Pushed to the brink of uncertainty: Migration and settlement

Conditions of female girl porters at Agbogloshie Market in Old Fadama-Accra

By Sylvester Kyei-Gyamfi
PhD Candidate
Centre for Migration, University of Ghana

November 2015

ABSTRACT
The paper examines the settlement conditions of a specific group of child migrants who have
moved beyond their communities in the northern parts of Ghana to engage in work at Old
Fadama (Agbogloshie) in Accra. These are girl migrants referred to as Kayayei. The HarrisTodaro Model of Labour Migration and The Push Pull model has been cited to explain the northsouth girl migration event. A major finding in this review paper is that most girls are motivated
to migrate largely by personal gains. The paper reveals appalling living and working conditions
of the girls, which expose them to differing forms of exploitation, risks, and health hazards
pushing them to the brink of uncertainty. The paper critically discusses selected interventions
from government to address the kayayei phenomenon and concludes that they have not been
effective as a result of funding difficulties, administrative lapses and poor planning of projects.
The paper recommends a nationwide data collection exercise to address the challenge of
inadequate statistics on child migrants in Ghana.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................................... i
TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................................. ii
LIST OF ACRONYMS ............................................................................................................... iii
INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................... 1
Historical Background................................................................................................................. 2
Theoretical Background .............................................................................................................. 5
A Brief Context on Kayayei ........................................................................................................ 8
Why children migrate .................................................................................................................. 9
Migration Decision and process ................................................................................................ 12
CONDITIONS OF SETTLEMENT.......................................................................................... 13
Nature of the work..................................................................................................................... 13
Health status and Health Seeking Behaviour ............................................................................ 16
Exploitation ............................................................................................................................... 16
Feeding arrangements ............................................................................................................... 17
POLICY RESPONSE ................................................................................................................. 19
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS ....................................................................... 22
Conclusions ............................................................................................................................... 22
Recommendations ..................................................................................................................... 25
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................... 29

ii

LIST OF ACRONYMS
AMA

Accra Metropolitan Assembly

DOC

Department of Children

DSD

Department of Social Development

GSS

Ghana Statistical Service

HIV/AIDS

Human Immune Virus/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

MoGCSP

Ministry of Gender Children and Social Protection

MOWAC

Ministry of Women and Childrens Affairs

NHIS

National Health Insurance

PDGFUP

Peoples Dialogue and Ghana Federation of Urban Poor

SADA

Savannah Accelerated Development Programme

iii

INTRODUCTION
The paper is focused on the migration journey and settlement conditions of a group of girls who
have moved beyond their communities in the northern parts of Ghana to engage in work at Old
Fadama (Agbogloshie) in Accra. The purpose of the paper was to examine the motivations
behind the migration event, assess the living conditions of the child migrants, assess the
effectiveness of government policy response, and make suggestions to address the kayayei
phenomenon in Ghana.

The paper has been organized into four parts. The first is an

introduction, which highlights the main purpose of the paper, followed by a discussion on history
of internal migration, theoretical explanation of the paper, and decisions regarding the migration
event. The second part focuses on the settlement conditions with regards to their work, sleeping,
feeding and healthcare arrangements. The third part is an assessment of governments policy
responses to the Kayayei phenomenon in Ghana, and the final segment is the conclusion and
recommendations.
The main sources of this review paper are drawn from fourteen key studies and reports. These
sources were selected because they all offer specific information well suited for the purpose of
the review paper. Even though, some of the studies looked at the kayayei phenomenon in
different perspectives, aspects of the literature that fits within the framework of my paper were
utilized. By taking bits and pieces of relevant information from the various sources, I have been
able to do a comprehensive analysis of the settlement conditions of girls who have migrated from
the north to Old Fadama in Accra to work as head porters. I also made reference to a number of
other reports and studies as additional source of information to enrich the discussion.

Historical Background
Some studies on migration in Africa show that migration movements have always been a feature
of Africa. It was in the historic past and continue to be an important demographic feature of
present day Africa (Anarfi, 1982; Anarfi et al., 2003). Similar opinions have been shared by
other migration writers who suggested in their writings that migration is not a new phenomenon
but has been with Africa dating back to time immemorial (Arhin, 1978; Anarfi et al., 2003).
Indeed, some writers cite the trans-Saharan caravan routes as examples of the earliest evidence
of major migration movements involving exchange of scholars and trade between West and
North Africa (Boahen, 1966 Cited in Anarfi et al, 2003). Earlier scholars such as Ibn Batuta and
Leo Africanus also wrote about movements of African peoples across ethnic boundaries (Batuta,
1929; Africanus, 1896 cited in Anarfi et al, 2003), and this emphasizes that migration in Africa is
as old as the history of Africa. The similarities in opinions of these writers, seem to suggest that
migration has always been a phenomenon in Africa.
Internal migration has been frequent in Ghana for many years and it has usually been movements
of people from the northern to the southern parts of Ghana and also from the less developed
rural or poor areas to the relatively developed urban areas (GSS, 2014: 66). According to
Boahen (1975, cited in Anarfi et al., 2003) almost all the ethnic groups in Ghana have a history
of having migrated or emigrated to some part of Ghana or other West African country. A look at
the vast body of literature on migration shows that internal migration in Ghana has always been
influenced by a variety of factors which are based on the decisions and choices of individuals at
a particular space in time, and these are usually based on family pressures, prevailing socioeconomic conditions in a community (Ibid).

