citizen-to-citizen links across the East
West divide, which even opponents of the peace movement conceded
were significant.185
It may be argued that while peace activism played a role in bringing
the Cold War to an end from the top down on account of its influence
on intergovernmental agreements such as the INF Treaty, the work of
END and human rights groups played a role in bringing the Cold War
to an end from the bottom up, by assisting the citizen mobilization against
the Communist regimes in central and eastern Europe that culminated
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in the revolutions of 1989. The 1975 Helsinki Final Act sparked the formation of a transnational Helsinki network including groups on both
sides of the Cold War divide for the monitoring of its human rights provisions, such as the Moscow Helsinki Group and the US-based Helsinki
Watch (now Human Rights Watch).186 On the day that the former disbanded, the latter formed an International Helsinki Federation for
Human Rights (IHR) to defend the rights of beleaguered Helsinki
groups in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, encourage the formation of Helsinki groups in West European countries where none existed,
and establish a coordinating office in Vienna.187 Following the revolutions of 1989, Vclav Havel told Helsinki Watch, I know very well what
you did for us, and perhaps without you, our revolution would not be.188
In the period from the 1960s until the 1980s, INGOs had been influential in transforming national policy (such as in helping provoke the
creation of overseas development ministries), intergovernmental policy
(for instance, in campaigning for intergovernmental agreements against
torture), corporate behaviour (such as in the case of Nestls marketing
of breast milk substitutes) and in developments as varied as the creation
of the internet and the end of the Cold War. INGO numbers had
increased more than tenfold during these three decades, from less
than 1,300 in 1960 to more than 14,000 in 1989.189 This expansion
included INGOs representing new social movements and South-based
institutions such as the Third World Network. INGOs dealt with a
wider range of issue-areas and had become more geographically dispersed, and there had developed less hierarchical, networked forms of
cross-border mobilization.
The revitalization of transnational civil society from the 1960s onwards
had taken place in the context of the geopolitical divisions on EastWest
and NorthSouth lines. The issues surrounding these divisions, such as
the nuclear arms race and economic inequalities, were the focus for many
of the new INGOs of this period. Also important were scientific discoveries, particularly those concerning the natural environment, which transformed transnational action in this field from the 1960s. The emergence
of new social movements and their transnational organizations took
place in the context of cultural, social and economic changes, including
the development of youth culture, post-material values and the postindustrial economy. Other economic transformations were also significant, with the growing economic and political role of transnational
153
154
the conference was provision for strengthening the role of major groups
including INGOs as part of the sustainable development agenda.197 Discussion of womens human rights at the Vienna World Conference on
Human Rights the following year and their inclusion as a key component of the Declaration arising from the conference reflected the impact
of the Global Campaign for Womens Human Rights and the Global
Tribunal on Violations of Womens Human Rights that it organized.198
Consisting of multiple organizations and networks, the Global
Campaign for Womens Human Rights is an example of a global coalition, a form of mobilization that became increasingly prevalent in the
1990s.199 Amongst the most broad-based to develop was CIVICUS:
World Alliance for Citizen Participation which emerged in 19913 on
the initiative of a range of civil society leaders from North and South
America, Europe, Africa, Asia and the Middle East who aimed to form
a global alliance of individuals and organisations which might strengthen
civil society institutions, advocate for the cause of civil society among the
worlds decision-makers and stimulate dialogue among civil society
organisations and across the nonprofit, business and public sectors.200
Like the Union of International Associations founded eighty years before,
its principal achievements have included the publishing of data on global
civil society. It achieved a membership of 400 non-governmental organizations by 1997.201
That year a similar-sized global coalitionthe International Campaign
to Ban Landminesand its organizer Jody Williams were awarded the
Nobel Peace Prize for their work for the banning and clearing of antipersonnel mines.202 The Campaigns extensive role in the negotiations
leading up to the 1997 Ottawa Landmines Convention was described by
the Canadian Foreign Minister as a new type of diplomacy suited to a
new era.203 The following year saw a similar role played by the Coalition
for an International Criminal Court in the proceedings leading up to the
Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.204 In both cases, the
achievements of the coalitions reflected the new opportunities provided
by the post-Cold War context and the coalitions working relationship
with intergovernmental bodies and responsive states, as well as the coalitions well-coordinated and broad-based mobilization.205
Amongst the most frequent targets of transnational coalitions in the
1990s were the international financial institutions: the World Bank and
the International Monetary Fund. The transnational coalition that formed
155
in opposition to the World Bank-funded Narmada Dam played an important part in encouraging the World Bank not only to launch its first independent review into a project funded by it under implementation, but
also to set up in 1993 an inspection panel to provide an independent
forum to private citizens who believe that they or their interests have
been or could be directly harmed by a project financed by the World
Bank.206 In the same year, Transparency International was established
on the initiative of Peter Eigen, who had previously endeavoured with
little success to pursue an anti-corruption agenda within the World Bank,
as an INGO dedicated to combating international corruption.207
New international agreements and intergovernmental organizations
that reflected the ascendance of the liberal capitalist world order in this
periodsuch as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA,
1994) and the World Trade Organization (WTO, 1995)provided the
context for the development of what is now commonly referred to as the
global justice movement.208 A key turning point is often viewed to have
been the Zapatista uprising in Mexico, timed to coincide with the launch
of NAFTA in January 1994. This indigenous peoples movement rapidly
developed a solidarity network beyond the borders of Mexico through
pioneering use of the internet. It also convened in 1996 an Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and against Neoliberalism, which
attracted more than 3,000 people from many countries and was to form
the model for the later World Social Forums.209 The following year, a
broad network of non-governmental bodies mobilizing through the internet played an important part in delegitimizing OECD negotiations for
the Multilateral Agreement on Investment, which collapsed in 1998.210
This set the context for the so-called Battle of Seattle during the 1999
WTO ministerial meeting in that city. Between 14,000 and 30,000 activists demonstrated in Seattle on a wide range of issues including environmentalism, human rights and labour rights, the bringing together of
which is a key feature of the global justice movement.211
Transnational corporations were as commonly the targets of transnational campaigns in the 1990s as governments and intergovernmental
organizations. By this time a wide range of strategies had evolved for
attempting to bring about corporate change. These included both confrontational methods such as boycotts and shareholder activism (both
notably used against Shell in the mid 1990s) and more cooperative
methods such as codes of conduct, for example the Coalition for Envi156
icy for and direct the allocation of number blocks to regional number
registries for the assignment of Internet addresses.218 The US government paper from which ICANN originated provided the rationale for
its creation: As the Internet becomes commercial, it becomes inappropriate for U.S. research agencies to participate in and fund these functions We propose the creation of a private, not-for-profit corporation
(the new corporation) to manage the coordinated functions in a stable
and open institutional framework.219
The growth rate of INGO formation in the 1990s varied considerably
between different regions of the world. For example, the rate of formation of new INGOs in Asia was approximately one third higher than
that in western Europe, a contrast which may be attributed in part to the
differences in the rates of population growth and political and economic
development in these regions, as well as the different starting points in
respect of pre-existing numbers of INGOs.220 Organizational forms
which had previously been under-represented in Asia expanded in number: with respect to the promotion of human rights in the region, for
instance, in 1994 the Asia Pacific Human Rights Information Centre
was set up in Osaka and the Asia Pacific Human Rights NGOs Facilitating Team in Bangkok, and four years later the Asia Pacific Human
Rights Network in New Delhi. In 1997 the Asian Network for Free Elections was established, claiming to be Asias first regional network of civil
society organizations and aiming to promote and support democratization at national and regional levels in Asia.221 Following the collapse of
the Soviet bloc, the expansion in the number of INGOs founded in eastern Europe in the 1990s was even faster (at a rate approximately eight
times greater than that in western Europe), with new formations including the Network of EastWest Women in Croatia in 1991 and the Environmental Partnership for Sustainable Development established in the
same year in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland. Although the expansion of INGOs in Africa was at a similar rate to that in western Europe
in the 1990s, this region also witnessed the formation of significant new
INGOs in this period, such as the African Business Roundtable (1990),
the African Refugees Foundation (1993), Africa Humanitarian Action
(1994), the Africa Infrastructure Foundation (1994) and the African
Women Empowerment Guild (1995). Among Arabic-speaking countries notable new INGOs included the Arab NGO Network for Environment and Development (1990) and the Arab NGO Network for
Development (1996).222
158
The prospect of a new millennium was perceived by many transnational civil society actors to be a significant opportunity to extend their
efforts. Motivated by the belief that the Biblical tradition calls for a Jubilee year, when slaves are set free and debts cancelled, the first Jubilee
2000 campaign was formally launched in 1996 by a coalition of UKbased Christian and development INGOs.223 By the year 2000 there were
sixty-nine associated coalitions around the world, and the signatures of
24 million people in more than sixty countries had been acquired for a
petition demanding the cancellation of unaffordable debts of poor countries.224 It is claimed that the Jubilee 2000 movement achieved levels of
debt cancellation far beyond what its supporters initially thought possible and moved donors to more than double the amount of debt relief on
offer through the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative of the international financial institutions.225
In the first year of the new millennium, an even bolder transnational
civil society project was launched: the World Social Forum (WSF). The
progenitor of this initiative was a Brazilian entrepreneur, Oded Grajew,
who had played an important role in promoting corporate social responsibility and wider dialogue between business and civil society in Brazil
through organizations such as the Ethos Institute for Business and Social
Responsibility. At the time of the World Economic Forum in 2000,
Grajew put forward the idea for an alternative forum to show to people
that another globalization is possible. Another world is possible when
you make the first step the social, not the economic.226 The support of a
range of Brazilian and international NGOs was secured (including the
Landless Workers Movement, the Brazilian Business Association for
Citizenship and ATTAC), as was the financial assistance of the Ford
Foundation and the Workers Party-controlled Brazilian regional authorities, enabling the first World Social Forum to take place in January 2001,
which brought together 5,000 civil society representatives from 117 countries in addition to thousands of activists from Brazil.227 The organizers
decided that the Forum should continue as an open meeting place for
reflective thinking, democratic debate of ideas, formulation of proposals,
free exchange of experiences and interlinking for effective action, by
groups and movements of civil society that are opposed to neoliberalism
and to domination of the world by capital and any form of imperialism,
and are committed to building a planetary society directed towards fruitful relationships among Humankind and between it and the Earth.228
159
lar lifestyle.240 It is commonly argued that these attempts to practice politics in horizontal network-based ways are meant to be more
participatory and democratic than conventional structures.241 However,
as David Chandler has argued, the rejection of mass politics that is
characteristic of these forms of mobilization may instead reflect the ascendance of a new breed of post-modern activist [who] is more concerned
to act as a moral individual than to engage in collective political action.242
As well as being characterized by diminished reliance upon mass membership politics, transnational civil society in the decade following the
end of the Cold War also featured a growing homogenization of activities. The dataset on transnational social movement organizations
(TSMOs) produced by Smith and Wiest indicates that the proportion
of TSMOs with a multi-issue focus following 1988 was approximately
double that in the period before 1976.243 Many INGOs that had previously developed a strong reputation in particular fields broadened the
scope of their activities far beyond their initial areas of concern in the
1990s. In the case of aid and development INGOs, a noted trend was a
growing concern for international advocacy among those that had previously primarily focused on service delivery. The various national Oxfams,
for instance, united in 1995 to form an international advocacy office in
Washington, DC.244 Oxfam International, which was founded in the
same year, concerned itself not only with issues with which the Oxfams
had traditionally been associated such as emergency relief and aid
distribution, but also issues as varied as peace and security, indigenous
peoples rights and climate change.245 From the opposite direction, organizations initially primarily concerned with civil and political human
rights increasingly turned their attention to issues such as poverty and
armed conflict, with for instance Amnesty International becoming
increasingly involved in these issues under the direction of Pierre San.246
The blurring of agendas became most apparent in the development of
coalitions with the aim of resisting economic neo-liberalism: a Friends
of the Earth spokesperson was quoted in 2002 stating that For the past
10 years we have been locating ourselves more in the bigger economic
debate By the time that we got to Seattle we are all campaigning on
the same basic trend.247
However, far from undermining neo-liberal globalization, much of
transnational civil society became co-opted by it.248 In the post-Cold War
era, businesses became increasingly adept at forming INGOs of their
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own to campaign on the major issues of the era. In 1995, for instance,
the World Business Council for Sustainable Development was created,
which has the aim of promoting business leadership as a catalyst for sustainable development and to support the business license to operate,
innovate and grow in a world increasingly shaped by sustainable development issues.249 As for INGOs of independent origin, these increasingly cooperated with businesses in multi-stakeholder initiatives such as
the Ethical Trading Initiative (1998), the Fair Labor Association (1998),
the Global Reporting Initiative (1997) and Social Accountability International (1997). The effect of the homogenization of INGOs activities
and their co-optation by business has been a diminishing of genuine
alternatives at the global level.250
At the regional level, on the other hand, divisions within transnational
civil society became increasingly apparent in the 1990s. Divisions in
transnational civil society along EastWest lines that had emerged during the Cold War continued into the post-Cold War era, even as intergovernmental relations improved: in respect of the international trade
union movement, for instance, the division between the World Federation of Trade Unions and the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions was to continue to the present day.251 As for the NorthSouth
divide, Jackie Smith has noted that whereas before the mid 1980s, most
transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) organized across
the NorthSouth divide since the mid 1980s data show that more
TSMOs are organized exclusively within either the global North or
South.252 Whereas 72 per cent of TSMOs formed before 1990 were
transregional, this was the case in respect of only 47 per cent of those
formed after 1989.253 According to Smith this reflects the seizing of new
regional opportunity structures provided by institutions such as the European Union, but she acknowledges that polarization may explain
some of this shift towards regional organizing.254
Regional polarization of transnational civil society in the decade following the end of the Cold War was exacerbated by many of the activities of those aiming to work across the NorthSouth divide. While a
convergence of environmentalist and development agendas is suggested
by the ascent of sustainable development discourse in the post-Cold War
era, a number of campaigns with this agenda in mind have been vulnerable to the critique that the environmental dimension has been promoted
at the expense of the alleviation of poverty. This has commonly been
163
to have had limited impact. This was especially evident in respect of the
Beijing Platform for Action agreed at the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women, in which it was widely thought that the role of NGOs
was highlighted, perhaps more strongly than ever before and which was
believed at the time to have established clearly that women are a global
force for the twenty-first century.275 A decade later, the United Nations
official responsible for supporting the negotiations argued that it seems
that we were wrong The ten-year review was barely able to adopt an
anodyne one-page declaration that said that the Platform was still valid.276
Many of the campaigns that appeared to have been successful in the
1990s were to face insurmountable obstacles in the following decade.
The International Campaign to Ban Landmines, for instance, proved
unable to convince the leading non-signatories to the Ottawa Landmines
ConventionChina, Russia and the United Statesto adjust their position. In some cases, INGOs activities may have impeded progress. Negotiations taking forward the climate change arrangements agreed at the
1992 Rio Earth Summit, for example, made greater progress at the 2010
Cancun talks, at which INGOs were comparatively marginalized, than
at the 2009 Copenhagen summit, at which non-governmental lobbying
efforts were greatly more extensive, and following which the Director of
the German NGO Forum on Environment and Development, Juergen
Maier, challenged NGOs to take a self-critical look at themselves and
ask to what extent they actually contributed to the poor result of the climate negotiations.277
The large collaborative projects of international non-governmental
actors that had become a key feature of transnational civil society by the
turn of the millennium commonly failed to meet the expectations that
they had raised. In the case of the most ambitious initiative, the World
Social Forum, the first few years of its existence witnessed remarkable
growth: regional social forums were established in Europe and Africa in
2002 and in Asia in 2003, and participation in the global event peaked
at 155,000 in 2005, a year in which large-scale global civil society events
of all types also reached a peak.278 However, despite their events being
held in three locations around the world in 2006, participation in the
WSF declined that year by nearly a quarter.279 It was to fall again when
held in Nairobi the following year, by which time accusations of having
descended into just another NGO fair had become prevalent.280 According to Karen Worth and Owen Buckley, the WSF had become a funfair
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for the expression of ideas from academics and NGO/government workers, which has led to a form of elitism that the WSF attempted to avoid
at its inception.281 The WSFs claim that another world is possible has
looked increasingly hollow.
New transnational coalitions of NGOs formed in the first decade of
the twenty-first century commonly found that they were unable to build
on the apparent achievements of earlier coalitions. A notable example is
the Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP) formed in 2004,
which with more than 100 national coalitions and over 300 supporting
organizations from six continents claims to be the worlds largest civil
society movement calling for an end to poverty and inequality.282 While
its aims echo those of the earlier Jubilee 2000 campaign, GCAP has to
date failed to emulate its achievements. Although GCAP appeared to
play an important role in persuading G8 leaders in 2005 to double Official Development Assistance, Willetts has argued that governments in
practice did not deliver on this promise.283
As for loose, horizontal transnational networks of activists, even highly
extensive examples of these often failed to wield the influence they desired
in the years following the attacks of 11 September 2001. Amongst the
most notable cases were the mobilizations in opposition to the US-led
intervention in Iraq in 2003. On a day of transnationally coordinated
action, 15 February 2003, 16 million people around the world are estimated to have protested against the intervention.284 Hailed by some
authors as a peaceful superpower, the movement could do nothing to
prevent the invasion that took place the next month.285 In the reconstruction activities following the US-led invasions of Afghanistan in 2001
and Iraq in 2003, many aid organizations found that they could not effectively carry out humanitarian work and had to leave, their activities paralleled by those of US governmental initiatives.286
The resilience of the state in the twenty-first century is an often-noted
phenomenon.287 While there are many aspects to this resilience, several
of the most notable apply to the states relationship with INGOs and
transnational civil society. In some respects, governments ability to
exclude non-state actors from decision-making may have been enhanced
in the twenty-first century. At the international level, for instance, the
new millennium saw previous consultative mechanisms of intergovernmental organizations dissolved, such as the NGOWorld Bank Committee, which was replaced by a World BankCivil Society Forum; this
167
Forum has been accused of pitting northern and southern NGOs against
one another and having greatly reduced the influence of international
NGOs.288 At the national level, governments may also have enhanced
their ability to limit the activities of transnational civil society actors,
such as through legislation requiring compulsory registration of NGOs.289
It may further be argued that governments have increased their capa
city to manipulate INGOs. Amongst the best-known mechanisms is
making INGOs dependent on governments for funding: between 2008
and 2009 alone government funding of humanitarian NGOs is estimated
to have increased by 10 per cent.290 A more direct means of manipulation has been through initiation of GONGOs (government-organized
non-governmental organizations), recent examples of which may include
the International Council for Democratic Institutions and State Sovereignty (apparently a Russian government front organization)291 and Hugo
Chavezs Bolivarian Circles.292
States resilience in the twenty-first century has been commonly underpinned by reinvigorated nationalism. Echoing the situation 100 years
before, it has been argued that in the early twenty-first century ethnic
nationalism appears to be the worlds most ubiquitous, intractable and
devastating socio-political force.293 While much of the evidence for transnational civil society may be impressive, the scale of nationalist sentiment may be even greater. A comparison between two of the worlds
largest petitions is indicative: whereas that of the internationalist Jubilee 2000 coalition acquired 24 million adherents in 166 countries, a petition circulated in China five years later opposing Japanese permanent
membership of the United Nations Security Council appears to have
received the support of 41 million people in forty-one countries.294
The limitations of transnational civil society in the first decade of the
new millennium are explained by a range of factors, including dynamics
both external and internal to transnational civil society. As has been outlined in the foregoing paragraphs the geopolitical divisions of the twentyfirst century along regional and religious lines formed the context within
which transnational civil society also became increasingly regionally
divided. The economic downturn towards the end of the decade has further been shown to have constrained the resources of transnational civil
society actors. More generally, the broad context of globalization, which
in the late twentieth century was facilitative of the flourishing of transnational civil society, at the same time facilitated the development of
168
transnational non-state actors that use far from civil methods, such as
global terrorist networks, as well as xenophobic nationalist movements
which may prey on those struggling to compete in the globalized world
economy.295 Even the information technologies which have in some
respects facilitated transnational civil society mobilization have also
proven effective as instruments of governmental monitoring and suppression of civil society activities.296
Transnational civil society itself may have contributed towards the processes which limited its operation in the early twenty-first century. The
development of fundamentalist and nationalist groups that challenge the
values of transnational civil society, for instance, may in part be a reaction to a perceived threat to local cultures of the supposedly global concerns of transnational civil society actors, which all too commonly have
been susceptible to portrayal as virtually a fifth column for Western interests.297 Acceptance of governmental funding by INGOs can enhance
such perceptions, which are compounded by the susceptibility of many
INGOs to accusations of being unelected and accountable only to their
funders.298 One of the most prominent trends of the twenty-first century has been the apparent co-optation of transnational civil society actors
by corporate and governmental agents of neo-liberal globalization, not
only through funding but also through integration in multi-stakeholder
corporate social responsibility schemes. This may have contributed to the
appeal of fundamentalist and nationalist alternatives.
Despite the setbacks of the first decade of the twenty-first century,
transnational civil society actors were not without achievements in this
period. For instance, although there was waning governmental interest
in United Nations global conferences following the mega conferences
of the 1990s,299 non-governmental access may have increased, such as at
the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg
at which civil society representatives were consulted at multiple stages
of negotiations.300 In addition, although the number of new transnational coalitions of INGOs declined, some of those that were established
were not without impact, such as the Cluster Munition Coalition established in 2003 which is credited with playing a role in securing the 2008
Convention on Cluster Munitions.301 In respect of humanitarian relief,
it is thought that, in response to the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami of 2004, INGOs broke new ground in terms of the extent of their
contribution.302
169
Although the Cold War division of the international trade union movement between the World Federation of Trade Unions and the free trade
unions continued into the twenty-first century, other divisions in the
international trade union movement were reconciled, with the Christian trade unions in the World Confederation of Labour joining with
ICFTU in 2006 to form the International Trade Union Confederation
(ITUC). Another notable development in the early twenty-first century
was the proliferation of solidarity economy networks that endeavoured
to show how genuine alternatives to neo-liberal economic globalization
were viable, such as the Intercontinental Network for the Promotion of
the Social Solidarity Economy (RIPESS).303 Other novel INGOs took
further the exploitation of new technologies to advance social causes,
notably Avaaz, which operates only through the Internet, mobilizing
more than 2 million supporters in online petitions on multiple issues,
and which is said to have had an astonishing impact at the 2007 Bali
climate change summit, when the Canadian governments delegation
credited Avaaz with motivating the delegations change of position.304
Considerable efforts were also made by existing INGOs to address
criticisms of their accountability and legitimacy. The first decade of the
twenty-first century saw the establishment of new coalitions directly
addressing the issue of INGO accountability, such as the Humanitarian
Accountability Project. In 2006, the International NGOs Accountability Charter was launched, aiming to be the authoritative voice and standard code of practice for all INGOs.305 Other coalitions made efforts
towards diversifying their membership beyond their rich-country origins: Publish What You Pay, for example, expanded from a coalition of
six OECD-based groups in 2002 to a global campaign of 600 groups by
2011, four-fifths of which were based in developing countries.306 In the
reverse direction, some INGOs previously based in developing countries
set up fund-raising offices in developed countries: for instance, the
Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), which claims to
be the largest development organisation in the world employing more
than 60,000 people opened resource mobilisation organisations in Great
Britain and the United States in 2006.307
The bridging of geographical divides by the transformed structures of
organizations such as BRAC and Publish What You Pay was paralleled
by efforts towards bridging cultural divides by other elements of transnational civil society. While peace activism such as that in opposition to
170
the Iraq invasion of 2003 may have failed to prevent the intervention, it
has been credited with helping to challenge perceptions of a so-called
clash of civilizations at the popular level.308 Possibly the largest petition
ever to have been gathered apparently obtained in 2008 the support of
more than 60 million Pakistanis in opposition to terrorism.309 There were
also numerous new initiatives in the early twenty-first century aimed
specifically at the promotion of intercultural dialogue and understanding, such as the Anna Lindh Foundation established in 2005 and claiming to run the largest and most diverse Network of civil society
organizations involved in the promotion of intercultural dialogue across
the Mediterranean, and the Global Movements of Moderates launched
in Malaysia in 2012 as a loose confederation of like-minded individuals, organisations, state-actors, non-state actors and intelligentsia committed to promoting an enduring and just peace by beseeching the need
for critical engagement that corresponds to the universal principles of
justice, excellence and equilibrium.310
In regions of the world that at the time remained dominated by illiberal forms of government, there were signs of opening up and development of civil society space at the onset of the twenty-first century. In
China, for instance, a 700 per cent increase in social unrest instances was
noted in the decade to 2004, as was growth in registered and unregistered NGOs.311 In 2007, the worlds largest ever text message campaign
is credited with resulting in the suspension of plans for the building of
a chemical plant in Xiamen.312 Among Arab countries, numerous Arab
reform initiatives were launched in the first decade of the twenty-first
century, with 2004 alone witnessing the Arab NGOs Beirut Summit,
the Doha Declaration of Democracy and Reform, the Alexandria Charter and the Sanaa Declaration.313 Initiatives for the promotion of human
rights in Arab states also multiplied, including the Arab Centre for International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Education (2000) and
the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (2003). More significantly, protest movements such as Kifaya in Egypt have been associated with a new emphasis on political ethics and social civility to
replace preoccupations with political Islam of the 1990s.314
The Arab Spring of 2011, for which movements such as Kifaya provided part of the context, featured significant transnational dimensions.
In addition to regional dynamics such as the demonstration effects of
developments in Tunisia upon other Arab countries, there were signifi
171
continue to limit the prospects for transnational civil society: while new
liberal actors may have been critical to the protests that facilitated the
removal of authoritarian leaders in the Arab Spring, it is religious movements including and inspired by the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood that
have tended to benefit electorally.324 As yet, transnational civil society has
not transformed into a truly global civil society.
