518308

research-article2014

JUHXXX10.1177/0096144213518308Journal of Urban HistoryJung

Article

Oswald Nagler, HURPI, and the

Formation of Urban Planning and
Design in South Korea: The South
Seoul Plan by HURPI and the
Mok-dong Plan

Journal of Urban History

121
2014 SAGE Publications
Reprints and permissions:
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DOI: 10.1177/0096144213518308
juh.sagepub.com

Sanghoon Jung1
sghnjung@gmail.com

Abstract
As in other postcolonial settings, after its independence, Korean urban planning was still influenced
by the Japanese legacy in planning culture, systems of approach, and urban form. However,
there was a turning point beginning in the 1960s, led by Oswald Nagler and the Housing, Urban
and Regional Planning Institute (HURPI). Nagler applied an interdisciplinary approach to the
Korean urban situation and made substantial efforts to apply and localize Western planning
principles in accordance with the Korean context, and educated young talented individuals. Even
though the institute has been repetitively reported to have exerted a profound influence on the
formation of Korean urban planning, its function and specific contribution has largely remained
obscure. This study clarifies HURPIs function and contribution by way of interviews with its
members, recovering otherwise lost materials, and analyzing them with a focus on the South
Seoul plan in comparison to works done by local planners at the time, as well as later work on
the Mok-dong plan.
Keywords
HURPI, Oswald Nagler, International diffusion of planning, Gangnam, South Seoul, Mok-dong

Introduction
During processes of modernization, Western experiences in urban planning have been actively
diffused throughout the world. Emergent city forms of the colonial period were often reflections
of the colonizers. British colonies were planned as garden cities, while the French colonies featured tree-lined boulevards and designed axes, bearing close resemblance to the city of Paris.1
Significant changes occurred after independence. Even though the colonial legacy remained in
the form of planning legislation and culture, Western experiences were reinvented in modified
forms at different locations, instead of arising as simply exotic transplants. Furthermore, the
newly independent states began to seek more diverse external links encouraged by foreign technical aid, lessening their dependence on former colonial powers.2 For example, Vietnam moved
1Harvard

University, Cambridge, MA, USA

Corresponding Author:
Sanghoon Jung, Department of Urban Planning and Design, Graduate School of Design, Harvard University, 48 Quincy
Street 325, Cambridge, MA, 02138, USA.
Email: sghnjung@gmail.com

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Journal of Urban History

away from French influence and became more connected to the Soviet Union through economic
aid and technical assistance.3 In the case of India, Trumans aid program helped form new connections with the United States.4
Not surprisingly, a substantial number of studies have been made about how Western planning
principles were diffused during colonial and postcolonial periods.5 Major issues tackled in these
studies include the mechanisms of diffusion, the transformation of ideas, and the practices involved
in the diffusion process. While each case of planning diffusion is distinctive, some planning historians addressed the general mechanism of planning diffusion. For example, King explained the
diffusion process with the global hegemony of Western imperialism exporting its conception of
planning in both the colonial and postcolonial eras.6 Ward focused on the power relationships
between the countries originating and receiving planning in his typology of international planning
diffusion.7 The role of individual planners had a significant impact in the actual implementation of
diffusion. Peter Halls explanation of the diffusion process is largely about great men who passionately spread their big ideas to other countries.8 For instance, Albert Mayers personal relationships with Indians were important in establishing the connection between India and America.9
Throughout, so it seemed, the role of individual planners was critical in deciding what kind of
Western planning principles were to be implemented and localized to the indigenous context.
Even after its independence, urban planning in South Korea continued to be influenced by its
former colonizer, Japan, but references became more diverse with increase in foreign technical
aid. The transnational planner who played a pivotal role in this process was Oswald Nagler. As
part of an aid program by the Asia Foundation, which was formalized as HURPI (Housing,
Urban and Regional Planning Institute), Nagler introduced, applied, and localized Western planning principles to Korea in an earnest manner. His legacy still resonates in the Korean urban
environment. Many texts covering the modern history of urban planning and design in Korea
have also acknowledged HURPIs major impact.10 Yet the specificity of HURPIs contribution
to planning have not been fully discoursed because of the lack of palpable documentation, most
of which have disappeared. Fortunately, by recovering personal materials of HURPI members in
addition to in-depth interviews with key HURPI members, including Oswald Nagler, Kyu Sung
Woo, and Sungchul Hong,11 this paper identifies the kind of planning principles Nagler tried to
introduce, how they became transformed and localized in accordance to the Korean context, the
role of indigenous planners in the process, and the influence of Nagler and HURPI members on
modern urban planning in Korea.
The case of South Seoul provides the most comprehensive glimpse of HURPIs ideas as the
project was the largest in scale among urban design projects undertaken by the institute. Moreover,
different plans for the identical site conceived by other Korean planners at the time are available
for comparison. Focusing on HURPIs South Seoul Plan will help illustrate the process of transnational diffusion and localization as well as clarify how it was different from the efforts expended
by local planners. With further comparison between the South Seoul Plan and the subsequent
plan for Mok-dong, this paper will additionally expound on how HURPIs ideas influenced
future city planning in Korea.