According to Martin (2003) given sufficient

opportunities for personal fulfillment, and a more equitable distribution of resources and wealth,
many people would prefer to live close to relatives and within their cultural milieu (Martin,
2003; Opare, 2003). Martin (2003) argues that living at home close to relatives is the most
reliable form of migration control. Incidentally, one sees here that in a world where individuals
have various motivations, desires and needs, they are compelled to migrate to expand the range
of socioeconomic livelihood opportunities available to them (Opare, 2003).

Van Hear (1982) claims that the British colonial rule shaped the Gold Coast (now Ghana), into a
colonial economy, where the Colonies (Ghana) exports goods were produced at the coastal
South and the savannah ecological areas (zones). With very little investment in infrastructure or
services in the north, great efforts were made to develop the forest and coastal belts of the south
for the extraction of minerals and the production of cash crops and timber products, which were
exported via ports and harbours on the coast (Berg, 2007).

With no major investments in the

north, the colonial administration allowed the poverty ridden areas to become part of a
monetized economy penetrated by European consumption goods. The monetization of the north
compelled people to work and earn income to meet their needs, and creating the desire and need
for cash to patronize these goods as Huijmans (2012: 4) explained.

These structural

administrative inequalities compelled many people to move from their communities turning the
northern areas into a kind of labour reserve; for mobilizing labourers when the export
economies in Southern Ghana required labour (Ibid). At this era, migration involved young male
adults who traveled to the urban South in search of employment within the production industries
in the south (Anarfi et al., 2003; Buske, 2014).

After Ghanas independence, neither were efforts made to close the administrative and structural
gaps nor attempts made to improve agriculture in the north. The administrative inequalities,
which existed in the colonial era continued, and has persisted till present day Ghana (Ofosu-Kusi
and Mizen, 2012 cited in Huijmans, 2012: 5). The unevenness in administrative structures
between the north and the south coupled with lack of job opportunities, crop failures, and general
poverty and poor economic conditions made the north unattractive to live in (Buske, 2014).

By the early 1990s, as conditions continued to deteriorate in the North, women joined the long
line of people going south in search of better opportunities (Ibid).

In other words, the

participation of women was spurred by inequalities within the country, including rural-urban
disparities (GOG, 2015).

From the literature, traditionally, migration had basically been the

preserve of males who used to migrate over long distances for both short and long periods to
work in the agricultural and mining communities in the south (Anarfi et al, 2003). Females were
not active in migration, they only did so for purposes of marriage, family union, and for various
social and economic reasons (Boakye-Yiadom and Mckay, 2006 cited in Awumbila et al., 2008:
18).

Incidentally, a new wave of migration amongst females, especially adolescent girls from

the northern to the southern parts of Ghana emerged (Kwankye et al, 2008; Awumbila, 2007;
Awumbila et al, 2008; Anarfi et al, 2003; Adu-Opare, 2003) in the early 90s. This involved
adolescent women who came to engage in kaya the cities of Accra, Kumasi and Takoradi. The
first or earlier batch of female migrants who came to engage in the kaya business sent regular
remittances back home and this gave the indication of greener pastures in the south (MoGCSP,
2014). Progressively, the migration flow of females from the north to the south has kept
increasing over the years. Current statistics show a progressive involvement of females in
4

migration in Ghana. For instance, the GLSS6 results show that half of the female population
(50.1%) in Ghana is now made up of migrants compared with 46.5 percent of males. Again,
with the exception of Accra, which has a higher proportion of male migrants (60.9%) than
female (59.8%), the proportion of female migrants is higher than males in all other localities in
Ghana. These figures indicate active participation of females in migration events in present day
Ghana.

Since the 90s, migration has become an obvious rational choice for women and girls as a result
of the prevailing difficult socio-economic conditions of high prevalence of child poverty coupled
with poor provisioning of social services such as health education and social welfare facilities in
the north.

Progressively, a lot of young people have also been exposed to contemporary

lifestyles such as the use of audio-visual materials, telephony and fashion in the urban areas in
the South. In this regard, the recent migration stream of girls from north to the cities in the south
to work in markets as head porters came as no surprise. Awumbila (2007) and Ofosu-Kusi and
Mizen (2012) explained that the choice to migrate from the north is a coping agenda of the girls
to be economically active instead of depending on their poor families or living in a community
with virtually no jobs to do. Kwankye et al (2003) also linked the sustained and increasing
volume of migrants from North to South to strong economic growth in the South, resulting from
recent economic policies.

When groups of young people move huge distance from one

community to another there is always a motivation for their actions.

Theoretical Background
The Harris-Todaro Model of Labour Migration and The Push Pull model have been cited to
explain the north-south girl migration event. The two theories are useful to look at the case of
5

girl migration from north to the urban south of Ghana. The Harris-Todaro Model named after
John R. Harris and Michael Todaro, is an economic model, which was developed in 1970 to
explain issues related to rural-urban migration in development economics and welfare
economics. The main assumption of the model is that migration decision is based on expected
income differentials between rural and urban areas rather than just wage differentials1. Many
people choose to migrate, especially from rural communities when they consider the expected
rather than actual urban-rural real wage differential. Since there are no job seeking prospects in
the north and agriculture (which is the major livelihood) is also performing poorly, sources of
income are limited making people poorer. Compared with the situation in the urban areas where
the likelihood of securing a job (no apprenticeship required) is higher, many people (including
girls) would prefer to work in the urban area. This explains the motivation for the girls moving
from the north to the south is basically economic.