173
CONCLUSION
Transnational civil society and international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), far from being new forces in international politics
as is all too commonly assumed in existing work,1 have been shown in
this volume to have an extensive history, dating to the eighteenth century and even earlier. This volume has further revealed the considerable
significance of these phenomena in the major transformations of world
politics in the last two centuries. From specific developments such as the
French and American Revolutions, the formation of the League of
Nations and United Nations, decolonization and the ending of the Cold
War, to wider phenomena such as democratization and the reduced conceivability of direct great power war, the contemporary history of international relations is incomplete without taking into account the role of
transnational civil society actors.
The scale of transnational civil society activities in the past has commonly exceeded that of such activities in the present, especially if participation as a proportion of the worlds population is taken into account.
If one compares, for example, transnational mobilization for disarmament in the early 1930s with global justice mobilization in the postCold War era, a greater proportion of the worlds population signed the
1930s womens disarmament petition than the Jubilee 2000 petition, and
a greater proportion of the worlds population took part in the International Consultative Group than the Global Call to Action against Poverty.2 Transnational civil society may also be more divided in the present
day than in earlier phases: whereas before the Second World War the
majority of INGOs claimed to be universal, the splits which developed
in the Cold War era have in many cases continued in the post-Cold War
era. This is the case with the international trade union movement, which
175
remains divided between the World Federation of Trade Unions and the
International Trade Union Confederation. Furthermore, apparent
achievements of transnational civil society in the post-Cold War era,
such as the Ottawa landmines convention, limited debt reduction agreements and the collapse of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment,
appear small indeed when compared with earlier developments to which
transnational civil society contributed, such as the abolition of the slave
trade and womens enfranchisement in many countries.
As this volume has also revealed, accounts of the origins of the two
World Wars and the Cold War, and perceptions of a supposed clash of
civilizations, are also incomplete without reference to transnational civil
society actors. So, while it has been common to believe that the evolution of transnational civil society has taken place in a linear pattern, this
volume has suggested an alternative, cyclical account. Peaks of transnational civil society activism were reached in the first decade of the twentieth century, the early 1930s and the late 1990s. In each of these periods,
INGOs formed large coalitions around major issues, and made claims
with respect to their apparently unprecedented significance. In all
three cases, such assertions were followed by periods of contraction and
fragmentation.
Just as globalization and fragmentation in general terms have tended
to exist in a dialectical relationship,3 so too have liberal transnational civil
society actors and illiberal forms of mobilization, whether internationalism and nationalism before the First World War, or global justice activism and religious intolerance in the contemporary era. In its exploration
of each of the three major peaks and troughs of transnational civil society activism, this volume has shown the importance of technological
changes, environmental factors, economic developments, social changes
and external political circumstances, as well as of transnational civil society itself in explaining the evolution. In the case of all these factors, there
is an important distinction to be made between short-term and longterm impacts. In some cases, such as the World Wars, factors that in the
short term have been inhibitive of transnational civil society activities
have in the long term facilitated reconstruction. On the other hand, in
the case of many other factors, while in the short term the impact upon
transnational civil society may have been facilitative, in the long term the
factor has also served to undermine the phenomenon.
176
CONCLUSION
CONCLUSION
ugal impacts on transnational civil society. In the post-war era, decolonization similarly facilitated not only expansion of the geographical reach
and issue-area scope of transnational civil society actors, but also their
division on NorthSouth and regional lines. Political opportunity structures, such as the worlds fairs, the creation of the League of Nations and
the convening of United Nations global summits, provided foci for
expanding transnational civil society activities in the late nineteenth century, 1920s and 1990s respectively. In the long term, however, there was
a detrimental impact when these opportunity structures were withdrawn,
as worlds fairs and United Nations global conferences fell out of favour
and as the League of Nations withdrew from cooperation with INGOs.
Amongst the factors that should not be overlooked in explaining both
the ascent and decline of transnational civil society are dynamics within
transnational civil society itself. In the expansion of transnational civil
society, processes of diffusion have been critical, for instance the emulation of precedents in organizational structure set by INGOs such as the
World Alliance of Young Mens Christian Associations and the International Statistical Institute in the nineteenth century, and the diffusion of
civil society ideas and non-violent resistance tactics between the Western and Eastern blocs in the years culminating in the revolutions of 1989.
Also important has been individual leadership, notable examples including Henri Dunant in the nineteenth century and Peter Benenson in the
twentieth. In phases of decline, exhaustion (such as demobilization following the success of anti-slavery activism in the nineteenth century)
and factionalization (such as the divisions which took place in the 1930s
and 2000s) have both been important. Also playing a part in phases of
decline has been support in transnational civil society for factors contributing to fragmentation in world politics, such as nationalism in the
late nineteenth century, disarmament in the 1930s and substitution for
the welfare roles of fragile states in the post-Cold War era. Developments that in the short term may have been indicative of transnational
civil society successes, such as widespread diffusion of nationalist ideas
in the nineteenth century, slow rearmament in liberal states in the 1930s
and diminished governmental authority in fragile states in the 1990s,
may in the long term have acted centrifugally upon transnational civil
society when exploited by illiberal actors.
Cyclicality in the dynamics internal to the evolution of transnational
civil society is evident in multiple aspects. In phases of expansion of trans180
CONCLUSION
national civil society, a key rationale for the formation of new INGOs
has been to fill an apparent void left following the demise of earlier
groups: this has been observed particularly prominently in the origins of
Amnesty International. In the reverse direction, a consistent theme in
this volume has been the development of over-ambitious goals among
the leadership of some transnational civil society actors just as circumstances have turned against them. In each of the three waves of transnational civil society examined in this volume the demise of transnational
civil society was immediately preceded by the creation of large transnational coalitions of INGOs claiming to speak for the most representative forces of the different countries (in the period before the First World
War), the public opinion of the world (in the period preceding the Second World War) or global civil society (in the period preceding the 11
September 2001 attacks). Such claims revealed detachment from the
developing divisions in transnational civil society and the worlds population more generally in each of these phases, which were ultimately to
overwhelm transnational civil society on each occasion.
Future Possibilities
The second decade of the twenty-first century appears to be a hinge point
in the development of transnational civil society. With developments at
the start of the decade including recovering INGO numbers and funding and the upheavals of the Arab Spring, it might be argued that a new
cycle is beginning, recovering from the divisions that marred transnational civil society in the previous decade. On the other hand, many of
the divisive trends of the early twenty-first century appear to be continuing, such as regionalization of INGOs and considerable popular support
for nationalist and religious fundamentalist social movements. Ironically,
the apparent success of liberal democratic social movements in the popular uprisings of 2011 may be opening up greater political space for those
who challenge the liberal norms commonly associated with transnational
civil society.
If there are any lessons for those claiming to represent transnational
civil society that appear to be justified by the narrative put forward in
this volume, it is that care should be taken not to raise expectations to
an excessive degree. The leadership of INGOs and transnational coalitions of INGOs should avoid claims to speak on behalf of the public
181
182
pp. [13]
NOTES
INTRODUCTION
1.Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press,
2010), p.316.
2.Mary Kaldor, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003), p.7.
3.Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor, Introducing Global Civil Society, in
Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil Society 2001 (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2001), p.13.
4.John Keane, Global Civil Society? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p.8.
5.Anheier et al., Introducing Global Civil Society, p.17.
6.Ann M. Florini and P. J. Simmons, What the World Needs Now?, in Ann M. Florini
(ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2000), p.7. For further elaboration of the definition of transnational
see Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, Transnational Relations and World Politics: An
Introduction, International Organization, 25/3 (1971), p.331.
7.Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in
International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), pp.200, 2.
8.Keck and Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders, p.12.
9.Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements
and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press,
1997).
10.See, for instance, Anheier et al., Introducing Global Civil Society, pp.4, 15.
11.Lyman Cromwell White, The Structure of Private International Organizations (Philadephia,
PA: George S. Ferguson Company, 1933).
12.Chapter X. Economic and Social Council, http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/
chapter10.shtml, last accessed 29 September 2010.
13.United Nations document E/INF/23, 30 April 1948, Arrangements of the Economic and
Social Council of the United Nations for Consultation with Non-Governmental Organizations: Guide for Consultants, p.16, cited in Lyman Cromwell White, International
Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes, Methods and Accomplishments (New York:
Greenwood Press, 1968), p.3.
14.The leading repository of data on INGOsthe Union of International Associations
183
pp. [35]
NOTES
typically includes only organizations operating in three or more countries (in its categories
A to D), although it also lists internationally-oriented national organizations (in its category G).
15.Peter Willetts, What Is A Non-Governmental Organization?, http://www.staff.city.ac.uk/p.
willetts/CS-NTWKS/NGO-ART.HTM, last accessed 2 August 2010.
16.Peter Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics: The Construction of Global
Governance (London: Routledge, 2011), p.30.
17.Q uotations from Shamima Ahmed and David M. Potter, NGOs in International Politics
(Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006), p.ix; Craig Warkentin, Nongovernmental Organizations, in Jan Aart Scholte and Roland Robertson (eds.), Encyclopedia of Globalization
(Abingdon: Routledge, 2006), p.883; and Sanjeev Khagram and Sarah Alvord, The Rise
of Civic Transnationalism, in Srilatha Batliwala and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational
Civil Society: An Introduction (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006), pp.667.
18.Lester M. Salamon, Helmut K. Anheier and Associates, Civil Society in Comparative
Perspective, in Lester M. Salamon, Helmut K. Anheier, Regina List, Stefan Toepler,
S. Wojciech Sokolowski and Associates (eds.), Global Civil Society: Dimensions of the Nonprofit Sector (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Center for Civil Society Studies, 1999), p.4;
Kaldor, Global Civil Society.
19.Paul S. Reinsch, Public International Unions: Their Work and Organization: A Study In
International Administrative Law (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1911), pp.2, 4.
20.White, Structure of Private International Organizations, p.11.
21.John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International NonGovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999);
Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the
Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002), p.11.
22.Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19089 and 191011
(Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1909, 1911).
23.Anheier et al., Introducing Global Civil Society, p.4. See also Charles Chatfield, Intergovernmental and Non-Governmental Associations to 1945, in Jackie Smith, Charles
Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics:
Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997), p.21.
24.While there is some attention in existing literature to the period preceding 1850, the
coverage remains limited. See, however, Ian Clark, International Legitimacy and World
Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007); and Steve Charnovitz, Two Centuries of
Participation: NGOs and International Governance, Michigan Journal of International Law,
183 (19967), pp.183286.
25.John M. Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2004).
26.The English School of international relations, in particular, had a tendency to discuss the
evolution of world politics in terms of the expansion of European international society; see
Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (eds.), The Expansion of International Society (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1984).
27.Michael Barnett, Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 2011), p.16.
28.Iriye, Global Community, for instance, limits its coverage to six themes.
184
NOTES
pp. [510]
29.Jessica T. Matthews, Power Shift: The Rise of Global Civil Society, Foreign Affairs, 76/1
(1997), pp.50, 53.
30.A notable example is Gordon Laxer and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and
its Limits (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).
31.Ashwani Kumar, Global Civil Society: Emergent Forms of Cosmopolitan Democracy and
Justice, in Ashwani Kumar and Dirk Messner (eds.), Power Shifts and Global Governance:
Challenges from South and North (London: Anthem Press, 2010), p.45.
32.Ahmed and Potter, NGOs in International Politics, p.21.
33.These include Matthews, Power Shift; Florini, Third Force; and Don Eberly, The Rise of
Global Civil Society: Building Communities and Nations from the Bottom Up (New York, NY:
Encounter Books, 2008).
34.See especially Iriye, Global Community.
35.Not all existing studies put forward a purely linear perspective: for instance, Charnovitz,
Two Centuries puts forward a cyclical perspective with respect to INGO influence on
intergovernmental bodies, and Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture notes dips in
INGO foundations in the 1910s and 1930s.
36.John Boli, International Nongovernmental Organizations, in Walter W. Powell and Richard Steinberg, The Non-Profit Sector: A Research Handbook (New Haven, CT: Yale University
Press, 2nd edn, 2006), p.334. Some have noted a diminution since then; see Jackie Smith,
Globalization and Transnational Social Movement Organizations, in Gerald F. Davis,
Doug McAdam, W. Richard Scott and Mayer N. Zald (eds.), Social Movements and
Organization Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.233.
37.Union of International Associations, LUnion des Associations Internationales et la Constitution dun Centre International, in Union of International Associations, Annuaire de
la Vie Internationale. Sconde srie. Volume II. 19101911 (Brussels: Office Central des
Associations Internationales, 1912), pp.335.
38.Khagram and Alvord, Rise of Civic Transnationalism, p.67.
39.Helmut K. Anheier, Civil Society: Measurement, Evaluation, Policy (London: Earthscan,
2004), p.3; Helmut Anheier, Measuring Global Civil Society, in Anheier et al., Global
Civil Society 2001, p.221.
40.Thomas Richard Davies, The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarmament between the Two World Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007), p.114.
41.Anheier, Measuring Global Civil Society, p.229.
42.Hedley Bull, International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach, World Politics, 18/3
(1966), p.361.
43.Numerous publications influenced the composition of this table: see the books cited throughout this volume. Amongst the most significant were: Akira Iriye, Global Community: The
Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 2002); Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists
Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 1998); Charles Tilly, Social Movements, 17682004 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2004); Dieter Rucht, The Transnationalization of Social Movements: Trends, Causes,
Problems, in Donatella della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World (London: Macmillan, 1999), pp.20622; Michael Edwards
and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001); Joe Bandy and
185
pp. [912]
NOTES
Jackie Smith (eds.), Coalitions Across Borders: Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order
(Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005); Ian Clark, Globalization and Fragmentation:
International Relations in the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997);
Geir Lundestad, Why Does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?, International
Politics, 41 (2004), pp.26576; and David Held, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt and
Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture (Cambridge:
Polity Press, 1999).
44.A broad array of literature was taken into account in the production of this analytical
framework, including that on NGO life cycles, social movement cycles of contention, and
the explanatory frameworks in Charnovitz, Two Centuries, and Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture.
45.On this point, see especially Manuel Castells trilogy, The Information Age: Economy, Society
and Culture (Oxford: Blackwell, 19968). See also Jodi Dean, Jon W. Anderson and Geert
Lovink (eds.), Reformatting Politics: Information Technology and Global Civil Society (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006).
46.On the role of technology in the development of transnational civil society in the nineteenth
century see Keane, Global Civil Society?, pp.445.
47.INGOs dealing with information and communications technology consistently raise concerns about this; see, for instance, Association for Progressive Communications, Three
Cyber Evils in South Korea, http://www.apc.org/en/news/three-cyber-evils-south-korea,
last accessed 4 October 2010.
48.Paul Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1996), pp.21, 2.
49.See, for instance, Peter H. Gleick, Environment and Security: The Clear Connections,
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 47/3 (April 1991), pp.1721.
50.Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, pp.2430.
51.Keane, Global Civil Society?, pp.46, 66.
52.White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.6.
53.Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, p.27.
54.Kaldor, Global Civil Society, p.112.
55.Susan D. Moeller, Compassion Fatigue: How the Media Sell Disease, Famine, War and Death
(New York: Routledge, 1999).
56.Noha Shawki, Political Opportunity Structures and the Outcomes of Transnational Campaigns: A Comparison of Two Transnational Advocacy Networks, Peace & Change, 35/3
(2010), pp.381411.
57.Jackie Smith, Characteristics of the Modern Transnational Movement Sector, in Smith
et al., Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics, p.57.
58.Louis Kriesberg, Social Movements and Global Transformation, in Smith et al., Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics, pp.47.
59.Kaldor, Global Civil Society, p.118.
60.Smith, Characteristics of the Modern Transnational Social Movement Sector, p.57.
61.Anheier et al., Introducing Global Civil Society, p.7.
62.Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, p.270.
63.Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, p.28.
64.Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, p.269.
186
NOTES
pp. [1221]
65.Geir Lundestad, Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?, International Politics, 41/2 (2004), p.265.
66.Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp.1456.
67.Tarrow has noted transnational processes such as global issue framing and transnational
diffusion in The New Transnational Activism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2005).
68.Tarrow, Power in Movement, pp.1478.
69.On the resources available to the transnational historian, see Thomas Richard Davies,
Researching Transnational History: The Example of Peace Activism, in Bob Reinalda
(ed.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Non-State Actors (London: Ashgate, 2011),
pp.3546.
70.Notable (and often overlooked) exceptions include James H. Billington, Fire in the Minds
of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers,
1999); and W. H. van der Linden, The International Peace Movement, 18151874 (Amsterdam: Tilleul, 1987).
71.This is beginning to be addressed; see, for instance, Daniel Laqua (ed.), Internationalism
Reconfigured: Transnational Ideas and Movements between the World Wars (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011).
1.EMERGENCE TO 1914
1.Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations: A World Center
(Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914), p.6.
2.S. G. Wilson, Voluntary Associations: An Overview, in John S. Kloppenborg and Stephen
G. W ilson (eds.), Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World (London: Routledge,
1996), p.3.
3.The Sovereign Constantinian order has the earliest foundation date in the database of the
Union of International Associations. Its history is introduced in Sacred Military Constantinian Order of Saint George, History of the Constantinian Order, http://www.constantinianorder.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=23&Itemid=18, last accessed
11 October 2010.
4.John Boli and David V. Brewington, Religious Organizations, in Peter Beyer and Lori
Beaman (eds.), Globalization, Religion and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2007), p.214.
5.The St John Ambulance movement was created in 1877 by a revived British-based Order
of St John, a distinct organization from the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of Saint
John of Jerusalem, of Rhodes, and of Malta.
6.Moravian Archives, Unity Statutes of 1464, p.2, http://www.moravianarchives.org/images/
pdfs/Unity%20Statutes%20of%201464.pdf, last accessed 13 October 2010. On the history
of the Moravian Church, see Edmund de Schweinitz, History of the Church Known as the
Unitas Fratrum or the Unity of the Brethren (Bethlehem, PA: Moravian Publication Office,
1885).
7.John Philip Jenkins, The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand-Year Golden Age of the
Church in the Middle East, Africa, and AsiaAnd How It Died (New York: HarperCollins,
2008).
187
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NOTES
8.John Obert Voll, Islam as a Special World-System, Journal of World History, 5/2 (1994),
pp.2212. For an assessment of the emergence of tariqahs, see J. Spencer Trinningham,
The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).
9.Brian T. Froehle, Religious Orders, in Helmut K. Anheier, Stefan Toepler and Regina
List (eds.), International Encyclopedia of Civil Society (New York: Springer, 2010), p.1303.
10.H. Larry Ingle, First Among Friends: George Fox and the Creation of Quakerism (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1994).
11.Richard L. Greaves, The Great Persecution Reconsidered: The Irish Quakers and the
Ethic of Suffering, in Muriel C. McClendon, Joseph P. Ward and Michael MacDonald
(eds.), Protestant Identities: Religion, Society and Self-Fashioning in Post-Reformation England
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), p.232.
12.Martin Ceadel, The Origins of War Prevention: The British Peace Movement and International
Relations, 17301854 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p.148.
13.Their website is located at http://famvin.org, last accessed 13 October 2010.
14.International Association of Charities, History, http://www.aic-international.org/content.
php?m=9&sm=5&l=en, last accessed 13 October 2010.
15.Association Internationale des Charits, AIC Info, 16 (2009), p.8.
16.Pierre Coste (ed.), Saint Vincent de Paul. Correspondence, Entretiens, Documents, vol.xiii
(Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1924), document 126, p.423.
17.International Association of Charities, History, http://www.aic-international.org/content.
php?m=9&sm=5&l=en, last accessed 13 October 2010.
18.Kerry OHalloran, Charity and Religion, in Helmut K. Anheier, Stefan Toepler and Regina
List (eds.), International Encyclopedia of Civil Society (New York: Springer, 2010), p.111.
19.Dana L. Robert, Christian Mission: How Christianity became a World Religion (Chichester:
Wiley-Blackwell, 2009).
20.Their websites are at http://www.newenglandcompany.org and http://www.spck.org.uk
respectively. On the New England Company, see William Kellaway, The New England
Company, 16491776: Missionary Society to the American Indians (London: Longman, 1961);
and on the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, see W. O. B. Allen and Edmund
McClure, Two Hundred Years: The History of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge,
16981898 (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1898).
21.A brief introduction to the All Indian Pueblo Council is provided in Mathew Martinez,
All Indian Pueblo Council, http://www.newmexicohistory.org/filedetails.php?fileID=416,
last accessed 14 October 2010.
22.Jessica L. Harland-Jacobs, Builders of Empire: Freemasonry and British Imperialism, 1717
1927 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), p.104; Peter Clark,
British Clubs and Societies, 15801800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), p.321.
23.Royal Society, List of Fellows of the Royal Society, 16602007 (London: Royal Society Library
and Information Service, 2007).
24.Roberta Dessi and Sheilagh Ogilvie, Social Capital and Collusion: The Case of Merchant Guilds
(CESifo Working Paper No.1037 (Munich: CESifo, 2004), p.6. On merchant guilds, see
Sheilagh Ogilvie, Institutions and European Trade: Merchant Guilds, 10001800 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2011).
188
NOTES
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25.Robert Henke and Eric Nicholson (eds.), Transnational Exchange in Early Modern Theater
(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008).
26.Alexander Johnson, An Account of Some Societies at Amsterdam and Hamburgh for the Recovery of Drowned Persons, and of Similar Institutions at Venice, Milan, Padua, Vienna and Paris
(London: John Nourse, 1773).
27.Clayton Evans, Rescue at Sea: An International History of Lifesaving, Coastal Rescue Craft
and Organisations (London: Conway Maritime Press, 2003), pp.1518.
28.Evans, Rescue at Sea, p.269.
29.G. R. G. Worcester, The Junks and Sampans of the Yangtze (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute
Press, 1971), p.311.
30.Amanda Bowie Moniz, Cosmopolitanism in the Early American Republic, GHI Bulletin
Supplement, 5 (2008), pp.1014, 1516.
31.Joseph-Alexandre-Victor dHupay, Alcoran rpublicain, ou Institutions fondamentales du
gouvernement populaire ou lgitime, pour ladministration, leducation, le mariage et la religion
(Fuveau: Gnralif, 1795). See also James H. Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins
of the Revolutionary Faith (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1999), p.79.
32.John Oswald, Review of the Constitution of Great Britain. Third Edition. (Paris: Gillet &
Co., 1792), p.31. On John Oswalds work in Paris see David V. Erdman, Commerce des
Lumires: John Oswald and the British in Paris, 17901793 (Columbia, MO: University of
Missouri Press, 1986).
33.Bernard Vincent, The Transatlantic Republican: Thomas Paine and the Age of Revolutions
(Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi, 2005); Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.73;
R. R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 17751800. 1: The Challenge (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959), p.245.
34.Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.39; A Copy of a Letter written to H. Bancal (April
the 15th 1791) by M. Fauchet for the Confederation of the Friends of Truth (in English),
folio 190, Roland papers, NAF 9534, Bibliothque Nationale de France, Paris; Bulletin des
Amis de la Verit, lan premier de la Rpublique, p.4. Details of its work are provided in its
journal, La Bouche de Fer (17901791).
35.Gary Kates, The Powers of Husband and Wife must be Equal and Separate: The Cercle
Social and the Rights of Women, 179091, in Harriet B. Applewhite and Darline G. Levy
(eds.), Women and Politics in the Age of Democratic Revolution (Ann Arbor, MI: University
of Michigan Press, 1990), pp.1723.
36.References to these organizations can be found in Mary Thale (ed.), Selections from the
Papers of the London Corresponding Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983),
pp.21, 398.
37.Universal Society of the Friends of the People, Universal Society of the Friends of the People
(London: Universal Society of the Friends of the People, 1892), p.2.
38.George Edwards, Form and Foundation, Views and Laws, proposed for the Consideration of
the Members of An Universal Society ([London], [1792]), pp.1, 15.
39.Society of Universal Good-Will, An Account of the Scots Society in Norwich, from its Rise in
1775 until it received the additional Name of the Society of Universal Good-Will in 1784
(Norwich: W. Chase, 1784), pp.3, 63.
40.William Frederick Poole, Anti-Slavery Opinions before the year 1800 (Cincinnati: Robert
189
pp. [2629]
NOTES
Clarke, 1873), pp.434; Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery,
Constitution of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery (Philadelphia,
PA: Joseph James, 1787), article vi; Clark, British Clubs and Societies, p.210.
41.Poole, Anti-Slavery Opinions, p.43.
42.Socit des Amis des Noirs, Discours sur la Ncessit dtablir Paris une Socit pour concourir,
avec celle de Londres, labolition de la traite de lesclavage des Negres. Prononc le 19 fvrier
1788, dans une Socit de quelques amis, rassembls Paris, la prire du Comit de Londres
(Paris: Socit des Amis des Noirs, 1788).
43.On the history of the West India Committee, see Douglas Hall, A Brief History of the West
India Committee (St Lawrence, Barbados: Caribbean Universities Press, 1971).
44.Its website is at http://www.asiaticsocietycal.com. On the Asiatic Societys early history,
see O. P. Kejariwal, The Asiatic Society of Bengal and the Discovery of Indias Past, 17841838
(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988); and Shiv Visvanathan, Organizing for Science: The
Making of an Industrial Research Laboratory (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995).
45.Robin Hallett (ed.), Records of the African Association, 17881831 (London: Thomas Nelson,
1964).
46.Richard H. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the
Origins of Environmentalism, 16001850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
47.Royal Jennerian Society, Address of the Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the
Small-Pox (London: W. Phillips, 1803), p.18.
48.
Annual Register, 1806, p.407.
49.Royal Jennerian Society, The Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the Small-Pox
(London: James Swan, 1817), pp.226.
50.Royal Jennerian Society, The Royal Jennerian Society, p.6.
51.Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline, Report of the Committee of the Society for
the Improvement of Prison Discipline and for the Reformation of Juvenile Offenders, 1820
(London: T. Bensley, 1820), p.xxxviii.