Urban Planning in Korea in the 1960s

As it often did in other postcolonial settings, urban planning in Korea continued to be influenced
by Japans colonial legacy in terms of planning culture, system, and legislation even after its
independence in 1945. A number of bureaucrats who worked in the Japanese colonial government maintained their position in the newly independent nation and were accustomed to the
colonial planning system. For example, the Chosun City Planning Decree enacted during the
Japanese colonial regime remained effective until 1962 when the first City Planning Law of
Korea was declared. Some regulations of the Chosun City Planning Decree persisted in the new
City Planning Law, and its many articles resembled those of the Building Standard Law of Japan
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Figure 1. New Seoul White plan.

Source: Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek iyagi : Seoul kyoktong ui 50-yon kwa na ui chungon (Seoul City Planning Story:
Turbulent 50 years of Seoul and My Testimonies), vol. 1 (Seoul, 2003), 217.

at the time.12 Japans legacy is manifested in the physical plans as well. For instance, many spatial features of urban development during Koreas industrialization, such as radiating and gridded
street patterns, reflect those implemented during the Meiji Restoration and Taisho periods. In
terms of methodology, land readjustment adopted by the Japanese remained as the main means
of urban development in Korea.13 Published in 1966, the General Master Plan of Seoul by the
Seoul Metropolitan Government was intended to expand the city concentrically along four circular lines and fourteen radiating lines. This plan was known to be developed by the Korea Planners
Association, but it was also prepared by the Seoul Urban Planning Standing Committee at an
earlier point.14 According to Sungchul Hong, a member of the Committee at the time, the major
reference for the plan was Abercrombies Greater London Plan. As Japan also adopted elements
of the Greater London Plan in its plan for Tokyo, and the relevant planning texts available at the
time in Korea were imported from Japan, much of the supporting material for the General Master
Plan of Seoul can be sourced from Japanese texts.15
Meanwhile, Western urban planning concepts were being introduced with access to various
planning publications. In the 1960s, these efforts were merely at the level of imitation rather than
the application and adaptation to the local context. For example, the New Seoul White plan
attempted to replicate Le Corbusiers A Contemporary City of Three Million Inhabitants
within the boundary of Mugunghwa, the Korean national flower, which was established as a
prerequisite for the plan (see Figure 1). Low-density suburban development was also conceived
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Journal of Urban History

Figure 2. Park Hung-shiks South Seoul Plan in 1963.