The Push and Pull Model was popularized by Everett Lee (1966). According to Lee, push
factors exist at the point of origin and act to trigger emigration; these include the lack of
economic opportunities, religious or political persecution, and hazardous environmental
conditions. Pull factors on the other hand exist at the destination and include the availability of
jobs, religious or political freedom, and the perception of a relatively benign environment. The
factors can be positive meaning prevailing factors at the point of origin or destination is good,
negative when factors are bad which usually push people from home, neutral when they are
neither bad nor good. These factors serve as basis for the decision made by potential migrants.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harris%E2%80%93Todaro_model

The model also introduces the idea of intervening obstacles that need to be overcome before
migration takes place. In other words the push and pull factors complement each other, and so
before people move, they consider if the reason for which they wish to emigrate (push) is
remedied by the corresponding pull at an attainable destination. For instance if a persons
motivation for emigrating (push) is the lack of job opportunities, the availability of better job and
working conditions is what is to be expected at the point of destination.
The two models explain the motivation for the girls migrating to the south to work as kayayei.
From the studies reviewed, the monetization of the north compels people to work and earn
income to meet their needs (Huijmans, 2012). The willingness to work creates the desire for
income that commensurate ones needs. If you live in a rural area and you cannot afford your
needs because your income is low, you will begin to look elsewhere. In other words, if a girl
lives in a rural area and her family cannot afford her needs because of low family income, she
may begin to look elsewhere to satisfy her needs. This is the underlying assumption of the
Todaro-Harris model, where migration decision is based on expected income differentials
between rural and urban areas rather than just wage differentials. The decision a person (kayayo)
makes is also driven by certain drivers, which are either pull or push according to Everest Lees
Push-Pull model. The push factors exist at the point of origin and act to trigger emigration, which
may be the inability to afford needs as a result of low wage of the worker or potential migrant,
and the pull factors which exist at the destination point is the higher wage job (kaya)
opportunities that awaits the migrant. If the potential migrant is not assured of a gain, there will
be no need to emigrate. This is the underlying principle of the push pull model.

A Brief Context on Kayayei

In order to better understand the phenomenon of independent girl child migration from the north
to the south in Ghana, a brief background description will be required. According to Awumbila
and Schandorf (2008), large number of young people who migrate independently from the north
to the south of Ghana constitute those with an aim to become head porters referred to as
Kayayoo. The word kayayoo was derived from two languages; kaya from the Hausa language,
meaning luggage, load, and Yoo from Ga meaning a woman. Kayayoo is a combination of the
two words, meaning a young woman or a teenage girl who carries other people's loads on the
head for a fee (Berg, 2007). The plural form of yoo is yei, hence kayayei are women head porters
(Kwankye et al., 2009: 11).
The exact figure of children engaged in the Kaya business in Ghana is not available. This is
because till date no national survey has been conducted on the phenomenon (MoGCSP, 2014).
Huijsmans (2012) adds further that in addition to the lack of data, the existing official facts and
figures on migration in Ghana are also unreliable because most of the migration events go on
undocumented. He also explained that quantifying child migration in Ghana has proved difficult
due to the mobile nature of the children.

In my opinion, the lack of data and the unreliable

nature of the existing source might be problematic when it comes to policy decisions. The best
possible way around this is to capture timely and accurate data on migration by carrying out
periodic national migration surveys.
Almost all the small scale research carried out on child migrants in Ghana have shown that most
girl child migrants are from the northern parts of the country. The Peoples Dialogue and Ghana
Federation of Urban Poor (PDGFUP, 2011) study for instance, found that 92 percent of all
8

kayayei sampled were from the three Regions of the north. Kwankye et al (2009) made similar
findings in a study, however, theirs indicated that a very small proportion of the Kayayei
population come from other southern areas of Ghana. Another study by Awumbila et al (2014)
also found the majority of respondents (81 per cent of those in Old Fadama and 31 per cent of
those in Nima) had migrated from the Northern Region of Ghana. Evidence from these studies
supports the claim that the majority of child migrants in Accra hail from the north.

In other

words, the body of literature on migrant girls in Ghana shows that the majority of migrant girls
engaged in work in Agbogloshie hail from northern parts of Ghana.
Most girl migrants from the north settle at Old Fadama in Accra, where the Agbogloshie market
is located (MoGCSP, 2014; Awumbila et al 2014). Old Fadama covers 146 hectares of land
stretching along the Odaw River and the Korle Lagoon in Accra. Results from an enumeration
exercise carried out in 2009 showed that the area had a total population of 79,684 (Housing the
Masses, 2010 cited in Awumbila et al, 2014). It constitutes one of the largest slum settlements in
Accra (Afenah 2010 Cited in Awumbila et al, 2014), and happens to serve as a settler community
for migrants, especially those from the north and other rural areas who cannot readily afford
housing (Awumbila et al, 2014).
Why children migrate
A variety of push and pull factors account for child migration from the north to the south
according to the literature reviewed. According to Anarfi, Kwankye et al (2003). Some push
factors include poverty and inadequate support from both the extended and nuclear families for
children. Asante (2014), however, noted that the inability to secure jobs after completing school
coupled with financial hardships push girls to the city. Even though financial hardship is often
9