52.Trygve Lie, The Right of Petition (Report by the Secretary General), United Nations Document
E/CN.4/419, 11 April 1950, section 12, p.12.
53.I bid., section 13, p.12.
54.Adam Zamoyski, Rites of Peace: The Fall of Napoleon and the Congress of Vienna (London:
Harper Press, 2007), p.200.
55.General Treaty signed in Congress at Vienna, June 9, 1815; with the Acts thereunto
annexed, The Parliamentary Debates from the Year 1803 to the Present Time, vol.xxxii (London: T. C. Hansard, 1816), p.200.
56.Ceadel, Origins of War Prevention, pp.14151.
57.Ibid., p. 12.
58.New York Peace Society, Origin of Peace Societies in this Country, Advocate of Peace, 2,
1838, p.157.
59.Martin Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists: The British Peace Movement and International Relations, 18541945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.23.
60.I bid., chapter 2.
61.
Revue Encyclopdique, vol.27 (1825), pp.212.
62.I bid., vol.1 (1819), p.17.
190
NOTES
pp. [2932]
191
pp. [3234]
NOTES
85.United Society of Nations for the Purpose of Saving the Lives of Shipwrecked Persons
and their Property, with that of Commercial Traders, Constitutive Statutes, The Naval
Magazine, 2 (1837), p.600.
86.M. Montbrion (ed.), Dictionnaire Universel du Commerce, de la Banque et des Manufactures, 4th edn, vol.2, H-Z (Paris: Adolphe Delahays, 1851), p.421.
87.United Society, Constitutive Statutes, p.600.
88.Augusta Liancourt, Biographical Notes on Callistus Augustus Count de Godde-Liancourt,
founder of over one hundred and fifty humane societies in Africa, America, Asia and Europe
(London: Whittacker & Co., 1877).
89.Contrasting accounts are provided in LInternational: Journal des Intrts Communs des
Peuples Civiliss from October 1842 and in the Mmoires Officiels de la Socit Internationale des Naufrages of 1842.
90.Minute Book 1, HSS.Brit.Emp.S.20.E2/6, British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society
Archives, Rhodes House Library, Oxford, p.1 (italics not present in original text).
91.British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, The First Annual Report of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (London: Johnston and Barrett, 1840), p.5.
92.British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, A Chronological Summary of the Work of the British & Foreign Anti-Slavery Society during the Nineteenth Century, 18391900 (London:
British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1901), p.2.
93.BFASS, Chronological Summary, p.3; see also Steve Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation: NGOs and International Governance, Michigan Journal of International Law,
183 (19967), p.192.
94.Douglas H. Maynard, The Worlds Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840, Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 47/3 (1960), p.456.
95.British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention (London: British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1841), p.12.
96.Maynard, Worlds Anti-Slavery Convention, p.469.
97.Douglas Maynard, Reform and the Origins of the International Organization Movement, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 107/3 (1963), p.220.
98.Elizabeth Frost-Knappman and Kathryn Cullen-DuPont, Womens Suffrage in America
(New York: Facts on File, 2005), p.49.
99.Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony and Matilda Joslyn Gage (eds.), History of
Woman Suffrage (Rochester, NY: Susan B. Anthony, 1887), p.61.
100.Clare Midgley, Women Against Slavery: The British Campaigns, 17801870 (London: Routledge, 1992).
101.Jane Potter, Valiant heroines or pacific ladies? Women in war and peace, in Deborah
Simonton (ed.), The Routledge History of Women in Europe (Abingdon: Routledge, 2004),
p.273.
102.Peace Society, The Proceedings of the First General Peace Convention (London: Peace Society, 1843), p.2.
103.Thomas Beggs, The Proceedings of the Worlds Temperance Convention (London: Charles
Gilpin, 1846), pp.1317.
104.Maynard, Reform and the Origins of the International Organization Movement,
pp.2234.
192
NOTES
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105.Evangelical Alliance, Report of the Proceedings of the Conference (London: Partridge and
Oakey, 1847), p.286.
106.This was organized by Georg Varrentrapp, who had visited Britain and wished to promote
the solitary system; see Sebastian Scheerer, The Delinquent as a Fading Category of
Knowledge, in Vincenzo Ruggiero, Nigel South and Ian Taylor (eds.), The New European
Criminology: Crime and Social Order in Europe (London: Routledge, 1998), p.428.
107.The economists meeting was organized by the Belgian Association for Commercial
Liberty, which had been created in 1846 and was inspired by the work of Britains antiCorn Law movement, which had been operating since the late 1830s; see Association
Belge pour la Libert Commerciale, Congrs des conomistes runi Bruxelles (Brussels:
Deltombe, 1847). The International Association for Customs Reform aimed to create
branches in Britain, France, Germany, Sardinia, Spain and Switzerland, but remained
predominantly Belgian; see Association Internationale pour les Rformes Douanires,
Congrs International des Rformes Douanires (Brussels: Weissenbruch, 1857), p.xviii; van
der Linden, International Peace Movement, p.605.
108.Annales de la Charit, 1858, pp.2823. Plans for the creation of such an organization can
be traced to Edouard Ducpetiaux, Projet dAssociation pour le Progrs des Sciences et la
Ralisation des Rformes Morales et Sociales (Brussels, 1843).
109.Stefan-Ludwig Hoffman, Civil Society, 17501914 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan,
2006), p.42.
110.LOrganisateur du Travail, 9 avril 1848, p.1.
111.Harry Liebersohn, 1848, in Akira Iriye and Pierre-Yves Saunier (eds.), The Palgrave
Dictionary of Transnational History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), p.1. On
early transnational connections between feminist activists see Bonnie S. Anderson, Joyous
Greetings: The First International Womens Movement, 18301860 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).
112.Van der Linden, International Peace Movement, pp.32253.
113.Louis L. Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms: A History of the Pan-Movements (Westport, CT:
Greenwood, 1984), p.22.
114.F. dOlincourt, Socit Universelle des Sciences, des Lettres, des Beaux-Arts, de lIndustrie et
du Commerce. Statuts (Paris, Imprimerie Lacour et Cie, August 1851), p.3.
115.Annales de la Charit (1858), p.283.
116.James Yates, Narrative of the Origin and Formation of the International Association for
Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights and Coins (London: Bell and
Daldy, 1856).
117.Frdric Le Play (dir.), Les Ouvriers des Deux Mondes, Tome Premier (Paris: J. Claye, 1857),
pp.9, 19. Its present-day successor is the Socit dconomie et de science sociales.
118.Clarence Prouty Shedd, History of the Worlds Alliance of Young Mens Christian Associations
(London: SPCK, 1955), p.16.
119.Lyman Cromwell White, International Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes,
Methods and Accomplishments (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968), p.4.
120.Shedd, History of the WYMCA, pp.11314, 102.
121.Young Mens Christian Association, Report of the General Conference held in Paris, August,
1855 (London: Young Mens Christian Association, 1856), esp. pp.17, 20, document 7672,
archives of the World Alliance of Young Mens Christian Associations, Geneva.
193
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NOTES
122.Bnai Brith International traces its origins to a New York Jewish fraternal organization
set up in 1843, but its development as an international organization dates to the 1880s:
Hasia R. Diner, The Jews of the United States, 16542000 (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 2004), p.191.
123.Alliance Isralite Universelle, Alliance Isralite Universelle (Paris: A. Wittersheim, 1860),
p.22; Narcisse Leven, Cinquante Ans dHistoire: LAlliance Isralite Universelle, 18601910,
Tome Premier (Paris: Librairie Flix Alcan, 1911), p.69.
124.Elie Kedourie, The Alliance Isralite Universelle, 18601960, in Elie Kedourie, Arab
Political Memoirs and Other Studies (London: Frank Cass, 1974), pp.75, 78.
125.Lazar Focsaneanu, Le Droit International de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique,
Annuaire Franais de Droit International, 12/12 (1966), p.390. The present International
Council of Ophthalmology dates to 1927.
126.Le Dr Warlomont, Congrs DOphthalmologie de Bruxelles. Compte-Rendu (Paris: VictorMasson, 1858), pp.vii-viii. The initial members of the Society are listed in Annales
dOculistique, 23 (1860), p.252.
127.Association Internationale pour le Progrs des Sciences Sociales, Congrs de Bruxelles
(Brussels: A. Lacroix, 1863). An Acadmie Inter-Nationale des Sciences Appliques aux Arts
et Manufactures also appears to have operated in the early 1860s: LInter-National: Moniteur Officiel de lAcadmie Inter-Nationale des Sciences des Arts et Manufactures, 1/1 (5 January 1861), p.2.
128.Letter of the comit fondateur of the Association Internationale pour le Progrs des Sciences
Sociales, 15 May 1862, documents of the Association Internationale pour le Progrs des Sciences
Sociales, file 147b R 3, Bibliothque Royale de Belgique, Brussels.
129.Caroline Moorehead, Dunants Dream: War, Switzerland and the History of the Red Cross
(New York: Carroll and Graf, 1999).
130.Preface, in Henri Dunant, The Origin of the Red Cross (Philadelphia, PA: John C. Winston, 1911), pp.v-vi.
131.David P. Forsythe, The Humanitarians: The International Committee of the Red Cross (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.17.
132.International Committee of the Red Cross, Resolutions of the Geneva International
Conference: Geneva, 2629 October 1863, http://www.icrc.org/IHL.nsf/52d68d14de6
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133.International Committee of the Red Cross, Dates of Foundation of National Societies
from 1863 to 1963, International Review of the Red Cross, 5/54 (1965), p.500.
134.General Council of the First International, The General Council of the First International,
18661868: Minutes (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), p.261.
135.International Working Mens Association, Address and Provisional Rules of the International
Workingmens Association, London, September 28th 1864 for the Celebration of the 60th Anniversary (Brussels: Labour and Socialist International, 1924), p.12.
136.Jacques Freymond and Mikls Molnr, The Rise and Fall of the First International, in
Milorad M. Drachkovitch (ed.), The Revolutionary Internationals, 18641943 (Stanford,
CA: Stanford University Press, 1966), pp.21, 35.
137.Paul Thomas, Karl Marx and the Anarchists (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985),
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194
NOTES
pp. [3940]
195
pp. [4043]
NOTES
tionale des Artistes set up by Paul Justus in Paris in 1849; see Association Internationale
des Artistes, Expos des Motifs (Paris: Association Internationale des Artistes, 1849).
155.Commission Permanente des tudiants de Lige, Congrs International des tudiants
(Brussels: Bauvais, 1866), p.12.
156.Congrs Mdical International de Paris, Congrs Mdical International de Paris (Paris:
Victor Masson, 1868), p.1.
157.Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19081909, p.1286;
the French Archaeological Society had been convening international archaeological congresses since 1845: Socit Franaise dArchologie, Sance Acadmique Internationale
(Caen: A. Hardel, 1863), p.4.
158.The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland in 1823, the American Oriental
Society in 1842, and the Deutsche Morgenlndische Gesellschaft in 1845.
159.Royal Geographical Society, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol.1 (London: John
Murray, 1832), p.257.
160.Rev. David Abeel, An Appeal to Christian Ladies in Behalf of Female Education in China
and the Adjacent Countries, in Society for Promoting Female Education in the East,
History of the Society for Promoting Female Education in the East (London: Edward Suter,
1847), pp.2612.
161.Ibid., p. 272.
162.Charles Swaisland, The Aborigines Protection Society, 18371909, in Howard Temperley (ed.), After Slavery: Emancipation and its Discontents (London: Frank Cass, 2000),
p.265.
163.Van der Linden, International Peace Movement, p.918.
164.P. N. Chopra, B. N. Puri, M. N. Das and A. C. Pradhan, A Comprehensive History of
Modern India (New Delhi: Sterling, 2003), p.157.
165.East India Association, Rules of the East India Association for Promoting Indian Interests, Journal of the East India Association, 1/1 (1867), p.8.
166.Agartan et al., Transformation of the Capitalist World, pp.259.
167.John M. Owen IV, The Clash of Ideas in World Politics: Transnational Networks, States and
Regime Change, 15102010 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), p.211. See
also Azzam Tamimi, The Origins of Arab Secularism, in John L. Esposito and Azzam
Tamimi (eds.), Islam and Secularism in the Middle East, pp.1328.
168.Kemal H. Karpat, The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith and Community in the Late Ottoman State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp.21, 23.
169.Oliver Scharbrodt, Islam and the Bahai Faith: A Comparative Study of Muhammad Abduh
and Abdul Baha Abbas (London: Routledge, 2008), pp.347.
170.Peter Smith, An Introduction to the Bahai Faith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2008), p.25.
171.J. C. L. Sismondi, LAmrique, Revue Encyclopdique, 33 (1827), p.17. An alternative
translation is provided in R. R. Palmer, From Jacobin to Liberal: Marc-Antoine Jullien de
Paris, 17751848 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), p.192.
172.Q uoted in Maynard, Reform and the Origin of the International Organization Movement, p.220.
173.Q uoted in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition
(London: Verso, 1998), p.39.
196
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197
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190.Rayward, Origins of Information Science, p.24.
191.W. Boyd Rayward, Visions of Xanadu: Paul Otlet (1868 to 1944) and Hypertext, Journal of the American Society for Information Science, 45/4 (1994), pp.23550.
192.For instance, a Universal Language Society operated in Madrid in the 1860s to promote
the universal language developed by Bonifacio Sotos Ochando: Socit de la Langue
Universelle, Note de la Socit de la Langue Universelle tablie Madrid, Bulletin de la
Socit de la Langue Universelle, 1 (1861), p.30. See also Andrew Large, The Artificial
Language Movement (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987).
193.Umberto Eco, The Search for the Perfect Language (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), p.319.
194.Peter Glover Forster, The Esperanto Movement (The Hague: Mouton, 1982), pp.456.
195.Eco, Search for the Perfect Language, p.319.
196.Lejzer Ludwik Zamenhof, The Making of an International Language, in J. C. OConnor,
Esperanto [The Universal Language]: The Students Complete Textbook (New York: Fleming
H. Revell), p.7.
197.Universala Esperanto-Asocio, An Update on Esperanto, December 2009, http://www.
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198.Charles E. Sprague, Hand-book of Volapk (New York: Charles E. Sprague, 1888), p.vii.
199.Faries, Rise of Internationalism, p.106.
200.Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19081909, pp.539
40; Faries, Rise of Internationalism, p.106.
201.Faries, Rise of Internationalism, p.107.
202.Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19081909, p.537.
The organization began life as the Institution Ethnographique: Lon de Rosny, But de
lInstitution, Bulletin Officiel de lInstitution Ethnographique, 1 (18767), pp.10912.
203.Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19081909, p.538.
204.Elisabeth Crawford, Nationalism and Internationalism in Science, 18801939: Four Studies
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205.Peter Alter, The Royal Society and the International Association of Academies 18971919,
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206.Quotations in Alter, Royal Society and the International Association of Academies,
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207.International Statistical Institute, Statuts de lInstitut International de Statistique, in
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international statistical congress: Commission Centrale de Statistique de Belgique, Compte
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Septembre 1853 (Bruxelles: M. Hayez, 1853), p.143.
208.Rn Worms, Annales de LInstitut International de Sociologie. I (Paris: V. Giard & E. Brire,
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209.Brian Cotterell, Fracture and Life (London: Imperial College Press, 2010), p.189.
210.Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19081909,
pp.10234.
211.Faries, Rise of Internationalism, pp.18993.
198
NOTES
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212.Julien Duchateau, Une Cration Scientifique Franaise: Le Premier Congrs International des
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213.International Congress of Asian and North African Studies, What is ICANAS?, http://
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214.Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo, Mexico at the Worlds Fairs: Crafting a Modern Nation (Berkeley,
CA: University of California Press, 1996), p.91.
215.Asiatic Society of Japan, Who We Are, http://www.asjapan.org/About/welcome.htm,
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216.Rodrigo Fernos, Science Still Born: The Rise and Impact of the Pan American Scientific Congresses, 18981916 (Lincoln, NE: iUniverse, 2003), p.7.
217.Fernos, Science Still Born, pp.8, 10, 13.
218.Hans Pretzsch, Forest Dynamics: Growth and Yield (Berlin: Springer 2009), pp.1045;
Hans-Jrgen Bolle, International Radiation Commissions, 1896 to 2008: Research into Atmospheric Radiation from IMO to IAMAS (Oberpfaffenhofen: IAMAS, 2008), p.7.
219.Naturfreunde Internationale, Chronik der Naturfreunde Internationale, http://www.nfi.
at/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3&Itemid=9, last accessed 8 November 2010.
220.Nico Schrivjer, Development without Destruction: The UN and Global Resource Management
(Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2010), p.20.
221.Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, p.208.
222.Otto Herman, The International Convention for the Protection of Birds (Budapest: Victor
Hornynszky, 1907), pp.667, 126.
223.World League for Protection of Animals, About the World League for Protection of
Animals, http://www.wlpa.org/about_wlpa.htm, last accessed 9 November 2010.
224.Faries, Rise of Internationalism, pp.1903.
225.Shubhada S. Pandya, The First International Leprosy Conference, Berlin, 1897: the
Politics of Segregation, Histria, Cincias, Sade-Manguinhos, 10/1 (2003), pp.16177.
226.Ligue Internationale des Antivaccinateurs, Convent. de Dcembre 1880 tenu Paris les 10,
11, 12 et 13 (Paris: Bureaux du Rveil Mdical, 1881). On this organization, see Pierre
Darmon, La Longue Traque de la Variole: Les Pionniers de la Mdecine Prventive (Paris:
Perrin, 1986).
227.American Dental Society of Europe, History of the Society, http://www.ads-eu.org/
index.php?menuID=2, last accessed 9 November 2010.
228.E. Sauvez, IIIe Congrs Dentaire International, Paris, 8 au 14 Aout 1900: Comptes Rendus
(Paris: LOdontologie, 1901), pp.6879; John Ennis, The Story of the Fdration Dentaire
Internationale (London: Fdration Dentaire Internationale, 1967), p.193.
229.Barbara L. Brush, Nurses of All Nations: A History of the International Council of Nurses,
18991999 (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott, Williams and Wilkins, 1999), p.1.
230.International Congress of Hygiene and Demography, Congrs International dHygine, de
Sauvetage, et dconomie Sociale, Bruxelles, 1876 (Paris: Germer Baillire, 1877), pp.xvii-xix.
This was a successor to the Brussels hygiene congress of 1852.
231.Angus McLaren, Birth Control in Nineteenth-Century England (London: Croom Helm,
1978), p.107.
199
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200
NOTES
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201
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278.Adam Hochschild, King Leopolds Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial
Africa (London: Pan Macmillan, 1999), p.87.
279.Edmund D. Morel, King Leopolds Rule in Africa (New York: Funk and Wagnalls Company,
1905), pp.ix, 136; Hochschild, King Leopolds Ghost, p.173.
280.Imanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe
and Africa (London: Methuen, 1974), pp.1767.
281.Q uotations from Geiss, Pan-African Movement, pp.1778, 180, 1912.
282.Q uoted in Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, p.46.
283.Sven Saaler, Pan-Asianism in Modern Japanese History: Overcoming the Nation, Creating a Region, Forging an Empire, in Sven Saaler and J. Victor Koschmann (eds.), PanAsianism in Modern Japanese History (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), p.3.
284.Saaler, Pan-Asianism in Modern Japanese History, p.4.
285.Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, pp.11923.
286.C. Ernest Dawn, The Origins of Arab Nationalism, in Rashid Khalidi, Lisa Anderson,
Muhammad Muslih and Reeva S. Simon (eds.), The Origins of Arab Nationalism (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1991), p.8.
287.Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, p.135.
288.Azmi zcan, Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain, 18771924 (Leiden:
Brill, 1997), p.24.
289.There were numerous organizations of the same name throughout Indian cities in the late
nineteenth century, the first of which appears to have been formed in Bombay in 1876:
zcan, Pan-Islamism, p.69n.
290.Shaikh Mushir Hosain Kidwai, Pan-Islamism (London: Lusac, 1908), p.1.
291.Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, pp.15976.
292.Executive of the Zionist Organization, The Jubilee of the First Zionist Congress, 18971947
( Jerusalem: Executive of the Zionist Organization, 1947), p.73.
293.Q uoted in Richard Hughes Seager (ed.), The Dawn of Religious Pluralism: Voices from the
Worlds Parliament of Religions, 1893 (Peru, IL: Open Court, 1993), p.5.
294.Tomoko Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions: How European Universalism was
Preserved in the Language of Pluralism (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005),
p.266; Seager, Dawn of Religious Pluralism, pp.58.
295.Cyrus R. Pangborn, The Ramakrishna Math and Mission: A Case Study of a Revitalization Movement, in Bardwell L. Smith (ed.), Hinduism: New Essays in the History of
Religions (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976), pp.10810.
296.International Association for Religious Freedom, The Beginning, http://www.iarf.
net/2008site/AboutUs/OurPriorities/History/vi_hi_beginning.htm, last accessed 23
November 2010.
297.Thomas E. Fitzgerald, The Ecumenical Movement: An Introductory History (Westport, CT:
Praeger, 2004), pp.669; Ruth Rouse and Stephen Charles Neill (eds.), A History of the
Ecumenical Movement: Volume 1, 15171948 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2004).
298.Minutes of the Meetings held in Connection with the Formation of the Worlds Student
Christian Federation, Wadstena, Sweden, August 1719, 1895, box 213.01.1, World
Council of Churches Archives, Geneva.
299.George S. Railton, Twenty-One Years Salvation Army (London: Salvation Army Publishing Offices, 1889), p.255.
202
NOTES
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300.H. P. Blavatsky, The Original Programme of the Theosophical Society and Preliminary Memorandum of the Esoteric Section (Adyar, Madras: Theosophical Publishing House, 1966),
p.2.
301.Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19081909, p.700.
On the Freethinkers International, see Daniel Laqua, Laque, Dmocratique et Sociale?
Socialism and the Freethinkers International, Labour History Review, 74/3 (2009),
pp.25773.
302.Q uoted in Colin David Campbell, Toward a Sociology of Religion (London: Macmillan,
1971), p.74.
303.Hunt Janin, The India-China Opium Trade in the Nineteenth Century ( Jefferson, NC:
McFarland and Company, 1999), p.178.
304.Annie Stora-Lamarre, Censorship in Republican Times: Censorship and Pornographic
Novels Located in LEnfer de la Bibliothque Nationale, 18001900, in Lisa Z. Sigel
(ed.), International Exposure: Perspectives of Modern European Pornography, 18002000
(Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005), pp.601. An International Bureau against
Immoral Literature had been formed in 1893.
305.Q uoted in Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.268.
306.Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.270.
307.Worlds Womans Christian Temperance Union, Constitution and By-Laws of the Worlds
W.C.T.U., in Worlds Womans Christian Temperance Union, Minutes of the Second Biennial Convention (Chicago, IL: Womans Temperance Publishing Association, 1893), p.296.
308.Ian R. Tyrrell, Womans World/Womans Empire: The Womans Christian Temperance Union
in International Perspective, 18801930 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina
Press, 1991), p.223.
309.Melanie Nolan and Caroline Daley, International Feminist Perspectives on Suffrage: An
Introduction, in Carline Daley and Melanie Nolan (eds.), Suffrage and Beyond: International
Feminist Perspectives (New York: New York University Press, 1994), p.13.
310.National Woman Suffrage Association, Report of the International Council of Women assembled by the National Woman Suffrage Association, Washington, DC, United States of America,
March 25 to April 1, 1888 (Washington, DC: Rufus H. Darby, 1888), p.451.
311.Richard Evans, The Feminists: Womens Emancipation Movements in Europe, America and
Australasia, 1840-1920 (London: Croom Helm, 1977), p. 250.
312.Evans, The Feminists, pp.2467. France was nevertheless important in the development
of womens participation in freemasonry, with the creation of the International Order of
Co-Freemasonry in 1893.
313.Keck and Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders, p.62.
314.Kumari Jayawardena, The White Womans Other Burden: Western Women and South Asia
during British Colonial Rule (London: Routledge, 1995), pp.556.
315.Article 2 of its constitution, quoted in Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.277.
316.T. Fallot, Une Noble Entreprise: LUnion Internationale des Amies de la Jeune Fille (Valence:
A. Ducros, 1902), p.77; Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.278. Similar objectives were
pursued by the Travelers Aid Societies that developed in late-nineteenth-century USA
and by the Catholic Association for the Protection of Girls, created in 1897.
317.Josephine E. Butler, The New Abolitionists: A Narrative of a Years Work, Being an Account
203
pp. [6062]
NOTES
of the Mission undertaken to the Continent of Europe by Mrs Josephine E Butler, and of the
Events Subsequent Thereupon (London: Dyer Brothers, 1876), p.103.
318.Stephanie A. Limoncelli, The Politics of Trafficking: The First International Movement to
Combat the Sexual Exploitation of Women (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010),
pp.44, 46.
319.Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.280; Limoncelli, Politics of Trafficking, p.46.
320.Paula Bartley, Prostitution: Prevention and Reform in England, 18601914 (London: Routledge, 2000), p.156.
321.Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, p.203; Lyons, Internationalism in Europe,
p.280.
322.National Vigilance Association, The White Slave Trade: Transactions of the International
Congress of the White Slave Trade Held in London on the 21st, 22nd, and 23rd June 1899 (London: Office of the National Vigilance Association, 1899), pp.1318; Minutes of the International Congress on the White Slave Traffic held at Westminster Palace Hotel on June 21st,
22nd and 23rd 1899, 4IBS/1/1, Box FL192, Archives of the International Bureau for the
Suppression of Traffic in Persons, Womens Library, London; Charnovitz, Two Centuries
of Participation, p.203.
323.Harriet Hyman Alonso, Peace as a Womens Issue: A History of the U.S. Movement for World
Peace and Womens Rights (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1993), pp.456, 49,
54.
324.Sandi Cooper, The Work of Women in Nineteenth Century Continental European Peace
Movements, Peace & Change, 9/4 (1983), pp.1920.