Source: Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek iyagi : Seoul kyoktong ui 50-yon kwa na ui chungon (Seoul City Planning Story:
Turbulent 50 years of Seoul and My Testimonies), vol. 1 (Seoul, 2003),191.

under the influence of Americas suburban housing (see Figure 2). Because of the obvious
abridgements, however, these efforts cannot be truly considered as instances of international diffusion and localization.
Nonetheless, a substantial turning point occurred. Suddenly, as if out of nowhere, a strong
linear axis appeared in Mok-dong, which recurred in subsequent Korean new town developments
even as its form and function evolved. This linearity is considered a hallmark of Korean new
town planning, yet the origin of this turning point has remained something of a mystery. In reference to Western urban design theories that affected Korean circumstances, Oh referred to Mokdong as the first case in which linear axis was conceived as a central idea in Korean planning, and
stated that it was influenced by the British Cumbernauld and Hook new towns.16 Slightly earlier,
Kim argued that the linear structure became apparent in Korea after the 1960s and was derived
from Sorias linear city, the socialist linear city, and British new towns.17 Yet there is a lack of
consensus regarding what specifically promoted the acceptance of the linear arrangement. In
fact, the use of a linear axis in Korea appears to have been different in form and function from
the cases cited elsewhere. Throughout this research, it became clear that there were intensive
efforts to diffuse Western planning principles, alongside the localization of Korean culture. In
particular, Oswald Nagler and members of HURPI were behind these efforts in the 1960s.

Oswald Nagler and HURPI, 1965-1968

After the civil war, a military coup broke out under Chunghee Park in 1961, whose military
regime enthusiastically pursued an aggressive development plan. Consequently, rapid economic
growth, urbanization, and sharp increase in population necessitated new developments. Yet institutional and organizational approaches to urban planning were bogged down by the remnants of
the colonial era and a shortage of planning experts. David Steinberg, a representative of the Asia

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Foundation in Korea, encountered the lack of urban planning system on his first visit to Korea in
1963. The various mayors Steinberg met urgently requested assistance with urban planning.
Since the Asia Foundation had little related experience, he contacted Oswald Nagler, whom he
worked together on building a student recreation center at the University of Rangoon in Burma.
Nagler wrote back and said he had some working experience in urban planning.18 In 1964, the
Asia Foundation commissioned Nagler to report on Koreas urban status. The report was based
on his travels in Korea and meeting with city mayors in partnership with Yongju Hwang at the
Ministry of Construction (MOC). Nagler highlighted the need for a specialized research institution to address Koreas urban problems. The following year, Urban Design Team was established
as an affiliated organization of MOC, and Nagler was appointed as an urban planning advisor to
head the institute. The institution later changed its name to the Urban and Regional Planning
Institute (URPI). As Nagler insisted the approach to urban problems should be initiated from the
housing level, Housing was added to its name, resulting in its official reference as the Housing,
Urban and Regional Planning Institute (HURPI).19
Oswald Nagler was born in 1928 to American Jewish parents during his familys travels in
Europe when his father was doing advanced medical studies in Vienna. After his childhood in
New York City and Maryland, he entered St. Johns College in Annapolis, Maryland, where he
was educated in the Great Books program. He then went on to Harvard Universitys Graduate
School of Design (GSD) and graduated in 1957 with a Masters degree in Architecture. There
were a lot of changes in the school driven by its newly appointed Dean, Josep Lluis Sert, who was
also the president of Congrs International dArchitecture Moderne (CIAM). European architectural theories and practices were introduced and interdisciplinary approaches to design were
promoted by Sert and newly appointed professors such as Hideo Sasaki.20 From 1956 onwards,
Sert convened the first series of international conferences on urban design, effectively leading to
the birth of a new academic orientation simply called urban design. Nagler was influenced not
only by these movements and Sert but also by the most up-to-date European experiences that
entered the school. After graduation, he worked in various capacities, ranging from architecture
to new town and community planning. By working in various countries including Burma,
Thailand, and Israel, Nagler was able to apply this new design knowledge.21
HURPI was organized by a master-apprentice authorship under the management of Nagler,
advisor of HURPI, and Yongju Hwang, a coordinator dispatched from MOC. Despite HURPIs
affiliation with MOC, its operation was financially supported by the Asia Foundation. The
Foundation and David Steinberg also supported HURPI in other ways, such as inviting professionals and bringing books from other countries. Nagler directed the operation of HURPI by
instructing its members and checking on their progress. In turn, the apprentices reported results
to Nagler and discussed how to move forward together. In a country lacking local experts on
urban planning, Nagler mostly directed the organizations operations with his new approach.22
HURPIs major missions were education, research, and pilot projects. Education was an
important part of the mission. Nagler sought those who could work on the ideas he brought to
Korea. Senior members were composed of Jangseop Yun (Professor at Seoul National University),
Ku Lee (son of the last Crown Prince of Joseon Dynasty, who studied architecture at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology), and Sungchul Hong. Through examination, Nagler also
recruited young talented individuals as HURPI members, including Kyu Sung Woo, Hongbin
Kang, Jinkyun Kim, and Wan Yu (see Figure 3).
While a number of Korean schools at the time included studies in architecture and civil engineering, urban planning as a discipline was not offered. What were mainly taught in schools were
time-honored Japanese approaches for dividing land and developing road systems, without dealing with issues of true function. Nagler spent quite an amount of time visiting different schools,
recruiting the most accomplished students. Many members were selected from the architecture
department at Seoul National University, the leading university in Korea. Nagler trained these