cited as the major reasons, Buske (2014) and Punch (2007) found a combination of social,
cultural and economic reasons as combined drivers of migration among the girls. Buske argues
that some parents send their girls as a strategic economic coping strategy, knowing that once the
girls are away, they will no longer have to take care of their upkeep, and also have an
opportunity to make economic gains from regular remittances from them. Sending girls away is
clearly are economic consideration as discussed earlier in the Todaro-Harris Model of labour
migration. In another study, Anarfi, Kwankye et al (2003: 20) reported that the lack of job
opportunities and the desire to get a good job compelled the girls to move. A study by Hashim
(2005: 16) also found that some girls migrate either to earn money to cover the health expenses
of a family member, or for better medical treatment for themselves. Some of the girls travel to
pursue educational aspirations. For such children, the pull of migration is experienced through
educational opportunities in Accra, which cannot be accessed at home (Hashim, 2005;
Anyidoho, 2009).

Further insights into the reasons, show that for some of the girls, bad treatment and neglect at
home by their parents made them to migrate (Hashim, 2005:16; Anyidoho, 2009: 8).

One of

such bad treatment, according to the literature is adherence to abusive socio-cultural practices,
which Buske (2014: 305) expressed is the reason for girls escaping from certain areas in the
north to the south. This includes instances where some girls run away from home without the
consent of their parents to avoid been placed into early marriage. Some tribes in parts of the
north adhere to arranged marriages, where the parents of the child and that of the spouse meet to
agree to the marriage terms, sometimes without the involvement of the girls (ibid). Arranged
marriages are also common among the Dagomba who constitute a significant number of girl
10

migrants in Accra (MoGCSP, 2014: 10). For the girls who usually run to avoid marriage, living
and working on the streets at the destination point is better than staying at the place of origin.
Even though Buske (2014) and the MoGCSP (2014) report cite early marriage as a push factor,
in Opare (2003), it is not always the case. According to his paper, some of the girls do not run
away to escape from marriage but rather migrate to work, earn income and acquire items such as
clothes, shoes, jewels, kitchenware and other essential items required of newly married persons
to take to her matrimonial home. Deducing from the literature, the adherence of early marital
practices is a push factor for both people who are either in favour or in opposition of the early
marriage tradition. For those against it, running away to the south is an escape plan, and for those
in favour, working in the south comes as a big breakthrough for their marriage preparations.
Whichever way this is viewed, for most of the migrant girls, being a Kayayoo is only a shortterm cost for a long-term gain such as a better occupation, marriage, or acquiring capital for the
future (Agarwal et al., 1997).

The literature also indicates that there are pull factors that tend to attract children into Accra and
other cities. Anarfi et al (2003: 21) have offered interesting accounts on how peer influence
serve as an attraction for some children to migrate to the urban areas when they see their peers
return home from the South with items such clothing, utensils etc. Once the girls see their
colleagues come home with such items, they get the impression that conditions in the city are
favourable. Berg (2007) explained further that the stories the girls in the cities tell, the kind of
dresses they wear, and the manner in which they now carry themselves entice other girls to go
south as well. Even in situations where the girls do not wish to migrate, they are forced by their
family members who expect similar benefits they often see other return migrant girls bring to
11

their families (Buske, 2014). The findings of Berg and Buske indicate that peer influences and
family pressures also drive the girls to travel.
Migration Decision and process
The literature shows that an important feature of every migration event is the decision to carry
out the journey. After discussing the reasons for migrating, it is also important to explore how
the decision to migrate is made, and who is involved in the decision process. The decision to
migrate is usually based on the individual, the family (parents) or both. Kwankye et al (2009)
found that although many child migrants still have their parents, the decision to migrate to Accra
is usually taken by themselves, with parents only giving their permission and blessing for the
journey. Berg (2007) argues that some children decide to migrate after hearing from their peers
and relatives about jobs availability in the south. A strong social network in the city is normally
a motivating factor as Asante (2014) indicates that most of the migrant girls had initial contact
support at the point of destination. This seems to suggest that having a friend or relative in a
destination area also urges some girls to migrate (Lansing and Mueller, 1967). Again, some girls
migrate because they desire to become independent and have the freedom to take personal
decisions (Buske, 2014). From the readings, girls with independent ambitions are the ones who
migrate without informing their parents or any other family members (Huijmans, 2012:1).
In certain cases, the decision to migrate is taken by the entire family at the place of origin.
Awumbila et al. (2014) found that parents, especially fathers, play an influential role in the
decision to migrate. They explained that some parents make all the necessary arrangements with
friends and relatives at the destination point and send their children to the city. They agued
further, that sometimes, such parental involvement arises when parents have explored avenues to
take care of their children but cannot support them adequately. MoGCSP (2014) and Kwankye
12

et al (2009) explain that the decision is taken with good intentions and with the involvement of
the children in the decision with the hope that their children will find work to support themselves
It is important to emphasize that it is not always the case that parents willingly allow thy girls to
migrate. In the work done by Kwankye et al (2009: 24), they found that some parents are usually
not in favour of their children migrating when they are too young but in the face of compelling
financial difficulties they have no other choice than to let them go. Such parents, according to
Whitehead et al. (2007) and Buske (2014) explained that such parents take the decision
reluctantly but eventually allow their children to go.