325.Le Dsarmement Gnral: Organe de la Ligue Internationale des Femmes pour le Dsarmement
Gnral, 1/1 ( July 1896), p.7.
326.Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.137.
327.Ralph Uhlig, Die Interparliamentarische Union, 18891914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1988), p.69.
328.Cesar Facelli and Antonio Teso, Troisime Congrs International de la Paix (Rome: Unione
Cooperativa Editrice, 1892), pp.11418.
329.The for Arbitration part of the latter organizations name was dropped in 1908. Ceadel,
Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.1378.
330.Organizations for international law were preceded by the creation of a Society for Comparative Legislation in Paris in 1869; see Peter Cruz, Comparative Law in a Changing
World (London: Cavendish Publishing, 2nd edn 1999), p.15.
331.International Law Association, Reports of the First Conference held at Brussels, 1873, and of
the Second Conference held at Geneva, 1874 (London: West, Newman & Co., 1903), p.44.
332.Institute of International Law, Annuaire de lInstitut de Droit International. Premire Anne
(Gand: Bureau de la Revue de Droit International, 1877), pp.1819 (translation from
http://www.idi-iil.org, last accessed 9 April 2010, where present text of statutes is identical to original).
333.Masaharu Yanagihara, Message from the President, Oct. 2009, http://wwwsoc.nii.ac.jp/
jsil/english_contents/president/index.html, last accessed 18 November 2010.
334.The earlier Berlin Congress of 1878 is notable for being the first intergovernmental meeting to adopt a specific procedure for receiving petitions; see Lie, Right of Petition, section
15, p.17. Another precedent was set at the 188990 Brussels Slave Trade Conference,
204
NOTES
pp. [6265]
lobbied by the BFASS and the Aborigines Protection Society, which resulted in a treaty
that included a clause aiming to encourage, aid and protect private abolitionist societies;
see Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, p.196.
335.Sandi Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism: Waging War on War in Europe, 18151914 (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1991), pp.91, 94.
336.Merze Tate, The Disarmament Illusion: The Movement for a Limitation of Armaments to 1907
(New York: Macmillan, 1942), pp.703.
337.Thomas K. Ford, The Genesis of the First Hague Peace Conference, Political Science
Quarterly, 51/3 (1936), p.381.
338.Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism, p.98.
339.Ute Ktzel, A Radical Womens Rights and Peace Activist: Margarethe Lenore Selenka,
Initiator of the First Worldwide Womens Peace Demonstration in 1899, Journal of
Womens History, 13/3 (2001), p.51.
340.Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, p.197.
341.I bid., p.197; Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism, p.98.
342.Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations, p.69.
343.Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism, p.103.
344.Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, p.14.
345.At the first international cooperative congress, Owen Greening estimated the movements
membership in 1895 to be 5 to 6 million, or 20 million if the family members of each
individual member were to be included: ICA, Report, p.49.
346.Katharine L. Stevenson, A Brief History of the Womans Christian Temperance Union: Outline Course of Study for Local Unions (Evanston, IL: The Union Signal, 1907), p.56.
347.Paul Wapner, Politics Beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics, World Politics, 47/3 (1995), pp.31140.
348.Angus Maddison, Monitoring the World Economy, 18201992 (Paris: Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development, 1995), p.239.
349.Imre Ferenczi and Walter F. Willcox, International Migrations, Volume I: Statistics (New
York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1929), pp.2312.
350.See, for example, the figures in Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International
Organizations 1981, section U; and Union of International Associations, Yearbook of
International Organizations Online, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011. Speeckaert noted a rise in INGO foundations from forty in the 1880s to seventythree in the 1890s: Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.viii.
351.Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.368.
352.Frederick W. Haberman, Nobel Lectures in Peace, 19011925 (Singapore: World Scientific
Publishing, 1999), pp.34.
353.Colette Chabbott, Development INGOs, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.),
Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press), p.229. A year before the formation of the Carnegie
Foundation, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace was created to hasten the
abolition of international war, the Board of Trustees of which chose to concentrate its
attention upon educational and scientific activities: Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, Epitome of the Purpose, Plans and Methods of the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1919), pp.78.
205
pp. [6568]
NOTES
The Carnegie Endowment was preceded by other organizations for the study of international relations, such as the Ecole des Hautes Etudes Internationales and the Association for
International Conciliation, created in Paris in 1904 and 1905 respectively.
354.Chesley R. Perry, A Page From Rotary History, The Rotarian, February 1931, p.43.
355.The Rotarian, September 1912.
356.Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19081909, pp.689,
865, 889; Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the
Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002),
p.15; Socit Universelle de la Croix Blanche de Genve, Compte-Rendu des Travaux du
1er Congrs International pour la Rpression des Fraudes Alimentaires et Pharmaceutiques,
Genve, les 812 Septembre 1908 (Geneva: Isaac Soullier, 1909).
357.Its activities were preceded by the largely unsuccessful attempts from 1889 to form an
international Vegetarian Federal Union in London: International Vegetarian Union,
Vegetarian Federal Union, 18891911, http://www.ivu.org/history/vfu/index.html, last
accessed 23 November 2010.
358.These were known at the time as the International Association of Refrigeration and the
Permanent International Association of Road Congresses.
359.Comit Central de lExposition du Travail Domicile, 1er Congrs International du Travail
Domicile runi Bruxelles en Septembre 1910. Compte Rendu des Sances (Louvain: Charles
Peeters, 1911); Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale
19081909, pp.111718.
360.Pierre-Yves Saunier, Sketches from the Urban Internationale, 191050: Voluntary Associations, International Institutions and US Philanthropic Foundations, International
Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 25/2 (2001), pp.380403.
361.International Federation of Trade Unions, First Special International Trade Union Congress,
London, November 2227, 1920 (Geneva: International Labour Office, 1920), pp.23.
362.Van Goethem, Amsterdam International, p.15.
363.Q uoted in van Goethem, Amsterdam International, p.16.
364.Negib Azoury, Le Rveil de la Nation Arabe dans lAsie Turque (Paris: Plon, 1905), pp.245
6.
365.Brief information on most of the organizations listed in this paragraph is available at
Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations Online,
http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 19 November 2010.
366.Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, pp.2304.
367.International Labour Office, International Labour Standards, p.5. Plans for much more
extensive labour standards were cut short by the onset of the First World War: Lyons,
Internationalism in Europe, pp.1545.
368.Tate, Disarmament Illusion, p.34.
369.Caroline E. Playne, Bertha von Suttner and the Struggle to Avert the World War (London:
George Allen and Unwin, 1936), p.155; Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation,
p.197.
370.Ascherson, King Incorporated, pp.254, 259.
371.Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, pp.20710.
372.W illiam O. Walker III, Opium and Foreign Policy: The Anglo-American Search for Order in
Asia, 19121954 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), p.15.
206
NOTES
pp. [6872]
373.National American Woman Suffrage Association, Report. First International Woman Suffrage Conference held at Washington, USA, February 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 1902, in
connection with and by invitation of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (New
York: International Woman Suffrage Headquarters, 1902), p.17. The womens movement
was also joined by more traditionalist INGOs in this period, such as Pro Gentilezza, a
womens INGO formed in Rome in 1910 that aimed to promote la propre gentilesse:
Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19101911.
374.Journal of the Society for the Preservation of the Wild Fauna of the Empire, 1 (1904), p.5.
375.International Electrotechnical Commission, Report of Preliminary Meeting held at the Hotel
Cecil, London, on Tuesday and Wednesday, June 26th and 27th 1906 (London: International
Electrotechnical Commission, 1906), p.6.
376.International Dairy Federation, Congrs International de Laiterie organis par la Socit
Nationale de Laiterie de Belgique, Bruxelles, 8, 9, 10 et 11 Septembre 1903: Compte Rendu des
Sances; Voeux mis (Brussels: K. Brants & Co., 1904), pp.13, 1478, 15960.
377.International Committee of the International Congress of Delegated Representatives of
Master Cotton-Spinners and Manufacturers Associations, Official Report of the Proceedings
of the First International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Cotton Spinners
and Manufacturers Associations held at the Tonhalle, Zrich, May 23 to 27, 1904 (London:
Marsden, 1904), p.60.
378.Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19081909, p.942.
379.Erik Bergvall (ed.), The Fifth Olympiad: The Official Report of the Olympic Games of Stockholm
1912 (Stockholm: Wahlstrm and Widstrand, 1913), pp.4201.
380.These statistics are based on calculations using the data in the Union of International
Associations Yearbook of International Organizations. Speeckaert estimated the increase to
be from 73 in the 1890s to 192 in the 1900s: Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.viii.
381.Details of these bodies can be found in the 19081909 and 19101911 editions of the
Union of International Associations Annuaire de la Vie Internationale.
382.Historique de lUnion des Associations Internationales, box PP-PO-210, Union of
International Associations Archives, Mundaneum, Mons.
383.Georges Patrick Speeckaert, A Glance at Sixty Years of Activity (19101970) of the Union
of International Associations, in Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations, 19101970: Past, Present, Future (Brussels: Union of International
Associations, 1970), p.27.
384.Letter of Invitation, in Office Central des Associations Internationales, Congrs Mondial
des Associations Internationales, Bruxelles, 911 Mai 1910 (Brussels: Office Central des
Associations Internationales, 1911), p.10.
385.Office Central des Associations Internationales, Congrs Mondial des Associations Internationales 1910, pp.8317, 83974.
386.Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations, pp.7, 11.
387.Union of International Associations, Congrs Mondial des Associations Internationales,
Bruxelles, 1518 Juin 1913 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914), pp.ii,
cxlvi.
388.Q uoted in Joll, Second International, p.156.
389.Boston Chamber of Commerce, Fifth International Congress of Chamber of Commerce and
207
pp. [7275]
NOTES
Commercial and Industrial Associations, September and October 1912 (Boston, MA: Boston
Chamber of Commerce, 1913), p.10.
390.Norman Angell, Europes Optical Illusion (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent
& Co., n.d.), p.118.
391.Ibid., p. 120.
392.Ibid., p. 104.
393.Q uoted in Olga Hess Hankin and H. H. Fisher, The Bolsheviks and the World War: The
Origins of the Third International (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1940), pp.567.
394.Hoffman, Civil Society, pp.767.
395.Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.334.
396.Q uoted in Michael Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience (London: Hurst & Co., 2008),
p.50.
397.Ibid., p. 51.
398.Richard Evans, Rereading German History, 18001996: From Unification to Reunification
(London: Routledge, 1997), p.147.
399.Eugenics Education Society, Problems in Eugenics I: Papers Communicated to the First
International Eugenics Congress (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1912), pp.xi-xvii.
400.Eugenics Education Society, Problems in Eugenics II: Report of Proceedings of the First
International Eugenics Congress (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1913), pp.5, 189.
401.Paul Rich, The Baptism of a New Era: The 1911 Universal Races Congress and the
Liberal Ideology of Race, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 7/4 (1984), p.534.
402.Executive Council of the Universal Races Congress, Record of the Proceedings of the First
Universal Races Congress (London: P. S. King, 1911), p.2.
403.Michael D. Biddiss, The Universal Races Congress of 1911, Race, 13/1 (1971), pp.38,
45.
404.Jean Plissier and *** (i.e. Jean Gabrys), Les Principaux Artisans de la Renaissance Nationale
Lituanienne: Hommes et Choses de Lituanie (Lausanne: Bureau dInformations de Lituanie,
1918), p.206.
405.On the early history of the Office Central see Les Annales des Nationalits,1/2 ( JuinJuillet 1912), pp.669.
406.Les Annales des Nationalits, 2/1 ( Janvier 1913), rear inside cover.
407.D. R. Watson Jean Plissier and the Office Central des Nationalits, 19121919, English Historical Review, 110, 1995, p.1191.
408.
Les Annales des Nationalits, 1/1 ( Janvier 1912), p.1; Les Annales des Nationalits, 2/1
( Janvier 1913), p.54.
409.Les Annales des Nationalits, 2/1 ( Janvier 1913), p.37.
410.Paul Otlet, A World Charter, Advocate of Peace, 79/2 (1917), p.44.
411.The plans for the third conference are in Union of International Associations, Les Congrs
de 1915 San Francisco: La 3e Session du Congrs Mondial des Associations Internationales
(Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914).
412.Otlets documentation of this event is in boxes PP-PO-168, PP-PO-169 and PP-PO-236,
Union of International Associations Archives, Mundaneum, Mons. The proceedings are
in Union of Nationalities, Compte Rendu de la IIIme Confrence des Nationalits runie
Lausanne 2729 Juin 1916 (Lausanne: Office Central de lUnion des Nationalits, 1917).
413.Alfred Erich Senn, Garlawa: A Study in Emigr Intrigue, 19151917 (1967), pp.41820.
208
NOTES
pp. [7578]
414.Watson, Jean Plissier and the Office Central, p.1198; Georges-Henri Soutou, Jean
Plissier et lOffice Central des Nationalits, 19111918: Renseignement et Influence,
Rlations Internationales, 78 (1994), pp.15374.
415.Watson, Jean Plissier and the Office Central, p.1205; Senn, Garlawa, p.424.
416.John Boli and George M. Thomas, World Culture in the World Polity: A Century of
International Non-Governmental Organization, American Sociological Review, 62/2 (1997),
p.175; Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, p.24.
417.Calculations based on UIA data. Speeckaert noted a fall from 131 INGO foundations in
19059 to 112 in 191014: Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.viii.
418.Union of International Associations, Un sicle de Runions internationales, Monthly
Review ( January 1949), p.6.
419.Ian Clark, Globalization and Fragmentation: International Relations in the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp.478.
420.Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.369.
421.Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations: A World Center,
p.6.
422.On the promotion of nationalism by transnational civil society actors in the early twentieth century, see the above discussion of LIPL, the Union of International Associations
and the Union of Nationalities.
423.Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience, p.72.
2.19141939
1.Some recent work is addressing this deficit: see, for instance, Thomas Richard Davies, The
Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarmament between the Two World
Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007); and Daniel Laqua (ed.), Internationalism Reconfigured:
Transnational Ideas and Movements between the World Wars (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011).
2.Stefan-Ludwig Hoffmann, Civil Society, 17501914 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan,
2006), p.82.
3.See, for instance, Zara Steiner, The Lights that Failed: European International History 1919
1933 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
4.Philip Marshall Brown, International Society: Its Nature and Interests (New York: Macmillan,
1923), p.120. See also Pitman Potter, An Introduction to the Study of International Organization (New York: The Century Co., 1922), pp.289301; and Lyman Cromwell White, The
Structure of Private International Organizations (Philadephia, PA: George S. Ferguson Company, 1933), pp.1112.
5.
Disarmament, 15 February 1932, p.6.
6.Lyman Cromwell White, International Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes,
Methods and Accomplishments (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968), p.5.
7.Calculations based on Union of International Associations (UIA) data. Speeckaert estimated
a decline in INGO foundations from 112 in 191014 to 51 in 191519: Georges Patrick
Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales Fondes depuis le Congrs de Vienne (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1957), p.viii.
8.Edmund David Cronon, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro
Improvement Association (Madison, WN: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), pp.1617.
209
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NOTES
9.Marcus Garvey, The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey (London: Frank Cass, 1967),
p.129.
10.Peter Macalister Smith, International Humanitarian Assistance: Disaster Relief Actions in
International Law and Organization (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1985), pp.1112.
11.Near East Foundation, Near East Foundation Celebrates 90th Year, http://www.neareast.
org/images/uploads/90thanniv_1.pdf, last accessed 2 December 2010, p.1.
12.Federacin Odontolgica Latinoamericana, Un poco de Historia, http://www.folaoral.
com/quienes_somos_historia.htm, last accessed 2 December 2010.
13.Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, History, http://www.bori.ac.in/history.htm, last
accessed 2 December 2010.
14.East African Womens League, Formation of the EAWL, http://www.eawl.org/Formation%20of%20the%20EAWL.html, last accessed 2 December 2010.
15.R. Craig Nation, War on War: Lenin, the Zimmerwald Left, and the Origins of Communist
Internationalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1989), pp.99101.
16.Q uoted in Nation, War on War, p.101.
17.Ibid., p. 101.
18.Robert V. Daniels, A Documentary History of Communism, Volume 2: Communism and the
World (London: I. B. Tauris, 1987), p.5.
19.Quoted in Daniel Gorman, Ecumenical Internationalism: Willoughby Dickinson, the
League of Nations, and the World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship Through
the Churches, Journal of Contemporary History, 45/1 (2010), p.57.
20.World Union of Women for International Concord, The World Union of Women for International Concord Founded at Geneva, Switzerland, February 1915 (Geneva: World Union of
Women for International Concord, 1915), p.3.
21.International Womens Committee of Permanent Peace, International Congress of Women,
The Hague, 28th AprilMay 1st 1915: Report (Amsterdam: International Womens Committee for Permanent Peace, 1915), p.42.
22.Q uoted in Leonard Woolf (ed.), The Framework of a Lasting Peace (London: George Allen
and Unwin, 1917), p.63.
23.Martin Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists: The British Peace Movement and International Relations, 18541945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.204.
24.Lon Bourgeois, Pour la Socit des Nations (Paris: Bibliothque-Charpentier, 1910).
25.Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.2045.
26.Q uoted in Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.206.
27.Q uoted in League to Enforce Peace, Enforced Peace: Proceedings of the First Annual National
Assemblage of the League to Enforce Peace (New York: League to Enforce Peace, 1916), p.8.
28.Ibid., p. 163.
29.Leonard Woolf, International Government (New York: Brentanos, 1916), p.166.
30.Ibid., p. 166.
31.Ibid., p. 173.
32.David Hunter Miller, The Drafting of the Covenant, Volume One (New York: G. P. Putnams
Sons, 1928), p.iii.
33.
League of Nations Journal and Monthly Report, February 1919, p.72.
34.Thodore Ruyssen, The League of Nations Societies and their International Federation: Raison
210
NOTES
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211
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212
NOTES
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213
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102.Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, p.220.
103.Note by Baker, 13 February 1920, R.1007, League of Nations Archives, Geneva.
104.Drummond to Monnet, 23 June 1919, R.1332, League of Nations Archives, Geneva.
105.International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World: The Dynamic Story of the
International Council of Women since 1888 (London: Routledge, 1966), pp.54, 143.
106.For a list of INGO conferences attended by League delegates, see Reprsentation du
Secretariat aux divers congrs, confrences, etc. auxquels il a t invit, R.1600, League
of Nations Archives, Geneva; for the discussions leading to decision to provide summaries
of INGO communications to the Council, see dossier 27124, R.1598, League of Nations
Archives, Geneva; on INGO deputations, see Alexandre Berenstein, Les Organisations
Ouvrires: Leurs Comptences et Leur Rle dans la Socit des Nations (Paris: Pedone, 1936),
pp.23940; on the appointment of INGO representatives as assessors, see White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.24852; on the League and INGOs in
general, see Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, pp.22037.
107.Douglas Williams, The Specialized Agencies and the United Nations: The System in Crisis
(London: Hurst & Co., 1987), p.260.
108.Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, pp.217, 219.
109.F. P. Walters, A History of the League of Nations (London: Oxford University Press, 1965),
p.190.
110.Statement by the ICIC director Julien Luchaire, Runion des Grandes Associations
Internationales pour lEducation de la Jeunesse. Prmire Runion du 10 Dcembre 1925,
Comit dEntente des Grandes Associations Internationales records, FOL-R-829(1),
Bibliothque Nationale de France, Paris.
111.Walters, History of the League of Nations, p.100.
112.League of Nations, Ten Years of World Co-operation (Geneva: League of Nations, 1930),
p.269.
113.Peter Walker and Daniel Maxwell, Shaping the Humanitarian World (Abingdon: Routledge,
2009), pp.267.
114.International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, 90 Years of Improving the Lives of the Most Vulnerable, http://www.ifrc.org/meetings/events/
solferino/156400-IFRC-historical-EN_LR.pdf, last accessed 15 December 2010, p.4.
115.Q uoted in Walker and Maxwell, Shaping the Humanitarian World, pp.2930.
116.League of Nations, Ten Years of World Co-operation, p.281.
117.White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.1889.
118.League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.77.
119.White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.193.
120.Linda Guerry, A Transnational Approach to Migration: The Service International dAide
aux migrantes and its Marseilles Office in the First Half of the 20th Century, Paper
presented at the annual meeting of the Seventeenth International Conference of the
Council for European Studies, Grand Plaza, Montreal, Canada, 15 April 2010, p.4.
121.Guerry, A Transnational Approach to Migration, p.4; White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.178.
122.League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.71.
214
NOTES
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123.Valery Bazarov, HIAS and HICEM in the System of Jewish Relief Organisations in
Europe, 193341, East European Jewish Affairs, 39/1 (2009), pp.6978.
124.Mulley, Woman Who Saved the Children, p.298.
125.Dominique Marshall, The Construction of Children as an Object of International Relations: The Declaration of Childrens Rights and the Child Welfare Committee of the
League of Nations, 19001924, The International Journal of Childrens Rights, 7/2 (1999),
pp.1034, 129.
126.International Conference on Social Work, First International Conference on Social Work,
Paris, July 8th13th 1928, Volume I (Paris: International Conference on Social Work,
1928), p.23.
127.Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, p.233.
128.Statuts de la Fdration, Cahiers des Droits de lHomme, 1922, p.305; League of Nations,
Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.85; Henri Se, Histoire de la Ligue des
Droits de lHomme (18981926) (Paris: Ligue des Droits de lHomme, 1927), pp.191222.
129.Article 1 of the constitution of the Ligue des Droits de lHomme, Records of the Assembly
General of 4 June 1898, F Rs 842/2, Ligue des Droits de lHomme papers, Bibliothque
de Documentation Internationale Contemporaine, Nanterre.
130.Fdration Internationale des Ligues des Droits de lHomme, Les Grands Combats de
la FIDH, http://www.fidh.org/IMG/article_PDF/article_a448.pdf, last accessed 16
December 2010, p.1.
131.Jan Herman Burgers, The Road to San Francisco: The Revival of the Human Rights Idea
in the Twentieth Century, Human Rights Quarterly, 14/4 (1992), pp.4503.
132.League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.59.
133.White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.195; Charnovitz, Two Centuries of Participation, pp.22930.
134.Report by Willoughby Dickinson to the Federation Council, 17 February 1923, box P.99,
Archives of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies, League of Nations
Archives, Geneva.
135.Thodore Ruyssen, The Federations Action in Minority Questions, Bulletin of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies (1938), pp.423.
136.International League against Racism and Anti-Semitism, Histoire de la LICRA, http://
www.licra.org/fr/histoire-licra, last accessed 2 March 2012; quotations are from the organizations statutes in Ligue Internationale contre lAntisemitisme, Bulletin de la LICA, 34
(1929), p.3.
137.Whittick, Woman into Citizen, p.75.
138.International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World, p.47; League of Nations,
Ten Years of World Cooperation, p.291.
139.Minutes of the first preliminary meeting of the Joint Standing Committee of International
Womens Organizations, London, 7 July 1925, file 1, Liaison Committee of Womens
International Organizations Archives, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.
140.Open Door International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, Report
of the Conference held in Berlin, June 15th and 16th, 1929 (London: Open Door International
for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, 1929), p.6.
215
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NOTES
141.Leila J. Rupp, Constructing Internationalism: The Case of Transnational Womens Organizations, 18881945, The American Historical Review, 99/5 (1994), p.1580.
142.Margaret E. Keck, and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in
International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press), p.70.
143.Louis L. Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms: A History of the Pan-Movements (Westport, CT:
Greenwood, 1984), p.220.
144.Yehoshua Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, 19301945 (London: Frank Cass, 1986), p.151.
145.Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, pp.2212.
146.Martin Kramer, Islam Assembled: The Advent of the Muslim Congresses (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), pp.86122.
147.The Organic Law of the General Moslem Congress as passed at the 14th Meeting held
on Tuesday, the 15th December, 1931, in Anita L. P. Burdett (ed.), Islamic Movements
in the Arab World, 19131966, vol.2 (Slough: Archive Editions, 1998), p.486.
148.Kramer, Islam Assembled, pp.13940.
149.Q uoted in Brynjar Lia, The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt: The Rise of an Islamic
Mass Movement, 19281942 (Reading: Garnet, 1998), pp.378.
150.Ibid., pp. 1556.
151.Selma Botman, Egypt from Independence to Revolution, 19191952 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse
University Press, 1991), pp.11617.
152.Q uoted in Kramer, Islam Assembled, p.175.
153.Ibid., p. 71.
154.Jane Degras (ed.), The Communist International, 19191943: Documents, Volume 2, 1923
1928 (London: Frank Cass, 1971), p.354.
155.Jane Degras (ed.), The Communist International, 1919-1943: Documents, Volume 3, 19291943 (London: Frank Cass, 1971), p. 17.
156.Red International of Labour Unions, Constitution of the Red International of Labour
Unions, http://www.marxists.org/history/international/profintern/1921/constitution.
htm, last accessed 20 December 2010.
157.Rainer Baudendistel, Between Bombs and Good Intentions: The Red Cross and the ItaloEthiopian War, 19351936 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2006), p.22.
158.Q uoted in Michel Caillat, Mauro Cerutti, Jean-Franois Fayet and Jorge Gajardo, Une
Source Indite de lHistoire de lAnticommunisme: Les Archives de lEntente Internationale Anticommuniste (EIA) de Thodore Aubert (19241950), Matriaux pour lHistoire
de Notre Temps, 73 (2004), p.28.
159.Entente Internationale contre la IIIe Internationale, Vade-Mecum Anti-Bolchevique (Paris:
Union Civique, 1927), front inside cover.
160.Joseph D. Dwyer (ed.), Russia, the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe: A Survey of Holdings
at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution
Press, 1980), p.184.
161.The New Republic, 107 (1942), p.132.
162.Walther Schevenels, Quarante-Cinq Annes: Fdration Syndicale Internationale, 19011945
(Brussels: Institut E. Vandervelde, 1964), p.61.
163.Lewis L. Lorwin, Labor and Internationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1929), p.202.
164.White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.7981.
165.Ibid., p. 85.
216
NOTES
pp. [101105]
217
pp. [105109]
NOTES
Ses Buts et Son Activit (Geneva: Fdration des Institutions Internationales Prives et
Semi-Officielles avec Sige Genve, 1937), pp.34.
192.Relations with Private Organisations, U9333/5202/70, Foreign Office General Correspondence, National Archives, Kew.
193.League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1929; White, Structure of
Private International Organizations, p.15.
194.Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.viii.
195.White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.33; White, Structure of Private
International Organizations, p.178. The capital figure is for 1930.
196.Anonymous pamphlet entitled Militarism versus Feminism: An Enquiry and a Policy Demonstrating that Militarism Involves the Subjection of Women (London: George Allen and
Unwin, 1915), quoted in Jill Liddington, The Long Road to Greenham: Feminism and AntiMilitarism in Britain since 1820 (London: Virago, 1989), p.100.
197.Alfred Zimmern, The Prospects of Democracy and Other Essays (London: Chatto and Windus, 1929), p.341.
198.Bertram Pickard, GenevaThe Worlds Capital, Friendship: The Journal of the Friends
Hall and Walthamstow Educational Settlement, 12 (October 1931), p.1.
199.Bertram Pickard, Geneva: The Pivotal Point of International Co-operation, The World
Outlook, 8 (August 1929), p.59.
200.Ibid., p. 60.
201.All Asian Womens Conference, All Asian Womens Conference. First Session. Lahore, 19th to
25th January 1931 (Bombay: The Times of India Press, 1931), pp.256, 1656.
202.Minutes of the first meeting of the Temporary Liaison Committee of Womens International Organizations, London, 4 November 1930, file 1, Liaison Committee of Womens
International Organizations Archives, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.
203.Minutes of the Liaison Committee of Womens International Organizations, Crosby Hall,
London, 12 February 1931, file 1, Liaison Committee of Womens International Organizations Archives, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.
204.Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, pp.8799.
205.Report of the American Committee in Geneva of the League of Nations Association,
September 15th, 1932, box 34, James T. Shotwell Papers, Columbia University, New York.
206.Vox Populi Committee, Vox Populi (Geneva: Vox Populi Committee, 1932), p.15.
207.Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, pp.2336.
208.Vox Populi Committee, Vox Populi, p.15.
209.Disarmament, 15 February 1932, p.6.
210.Memorandum concerning future development by Mr and Mrs Pickard, 18 November
1933, box 2, International Consultative Group Archives, League of Nations Archives,
Geneva.
211.Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, p.147.
212.This had included the appointment of peace campaigners to government delegations, such
as Mary Woolley to the US delegation: Chandor to Roosevelt, 7 October 1933, file OF404,
Roosevelt papers, Roosevelt Presidential Library, Hyde Park, New York.
213.Ramsay MacDonald to Rev Maldwyn Jones, 12 October 1932 (unsent), box 73, Sir John
Simon Papers, Bodleian Library, Oxford.
218
NOTES
pp. [109112]
219
pp. [112115]
NOTES
220
NOTES
pp. [115118]
A precursor to this committee was the Committee for the Defence of the Soviet Union
against Imperialist War-Mongers: Carr, Twilight of Comintern, p.386.
264.A Congress of the United Anti-Fascist Front, International Press Correspondence, 1933,
p.574.
265.Amalgamation of the World Committee against Imperialist War with the European
Workers Anti-Fascist Union, International Press Correspondence, 1933, pp.8567.
266.Martin Ceadel, Living the Great Illusion: Sir Norman Angell, 18721967 (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2009), p.303.
267.Jill Liddington, The Road to Greenham Common: Feminism and Anti-Militarism in Britain
since 1820 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1989), p.157.
268.Sean McMeekin, The Red Millionaire: A Political Biography of Willi Mnzenberg, Moscows
Secret Propaganda Tsar in the West (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p.262.
269.Ibid., p. 262.
270.World Committee for the Victims of German Fascism, The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror and the Burning of the Reichstag (London: Victor Gollancz, 1933), plates 16 and 17 and
p.142.
271.McMeekin, Red Millionaire, pp.265, 267.
272.Arthur Jay Klinghoffer and Judith Apter Klinghoffer, International Citizens Tribunals:
Mobilizing Public Opinion to Advance Human Rights (New York: Palgrave Macmillan,
2002), p.21.
273.McMeekin, Red Millionaire, p.273.
274.Bref aperu sur le RUP, by the International Secretariat [Geneva], [c. January 1938], file
186, Rassemblement Universel pour la Paix archives, International Institute of Social
History, Amsterdam.
275.International Peace Campaign, The Growth and Importance of the International Peace Campaign ([Geneva: International Peace Campaign, 1938]), p.ii.
276.Ibid., pp. 46.
277.International Peace Campaign, Structure, Progress and Future of the I.P.C. ([London: International Peace Campaign], 1937), p.2.
278.Thomas Richard Davies, The Possibilities of Transnationalism: The International Federation
of League of Nations Societies and the International Peace Campaign, 19191939 (MPhil
thesis, University of Oxford, 2002), pp.7880, 8990.
279.Thierry Wolton, Le Grand Recrutement (Paris: Grasset, 1993), p.14858.
280.White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.6.
281.Quoted in Otto D. Tolischus, Rotary clubs put under Nazis ban, New York Times,
25August 1937.
282.White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.7.
283.Ibid., p. 7.
284.Schevenels, Quarante-Cinq Annes, pp.145, 2223.
285.W. A. V issert Hooft of the World Student Christian Federation, quoted in White,
International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.7.
286.Alton Kastner, A Brief History of the International Rescue Committee (New York:
International Rescue Committee, [2001]), http://www.rescue.org/sites/default/files/
resource-file/history_of_the_IRC.pdf, last accessed 16 June 2011, p.2.
287.Peter Beilharz, The Amsterdam Archive, Labour History, 58 (1990), p.93.
221
pp. [118119]
NOTES
222
NOTES
pp. [120123]
306.Leonard Hodgson, The Second World Conference on Faith and Order, held at Edinburgh,
August 318, 1937 (London: Student Christian Movement Press, 1937), p.273
307.World Council of Churches, What is the World Council of Churches?, http://www.
oikoumene.org/en/who-are-we.html, last accessed 5 July 2011; Constitution for the World
Council of Churches, box 31.007/2, World Council of Churches Archives, Geneva.
308.Foreword by Sir Francis Younghusband in A. Douglas Millard (ed.), Faiths and Fellowship:
Being the Proceedings of the World Congress of Faiths held in London, July 3rd-17th, 1936
(London: J. M. Watkins, 1936), p.11.
309.Q uoted in Lawrence S. Wittner, Rebels against War: The American Peace Movement, 1933
1983 (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1984), p.134.
310.Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.386, citing Federal Union News, December 1944, p.13.
311.Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.3869.
312.Thodore Ruyssen, Is Unofficial International Collaboration Passing through a Crisis?,
International Consultative Group (for Peace and Disarmament) Surveys and Reports, 16, 10
May 1939, box 7/II, International Consultative Group for Peace and Disarmament
Archives, League of Nations Archives, Geneva.
313.Ruyssen, Is Unofficial International Collaboration Passing through a Crisis?, p.2.
314.Ibid., p. 3.
315.Ibid., p. 8.
316.Barry J. Eichengreen, Capital Flows and Crises (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004), p.32.
317.Peter James, The German Electoral System (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), p.10.
318.On the apparent missed opportunities for modest German rearmament under a moderate
leadership, see A. C. Temperley, The Whispering Gallery of Europe (London: Collins, 1938),
chapter 10; F. S. Northedge, The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 19201946 (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1986), p.124; Dick Richardson, The Geneva Disarmament
Conference, 19321934, in Dick Richardson and Glyn Stone (eds.), Decisions and Diplomacy: Essays in Twentieth Century International History (London: Routledge, 1995), p.71.
Central to the failure of these proposals was the absence from the discussions of French
leader Tardieu, who had put forward an ambitious alternative plan designed to cut the
ground from beneath the feet of left-wing proponents of disarmament in advance of
elections; see Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, p.118.
319.On the argument that disarmament activism contributed towards a delay in anti-Fascist
rearmament, see Martin Gilbert, Winston S. Churchill, vol.5 (London: Heinemann, 1976),
p.696; and Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.280, 324, 347. Ibid., p.279 notes that in
1930s Britain So strong had pro-disarmament feeling become that Conservatives dared
not voice their doubts about its achievability. For evidence that frustration with disarmament activism was not limited to British conservatives such as Churchill, see the earlier
discussion in this chapter on reactions to the disarmament mobilization of the 1930s; on
the way in which disarmament activism in the League of Nations era was to contribute
towards the decision of the designers of the UN to limit that organizations relationship
with NGOs, see Chapter 3.
3.
1939 TO THE PRESENT DAY
1.A linear pattern is suggested in, inter alia, Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role
of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley,
223
pp. [124126]
NOTES
CA: University of California Press, 2002); Kathryn Sikkink and Jackie Smith, Infrastructures for Change: Transnational Organizations, 195393, in Sanjeev Khagram, James
V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics: Transnational Social
Movements, Networks and Norms (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2002),
pp.2444; and above all in the charts provided in the statistical volume of Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations Online, http://www.uia.
be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011.
2.Paul Wapner, Politics Beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics, World Politics, 47/3 (1995), pp.31140.
3.Circular 177 by F. E. Figgures, 11 September 1939, Box P.113, International Federation
of League of Nations Societies Archives, League of Nations Archives, Geneva.
4.Data from the Union of International Associations Yearbooks of International Organizations. Speeckaert estimated that the number of INGOs founded in 19404 (46) was less
than half that in 19359 (97): Georges Patrick Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales Fondes depuis le Congrs de Vienne (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1957), p.viii.
5.It should be noted that the specific factors influencing the demise of each of these organizations varied considerably. The Communist International is a special case, given the
close relationship between its operation and Soviet foreign policy.
6.Arnold Whittick, Woman into Citizen (London: Athenaeum with Frederick Miller, 1979),
pp.14751.
7.Data from the Union of International Associations Yearbooks of International Organizations.
8.Stuart A. Rice, The Inter-American Statistical Institute at Age Nineteen, Review of the
International Statistical Institute, 27, 1/3 (1959), p.1.
9.Humayun Ansari, The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain since 1800 (London: Hurst & Co.,
2004), p.341.
10.Irfan Ahmad, Islamism and Democracy in India: The Transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009), p.61.
11.Israel Gershoni and James P. Jankowski, Redefining the Egyptian Nation, 19301945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp.234.
12.Yehoshua Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, 19301945 (London: Frank Cass, 1986),
pp.1609.
13.Gordon H. Torrey, The BathIdeology and Practice, Middle East Journal, 23/4 (1969),
p.447.
14.John F. Devlin, The Bath Party: A History from its Origins to 1966 (Stanford, CA: Hoover
Institution Press, 1976), p.15.
15.Sylvia Kedourie (ed.), Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1962), p.51; Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, p.191.
16.Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, p.190. This also notes the formation in 1942 of the Association of Arabism in Cairo with similar objectives.
17.Adeed Dawisha, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), p.118.
18.Ibid., p. 118.
224
NOTES
pp. [126129]
19.Margot Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation: Gender and the Making of Modern Egypt
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), p.231.
20.Ibid., p. 238.
21.Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, p.177.
22.Union of Arab Pharmacists, homepage, http://www.apharmu.com/, last accessed 12 July
2011.
23.Babu M. Rahman, Constructing Humanitarianism: An Investigation into Oxfams Changing
Humanitarian Culture (PhD thesis, University of Wales, Aberystwyth, 1998), pp.389.
24.Q uoted in Maggie Black, A Cause for Our Times: Oxfam, The First 50 Years (Oxford: Oxfam,
1992), p.11.
25.Robert Wuthnow, Boundless Faith: The Global Outreach of American Churches (Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 2009), p.121.
26.Michael N. Barnett, Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2011), p.114.
27.Peter Conn, Pearl S. Buck: A Cultural Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1996), p.257.
28.News and Announcements, American Sociological Review, 8/2 (1943), p.223.
29.Twentieth Century Fund, Postwar Planning in the United States: An Organization Directory,
3 (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1944), p.114.
30.I bid., pp.2930, 113.
31.Committee to Frame a World Constitution, Preliminary Draft of a World Constitution
(Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1948).
32.Q uoted in Dorothy B. Robins, Experiment in Democracy: The Story of US Citizen Organizations in Forging the Charter of the United Nations (New York: The Parkside Press, 1971),
p.27.
33.Ibid., p. 27.
34.Quoted in Mark G. Toulouse, The Transformation of John Foster Dulles: From Prophet of
Realism to Priest of Nationalism (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1985), p.58.
35.Louis Dolivet, Educating Public Opinion for World Organization, Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, 222 ( July 1942), p.87; Dolivet to Cecil, 11 July 1941,
Add. MSS. 51143, Cecil of Chelwood Papers, British Library, London.
36.Twentieth Century Fund, Postwar Planning in the United States, p.58.
37.Justus D. Doenecke, Non-Interventionism of the Left: The Keep America out of the War
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38.Twentieth Century Fund, Postwar Planning in the United States, pp.57, 108.
39.Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Preliminary Report and Monographs (New
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40.Ibid., pp. 1011.
41.Walter Lichtenstein, International Financial Organization, in Commission to Study the
Organization of Peace, Preliminary Report and Monographs, p.219.
42.Citizens Conference on International Economic Union, WantedAn Economic Union of
Nations (New York: Citizens Conference on International Economic Union, 1943), pp.18.
43.G. John Ikenberry, A World Economy Restored: Expert Consensus and the Anglo-American Postwar Settlement, International Organization, 46/1 (1992), pp.297, 301.
225
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44.Laurence H. Shoup and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign
Relations and United States Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977), p.168.
45.Harley Notter, Postwar Foreign Policy Preparation, 19391945 (Westport, CT: Greenwood,
1975), p.19.
46.Charles W. Yost quoted in Cecelia Lynch, Beyond Appeasement: Interpreting Interwar Peace
Movements in World Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999), p.197.
47.John Foster Dulles quoted in Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Building
Peace: Reports of the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, 19391972 (Metuchen,
NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1973), p.xii.
48.Notter, Postwar Foreign Policy Preparation, pp.69, 73.
49.Ibid., pp. 7374.
50.Ibid., p. 108.
51.Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Building Peace, p.xiii.
52.Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Building Peace, pp.xii-xiii.
53.Notter, Postwar Foreign Policy Preparation, pp.4212.
54.Robins, Experiment in Democracy, p.155.
55.Q uoted in Robins, Experiment in Democracy, p.113.
56.Minutes of the Forty-Ninth Meeting of the United States Delegation, held at San Francisco, Monday, May 21, 1945, 9am, in United States Department of State, Foreign Relations
of the United States: Diplomatic Papers, 1945, Volume 1, General: The United Nations (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1967), p.829.
57.Bill Seary, The Early History: From the Congress of Vienna to the San Francisco Conference, in Peter Willetts (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental
Organizations in the U.N. System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996), p.26.
58.Douglas Williams, The Specialized Agencies and the United Nations: The System in Crisis
(London: Hurst & Co., 1987), p.261.
59.Quoted in Stephen C. Schlesinger, Act of Creation: The Founding of the United Nations
(Cambridge, MA: Westview Press, 2003), p.124; and in Robert A. Divine, Second Chance:
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1967), p.292.
60.Marc Boegner, Quelques Actions des Protestants de France en faveur des Juifs Persecuts sous
lOccupation Allemande, 19401944 (Paris: CIMADE, n.d.).
61.Laurie S. Wiseberg and Harry M. Scoble, The International League for Human Rights:
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62.Jan Herman Burgers, The Road to San Francisco: The Revival of the Human Rights Idea
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63.Ian Clark, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
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64.Iriye, Global Community, p.43.
65.Bertram Pickard, The Greater United Nations (New York: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1956), p.72.
66.Ibid., p. 72.
67.Bob Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations: From 1815 to the Present
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p.176.
69.Boli and Thomas, World Culture in the World Polity, p.176.
70.Peter Willetts, Consultative Status for NGOs at the United Nations, in Peter Willetts
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U.N. System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996), p.34.
71.International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, Official Report of the Free World Labour
Conference and of the First International Congress of the International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions, London, NovemberDecember 1949 (London: International Confederation of
Free Trade Unions, 1949), p.2.
72.Denis MacShane, International Labour and the Origins of the Cold War (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1992), p.122.
73.Ibid., p. 128.
74.I bid., p.5. For evidence of deep-rooted intra-left divisions, see Chapter 2.
75.Monarchist League, History, http://www.monarchyinternational.net/history.htm, last
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76.Proposed Constitution of the World Federation of Democratic Youth, Box 1, World
Federation of Democratic Youth Collection, International Institute of Social History,
Amsterdam, Netherlands; Fdration Dmocratique Internationale des Femmes, Congrs
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Novembre au 1er Dcembre 1945. Premire dition (Paris: Fdration Dmocratique Internationale des Femmes, 1946), p.381.
77.John C. Clews, Communist Propaganda Techniques (London: Methuen, 1964), p.112.
78.Peter Hughes, The Oxford Conference, in Viscount Samuel et al., Spires of Liberty: Speeches
made at the Oxford Conference in May 1947, as a result of which the Liberal International was
inaugurated, and at the First Conference of the Liberal International at Zurich in 1948 (London: Herbert Joseph, 1948), p.15.
79.W illetts, Consultative Status for NGOs at the United Nations, pp.345.
80.Clews, Communist Propaganda Techniques, pp.11214.
81.Ibid., p. 114.
82.Sharaf Rashidov, Great Assembly of Eastern Peoples, in Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity
Conference: Cairo, December 26, 1957January 1, 1958 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1958), p.12.
83.Rashidov, Great Assembly of Eastern Peoples, p.20.
84.Louis L. Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms: A History of the Pan-Movements (Westport, CT:
Greenwood, 1984), p.197.
85.The Conference Resolution on Establishment of a Permanent Organization, in Speeches
delivered by Hon. Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana, and Resolutions Passed at
the First Session of the All African Peoples Conference, Accra, 5th to 13th December 1958 (n.d.),
p.22.
86.Asian Relations Organization, Asian Relations, being Report of the Proceedings and Documentation of the First Asian Relations Conference, New Delhi, MarchApril, 1947 (New Delhi:
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87.Nicholas Mansergh, The Asian Conference, International Affairs, 23/3 (1947), p.303.
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88.Kishore C. Dash, Regionalism in South Asia: Negotiating Cooperation, Institutional Structures (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008), pp.7980.
89.Noor Ahmed Baba, OIC and Pakistans Foreign Policy: Its Indian Dimension, in Rajendra M. Abhyankar (ed.), West Asia and the Region: Defining Indias Role (New Delhi: Academic Foundation, 2008), p.670.
90.Q uoted in Mohammed Ayoob, The Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in
the Muslim World (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2008), p.138.
91.J. J. Lador-Lederer, International Group Protection: Aims and Methods in Human Rights
(Leyden: A. W. Sijthoff, 1968), p.396.
92.Jeremi Suri, Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors, in Patrick Finney
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93.William Korey, NGOs and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: A Curious Grapevine (New York: Palgrave, 2001), p.7.
94.I bid., p.45, citing Ren Cassin, Twenty Years of NGO Effort on Behalf of Human Rights
in Human Rights: Final Report of the International NGO Conference (Paris: UNESCO,
1968), p.20.
95. Ibid., p.2.
96.Nitza Berkovitch, The Emergence and Transformation of the International Womens
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Press, 1999), p.119.
97.J. P. D. Dunbabin, The Post-Imperial Age: The Great Powers and the Wider World (Harlow: Longman, 1994), p.62.
98.Vrushali Patil, Negotiating Decolonization in the United Nations (New York: Routledge,
2008), pp.478.
99.Michael Randle, Civil Resistance (London: Fontana, 1994), pp.545.
100.League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations 1938 (Geneva: League of
Nations, 1938), pp.47091; Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International
Organizations 195152 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1951), pp.1144
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101.Statute of the Socialist International, box 241, Socialist International archives, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.
102.International Road Federation, The International Road Federation: Fifty Years of Service,
19481997 (Washington, DC: International Road Federation, 1997), p.7. Its work was
preceded by that of the Permanent International Association of Road Congresses (now
known as the World Road Federation)see Chapter 1.
103.Gert Hekma, Amsterdam, in David Higgs (ed.), Queer Sites: Gay Urban Histories since
1600 (London: Routledge, 1999), p.83. Its activities were preceded by those of the World
League for Sexual Reform, established in the 1920s (Leila J. Rupp, The Persistence of
Transnational Organizing: The Case of the Homophile Movement, American Historical
Review, 116/4 (2011), p.1014).
104.Margaret Sanger, in Family Planning Association of Great Britain, Proceedings of the
International Congress on Population and World Resources in Relation to the Family, August
1948, Cheltenham, England (London: H. K. Lewis, 1948), p.238; Family Planning
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NOTES
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126.Ann Marie Clark, Diplomacy of Conscience: Amnesty International and Changing Human
Rights Norms (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp.3769.
127.Lawrence Wittner, Resisting the Bomb: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement, 19541970 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997), p.259.
128.Ibid., p. 404.
129.Ibid., p. 441.
130.Carter, Peace Movements, p.78.
131.Ibid., p. 90.
132.Ibid., p. 96.
133.Carole Fink, Philipp Gassert and Detlef Junker (eds.), 1968: The World Transformed (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p.21.
134.Nelson A. Pichardo, New Social Movements: A Critical Review, Annual Review of
Sociology, 23 (1997), pp.41219.
135.See, for example, the articles in the special issue of Social Forces, 52/4 (1985).
136.Paul Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1996), p.76; World Wide Fund for Nature, For a Living Planet:
50 Years of Conservation (Gland, Switzerland: World Wide Fund for Nature, 2011), p.9.
137.John McCormick, The Global Environmental Movement: Reclaiming Paradise (London:
Belhaven, 1989), pp.479.
138.Tom Burke, Friends of the Earth and Conservation of Resources, in Peter Willetts (ed.),
Pressure Groups in the Global System (London: Frances Pinter, 1982), p.105.
139.Paul Watson, quoted in Wapner, Environmental Activism, p.54.
140.Sally Morphet, NGOs and the Environment, in Peter Willetts (ed.), The Conscience of
the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations in the U.N. System (London:
Hurst & Co., 1996), p.124.
141.McCormick, Global Environmental Movement, p.101.
142.Iriye, Global Community, p.129.
143.Stephanie Coontz, A Strange Stirring: The Feminine Mystique and American Women at the
Dawn of the 1960s (New York: Basic Books, 2011), p.xv.
144.Kristina Schulz, 1968 and the Womens Movement, in Gerd-Rainer Horn and Padraic
Kenney, Transnational Moments of Change: Europe 1945, 1968, 1989 (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004), p.149.
145.Valentine M. Moghadam, Globalizing Women: Transnational Feminist Networks (Baltimore,
MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), p.84.
146.Deborah Stienstra, Womens Movements and International Organizations (London: Macmillan, 1994), p.167.
147.Berkovitch, Emergence and Transformation, pp.120, 122.
148.Stienstra, Womens Movements, p.102.
149.Jane Connors, NGOs and the Human Rights of Women at the United Nations, in Peter
Willetts (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations
in the U.N. System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996), p.158; Stienstra, Womens Movements,
pp.16771.
150.Berkovitch, Emergence and Transformation, p.119; Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations, p.154.
151.Berkovitch, Emergence and Transformation, pp.1234.
230
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173.Sikkink, Codes of Conduct, p.822.
174.Joint Statement of INBC and Nestl, reproduced in Chetley, Politics of Baby Foods, p.132.
175.Wapner, Politics Beyond the State, pp.31112.
176.British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, The First Annual Report of the British and Foreign
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177.Wapner, Politics Beyond the State, pp.325, 328.
178.Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Transnational Advocacy Networks in International and Regional Politics, International Social Science Journal, 51/159 (1999), p.93.
179.Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in
International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), pp.4151.
180.Ibid., p. 107.
181.Tullio Scovazzi and Gabriella Citroni, The Struggle against Enforced Disappearance and the
2007 United Nations Convention (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007), p.98.
182.Matthew Evangelista, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999), pp.14751.
183.Q uoted in Lawrence S. Wittner, Toward Nuclear Abolition: A History of the World Nuclear
Disarmament Movement, 1971 to the Present (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
2003), p.84.
184.Q uoted in Evangelista, Unarmed Forces, p.376.
185.Carter, Peace Movements, p.150.
186.Sarah B. Snyder, Human Rights Activism and the End of the Cold War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), p.8.
187.Jeri Laber, The Courage of Strangers: Coming of Age with the Human Rights Movement (New
York: PublicAffairs, 2002), p.182.
188.Q uoted in Laber, Courage of Strangers, p.349.
189.Union of International Associations data indicate an increase from 1,268 in 1960 to 14,333
in 1989.
190.Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century
(Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
191.Helmut Anheier, Mary Kaldor and Marlies Glasius, The Global Civil Society Yearbook:
Lessons and Insights, 20012011, in Mary Kaldor, Henrietta L. Moore and Sabine
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Palgrave, 2012), p.15.
192.Rein Mllerson, Right to Survival as Right to Life of Humanity, Denver Journal of
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193.Zbigniew Rau (ed.), The Reemergence of Civil Society in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union
(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991).
194.Ronnie Lipschutz, Reconstructing World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Society, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 21/3 (1992), p.399.
195.George H. W. Bush, Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the Persian Gulf
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196.W illetts, Consultative Status for NGOs at the United Nations, p.55.