On the contrary, however, there are

instances where out of selfish intentions, the decision to migrate are forced on the children and
the evidence from Berg (2007) and Berg (2014) indicates that this usually occurs when parents
get to know of benefits being derived from return child migrants in other households. This
suggests that children have no choice in the decision taken to migrate when the decisions are
made unilaterally by adult members of the family.
CONDITIONS OF SETTLEMENT
In this section, a number of questions are raised about the settlement conditions of the kayayei.
What is the nature of their work? What kinds of exploitation and risk are they exposed to? What
constitutes their sleeping and feeding arrangements? How do they access water and sanitation
facilities? What is their source of healthcare and how do the girls who are mothers take care of
their children?

Nature of the work

In the studies, head porterage appears to be the preserve of females and Agarwal et al. (1994)
and Apt et al. (1992) have offered explanations that petty trading in the informal sector,
13

including head porterage, lies primarily in the domain of women. It is characterized with the
carrying of loads on the head, which by Ghanaian tradition is perceived as women's work. In
contrast, men porters cart goods on trolleys, wheelbarrow or carts, and as these require the use of
force and strength, they are considered masculine (Opare, 2003). Awumbila and Schandorf
(2008) found that in the Agbogloshie market in Accra, most of the girl porters operate within the
market area where their services are usually required and offered.

Kwankye et al (2007) also

reported that the kayayei also operate at transport stations as well as other locations where they
might be required to carry goods.
The kayayei usually start work early in the morning when market women or people who have
come to buy stuff at the market engage them to carry their wares from one point in the market to
another. Most work 12 hours a day carrying goods, and have to look for their own clients for
service (PDGFUP, 2011). Buske (2014) gave a description of how the kayayei work in the
markets carrying goods, in large metal pans on their heads. In certain instances, after being
engaged by clients, Opare (2003) explained that the girls follow shoppers and assist them by
carrying their luggage as they buy their goods in the market. Theresa Yaaba Baah-Ennumh et al.
(2012) found that there are moments when kayayei have no services to render and at this time
most of them either chat with their colleagues, play with their phones (DOC, 2015) or sleep
under tables until a client needs their service again.

The work of the kayayei can be described as arduous, deleterious and poses danger to them,
especially when they have to cross the streets and avoid being hit by speeding vehicles whilst
carrying loads (ibid), and as reported by Yeboah and Appiah-Yeboah (2009: 4), some of the girls
encounter accidents, sometimes with fatalities. In addition to the risk of accidents, Kwankye et
14

al (2009) also reported that the work they do constitutes a major source of health risk, the reason
being that many of the children (both boys and girls) complain of problems arising from the
heavy loads they always carry. Even when a clients load is heavy, they are compelled to carry
because they need to get paid.

Sleeping arrangements
This section focuses on the sleeping arrangements of the kayayei. The literature shows that the
sleeping arrangements are very appalling as most of them do not have permanent place of sleep.
Kwankye et al (2009) reported in a study in Accra and Kumasi that more than half of kayayei
interacted with pass the night on the streets, at market squares and at transport stations. A
MOWAC study (2007) also found that kayayei in Agbogloshie sleep in kiosks, uncompleted
buildings, wooden structures, and in open spaces on the streets in front of closed shops. In an
article by Ahlvin (2012), she describes how the girls share rented kiosks and make contribution
for payment of weekly rent. Awumbila et al (2014: 19) also gave similar descriptions of almost
half of child migrants (42.2 percent) in old Fadama and Nima living in shacks or temporal
structures. A current report on kayayei in the Agogbloshie market also describes the girls
sometimes sheltering from the rain by covering themselves with wooden or card boards on rainy
nights. The report further reveals lack of water and sanitation facilities, indicating about 92
percent of migrants in Old Fadama and 60 percent in Nima not having access to water in their
residences and resorting to the use of public stand pipes or use of sachet water. In terms of
toilet facilities, 94 percent of the migrants in Old Fadama did not have access in their residences
(ibid). They bathe in the open and defecate at vantage points near the Odaw river (DOC,
15

2015).

These reports depict the general unhygienic environmental conditions the girls live in

their residences at Old Fadama.

Health status and Health Seeking Behaviour

Owing to the strenuous nature of the work of the kayayei, Kwankye et al (2009) reported that
they experience various degrees of bodily and physical ailments, which require medical
attention.

Ahlvin (2012) also found that residents of Agbogbloshie experience malaria

conditions frequently, owing to the insanitary environments they live in. These have health
implications for the kayayei and their children, and yet many of them do not also seek proper
health care in times of ill-health given that many of them do not have access to National Health
Insurance (NHIS) or are too poor to afford medical services. Most Kayayei buy from the drug
store or self- medicate whilst a little more than nine percent actually go to the hospital when they
fall sick (MOWAC, 2007). Consequently, the poor health seeking behavior of the girls could
serve as in indicator of how they attend to their needs in times of ill-health. Deducing from the
studies, most of the children do not access or have access to proper healthcare.
Exploitation
The studies provide an insightful picture of the various forms of exploitation faced by the
kayayei during and after work. A rapid assessment by the DOC (2015) found that there is no
standardized or fixed rate for the services of the girls, and as result after rendering every service,
the kayayei have to negotiate with the client on the cost of the service. In view of this, there
have been instances where they get cheated by their clients (MoGCSP, 2014; Opare, 2003).
According to Thorsen (2012: 8) the lack of regulation for the informal economy has exploitative
effects on many children as employers or clients find ways to exploit them.
16

The DOC

assessment showed that the kayayei are made to pay a levy of fifty (50) pesewas daily to the
Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) and yet the literature does not reveal any initiative by the
AMA to provide some development assistance to the girls, suggesting that the levies paid by the
girls do not inure to their benefit. These findings indicate the various exploitative circumstances
of the girls in their daily kaya routine.