232
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197.Peter Willetts, From Stockholm to Rio and Beyond: The Impact of the Environmental
Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs, Review of
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198.Niamh Reilly, Womens Human Rights (Cambridge: Polity, 2009), p.80; Charlotte Bunch
and Niamh Reilly, Demanding Accountability: The Global Campaign and Vienna Tribunal
for Womens Human Rights (Rutgers, NJ: Center for Womens Global Leadership, 1994).
199.On the nature and operation of global coalitions, see Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational
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200.CIVICUS, Organisational History, http://www.civicus.org/about-us/brief-history, last
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201.CIVICUS, Organisational History.
202.Nobel Media, The Nobel Peace Prize 1997: International Campaign to Ban Landmines,
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203.Q uoted in Nicole Short, The Role of NGOs in the Ottawa Process to Ban Landmines,
International Negotiation, 4/3 (1999), p.481.
204.Marlies Glasius, Expertise in the Cause of Justice: Global Civil Society Influence on the
Statute for an International Criminal Court, in Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor and Helmut
Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society 2002 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002),
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205.See, for instance, Don Hubert, The Landmine Ban: A Case Study in Humanitarian Advocacy
(Providence, RI: Thomas J. Watson Jr Institute for International Studies, 2000), pp.2938.
206.Sanjeev Khagram, Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development: Transnational Civil Society Organizing Around Big Dams, in Ann M. Florini (ed.), The Third
Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan Center for International
Exchange, 2000), pp.1001; James D. Wolfensohn, Foreword, in International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, Accountability at the World Bank: The Inspection Panel
10 Years On (Washington, DC: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development,
2003), p.vii.
207.Fredrik Galtung, A Global Network to Curb Corruption: The Experience of Transparency
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208.Donatella Della Porta (ed.), The Global Justice Movement: Cross-National and Transnational
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209.Thomas Olesen, The Zapatistas and Transnational Framing, in Hank Johnston and Paul
Almeida (eds.), Latin American Social Movements: Globalization, Democratization, and
Transnational Networks (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), pp.17996.
210.Jrgen Kurtz, NGOs, the Internet and International Economic Policy Making: The
Failure of the OECD Multilateral Agreement on Investment, Melbourne Journal of International Law, 3/2 (2002), pp.21346.
211.Jackie Smith, Globalizing Resistance: The Battle of Seattle and the Future of Social
Movements, Mobilization: An International Journal, 6/1 (2001), pp.12.
212.Peter Newell, Campaigning for Corporate Change: Global Citizen Action on the Environment, in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London:
Earthscan, 2001), pp.1928.
213.Tim Jordan and Paul A. Taylor, Hacktivism and Cyberwars: Rebels with a Cause? (Abing-
233
pp. [157159]
NOTES
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Tactics and Tools for Security Practitioners (Waltham, MA: Elsevier, 2011), p.197.
214.By contrast, between 1981 and 1989 the increase had been 53 per cent, from 9,396 to
14,333; and between 1972 and 1981 the increase was 236 per cent, from 2,795 to 9,396.
Data from the Union of International Associations.
215.Of earlier origin is Homeless International, founded in the United Kingdom in 1989.
216.Bernard Cassen et al., ATTAC: Contre la Dictature des Marchs (Paris: Syllepse, 1999).
217.Organizations with earlier foundation dates include the Global Network of People Living
with HIV and AIDS (1986) and the International AIDS Society (1988).
218.V int Cerf, Bob Kahn and Lyman Chapin, Announcing ISOC (1992), http://www.isoc.
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219.Department of Commerce National Telecommunications and Information Administration, Improvement of Technical Management of Internet Names and Addresses.
220.Data adapted from Foundation countries of international organizations: 2008 in Union
of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations Online, http://
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221.Asian Network for Free Elections, ANFRELs Background, http://www.anfrel.org/0000/
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222.All growth rate estimates adapted from Union of International Associations, Foundation
countries of international organizations: 2008. INGO foundation dates and locations
from Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations: Guide
to Global Civil Society Networks 20072008, vol.1 (Mnchen: K. G. Saur, 2007).
223.Ruth Reitan, Global Activism (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), pp.767.
224.Marjorie Mayo, Global Citizens: Social Movements and the Challenge of Globalization (London: Zed, 2005), p.174.
225.Carole J. L. Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, Jubilee 2000: Citizen Action Across
the NorthSouth Divide, in Edwards and Gaventa, Global Citizen Action, p.147; Joshua
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in International Politics, International Studies Quarterly, 51/2 (2007), p.249.
226.Interview with Oded Grajew, Initiator and Secretariat Member of the World Social
Forum, In Motion Magazine, 19 December 2004, http://www.inmotionmagazine.com/
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227.In His Own Words: A Conversation with Oded Grajew, Changemakers.net, March 2005,
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228.World Social Forum, World Social Forum Charter of Principles, 10 June 2001, http://
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229.Ann M. Florini, Lessons Learned, in Ann M. Florini (ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of
Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2000),
pp.211, 237.
230.Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor, Introducing Global Civil Society,
in Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil Society 2001
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.19. On the purpose of the Annuaires see Alfred
Fried, Prface de la 1re Anne, in Alfred Fried, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1906
(Monaco: Institut International de la Paix, 1906), pp.510.
231.Motoko Mekata, Waging Peace: Transnational Peace Activism, in Srilatha Batliwala and
L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society: An Introduction (Bloomfield, CT:
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232.International Court of Justice, Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory
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233.Ibid., p. 15.
234.John D. Clark, The Globalization of Civil Society, in James W. St. G. Walker and
Andrew S. Thompson (eds.), Critical Mass: The Emergence of Global Civil Society (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2008), p.17.
235.In the case of both recent developments (such as the Ottawa landmines convention) and
historic developments (such as the League of Nations Covenant), the role of INGOs in
spurring them needs to be balanced with the role of other factors and actors.
236.Theda Skocpol, Diminished Democracy: From Membership to Management in American Civil
Life (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2003), p.219.
237.Q uoted in Mark Anner, The Paradox of Labour Transnationalism: Trade Union Campaigns for Labour Standards in International Institutions, in Craig Phelan (ed.), The
Future of Organised Labour: Global Perspectives (Berne: Peter Lang, 2007), p.63.
238.Data from the Union of International Associations Yearbook of International Organizations
and from the Encyclopedia of Associations: International Organizations indicate a drop from
approximately 250 million at the start of the decade to approximately half that figure at
the end of the decade, in contrast to growth in the 1980s.
239.John Clark, ConclusionsGlobalizing Civic Engagement, in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational Action (London: Earthscan, 2003),
p.168.
240.Meghnad Desai and Yahia Said, The New Anti-Capitalist Movement: Money and Global
Civil Society, in Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil
Society 2001 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.69.
241.Marlies Glasius and Jill Timms, The Role of Social Forums in Global Civil Society, in
Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor and Helmut Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society 2005/6
(London: SAGE, 2006), p.190.
242.David Chandler, Building Global Civil Society From Below?, Millennium: Journal of
International Studies, 33/2 (2004), pp.335, 337.
243.Jackie Smith and Dawn Wiest, Social Movements in the World-System: The Politics of Crisis
and Transformation (New York: Russell Sage, 2012), p.60.
235
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NOTES
244.Ian Anderson, Global Action: International NGOs and Advocacy, in Barbara Rugendyke
(ed.), NGOs as Advocates for Development in a Globalizing World (London: Routledge,
2007), p.89.
245.Reference to all of these issues and more are provided at Oxfam International, Issues We
Work On, http://www.oxfam.org/en/about/issues, last accessed 7 December 2011.
246.Daniel Chong, Economic Rights and Extreme Poverty: Moving towards Subsistence, in
Clifford Bob (ed.), The International Struggle for New Human Rights (Philadelphia, PA:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), p.119. See also Paul J. Nelson and Ellen Dorsey,
New Rights Advocacy: Changing Strategies of Development and Human Rights NGOs (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2008).
247.Quoted in April Carter, Direct Action and Democracy Today (Cambridge: Polity, 2005),
p.106.
248.Anheier, Kaldor and Glasius, The Global Civil Society Yearbook, p.18.
249.World Business Council for Sustainable Development, What is the WBCSDs Mission?,
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250.This theme is explored in Alejandro Pea, ISO and Social Standardisation: Uncomfortable
Compromises in Global Policy-Making, http://www.city.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_
file/0019/106822/CUWPTP009A_pena.pdf, last accessed 20 October 2011.
251.The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions merged with the World Confederation of Labour in 2006 to form the International Trade Union Confederation.
252.Jackie Smith, Building Bridges or Building Walls? Explaining Regionalization Among
Transnational Social Movement Organizations, Mobilization: An International Quarterly,
10/2 (2005), p.251.
253.Ibid., p. 252.
254.I bid., pp.265, 254.
255.Thayer Scudder, The Future of Large Dams: Dealing with Social, Environmental, Institutional
and Political Costs (London: Earthscan, 2005), pp.2689.
256.Caroline Harper, Do the Facts Matter? NGOs, Research, and International Advocacy,
in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan,
2001), p.253.
257.Edward M. Graham, Fighting the Wrong Enemy: Antiglobal Activists and Multinational
Enterprises (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 2000).
258.Smith and Wiest, Social Movements in the World System, p.62.
259.Paul J. Nelson, Conflict, Legitimacy, and Effectiveness: Who Speaks for Whom in
Transnational NGO Networks Lobbying the World Bank?, Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 26/4 (1997), pp.42141.
260.David Lewis and Nazneen Kanji, Non-Governmental Organizations and Development
(Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p.92.
261.Martin Barber and Cameron Bowie, How International NGOs could do Less Harm and
More Good, Development in Practice, 18/6 (2008), pp.74854.
262.Stephen Knack, Does Foreign Aid Promote Democracy?, International Studies Quarterly,
48/1 (2004), p.253; Michael Maren, The Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid
and International Charity (New York: Free Press, 1997). On the counterproductive impact
of INGO activities in the 1990s, see also Alexander Cooley and James Ron, The NGO
236
NOTES
pp. [164166]
237
pp. [166168]
NOTES
238
NOTES
pp. [168170]
293.Martin N. Marger, Race and Ethnic Relations: American and Global Perspectives, 9th edn
(Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2012), p.464.
294.Reitan, Global Activism, p.14; Zixue Tai, The Internet in China: Cyberspace and Civil Society (New York: Routledge, 2006), p.275.
295.On the argument that globalization and fragmentation exist in a dialectical relationship,
see Geir Lundestad, Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?, International
Politics, 41/2 (2004), pp.26576.
296.Kristin M. Lord, The Perils and Promise of Global Transparency: Why the Information Revolution May Not Lead to Security, Democracy, or Peace (Albany, NY: State University of New
York Press, 2006), p.98.
297.Susantha Goonatilake, Cultural Imperialism: A Short History, Future and a Postscript
from the Present, in Bernd Hamm and Russell Smandych (eds.), Cultural Imperialism:
Essays on the Political Economy of Cultural Domination (Plymouth: Broadview Press, 2005),
p.47.
298.Gordon Laxer and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and its Limits (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p.10, citing James Petras and Henry Veltmeyer, Globalization
Unmasked: Imperialism in the 21st Century (Halifax, Nova Scotia: Fernwood, 2001).
299.Michael G. Schechter, United Nations Global Conferences (Abingdon: Routledge, 2005),
p.155.
300.Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics, pp.512.
301.John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm: A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions was
Won (Geneva: United Nations, 2009).
302.Karl F. Inderfurth, David Fabrycky and Stephen P. Cohen, The Tsunami Report Card,
Foreign Policy, 6 December 2005, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2005/12/05/
the_tsunami_report_card, last accessed 19 December 2011.
303.Craig Borowiak, Mapping Solidarity: The Rise of International Solidarity Economy
Networks, paper presented at the 51st Annual Convention of the International Studies
Association, New Orleans, February 2010. On the civil economy, see Robin Murray,
Global Civil Society and the Rise of the Civil Economy, in Mary Kaldor, Henrietta
L. Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), pp.14464.
304.John W. McDonald with Noa Zanolli, The Shifting Grounds of Conflict and Peacebuilding:
Stories and Lessons (Plymouth: Lexington, 2008), pp.31213.
305.International NGO Charter of Accountability, Charter Background, http://www.ingoaccountabilitycharter.org/about-the-charter/background-of-the-charter, last accessed 29
September 2011.
306.Publish What You Pay, Members of Publish What You Pay, 21/03/2011, http://www.
publishwhatyoupay.org/sites/pwypdev.gn.apc.org/files/Membership%20PDF.pdf, last
accessed 19 October 2011.
307.Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, Who We Are, http://www.brac.net/content/
who-we-are, last accessed 29 September 2011; Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, Who We Are: Evolution, http://www.brac.net/content/who-we-are-evolution, last
accessed 20 December 2011. For further treatment of the themes of this paragraph, see
Thomas Richard Davies, La Transformation des ONG Internationales et ses Effets sur
239
pp. [17173]
NOTES
240
NOTES
pp. [175182]
241
FURTHER READING
For bibliographic details of the items cited in this book, please see the footnotes to the individual chapters. Rather than following the chronological approach of the book, this guide to
further reading is divided into different aspects of the history of transnational civil society and
international non-governmental organizations. It provides a selection of secondary texts and a
few especially significant primary sources, each of which is illustrative of the wider material. It
covers a sample of aspects of transnational civil society activities, but it has not been possible
to include here every aspect covered in the text, nor has it been possible to include every possible source of relevant further reading. The listings should nevertheless be helpful to those seeking to make a start on investigating further the issues covered in this volume.
Abolitionism
Blackburn, Robin, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 17761848 (London: Verso, 1988).
British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention
(London: British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1841).
David, Huw T., Transnational Advocacy in the Eighteenth Century: Transatlantic Activism
and the Anti-Slavery Movement, Global Networks, 7/3 (2007), pp.36782.
Drescher, Seymour, Abolition: A History of Slavery and Antislavery (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2009).
Fladeland, Betty, Men and Brothers: Anglo-American Anti-Slavery Cooperation (Urbana, IL:
University of Illinois Press, 1972).
Kaye, Mike, 18072007: Over 200 Years of Campaigning Against Slavery (London: Anti-Slavery
International, 2005).
Midgley, Clare, Women Against Slavery: The British Campaigns, 17801870 (London: Routledge,
1992).
Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, Constitution of the Pennsylvania
Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery (Philadelphia, PA: Joseph James, 1787).
Temperley, Howard, British Anti-Slavery, 18331870 (Columbia, SC: University of South
Carolina Press, 1972).
Business
Cutler, A. Claire, Private Power and Global Authority: Transnational Merchant Law in the Global
Political Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
243
FURTHER READING
Djelic, Marie-Laure, and Sigrid Quack (eds.), Transnational Communities: Shaping Global Economic Governance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).
Graz, Jean-Christophe, and Andreas Nlke (eds.), Transnational Private Governance and its
Limits (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008).
Hall, Douglas, A Brief History of the West India Committee (St Lawrence, Barbados: Caribbean
Universities Press, 1971).
Hall, Rodney Bruce, and Thomas J. Biersteker (eds.), The Emergence of Private Authority in Global
Governance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
International Committee of the International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Cotton-Spinners and Manufacturers Associations, Official Report of the Proceedings of the
First International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Cotton Spinners and Manufacturers Associations held at the Tonhalle, Zrich, May 23 to 27, 1904 (London: Marsden,
1904).
Internationaler Hotelbesitzer-Verein, 60 Jahre Internationaler Hotelbesitzer-Verein, 18691929
(Kln: Dumont, 1929).
Lhr, Isabella, Die Globalisierung Geistiger Eigentumsrechte (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010).
Pigman, Geoffrey Allen, The World Economic Forum: A Multi-Stakeholder Approach to Global Governance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007).
Ridgeway, George L., Merchants of Peace: Twenty Years of Business Diplomacy through the International Chamber of Commerce (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938).
Ronit, Karsten, and Volker Schneider (eds.), Private Organizations in Global Politics (London:
Routledge, 2000).
Rosenberg, Emily S., Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 18901945 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1982).
Streeck, Wolfgang, Jrgen R. Grote, Volker Schneider, and Jelle Visser (eds.), Governing Interests: Business Associations Facing Internationalization (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006).
Cartels
Bardot, Dominique (ed.), International Cartels Revisited, 18801980 (Caen: Lys, 1994).
Hexner, Ervin, International Cartels (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press,
1945).
Kudo, Akira, and Terushi Hara (eds.), International Cartels in Business History (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1992).
League of Nations, International Cartels: A League of Nations Memorandum (Lake Success, NY:
United Nations Department of Economic Affairs, 1947).
Sloan, Edward W., The First (and Very Secret) International Steamship Cartel, 18501856,
in David J. Starkey and Gelina Harlaftis (eds.), Global Markets: The Internationalization of
the Sea Transport Industries since 1850 (St Johns, Newfoundland: International Maritime
Economic History Association, 1998), pp.2952.
Wurm, Clemens A., International Cartels and Foreign Policy (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1989).
Christianity
Allen, W.O.B., and Edmund McClure, Two Hundred Years: The History of the Society for
244
FURTHER READING
Promoting Christian Knowledge, 16981898 (London: Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, 1898).
Briggs, John, Mercy Amber Oduyoye and Georges Tsetsis (eds.), A History of the Ecumenical
Movement: Volume 3, 19682000 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2004).
Fey, Harold Edward, A History of the Ecumenical Movement: Volume 2, 19481968 (Geneva:
World Council of Churches, 1987).
Ingle, H. Larry, First Among Friends: George Fox and the Creation of Quakerism (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1994).
Jenkins, John Philip, The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand-Year Golden Age of the Church
in the Middle East, Africa, and AsiaAnd How It Died (New York: HarperCollins, 2008).
Robert, Dana L., Christian Mission: How Christianity became a World Religion (Chichester:
Wiley-Blackwell, 2009).
Rouse, Ruth, and Stephen Charles Neill (eds.), A History of the Ecumenical Movement: Volume
1, 15171948 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2004).
Shedd, Clarence Prouty, History of the Worlds Alliance of Young Mens Christian Associations
(London: SPCK, 1955).
Veer, Peter van der (ed.), Conversion to Modernities: The Globalization of Christianity (New York:
Routledge, 1996).
Vissert Hooft, W. A., The Genesis and Formation of the World Council of Churches (Geneva: World
Council of Churches, 1982).
Wuthnow, Robert, Boundless Faith: The Global Outreach of American Churches (Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press, 2009).
Young Mens Christian Association, Report of the General Conference held in Paris, August, 1855
(London: Young Mens Christian Association, 1856).
Civil Society
Anheier, Helmut K., Civil Society: Measurement, Evaluation, Policy (London: Earthscan, 2004).
Anheier, Helmut, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil Society 2001 (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2001).
Kaldor, Mary, Henrietta L. Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten
Years of Critical Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012).
Batliwala, Srilatha, and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society: An Introduction
(Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006).
CIVICUS, Citizens: Strengthening Global Civil Society (Washington, DC: CIVICUS, 1994).
Clark, Peter, British Clubs and Societies, 15801800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 2000).
Colas, Alejandro, International Civil Society: Social Movements in World Politics (Cambridge:
Polity Press, 2002).
Edwards, Michael, and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001).
Eberly, Don, The Rise of Global Civil Society: Building Communities and Nations from the Bottom
Up (New York, NY: Encounter Books, 2008).
Florini, Ann M. (ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan
Center for International Exchange, 2000).
Hall, John A. (ed.), Civil Society: Theory, History, Comparison (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005).
245
FURTHER READING
Heinrich, V. Finn (ed.), CIVICUS Global Survey of the State of Civil Society (Bloomfield, CT:
Kumarian Press, 2007).
Hoffmann, Stefan-Ludwig, Civil Society, 17501914 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).
Kaldor, Mary, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003).
Keane, John, Global Civil Society? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
Keck, Margaret E., and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).
Laxer, Gordon, and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and its Limits (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).
Lipschutz, Ronnie, Reconstructing World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Society,
Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 21/3 (1992), pp.389420.
Norton, Augustus Richard, Civil Society in the Middle East, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 19956).
Piper, Nicola, and Anders Uhlin (eds.), Transnational Activism in Asia: Problems of Power and
Democracy (London: Routledge, 2003).
Salamon, Lester M., Helmut K. Anheier, Regina List, Stefan Toepler, S. Wojciech Sokolowski
and Associates (eds.), Global Civil Society: Dimensions of the Nonprofit Sector (Baltimore, MD:
Johns Hopkins Center for Civil Society Studies, 1999).
Communications
Bekiashev, Kamil A., and Vitali V. Serebriakov, International Marine Organizations (The Hague:
Martinus Nijhoff, 1981).
Burri, Monika, Kilian T. Elsasser and David Gugerli (eds.), Die Internationalitt der Eisenbahn
18501970 (Zrich: Chronos, 2003).
Bygrave, Lee A., and Jon Bing (eds.), Internet Governance: Infrastructure and Institutions (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2009).
Dean, Jodi, Jon W. Anderson and Geert Lovink (eds.), Reformatting Politics: Information Technology and Global Civil Society (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006).
International Broadcasting Union, The Problems of Broadcasting (Geneva: International Broadcasting Union, 1930).
International Road Federation, The International Road Federation: Fifty Years of Service, 1948
1997 (Washington, DC: International Road Federation, 1997).
Leslie, John C., International Air Transport Association: Some Historical Notes, Journal of
Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, 13, 3/4, (1971), pp.31941.
Rayward, W. Boyd, The Origins of Information Science and the International Institute of Bibliography/International Federation for Information and Documentation, in Trudi Bellardo
Hahn and Michael Buckland (eds.), Historical Studies in Information Science (Medford, NJ:
Information Today, 1998), pp.2233.
Tai, Zixue, The Internet in China: Cyberspace and Civil Society (New York: Routledge, 2006).
Communism
Alexander, Robert Jackson, International Trotskyism, 19291985: A Documented Analysis of the
Movement (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991).
Brouw, Pierre, Histoire de lInternationale Communiste, 19191943 (Paris: Fayard, 1997).
Carr, E. H., The Twilight of Comintern, 19301935 (London: Macmillan, 1982).
246
FURTHER READING
Daniels, Robert V., A Documentary History of Communism, Volume 2: Communism and the World
(London: I. B. Tauris, 1987).
Degras, Jane (ed.), The Communist International, 19191943: Documents, Volumes I-III (London: Frank Cass, 1971).
Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition (London: Verso,
1998).
McDermott, Kevin, and Jeremy Agnew, The Comintern: A History of International Communism
from Lenin to Stalin (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996).
McMeekin, Sean, The Red Millionaire: A Political Biography of Willi Mnzenberg, Moscows Secret
Propaganda Tsar in the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003).
Morris, Bernard S., Communist International Front Organizations: Their Nature and Function, World Politics, 9/1 (1956), pp.7687.
Nation, R. Craig, War on War: Lenin, the Zimmerwald Left, and the Origins of Communist Internationalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1989).
Orth, Robert, International Communist Front Organizations (Pfaffenhofen: Ilmgau, 1963).
Wolton, Thierry, Le Grand Recrutement (Paris: Grasset, 1993).
World Committee for the Victims of German Fascism, The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror and
the Burning of the Reichstag (London: Victor Gollancz, 1933).
See also the entries on Socialism.
Consumers
Hilton, Matthew, Choice and Justice: Forty Years of the Malaysian Consumers Movement (Penang:
Universiti Sains Malaysia Press, 2009).
Hilton, Matthew, Prosperity for All: Consumer Activism in an Era of Globalization (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2009).
Mowjee, Tasneem, Consumers Unite Internationally, in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic
Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational Action (London: Earthscan, 2003), pp.2944.
Sim, Foo Gaik, IOCU on Record: A Documentary History of the International Organization of Consumers Unions, 19601990 (Yonkers, NY: Consumers Union, 1990).
Cooperatives
Birchall, Johnston, The International Co-operative Movement (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997).
Harrison, J. F. C., Robert Owen and the Owenites in Britain and America: The Quest for the New
Moral World (London: Routledge, 1969).
International Co-operative Alliance, Report of the First International Co-operative Congress
(London: P. S. King and Son, 1895).
Murray, Robin, Global Civil Society and the Rise of the Civil Economy, in Mary Kaldor, Henrietta L. Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical
Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), pp.14464.
Watkins, William Pascoe, The International Co-operative Alliance, 18951970 (London: International Co-operative Alliance, 1970).
Williams, Richard C., The Co-operative Movement: Globalization from Below (Aldershot: Ashgate,
2007).
247
FURTHER READING
Decolonization
Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity Conference: Cairo, December 26, 1957January 1, 1958 (Moscow:
Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1958).
Duara, Prasenjit (ed.), Decolonization: Perspectives from Now and Then (London: Routledge,
2004).
Kimche, David, The Afro-Asian Movement: Ideology and Foreign Policy of the Third World ( Jerusalem: Israel Universities Press, 1973).
Patil, Vrushali, Negotiating Decolonization in the United Nations (New York: Routledge, 2008).
Thomas, Darryl C., The Theory and Practice of Third World Solidarity (New York: Greenwood
Press, 2001).
Development
Chabbott, Colette, Development INGOs, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford,
CA: Stanford University Press), pp.22248.
Davies, Thomas Richard, La Transformation des ONG Internationales et ses Effets sur LAide
au Dveloppement, Revue Internationale de Politique de Dveloppement, 3 (2012), pp.6375.
Lewis, David, and Nazneen Kanji, Non-Governmental Organizations and Development (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009).
Lindenberg, Marc, and Coralie Bryant, Going Global: Transforming Relief and Development
NGOs (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2001).
Rugendyke, Barbara (ed.), NGOs as Advocates for Development in a Globalizing World (London:
Routledge, 2007).
Third World Network, Third World: Development or Crisis? Declaration and Conclusions of the
Third World Conference, Penang, 914 Nov. 1984 (Penang: Third World Network, 1984).
See also the entries on Humanitarianism.
Education
Alter, Peter, The Royal Society and the International Association of Academies 18971919,
Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 34/2 (1980), pp.24164.
Hayden, Mary, and Jeff Thompson (eds.), International Education: Principles and Practice (London: Kogan Page, 1998).
Iriye, Akira, Cultural Internationalism and World Order (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997).
Scanlon, David G. (ed.), International Education: A Documentary History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960).
Sylvester, Robert, Historical Resources for Research in International Education, in Mary
Hayden, Jack Levy and Jeff Thompson (eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Research in International Education (London: SAGE, 2007), pp.1124.
Environment
Bohlen, Jim, Making Waves: The Origins and Future of Greenpeace (Montral and London: Black
Rose, 2001).
248
FURTHER READING
Carson, Rachel, Silent Spring (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1962).
Fitzwilliams, James M., St Barbe Baker: Far-Sighted Pioneer, Environmental Conservation,
14/2 (1987), pp.1648.
Frank, David John, Ann Hironaka, John W. Meyer, Evan Schofer and Nancy Brandon Tuma,
The Rationalization and Organization of Nature in World Culture, in John Boli and George
M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations
since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.8199.
Grove, Richard H., Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 16001850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
Holdgate, Martin, The Green Web: A Union for World Conservation (London: Earthscan, 1999).
Journal of the Society for the Preservation of the Wild Fauna of the Empire, 1 (1904).
McCormick, John, Reclaiming Paradise: The Global Environmental Movement (Bloomington,
IN: Indiana University Press, 1991).
Newell, Peter, Campaigning for Corporate Change: Global Citizen Action on the Environment, in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001), pp.189201.
Princen, Thomas, and Matthias Finger (eds.), Environmental NGOs in World Politics: Linking
the Local and the Global (London: Routledge, 1994).
Scarce, Rick, Eco-Warriors: Understanding the Radical Environmental Movement (Walnut Creek,
CA: Left Coast Press, 2005).
Tyrrell, Ian, True Gardens of the Gods: CalifornianAustralian Environmental Reform, 18601930
(Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1999).
Wapner, Paul, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany, NY: State University
of New York Press, 1996).
Extremism
Caillat, Michel, Mauro Cerutti, Jean-Franois Fayet and Jorge Gajardo, Une Source Indite
de lHistoire de lAnticommunisme: Les Archives de lEntente Internationale Anticommuniste (EIA) de Thodore Aubert (19241950), Matriaux pour lHistoire de Notre Temps, 73
(2004), pp.2531.
Greven, Thomas, and Thomas Grumke (eds.), Globalisierter Rechtsextremismus? Die Extremistische Rechte in der ra der Globalisierung (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2006).
Leeden, Michael Arthur, Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International,
19281936 (New York: Howard Fertig, 1972).
Morgan, Philip, Fascism in Europe, 19191945 (London: Routledge, 2003).
Vejvodov, Petra, Transnational Cooperation of the Far Right in the European Union and
Attempts to Institutionalize Mutual Relations, in Uwe Backes and Patrick Moreau (eds.),
The Extreme Right in Europe: Current Trends and Perspectives (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 2012), pp.21528.
Feminism
All Asian Womens Conference, All Asian Womens Conference. First Session. Lahore, 19th to 25th
January 1931 (Bombay: The Times of India Press, 1931).
Anderson, Bonnie S., Joyous Greetings: The First International Womens Movement, 18301860
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).
249
FURTHER READING
Berkovitch, Nitza, From Motherhood to Citizenship: Womens Rights and International Organization (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999).
Bunch, Charlotte, and Niamh Reilly, Demanding Accountability: The Global Campaign and Vienna
Tribunal for Womens Human Rights (Rutgers, NJ: Center for Womens Global Leadership,
1994).
Butler, Josephine E., The New Abolitionists (London: Dyer Brothers, 1876).
Daley, Caroline, and Melanie Nolan (eds.), Suffrage and Beyond: International Feminist Perspectives (New York: New York University Press, 1994).
Evans, Richard J., The Feminists: Womens Emancipation Movements in Europe, America, and Australasia, 18401920 (London: Croom Helm, 1977).
Feree, Myra Marx, and Aili Mari Tripp (eds.), Transnational Womens Activism, Organizing, and
Human Rights (New York: New York University Press, 2006).
Goegg, Marie, Proposition de crer une Association Internationale des Femmes, en connexion avec la Ligue de la Paix et de la Libert, Les tats-Unis dEurope (1868), p.38.
International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World: The Dynamic Story of the International Council of Women since 1888 (London: Routledge, 1966).
Kates, Gary, The Powers of Husband and Wife must be Equal and Separate: The Cercle
Social and the Rights of Women, 179091, in Harriet B. Applewhite and Darline G. Levy
(eds.), Women and Politics in the Age of Democratic Revolution (Ann Arbor, MI: University of
Michigan Press, 1990), pp.1723.
Limoncelli, Stephanie A., The Politics of Trafficking: The First International Movement to Combat
the Sexual Exploitation of Women (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010).
Miller, Carol, Genevathe Key to Equality: Inter-war Feminists and the League of Nations,
Womens History Review, 3/2 (1994), pp.21945.
Miller, Francesca, Latin American Feminists and the Transnational Arena, in Emilie L. Bergmann (ed.), Women, Culture and Politics in Latin America (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA:
University of California Press, 1990), pp.1026.
Moghadam, Valentine M., Globalizing Women: Transnational Feminist Networks (Baltimore,
MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005).
National American Woman Suffrage Association, Report. First International Woman Suffrage
Conference held at Washington, USA, February 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 1902, in connection
with and by invitation of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (New York: International Woman Suffrage Headquarters, 1902).
National Woman Suffrage Association, Report of the International Council of Women assembled
by the National Woman Suffrage Association, Washington, DC, United States of America, March
25 to April 1, 1888 (Washington, DC: Rufus H. Darby, 1888).
Open Door International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, Report of
the Conference held in Berlin, June 15th and 16th, 1929 (London: Open Door International
for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, 1929).
Reilly, Niamh, Womens Human Rights (Cambridge: Polity, 2009).
Rupp, Leila J., Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Womens Movement (Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997).
Stienstra, Deborah, Womens Movements and International Organizations (London: Macmillan,
1994).
Tyrrell, Ian, Womans World/Womans Empire: The Womans Christian Temperance Union in
250
FURTHER READING
International Perspective, 18801930 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press,
1991).
Wellman, Judith, The Road to Seneca Falls: Elizabeth Cady Stanton and the First Womans Rights
Convention (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2004).
Whittick, Arnold, Woman into Citizen (London: Athenaeum with Frederick Miller, 1979).
Foundations
Arnove, Robert F., Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism: Foundations at Home and Abroad
(Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1982).
Berman, Edward H., The Ideology of Philanthropy: The Influence of the Carnegie, Ford and Rockefeller Foundations on American Foreign Policy (Albany, NY: State University of New York
Press, 1986).
Curti, Merle, American Philanthropy Abroad (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1963).
Parmar, Inderjeet, Foundations of the American Century: The Ford, Carnegie, and Rockefeller Foundations and the Rise of American Power (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012).
Rosenberg, Emily, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion,
18901945 (New York: Hill & Wang, 1982).
Global governance
Charnovitz, Steve, Two Centuries of Participation: NGOs and International Governance,
Michigan Journal of International Law, 183 (19967), pp.183286.
Clark, Ian, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).
Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Preliminary Report and Monographs (New
York: Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, 1942).
Davies, Thomas Richard, A Great Experiment of the League of Nations Era: International
Nongovernmental Organizations, Global Governance, and Democracy Beyond the State,
Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, 18/4 (2012),
pp.40523.
Fdration des Institutions Internationales Prives et Semi-Officielles avec Sige Genve, La
Fdration des Institutions Internationales Prives et Semi-Officielles avec Sige Genve: Ses
Buts et Son Activit (Geneva: Fdration des Institutions Internationales Prives et SemiOfficielles avec Sige Genve, 1937).
Ikenberry, G. John, A World Economy Restored: Expert Consensus and the Anglo-American
Postwar Settlement, International Organization, 46/1 (1992), pp.289321.
Lie, Trygve, The Right of Petition (Report by the Secretary General), United Nations Document
E/CN.4/419, 11 April 1950.
Murphy, Craig N., International Organization and Industrial Change: Global Governance since
1850 (Cambridge: Polity, 1994).
Pickard, Bertram, The Greater League of Nations (Letchworth: Garden City Press, 1936).
Robins, Dorothy B., Experiment in Democracy: The Story of US Citizen Organizations in Forging
the Charter of the United Nations (New York: The Parkside Press, 1971).
Ronit, Karsten, and Volker Schneider (eds.), Private Organizations in Global Politics (Abingdon: Routledge, 2000).
251
FURTHER READING
Schlesinger, Stephen C., Act of Creation: The Founding of the United Nations (Cambridge, MA:
Westview Press, 2003).
Shotwell, James T. (ed.), The Origins of the International Labor Organization (New York: Columbia University Press, 1934).
Willetts, Peter (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations in the U.N. System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996).
Zimmern, Alfred, The Prospects of Democracy and Other Essays (London: Chatto and Windus,
1929).
Global justice
Cassen, Bernard, Tout a Commenc Porto Alegre: Mille Forums Sociaux (Paris: Mille et Une
Nuits, 2003).
Cassen, Bernard, et al., ATTAC: Contre la Dictature des Marchs (Paris: Syllepse, 1999).
Della Porta, Donatella (ed.), The Global Justice Movement: Cross-National and Transnational Perspectives (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2007).
Kurtz, Jrgen, NGOs, the Internet and International Economic Policy Making: The Failure of
the OECD Multilateral Agreement on Investment, Melbourne Journal of International Law,
3/2 (2002), pp.21346.
Olesen, Thomas, International Zapatismo: The Construction of Solidarity in the Age of Globalization (London: Zed, 2005).
Pea, Alejandro, and Thomas Richard Davies, Globalisation from Above? Corporate Social
Responsibility, the Workers Party and the Origins of the World Social Forum, New Political Economy, 2013: DOI 10.1080/13563467.2013.779651.
Sen, Jai, and Peter Waterman (eds.), World Social Forum: Challenging Empires (Montral: Black
Rose, 2007).
Smith, Jackie, Social Movements for Global Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008).
Worth, Owen, and Karen Buckley, The World Social Forum: Postmodern Prince or Court
Jester?, Third World Quarterly, 30/4 (2009), pp.64961.
Health
Barrett, Deborah, and David John Frank, Population Control for National Development: From
World Discourse to National Policies, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford,
CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.198221.
Bazin, Herv, Vaccination: A History, From Lady Montagu to Genetic Engineering (Montrouge:
John Libby Eurotext, 2011).
Brush, Barbara L., Nurses of All Nations: A History of the International Council of Nurses, 1899
1999 (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott, Williams and Wilkins, 1999).
Chetley, Andrew, The Politics of Baby Foods: Successful Challenges to an International Marketing
Strategy (London: Frances Pinter, 1986).
Duke-Elder, Sir Stewart, A Century of International Ophthalmology, 18571957 (London: Kimpton, 1958).
Ennis, John, The Story of the Fdration Dentaire Internationale (London: Fdration Dentaire
Internationale, 1967).
252
FURTHER READING
Harman, Sophie, Global Health Governance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012).
Royal Jennerian Society, The Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the Small-Pox
(London: James Swan, 1817).
Suitters, Beryl, Be Brave and Angry: Chronicles of the International Planned Parenthood Federation (London: International Planned Parenthood Federation, 1973).
Weindling, Paul, International Health Organisations and Movements, 19181939 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1995).
See also the entries on Humanitarianism.
Hinduism
Katju, Manjari, Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian Politics (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2003).
McKean, Lise, Divine Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996).
Pangborn, Cyrus R., The Ramakrishna Math and Mission: A Case Study of a Revitalization
Movement, in Bardwell L. Smith (ed.), Hinduism: New Essays in the History of Religions
(Leiden: Brill, 1976), pp.98119.
Williams, Raymond Brady, An Introduction to Swaminarayan Hinduism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
Homosexuality
Adam, Barry D., Jan Willem Duyvendak and Andr Krouwel (eds.), The Global Emergence of
Gay and Lesbian Politics: National Imprints of a Worldwide Movement (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1999).
Massad, Joseph, Re-Orienting Desire: The Gay International and the Arab World, Public Culture, 14/2 (2002), pp.36185.
Rupp, Leila J., The Persistence of Transnational Organizing: The Case of the Homophile Movement, American Historical Review, 116/4 (2011), pp.101439.
Human rights
Baehr, Peter R., Non-Governmental Human Rights Organizations in International Relations (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).
Benenson, Peter, The Forgotten Prisoners, The Observer Weekend Review, 28 May 1961.
Bob, Clifford (ed.), The International Struggle for New Human Rights (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009).
Buchanan, Tom, The Truth Will Set You Free: The Making of Amnesty International, Journal of Contemporary History, 37/4 (2002), pp.57597.
Burgers, Jan Herman, The Road to San Francisco: The Revival of the Human Rights Idea in
the Twentieth Century, Human Rights Quarterly, 14/4 (1992), pp.44777.
Clark, Ann Marie, Diplomacy of Conscience: Amnesty International and Changing Human Rights
Norms (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).
Glasius, Marlies, The International Criminal Court: A Global Civil Society Achievement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006).
Heartfield, James, The Aborigines Protection Society: Humanitarian Imperialism in Australia, New
Zealand, Fiji, Canada, South Africa, and the Congo, 18371909 (London: Hurst & Co., 2011).
253
FURTHER READING
Ishay, Micheline R., The History of Human Rights: From Ancient Times to the Globalization Era
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008).
Klinghoffer, Arthur Jay, and Judith Apter Klinghoffer, International Citizens Tribunals: Mobilizing Public Opinion to Advance Human Rights (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002).
Korey, William, NGOs and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: A Curious Grapevine (New
York: Palgrave, 2001).
Lewis, Norman, From Fire and Sword to Arsenic and BulletsCivilisation has sent Six Million Indians to Extinction, Sunday Times Magazine, 23 February 1969, reproduced at http://
www.scribd.com/doc/39884822, last accessed 22 August 2011.
Moyn, Samuel, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press,
2010).
Neier, Aryeh, The International Human Rights Movement: A History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 2012).
Nelson, Paul J., and Ellen Dorsey, New Rights Advocacy: Changing Strategies of Development and
Human Rights NGOs (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2008).
Risse, Thomas, Stephen C. Ropp and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), The Power of Human Rights: International Norms and Domestic Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
Se, Henri, Histoire de la Ligue des Droits de lHomme (18981926) (Paris: Ligue des Droits de
lHomme, 1927).
Snyder, Sarah B., Human Rights Activism and the End of the Cold War (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2011).
Thomas, Daniel C., The Helsinki Effect: International Norms, Human Rights, and the Demise of
Communism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).
Humanitarianism
Barnett, Michael N., Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 2011).
Bass, Gary J., Freedoms Battle: The Origins of Humanitarian Intervention (New York: Knopf Doubleday, 2009).
Bazarov, Valery, HIAS and HICEM in the System of Jewish Relief Organisations in Europe,
193341, East European Jewish Affairs, 39/1 (2009), pp.6978.
Benthall, Jonathan, and Jrme Bellion-Jourdan, The Charitable Crescent: Politics of Aid in the
Muslim World (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003).
Black, Maggie, A Cause for Our Times: Oxfam, The First 50 Years (Oxford: Oxfam, 1992).
Coste, Pierre (ed.), Saint Vincent de Paul. Correspondence, Entretiens, Documents (Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1924).
Ducpetiaux, Edouard, Projet dAssociation pour le Progrs des Sciences et la Ralisation des Rformes
Morales et Sociales (Brussels, 1843).
Dunant, Henri, The Origin of the Red Cross (Philadelphia, PA: John C. Winston, 1911).
Evans, Clayton, Rescue at Sea: An International History of Lifesaving, Coastal Rescue Craft and
Organisations (London: Conway Maritime Press, 2003).
Forsythe, David P., The Humanitarians: The International Committee of the Red Cross (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2005).
French Committee on Social Welfare, International Council on Social Welfare (ICSW): 80 Years
of History (Rennes: Presses de lcole des Hautes tudes en Sant Publique, 2008).
254
FURTHER READING
Johnson, Alexander, An Account of Some Societies at Amsterdam and Hamburgh for the Recovery of
Drowned Persons, and of Similar Institutions at Venice, Milan, Padua, Vienna and Paris (London: John Nourse, 1773).
League of Red Cross Societies, Proceedings of the Medical Conference held at the invitation of the
Committee of Red Cross Societies, Cannes, France, April 1 to 11, 1919 (Geneva: League of Red
Cross Societies, 1919).
Liancourt, Augusta, Biographical Notes on Callistus Augustus Count de Godde-Liancourt, founder
of over one hundred and fifty humane societies in Africa, America, Asia and Europe (London:
Whittacker & Co., 1877).
Maren, Michael, The Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity
(New York: Free Press, 1997).
Mdecins Sans Frontires, Lettre aux 60.000 Mdecins, Bulletin Intrieur de MSF, 1 (1974),
pp.46.
Moniz, Amanda Bowie, Cosmopolitanism in the Early American Republic, GHI Bulletin Supplement, 5 (2008), pp.922.
Moorehead, Caroline, Dunants Dream: War, Switzerland and the History of the Red Cross (New
York: Carroll and Graf, 1999).
Mulley, Clare, The Woman who Saved the Children: A Biography of Eglantyne Jebb (Oxford: Oneworld, 2009).
Murdoch, Norman H., The Origins of the Salvation Army (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1994).
Roberts, Henry, Report of the Proceedings of the Congrs Internationale de Bienfaisance, Journal of the Statistical Society of London, 21/3 (1858), pp.33944.
Ryfman, Philippe, La Question Humanitaire: Histoire, Problmatiques, Acteurs en Enjeux de lAide
Humanitaire Internationale (Paris: Ellipses, 1999).
Smith, Brian H., More than Altruism: The Politics of Private Foreign Aid (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990).
Society of Universal Good-Will, An Account of the Scots Society in Norwich, from its Rise in 1775
until it received the additional Name of the Society of Universal Good-Will in 1784 (Norwich:
W. Chase, 1784).
Storr, Katherine, Excluded from the Record: Women, Refugees and Relief, 19141929 (Berne: Peter
Lang, 2010).
Tong, Jacqueline, ICVA at Forty-Something: The Life and Times of a Middle-Aged NGO Consortium (Geneva: International Council of Voluntary Agencies, 2009).
Vallaeys, Anne, Mdecins Sans Frontires: La Biographie (Paris: Fayard, 2004).
Walker, Peter, and Daniel Maxwell, Shaping the Humanitarian World (Abingdon: Routledge,
2009).
See also the entries on Development and Health.
Imperialism
Ascherson, Neal, The King Incorporated: Leopold the Second and the Congo (London: Granta,
1999).
Hallett, Robin (ed.), Records of the African Association, 17881831 (London: Thomas Nelson,
1964).
255
FURTHER READING
Harland-Jacobs, Jessica L., Builders of Empire: Freemasonry and British Imperialism, 17171927
(Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2007).
Hochschild, Adam, King Leopolds Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa
(London: Pan Macmillan, 1999).
Morel, Edmund D., King Leopolds Rule in Africa (New York: Funk and Wagnalls Company,
1905).
International relations
Dockrill, M. L., The Foreign Office and the Proposed Institute of International Affairs 1919,
International Affairs, 56/4 (1980), pp.66572.
Long, David, and Brian C. Schmidt (eds.), Imperialism and Internationalism in the Discipline of
International Relations (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2005).
Parmar, Inderjeet, Anglo-American Elites in the Interwar Years: Idealism and Power in the
Intellectual Roots of Chatham House and the Council on Foreign Relations, International
Relations, 16/1 (2002), pp.5375.
Parmar, Inderjeet, Think Tanks and Power in Foreign Policy: A Comparative Study of the Role and
Influence of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Royal Institute of International Affairs,
19391945 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).
Shoup, Laurence H., and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign Relations and United States Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977). See also the
entries on Global governance.
Islam
Ahmad, Irfan, Islamism and Democracy in India: The Transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009).
Ansari, Humayun, The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain since 1800 (London: Hurst & Co.,
2004).
Ayoob, Mohammed, The Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Muslim World
(Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2008).
Benthall, Jonathan, and Jrme Bellion-Jourdan, The Charitable Crescent: Politics of Aid in the
Muslim World (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003).
Burdett, Anita L. P. (ed.), Islamic Movements in the Arab World, 19131966 (Slough: Archive
Editions, 1998).
Cooke, Miriam, and Bruce B. Lawrence (eds.), Muslim Networks: From Hajj to Hip Hop (Chapel
Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2005).
Karpat, Kemal H., The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith and Community in the Late Ottoman State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).
Kidwai, Shaikh Mushir Hosain, Pan-Islamism (London: Lusac, 1908).
Kramer, Martin, Islam Assembled: The Advent of the Muslim Congresses (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1986).
Lia, Brynjar, The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt: The Rise of an Islamic Mass Movement,
19281942 (Reading: Garnet, 1998).
Loimeier, Roman, Die Islamischer Welt als Netzwerk (Wrzburg: Ergon, 2000).
256
FURTHER READING
Minault, Gail, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1982).
Mitchell, Richard Paul, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1993).
zcan, Azmi, Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain, 18771924 (Leiden:
Brill, 1997).
Rubin, Barry, The Muslim Brotherhood: The Organization and Policies of a Global Islamist Movement (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).
Trinningham, J. Spencer, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).
Voll, John Obert, Islam as a Special World-System, Journal of World History, 5/2 (1994),
pp.21326.
Judaism
Comit Excutif du Congrs Juif Mondial, Protocole du Premier Congrs Juif Mondial, Genve,
815 Aot 1936 (Geneva: Comit Excutif du Congrs Juif Mondial, 1936).
Executive of the Zionist Organization, The Jubilee of the First Zionist Congress, 18971947 ( Jerusalem: Executive of the Zionist Organization, 1947).
Garai, George (ed.), 40 Years in Action: A Record of the World Jewish Congress, 19361976 (Geneva:
World Jewish Congress, 1976).
Kedourie, Elie, The Alliance Isralite Universelle, 18601960, in Elie Kedourie, Arab Political
Memoirs and Other Studies (London: Frank Cass, 1974), pp.7380.
Laqueur, Walter, A History of Zionism (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003).
Leven, Narcisse, Cinquante Ans dHistoire: LAlliance Isralite Universelle, 18601910, Tome Premier (Paris: Librairie Flix Alcan, 1911).
Labour
Berenstein, Alexandre, Les Organisations Ouvrires: Leurs Comptences et Leur Rle dans la Socit
des Nations (Paris: Pedone, 1936).
Dale, Leon A., International Trade Secretariats, Industrial Relations, 22/1 (1967), pp.98115.
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, Official Report of the Free World Labour Conference and of the First International Congress of the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions, London, NovemberDecember 1949 (London: International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions, 1949).
Lorwin, Lewis L., Labor and Internationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1929).
MacShane, Denis, International Labour and the Origins of the Cold War (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1992).
Mason, Paul, Live Working or Die Fighting: How the Working Class went Global (London: Harvill
Secker, 2007).
Phelan, Craig (ed.), The Future of Organised Labour: Global Perspectives (Berne: Peter Lang,
2007).
Schevenels, Walther, Quarante-Cinq Annes: Fdration Syndicale Internationale, 19011945
(Brussels: Institut E. Vandervelde, 1964).
Silver, Beverly J., Forces of Labor: Workers Movements and Globalization since 1870 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2003).
257
FURTHER READING
Van der Linden, Marcel, Transnational Labour History: Explorations (London: Ashgate, 2003).
Van der Linden, Marcel (ed.), The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (Berne: Peter
Lang, 2000).
Van der Linden, Marcel, and Wayne Thorpe (eds.), Revolutionary Syndicalism: An International
Perspective (Aldershot: Scolar, 1990).
Van Goethem, Geert, The Amsterdam International: The World of the International Federation of
Trade Unions (IFTU), 19131945 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006).
Language
Eco, Umberto, The Search for the Perfect Language (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995).
Forster, Peter Glover, The Esperanto Movement (The Hague: Mouton, 1982).
Kim, Young S., Constructing a Global Identity: The Role of Esperanto, in John Boli and George
M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations
since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.12748.
Large, Andrew, The Artificial Language Movement (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987).
Sprague, Charles E., Hand-book of Volapk (New York: Charles E. Sprague, 1888).
Zamenhof, Lejzer Ludwik, The Making of an International Language, in J. C. OConnor,
Esperanto [The Universal Language]: The Students Complete Textbook (New York: Fleming
H. Revell), pp.720.
Law
Bos, Maarten (ed.), The Present State of International Law and Other Essays: Written in Honour
of the Centenary Celebration of the International Law Association 18731973 (Deventer: Kluwer, 1973).
Dezalay, Yves, Dealing in Virtue: International Commercial Arbitration and the Construction of
International Legal Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).
Harper, J. Ross (ed.), Global Law in Practice (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1997).
Institute of International Law, Livre du Centenaire, 18731973: volution et Perspectives du Droit
International (Basle: S. Karger, 1973).
Koskenniemi, Martti, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law,
18701960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
Liberalism
Samuel, Viscount Herbert, et al., Spires of Liberty: Speeches made at the Oxford Conference in May
1947, as a result of which the Liberal International was inaugurated, and at the First Conference
of the Liberal International at Zurich in 1948 (London: Herbert Joseph, 1948).
Smith, Julie, A Sense of Liberty: The History of the Liberal International, 19471997 (London:
Liberal International, 1997).
National self-determination
Mazzini, Giuseppe, Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini. Vol.III. Autobiographical and Political
(London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1891).
258
FURTHER READING
Nabulsi, Karma, Patriotism and Internationalism in the Oath of Allegiance to Young Europe,
European Journal of Political Theory, 5/1 (2006), pp.6170.
Plissier, Jean, and *** (i.e. Jean Gabrys), Les Principaux Artisans de la Renaissance Nationale Lituanienne: Hommes et Choses de Lituanie (Lausanne: Bureau dInformations de Lituanie, 1918).