Opare (2003) found that most Kayayei are also exposed to multiple sexual harassments and
abuses owing to their poor sleeping arrangements. He explained that under the guise of offering
them shelter, especially on rainy nights, some men take advantage and abuse them sexually.
The situation also exposes them to reproductive health risks, especially sexually transmitted
infections including HIV/AIDS. The analysis shows that the sleeping arrangements of the girls
constitute a risk that can even put their lives in danger. It also raises issues on the vulnerability of
the girls in their bid to make a living in the city.

Feeding arrangements
The paper reviewed the coping strategies for feeding themselves and for children of those who
have children. In Kwankye et al (2007: 20) interviews with child migrants in Accra showed that
most of them have three meals a day but only when they can afford. Berg (2005: 78) explained
that the financial situation of the girls does not allow them the pleasure to have regular three
meals a day because doing that meant spending about two third of their income on their meals
and so as coping strategy to save money they reduce the number of meals taken in a day.
Kwankye et al (ibid) also reported that the girls occasionally prepared their meals on weekends,
17

but preferred buying from the streets because it is relatively convenient than cooking the meals
themselves. Cooking meals required space, cooking utensils, fuel for cooking and ingredients.
The review indicates that many of the girls go hungry because they have to reduce the number of
times they have meals or feed on less expensive but poor quality meals in order to make savings.
This has serious developmental implications for the children.

The review also shows that the challenges of the girls make it extremely difficult for the mothers
among them to feed their children properly and take care of them adequately. According to
Badasu (2004) a parents ability to provide proper child care include having the child
immunized, determining when a child is ready to be weaned, choosing appropriate weaning food
(s) and the best timing for the child to eat food prepared. Incidentally, the kaya work does not
grant the child mothers the opportunity to engage in these child weaning practices. In Appiahs
(2001) study, it is reported that the girls do not feed their children well as most of them feed their
children with the food they buy from food stands. Badasu (2004) also found that most kayayei
mothers are compelled to delegate parental care for their children in order to get the opportunity
to work. In instances where the kayayei are not able to make an arrangement, they carry their
babies at their backs whilst carrying loads and this has adverse effects on the wellbeing of the
kayayei and their children. These raise serious developmental questions that should interest
academic or research inquiry.

18

POLICY RESPONSE

This section focuses on selected government policy responses and how effective they have been
in addressing the phenomenon. The records of the Ministry of Gender Children and Social
Protection (MoGCSP) show that some earlier policy responses have been made to address the
Kayayei phenomenon and failed. Examples of MoGCSP interventions were the Operation End
Child Kayayei and the Operation Send Them Home, which were implemented in 2002 and
2007 respectively. These projects were intended to provide kayayei with employment generation
skills and improve documentation on the children (MOWAC, 2007; Denekamp, 2011 cited in
Huijmans, 2012: 11). Incidentally, they failed due to poor planning and funding constraints by
the Ministry (MOWAC, 2008).
Another policy response, though not under the direct responsibility of MoGCSP but worthy of
mentioning, is the Savannah Accelerated Development Programme (SADA), which was
established by government in 2009 as a major and ambitious programme aimed at transforming
the Northern part of Ghana economically and socially. The SADA, which aimed at addressing
poverty, programme would have provided job opportunities and possibly stem migration flow of
young people to the south. Incidentally, this project has also been fraught with administrative
lapses including misuse of funds (Guo et al., 2013).
Other interventions include a new project titled From Street to School being run by MoGCSP
to re-unite street children with their families. The project is being implemented by the

19

Department of Social Development (DSD)2 under MoGCSP in market areas across the entire
country to identify children in street situations (including migrant girls) and sent back to school.
MoGCSP has also set up centres to offer humanitarian support to the girls in Agbogloshie,
Mallam Atta and Oforikrom markets. Incidentally, since the establishment of the centers,
government funding has not been forth coming, and as a result depends on funding from
development partners (DSD, 2015).
An important question this paper seeks to answer is why governments policy initiatives have
failed to address the kayayei phenomenon. According to the literature, the kayayei issue has
been wrongly perceived as the sole responsibility of the MoGCSP and not that of the family,
community and government (MoGCSP, 2014). Incidentally, MoGCSP faces serious financial
challenges such as untimely release of government funds, annual budget cuts, and low budgetary
allocations. For instance, in 2013, MOGCSP was allocated GH53,382,672 in the Annual
Budget Estimates to implement its programmes. Only 56 percent of the allocated amount was
received (MoGCSP, 2014). This shortfall in budget has become an annual occurrence and
affects performance and outputs of the Ministry.
Furthermore, most of the government policy responses have been premised on the idea that
children are to be withdrawn from the streets and sent back home to their homes and families so
that they will be taken care of as children, and have their childhood restored as described by
Huijmans (2014). The MoGCSPs (2014) report shows that the policy interventions are usually
poorly planned and are ad hoc in nature. The Operation End Kayayei for instance, led to the
identification and evacuation of children back home without taken into account their motives for
2

Department of Social Welfare (DSW) is now referred as the Department of Social Development (DSD) under the Ministry of Gender Children
and Social Welfare

20

migrating to Accra. Huijmans (2006) explains that such policy initiatives ignore the fact that
children have their own and legitimate reasons for migrating. The MoGCSP should have an
effective way of identifying, categorizing and soliciting the views of the children in terms of
their motivations for travelling and their aspirations for the future. Sometimes government
policy responses for solving the problem of the child migrants are the same reasons for which
children migrate.

21

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS

The paper has reviewed literature and put into context the phenomenon of girls from certain parts
of the north migrating to Old Fadama in Accra to work as head porters (kayayei). It has traced
the history and explained the underlying assumptions using the Todaro-Harris labour migration
model and Everest Lees Push Pull model. Insights on the reasons behind the migration journey,
the dangers and risks the girls are exposed to, and the exploitation experienced at destination
point has been analysed. Using the literature, attempt has also been made to highlight and
explain reasons behind government policy failure in addressing the Kayayei phenomenon.
Conclusions
From the review, historically, migration from the north to the south of Ghana has involved young
male adults, and in the 70s attracted independent women, and in the 90s attracted young people,
especially girls. Summarizing the studies analysed in this review paper, it appears that there has
been a progressive and significant shift in focus from adult male migration, to adult female and
to child migration as a field of study. This shift in focus has also influenced research work in
migration and development issues in Ghana, as the north south girl migration has become a
major focus in academic research in recent times. The review also shows that migration is also a
gender related issues. Between the 70s and 80s, the literature indicates it was male dominate
phenomenon, however, in the 90s and beyond, female involvement became more dominant.
This suggests that migration has always been a gender related issue in spite of the changing
trends in flows.

From the papers discussed, it appears that motivation of most of the child migrants is largely
based on personal gain (Anyidoho, 2009), in spite of the fact that some migrate to help solve
22

family problems (Anarfi, Kwankye. et al., 2003; Asante, 2014; Hashim, 2005). The studies have
also mentioned economic reasons as a major reason for migrating (Buske, 2014; MoGCSP,
2014; Berg, 2007). The review has also shown that the reasons for migrating are sometimes
social (Anarfi, Kwankye 2003) or cultural (Buske, 2014; MoGCSP, 2014) but once the journey
is made and the child gets to Old Fadama, economic considerations sets in (Punch, 2007). This
indicates that work is probably the main reason that sets of the journey (McDowell /De Haan
1997: 3). Migration also becomes a coping strategy for a period of stay of the girls, when for
instance a girl comes to Accra to prepare for marriage (Opare, 2003) or seek for funds to pay
school fees or acquire resources for her apprenticeship (Hashim, 2005). The findings of the
studies show that varied motivations underlie the migrating event. Even though the girls are
engaged in the same work, they all have their intentions and purposes for being there. The
analysis shows that the kaya business is the main pull factor bringing the girls to a common
destination in Accra.

It is evident from the studies reviewed that the decision to migrate to Accra does not rest solely
on the child migrants but also on other members of the childs family (Awumbila et al., 2014). It
is important to also emphasize that in most cases the decision to migrate is taken by the girls
themselves motivated by the opportunities that they expect from migrating (Anyidohu et al,
2009). A main finding emerging from this review is that the decision to migrate comes in four
ways; sole decision by the child migrant with minimal inputs from family (Kwankye et al, 2009),
the young migrant deciding to ran away or traveling without informing any member of the
family (Huijmans, 2012), consensual decision by the family on behalf of the child with her

23

participation (Awumbila et al 2014), and unilateral decision without consent of the child (Buske
(2014).
The review also found that there is no regulation for calculating actual cost of services rendered
by a kayayei to a client. The absence of such a mechanism in the informal sector allows clients
and employers to cheat the girls (DOC, 2015; Thorsen, 2012; Opare 2003). This brings into
perspective the exploitative circumstances of the girls in their bid to make a living in the city.

In a study by Buske several of the girls studied indicated that even though they face harsh
conditions on the streets, they prefer to be on the streets than to be back home where they will be
maltreated (Buske, 2014). Considering the harsh conditions, the exploitation they face, and the
difficult nature of their job, one wonders why the girls would still want to stay and work.
Perhaps there are gaps in literature that needs to be bridged to explain this decision to stay.

The review has brought to bear the appalling, poor sleeping and feeding arrangements of the
Kayayei. The studies have shown that the majority of kayayei do not have permanent place of
sleep and pass the night in the open spaces on the streets, wooden structures, and in front of
closed shops (Kwankye et al, 2009; MOWAC, 2007; Awumbila et al., 2014). In Ahlvins (2012)
work she indicated that the girls at Agbogbloshie share rented kiosks, whilst a current study
report on kayayei in the Agogbloshie market also describes how the girls cluster in wooden
cubicles to share the available space at night. These give various insights on the poor sleeping
conditions of the girls. The studies also reveal lack of water and sanitation facilities in the
residences (Awumbila 2014). Most of the girls have no access to water, toilets, and place to
have their bath, and resort to the use of public stand pipes or use of sachet water, public
24

showers and public latrines, which come with the burden of huge cost to the girls (MoGCSP,
2015). This therefore requires urgent attention by city authorities and government agencies with
mandates for the protection of children in extremely difficult circumstances such as the kayayei
girls. The girls are poorly fed, and go hungry in order to save money for their ambitions.