Penn, Virginia, Philhellenism in Europe, 18211828, The Slavonic and East European Review,
16/48 (1938), pp.63853.
Sarti, Roland, Mazzini: A Life for the Religion of Politics (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997).
Senn, Alfred Erich, Garlawa: A Study in Emigr Intrigue, 19151917 (1967), pp.41124.
Soutou, Georges-Henri, Jean Plissier et lOffice Central des Nationalits, 19111918: Renseignement et Influence, Rlations Internationales, 78 (1994), pp.15374.
Union des Nationalits, Les Annales des Nationalits, 19121918
Watson, D. R., Jean Plissier and the Office Central des Nationalits, 19121919, English Historical Review, 110 (1995), pp.11911206.
Non-governmental organizations
Ahmed, Shamima, and David M. Potter, NGOs in International Politics (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006).
Boli, John, and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press).
Chatfield, Charles, Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945, in Jackie
Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and
Global Politics: Solidarity beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997),
pp.1941.
Davies, Thomas Richard, The Rise and Fall of Transnational Civil Society: The Evolution of
International Non-Governmental Organizations since the Mid Nineteenth Century, in
Luc Reydams (ed.), The Global Activism Reader (New York: Continuum, 2011), pp.3544.
Fried, Alfred, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 19051907 (Monaco: Institut International de
la Paix, 19051907).
International Association, Journal of the International Association (Glasgow: Rutherglen, 1834).
League of Nations, Handbook of International Organizations (Geneva: League of Nations, 1921
1938). Online version available at: http://www.lonsea.de/
Maynard, Douglas, Reform and the Origins of the International Organization Movement,
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 107/3 (1963), pp.22031.
Office Central des Associations Internationales, Congrs Mondial des Associations Internationales, Bruxelles, 911 Mai 1910 (Brussels: Office Central des Associations Internationales,
1911).
Ruyssen, Thodore, Is Unofficial International Collaboration Passing through a Crisis?, International Consultative Group (for Peace and Disarmament) Surveys and Reports, 16, 10 May
1939.
Sikkink, Kathryn, and Jackie Smith, Infrastructures for Change: Transnational Organizations,
195393, in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring
World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks and Norms (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), pp.2444.
Skjelsbaek, Kjell, The Growth of International Nongovernmental Organization in the Twentieth Century, International Organization, 25/3 (1971), pp.42042.
259
FURTHER READING
Speeckaert, Georges Patrick, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales Fondes depuis le Congrs de
Vienne (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1957).
Suri, Jeremi, Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors, in Patrick Finney (ed.),
Palgrave Advances in International History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005),
pp.22346.
Union of International Associations, Annuaires de la Vie Internationale, 19081911 (Brussels:
Office Central des Associations Internationales, 190911).
Union of International Associations, Congrs Mondial des Associations Internationales, Bruxelles,
1518 Juin 1913 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914).
Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations Online, http://
www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011.
Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations: A World Center (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914).
White, Lyman Cromwell, International Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes, Methods and Accomplishments (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968).
White, Lyman Cromwell, The Structure of Private International Organizations (Philadephia, PA:
George S. Ferguson Company, 1933).
Willetts, Peter, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics: The Construction of Global
Governance (London: Routledge, 2011).
Willetts, Peter, Pressure Groups in the Global System (London: Frances Pinter, 1982).
Woolf, Leonard, International Government (New York: Brentanos, 1916).
Pan-nationalism
Azoury, Negib, Le Rveil de la Nation Arabe dans lAsie Turque (Paris: Plon, 1905).
Coudenhove-Kalergi, Count Richard Nikolaus, An Idea Conquers the World (London: Hutchinson, 1953).
Dawisha, Adeed, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003).
Esedebe, Peter Olisanwuche, Pan-Africanism: The Idea and Movement, 17761991 (Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1994).
Geiss, Imanuel, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and
Africa (London: Methuen, 1974).
Kedourie, Sylvia (ed.), Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press, 1962).
Khalidi, Rashid, Lisa Anderson, Muhammad Muslih and Reeva S. Simon (eds.), The Origins of
Arab Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991).
Mansergh, Nicholas, The Asian Conference, International Affairs, 23/3 (1947), pp.295306.
Porath, Yehoshua, In Search of Arab Unity, 19301945 (London: Frank Cass, 1986).
Saaler, Sven, and J. Victor Koschmann (eds.), Pan-Asianism in Modern Japanese History (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007).
Snyder, Louis L., Macro-Nationalisms: A History of the Pan-Movements (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1984).
Torrey, Gordon H., The BathIdeology and Practice, Middle East Journal, 23/4 (1969),
pp.44570.
260
FURTHER READING
Peace
Angell, Norman, Europes Optical Illusion (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co.,
n.d.).
Beales, A. C. F., The History of Peace: A Short Account of the Organised Movements for International Peace (London: G. Bell, 1931).
Brock, Peter, Pacifism in Europe to 1914 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972).
Brock, Peter, and Nigel Young, Pacifism in the Twentieth Century (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1999).
Carter, April, Peace Movements: International Protest and World Politics since 1945 (Harlow: Longman, 1992).
Ceadel, Martin, The Origins of War Prevention: The British Peace Movement and International
Relations, 17301854 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).
Ceadel, Martin, Semi-Detached Idealists: The British Peace Movement and International Relations,
18541945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
Ceadel, Martin, Living the Great Illusion: Sir Norman Angell, 18721967 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).
Cooper, Sandi. Patriotic Pacifism: Waging War on War in Europe, 18151914 (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1991).
Cortright, David, Peace: A History of Movements and Ideas (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2008).
Davies, Thomas Richard, Internationalism in a Divided World: The Experience of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies, 19191939, Peace & Change, 37/2 (2012),
pp.22752.
Davies, Thomas Richard, The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarmament between the Two World Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007).
Dewes, Kate, and Robert Green, The World Court Project: History and Consequences, Canadian Foreign Policy Journal, 7/1 (1999), pp.6183.
Divine, Robert A., Second Chance: The Triumph of Internationalism in America during World War
II (New York: Athenaeum, 1967).
Evangelista, Matthew, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War (Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press, 1999).
Foster, Catherine, Women for All Seasons: The Story of the Womens International League for Peace
and Freedom (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1989).
Hubert, Don, The Landmine Ban: A Case Study in Humanitarian Advocacy (Providence, RI:
Thomas J. Watson Jr Institute for International Studies, 2000).
Ktzel, Ute, A Radical Womens Rights and Peace Activist: Margarethe Lenore Selenka, Initiator
of the First Worldwide Womens Peace Demonstration in 1899, Journal of Womens History,
13/3 (2001), pp.4669.
Liddington, Jill, The Road to Greenham Common: Feminism and Anti-Militarism in Britain since
1820 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1989).
Lynch, Cecelia, Beyond Appeasement: Interpreting Interwar Peace Movements in World Politics
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999).
Mauermann, Helmut, Das Internationale Friedensbro, 1892 bis 1950 (Stuttgart: Silberburg,
1990).
261
FURTHER READING
Peace Society, The Proceedings of the First General Peace Convention (London: Peace Society,
1843).
Tate, Merze, The Disarmament Illusion: The Movement for a Limitation of Armaments to 1907
(New York: Macmillan, 1942).
Uhlig, Ralph, Die Interparliamentarische Union, 18891914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag,
1988).
Van der Linden, W. H., The International Peace Movement, 18151874 (Amsterdam: Tilleul,
1987).
White, Lyman Cromwell, Peace by Pieces: The Role of Nongovernmental Organizations,
Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, 264 (1949), pp.8797.
Wittner, Lawrence S., The Struggle against the Bomb, 3 vols. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 19932003).
Professions
Evetts, Julia, International Professional Associations: The New Context for Professional Projects, Work, Employment & Society, 9/4 (1995), pp.76372.
International Actuarial Association, Decennial Report: A Profession Poised for the Future (Ottawa:
International Actuarial Association, 2008).
International Actuarial Association, Premier Congrs International dActuaires, Bruxelles, 26
Septembre 1895. Documents. Deuxime Edition. (Brussels: Imprimerie Bruylant-Christophe
& Compagnie, 1900).
International Federation of Accountants, IFAC: Thirty Years of Progress, Encouraging Quality and
Building Trust (New York: International Federation of Accountants, 2007).
Koops, Willem, and Joachim Wieder (eds.), IFLAs First Fifty Years: Achievement and Challenge
in International Librarianship (Mnchen: Verlag Dokumentation, 1977).
Vago, Pierre, LUIA, 19481998 (Paris: Epure, 1998).
Race
Cronon, Edmund David, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro
Improvement Association (Madison, WN: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969).
East India Association, Rules of the East India Association for Promoting Indian Interests,
Journal of the East India Association, 1/1 (1867), pp.810.
Eugenics Education Society, Problems in Eugenics II: Report of Proceedings of the First International Eugenics Congress (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1913).
Executive Council of the Universal Races Congress, Record of the Proceedings of the First Universal Races Congress (London: P. S. King, 1911).
Marger, Martin N., Race and Ethnic Relations: American and Global Perspectives, 9th edn (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2012).
Rich, Paul, The Baptism of a New Era: The 1911 Universal Races Congress and the Liberal
Ideology of Race, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 7/4 (1984), pp.53450.
Religion
Boli, John, and David V. Brewington, Religious Organizations, in Peter Beyer and Lori Beaman (eds.), Globalization, Religion and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp.20533.
262
FURTHER READING
Braybrooke, Marcus, A Wider Vision: A History of the World Congress of Faiths, 19361996 (Oxford:
Oneworld, 1996).
Currier, Charles Warren, History of Religious Orders (New York: Murphy & McCarthy, 1894).
James, Helen (ed.), Civil Society, Religion, and Global Governance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007)
Masuzawa, Tomoko, The Invention of World Religions: How European Universalism was Preserved
in the Language of Pluralism (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005).
Millard, A. Douglas (ed.), Faiths and Fellowship: Being the Proceedings of the World Congress of
Faiths held in London, July 3rd-17th, 1936 (London: J. M. Watkins, 1936).
Seager, Richard Hughes (ed.), The Dawn of Religious Pluralism: Voices from the Worlds Parliament of Religions, 1893 (Peru, IL: Open Court, 1993).
Smith, Peter, An Introduction to the Bahai Faith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
See also the entries on Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Judaism.
Revolution
Ackerman, Peter, and Jack DuVall, A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict (New
York: Palgrave, 2000).
Billington, James H., Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1999).
Geggus, David P. (ed.), The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World (Columbia,
SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2001).
Halliday, Fred, Revolution and World Politics: The Rise and Fall of the Sixth Great Power (D urham,
NC: Duke University Press, 1999).
Kates, Gary, The Cercle Social, the Girondins, and the French Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985).
Markoff, John, Waves of Democracy: Social Movements and Political Change (Thousand Oaks, CA:
Pine Forge Press, 1996).
Palmer, R. R., The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America,
17751800 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959).
Randle, Michael, Civil Resistance (London: Fontana, 1994).
Universal Confederation of the Friends of Truth, La Bouche de Fer, 17901791.
Vincent, Bernard, The Transatlantic Republican: Thomas Paine and the Age of Revolutions (Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi, 2005).
Science
Charle, Christophe, Jrgen Schriewer and Peter Wagner (eds.), Transnational Intellectual Networks: Forms of Academic Knowledge and the Search for Cultural Identities (Frankfurt: Campus, 2004).
Crawford, Elisabeth, Nationalism and Internationalism in Science, 18801939: Four Studies of the
Nobel Population (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
Drori, Gili S., John W. Meyer, Francisco O. Ramirez and Evan Schofer (eds.), Science in the
Modern World Polity: Institutionalization and Globalization (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003).
Erdmann, Karl Dietrich, Toward a Global Community of Historians: The International Historical
263
FURTHER READING
Congresses and the International Committee of Historical Sciences, 18982000 (New York:
Berghahn: 2005).
Fernos, Rodrigo, Science Still Born: The Rise and Impact of the Pan American Scientific Congresses,
18981916 (Lincoln, NE: iUniverse, 2003).
Greenaway, Frank, Science International: A History of the International Council of Scientific Unions
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
International Statistical Institute, Statuts de lInstitut International de Statistique, in Bulletin
de lInstitut International de Statistique. Tome I (Rome: Imprimerie Hritiers Botta, 1886),
p.17.
Kejariwal, O. P., The Asiatic Society of Bengal and the Discovery of Indias Past, 17841838 (Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1988).
Lehto, Olli, Mathematics without Borders: A History of the International Mathematical Union
(New York: Springer, 1998).
Nixon, James William, A History of the International Statistical Institute, 18851960 (The Hague:
International Statistical Institute, 1960).
Schofer, Evan, Science Associations in the International Sphere, 18751990: The Rationalization of Science and the Scientization of Society, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.),
Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.24966.
Visvanathan, Shiv, Organizing for Science: The Making of an Industrial Research Laboratory (Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1995).
Service clubs
Kittler, Glenn D., The Dynamic World of Lions International: The Fifty-Year Saga of Lions Clubs
(New York: M. Evans, 1968).
Nicholl, David Shelley, The Golden Wheel: The Story of Rotary, 1905 to the Present (Estover, Plymouth: McDonald & Evans, 1984).
The Rotarian, September 1912.
Social movements
Della Porta, Donatella, and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism:
People, Passions, and Power (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005).
Della Porta, Donatella, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World (London: Macmillan, 1999).
Khagram, Sanjeev, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics:
Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2002).
Markoff, John, Waves of Democracy: Social Movements and Political Change (Thousand Oaks, CA:
Pine Forge Press, 1996).
Martin, William G. (coordinator), Making Waves: Worldwide Social Movements, 17502005
(Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2008).
McAdam, Doug, Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
264
FURTHER READING
Smith, Jackie, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and
Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997).
Smith, Jackie, and Dawn Wiest, Social Movements in the World System: The Politics of Crisis and
Transformation (New York: Russell Sage, 2012).
Tarrow, Sidney, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1998).
Tarrow, Sidney, The New Transnational Activism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2005).
Tilly, Charles, Social Movements, 17682004 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers).
Socialism
Braunthal, Julius, History of the International (London: Nelson, 19661980).
Day, Alan John, The Socialist International: A Short History (London: Socialist International,
1969).
Devin, Guillaume, LInternationale Socialiste: Histoire et Sociologie du Socialisme International,
19451990 (Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, 1993).
Drachkovitch, Milorad M. (ed.), The Revolutionary Internationals, 18641943 (Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press, 1966).
Foster, William Z., History of the Three Internationals: The World Socialist and Communist Movements from 1848 to the Present (New York: International Publishers, 1955).
International Working Mens Association, Address and Provisional Rules of the International
Workingmens Association, London, September 28th 1864 for the Celebration of the 60th Anniversary (Brussels: Labour and Socialist International, 1924).
Joll, James, The Second International, 18891914 (London: Routledge, 1974).
Lehning, Arthur, Buonarroti and His International Secret Societies, International Review of
Social History, 1 (1956), pp.11240.
Lehning, A. Mller, The International Association (18551859), International Journal for Social
History, 3 (1938), pp.185286.
Lichtheim, George, A Short History of Socialism (New York: Praeger, 1970).
Novack, George, Dave Frankel and Fred Feldman, The First Three Internationals: Their History
and Lessons (New York: Pathfinder, 1974).
Sassoon, Donald, One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century (London: I. B. Tauris, 1996).
Stekloff, G. M., History of the First International (London: Martin Lawrence, 1928).
Weisser, Henry, Chartist Internationalism, 18451848, Historical Journal, 14/1 (1971),
pp.4966.
See also the entries on Communism, Cooperatives and Labour.
Sport
Coubertin, Pierre de, Timoleon J. Philemon, N. G. Politis and Charalambos Anninos, The Olympic Games in 1896 (Athens: Charles Beck, 1897).
Goldblatt, David, The Odd Couple: Football and Global Civil Society, in Mary Kaldor, Martin Albrow, Helmut Anheier and Marlies Glasius (eds.), Global Civil Society 2006/7 (London: SAGE, 2007), pp.16084.
265
FURTHER READING
Guttman, Allen, The Olympics: A History of the Modern Games (Champaign, IL: University of
Illinois Press, 2002).
Hill, Christopher R., Olympic Politics: Athens to Atlanta, 18961996 (Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 1996).
International Olympic Committee, Le Congrs de Paris, Bulletin du Comit International des
Jeux Olympiques, 1/1 (1894), pp.12.
Large, David Clay, Nazi Games: The Olympics of 1936 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company,
2007).
Riordan, James, and Arnd Krger (eds.), The International Politics of Sport in the Twentieth Century (London: E. & F. N. Spon, 1999).
Sugden, John, and Alan Tomlinson, FIFA and the Contest for World Football: Who Rules the Peoples Game? (Cambridge: Polity, 1998).
Young, David C., The Modern Olympics: A Struggle for Revival (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1996).
Standardization
Brunsson, Nils, and Bengt Jacobsson, A World of Standards (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2000).
International Electrotechnical Commission, Report of Preliminary Meeting held at the Hotel Cecil,
London, on Tuesday and Wednesday, June 26th and 27th 1906 (London: International Electrotechnical Commission, 1906).
Loya, Thomas A., and John Boli, Standardization in the World Polity: Technical Rationality
over Power, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
1999), pp.16997.
Murphy, Craig N., and JoAnne Yates, The International Organization for Standardization (ISO):
Global Governance through Voluntary Consensus (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009).
Tamm Hallstrm, Kristina, Organizing International Standardization: ISO and the IASC in Quest
of Authority (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar: 2004).
Yates, James, Narrative of the Origin and Formation of the International Association for Obtaining
a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights and Coins (London: Bell and Daldy, 1856).
Transnational history
Benjamin, Thomas, The Atlantic World: Europeans, Africans, Indians and their Shared History
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
Clark, Ian, Globalization and Fragmentation: International Relations in the Twentieth Century
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).
Clark, Ian, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).
Conrad, Sebastian, and Dominic Sachsenmaier (eds.), Competing Visions of World Order: Global
Moments and Movements, 1880s-1930s (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).
Faries, John Culbert, The Rise of Internationalism (New York: W. D. Gray, 1915).
Geyer, Martin H., and Johannes Paulmann (eds.), The Mechanics of Internationalism: Culture, Society, and Politics from the 1840s to the First World War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).
Held, David, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, Culture (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999).
266
FURTHER READING
Horn, Gerd-Rainer, and Padraic Kelly (eds.), Transnational Moments of Change: Europe 1945,
1968, 1989 (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004).
Howard, Michael, War and the Liberal Conscience (London: Hurst & Co., 2008).
Iriye, Akira, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002).
Iriye, Akira, and Pierre-Yves Saunier (eds.), The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History
(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).
Laqua, Daniel (ed.), Internationalism Reconfigured: Transnational Ideas and Movements between
the World Wars (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011).
Lundestad, Geir, Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?, International Politics,
41/2 (2004), pp.26576.
Lyons, F. S. L., Internationalism in Europe, 18151914 (Leyden: A. W. Sythoff, 1963).
Owen IV, John M., The Clash of Ideas in World Politics: Transnational Networks, States and Regime
Change, 15102010 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010).
Reinalda, Bob, Routledge History of International Organizations: From 1815 to the Present Day
(Abingdon: Routledge, 2009).
Revue Encyclopdique, vols. 136, 181927.
Risse-Kappen, Thomas (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In: Non-State Actors, Domestic Structures and International Institutions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
Tyrrell, Ian, Reforming the World: The Creation of Americas Moral Empire (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010).
Vertovec, Steven, Transnationalism (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009).
Youth
Altbach, Philip, and Norman Thomas Uphoff, The Student Internationals (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1973).
Koteck, Jol, Students and the Cold War (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996).
Luza, Radomir, History of the International Socialist Youth Movement (Leyden: A. W. Sijthoff,
1970).
Moynihan, Paul, An Official History of Scouting (London: Hamlyn, 2006).
267
INDEX
269
INDEX
270
Annales dOculistique: 37
Annales Encyclopdiques: 29
anti-colonialism: 17, 90; Islamic,
99100
Anti-Saloon League: 88
anti-slavery: 26, 28, 323, 44
Anti-Slavery International: formerly
BFASS, 4
Antwerp Universal Peace Congress
(1894): adoption of Code of
International Arbitration, 62
Appeal for European Nuclear
Disarmament (END): launch of
(1980), 152
Appropriate Health Resources
Technologies Action Group
(Healthink Worldwide): creation
of (1976), 147; dissolution of, 165
Arab Baath (Resurrection) Socialist
Party: formation of (1940), 126
Arab Bond Society: formation of
(1936), 126
Arab Centre for International
Humanitarian Law: 171
Arab Feminist Conference (1944):
126
Arab League: members of, 126
Arab NGO Network for Development: formation of (1996), 158
Arab NGO Network for Environment and Development: formation of (1990), 158
Arab Organization for Human
Rights: formation of (1983), 149
Arab Progress Society: formation of
(1930), 126
Arab Spring: 173; Egyptian
Revolution (2011), 172; media
coverage of, 171; potential impact
on INGO growth, 1812; social
media usage during, 172; Tunisian
Revolution (201011), 171
INDEX
271
INDEX
272
INDEX
Catholicism: 57
Cecil, Robert: British delegate to
Commission on the League of
Nations, 82, 92
Central Bureau of International
Associations: transformation into
UIA, 71
Central Organization of Potters: 51
Chamber of Commerce of Latin
America: 125
Chatham House: establishment of
(1920), 878
Chavez, Hugo: 168
Chile: 63, 79
China: 25, 32, 59, 63, 161, 1656,
168, 172; 4 May Protests (1919),
89; Beijing, 89; government of, 71;
Peking, 82; Shanghai, 119; social
unrest in, 171; Xiamen, 171
Chinkiang Association for the
Saving of Life: establishment of
(1708), 25
Christian Aid: 127
Christianity: 20, 26; Bible, 119;
Eastern Orthodox, 57
Churchill, Winston: 73, 122
Ciraolo, Giovanni: role in creation
of IRU, 94
Citizens Conference on International Economic Union: creation
of (1943), 1289
civil society: 11, 155; concept of, 2;
development of, 16; global, 6, 154;
national, 76; transnational, 511,
1318, 201, 23, 27, 423, 45, 50,
64, 68, 768, 100, 11821, 1234,
1334, 1401, 153, 160, 163,
1656, 16871, 1756, 17882
Clark, Ian: 132
Clean Clothes Campaign: moral
code of, 157
273
INDEX
Clemenceau, Georges: 82
Clews, John: 135
Club Internacional de Mujeres:
establishment of (1933), 119
Cluster Munition Coalition:
establishment of (2003), 169
Coalition for Environmentally
Responsible Economies
(CERES): 157
Cold War: 7, 17, 72, 123, 1324,
142, 170, 1756, 1789; end of, 1,
4, 9, 12, 124, 1524, 1623
Columbian Exhibition (1893): 56
Comitati dazione per lUniversalit
di Roma (CAUR): 11314;
formation of (1933), 113;
Montreux Congress (1934), 113
Comit dEntente des Grandes
Associations Internationales: 93
Commission to Study the Organization of Peace: 130; founding of
(1939), 128; preliminary report of
(1940), 129
Committee for the Promotion of
International Trade: establishment
of (1952), 135
Committee for the Spread of Arab
Culture: formation of (1931), 126
Committee to Frame a World
Constitution: organization of
(1945), 128
communism: 31, 90, 11213, 116,
1334, 154, 182; international,
121; opposition to, 90, 1335
Communist (Third) International
(Comintern)(191943): 80, 113;
Executive Committee, 115; First
Congress (1919), 89
Communist League: creation of
(1847), 31
Communist Manifesto (18478):
423
274
INDEX
275
INDEX
276
INDEX
277
INDEX
278
INDEX
279
INDEX
280
INDEX
281
INDEX
282
INDEX
283
INDEX
284
INDEX
285
INDEX
International Prohibitionist
Federation: creation of (1909), 70
International Publishers Association: formation of (1896), 52, 64
International Railway Congress
Association: affiliates of, 53;
formation of (1885), 53
International Red Cross: establishment of (1858), 37; origins of, 38
International Relief Association:
branches of, 118
International Relief Union (IRU):
establishment of (1927), 94
International Rescue Committee:
origins of, 11718
International Road Federation:
creation of (1948), 139
International Rugby Football Board:
54
International Secretariat of National
Trade Union Centres: creation of
(1901), 66; transformation into
International Federation of Trade
Unions (1913), 66
International Socialist Bureau:
creation of (1900), 51
International Society for Racial
Hygiene: establishment of (1905),
73
International Society for the Study
of Questions connected with Poor
Relief: formation of, 51
International Society of Esperantist
Free-Thinkers: 70
International Statistical Institute:
180; formation of (1885), 48;
model of, 53
International Sunday Observance
Federation: formation of (1876),
45
International Textile Manufacturers
286
Federation: establishment of
(1904), 69
International Total Abstainers
Association of Railway Workers:
establishment of, 70
International Touring Alliance:
formation of, 53
International Trade Conference
(1919): origins of ICC in, 84
International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC): 176; formation of
(2006), 170
International Tree Foundation:
founding of (1924), 102
International Typographical
Secretariat: 51
International Typographical Union:
39
International Union Against
Cancer: establishment of (1934),
110
International Union against
Tuberculosis: creation of (1920),
94
International Union against
Vivisection: 78; formation of
(1902), 66
International Union for Combating
Venereal Diseases: creation of
(1924), 94
International Union for the
Conservation of Nature: creation
of (1948), 139
International Union for the
Protection of Infants: formation
of (1907), 66
International Union of Academies:
establishment of (1920), 87
International Union of Catholic
Womens Organizations: 1089
INDEX
287
INDEX
288
INDEX
289
INDEX
290
INDEX
291
INDEX
292
INDEX
293
INDEX
294
INDEX
295
INDEX
296
INDEX
297
INDEX
298
INDEX
299
INDEX
300
INDEX
301