In terms of policy initiatives, the review has shown that most of the interventions from
government to address the kayayei phenomenon have not been effective as a result of funding
difficulties, administrative lapses and poor planning of projects. Awumbila and ArdayfioSchandorf (2008) adduced the policy failure to governments inability to curtail the magnitude of
independent migration of adolescent girls to work as porters in markets. In Buskes (2014) view
the existence of huge gaps between policy intent and implementation is a mark of failure.
According to MoGCSP, the policy responses have not been effective because of financial and
logistics constraints (MoGCSP, 2014). Huijmans (2006) explains that the initiatives lack focus
ignoring the fact that children may have their own and legitimate reasons to migrate. These
views from the literature, suggest that government response to the phenomenon has not lived up
to the expected results.
Recommendations
The review indicates that most girls face challenges in terms of their settlement conditions. For
instance, the sleeping, feeding, healthcare and conditions of the work of the kayayei has been
described in the literature as very appalling, debilitating, unhygienic, risky and exploitative. This
therefore requires more effort to improve the living conditions of the girls through the
construction of low-cost apartments at vantage points in the city for them. The AMA could

25

invest in this initiative with the daily levies paid by the girls.

The city authorities must also

provide more public latrines, showers and pipe stands for the use of the girls in Old Fadama. The
literature also showed that the lack of a regulation on the cost of services run by kayayei allows
undue advantage for clients and employers to exploit the girls by not paying them the exact
amounts that commensurate their services. Some kind of regulation is required, but this review
paper will not be in the position recommend the exact method. This requires more research for
suitable answers. Again, from the review, the girls are poorly fed, and go hungry in order to save
money for their ambitions.

Government should add kayayei to the Social Protection

Interventions being run by the MoGCSP so they can be covered as beneficiaries for periodic
stipends.

Government remediation interventions should take into account varying reasons that result to girl
migration. Incidentally because planners of such interventions have not considered individual
motivations of the child migrants, they are all classified as economic migrants (Huijimans 2006),
when in actual fact the girls have varied reasons for migrating. It also fails to recognize the fact
that the desire of some of the children is not only for economic benefits but also to become
independent. These conclusions indicate that future government remediation projects should
categorize the children, in terms of their motivations for migrating and their future aspirations.
The objectives of the Operation End Kayayei and Operation Send them Home were good but
poorly executed. The two projects sought to empower kayayei girls in income generating and
wealth creation ventures and enable them stay in their communities rather than migrate to the
south to work. Incidentally, the literature indicates that upon returning home, most of the girls
could not utilize the skills because there were no job opportunities, and also the money they
26

earned as Kayayei was much more than what they earned from dressmaking and hairdressing
(MOWAC, 2008). This is an indication that governments intention was solely aimed at sending
the children home and leaving them at the mercy of their families and communities.
Government should strengthen local industries in the three northern regions to attract more
investment. This will create jobs opportunities for young people in the north. The SADA should
be strengthened for this purpose.
The paper could not do adequate analysis on governments capacity to respond to the kayayei
phenomenon because the papers reviewed did not cover issues on government policy response to
the Kayayei phenomenon.

In my opinion a deeper insights into the operational challenges of

state agencies with mandates for child related issues would have laid a strong basis for adequate
assessments. Certain issues regarding failure of government to improve the living conditions of
the kayayei would have been highlighted and addressed in the literature. This seems to suggest a
gap in knowledge in the kayayei literature. Buske (2014) described it as gap between policy
intent and implementation. A deeper and more insightful institutional and/or academic analysis
is therefore required to assess the operational capacity of not only the MoGCSP, but other child
migrant focused organisations to identify operational gaps and improve future operations in
respect of migrant children.
As indicated in the analysis, the Kayayei phenomenon has been wrongly perceived as the sole
problem of MoGCSP. This seems to have been a stumbling block in finding ways to addressing
the problems faced by kayayei. As a way forward, I recommend a holistic national and intersectoral approach for addressing the kayayei problem. This would require the Ministries of
Gender Children and Social Protection, Health, The Interior, Education, Trade, Tourism,
27

Agriculture, Chieftaincy and other relevant development partners and civil society to work
together. The discussion on the working conditions, sleeping and feeding arrangements of the
girls raise concerns about their safety and vulnerability, and the need for finding appropriate
policy initiatives to address them.

This will also require partnerships and alliances of all

stakeholders in the area of research, job creation, introduction of Child Protection interventions,
enforcement of laws, intensification of public awareness on the challenges of the kayayei.

The literature has shown that currently the number of children engaged in kayayei is not known,
making it difficult for government and partners to plan adequately to address the phenomenon.
A nationwide data collection exercise is required to collect and collate accurate figures on
kayayei in the country to forestall future statistics challenges. This should involve all relevant
research institutions with requisite technical expertise in the area of mobile populations.

28

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