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Journal of Urban History

Figure 3. HURPI members and trainees.

Source: Kyu Sung Woo Archive.

Note: The third person from the left in the front row is Oswald Nagler.

individuals from scratch before engaging them in actual work, and these trainees in turn educated
incoming employees. In terms of communication, most of the highly qualified staff was able to
conduct English. Where necessary for a wider audience, Nagler had an interpreter, Yongju
Hwang.23
Nagler tried to approach design solutions in an interdisciplinary way as he was taught at
Harvard. Consequently, people were recruited from various fields. For example, Moonki Chang,
the first Korean to receive a masters degree in landscape architecture joined the institute.
Professionals from other fields were also invited to share their ideas. Taejun Kwon, a professor
at Seoul National University, as well as a legal expert, was invited because Nagler believed the
outdated regulations needed reform. Kyunghi Hong, a female geographer who taught at
Gyeongbuk University was also invited to share her research on urban geography.24 Before
HURPI, the concept of urban design hardly existed in Korea. Urban planning at the time was
mostly about infrastructure planning, without the involvement of architecture. As a result, the
planning approach was two-dimensional in perspective. Architecture and civil engineering
became more acutely involved in HURPI projects, which enabled a more comprehensive
approach to planning.25
In the linguistic localization of planning concepts, translation of planning terminologies was
not necessary within HURPI since communication was conducted in English. Planning concepts
and relevant examples were discussed during the training phase. However, translation was
needed for external purposes. In official documents that were typically written in combination of
Chinese and Korean, planning vocabulary that already existed in these languages were maintained. Expressions that needed to be translated required the use of Chinese characters. For
example, compact planning was translated into goyulhwa geyhoek ( ), which
means planning for a high ratio. Planning terminologies were also transliterated into Korean, or
at times written in its original English text.26
Research was also important. In order to provide solutions for the urban situation in Korea,
problems needed to be thoroughly identified. Collection of statistical data and field trips to informal settlements were initiated to assess the financial status of residents, vernacular settlement
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types, and the activities involved in open spaces. For example, survey of local housing conditions
looked at household environments, such as types and scale of kitchenware and furnishing, as well
as how people entered and took off their shoes. Special types of Korean interior features, such as
maru and ondol, were also studied. These elements influenced the size of dwelling units and the
area of the site, along with the configurations of movement systems. Analysis of social and interactive spaces particular to the Korean culture was also undertaken. For example, daily markets
composed of individual store owners were important. Because of low level of car ownership and
refrigerators,27 daily walks to the market were necessary for fresh food. Thus, pedestrian access
to daily markets was a vital factor in Korean town planning. Retail businesses at the market
included jewelry, clothes, books, as well as medical services. Bokdukbang (local real estate dealers) were also important community facilities at the daily market, which was an important source
of gossip and exchange of news and information.28 Based on the statistical evidence provided by
Kyunghi Hong, the threshold population required to sustain facilities such as administrative
offices, schools, and retail stores were calculated. They also pointed out that daily markets should
be located within walking distance. In conjunction with research, HURPI members studied upto-date planning texts donated by the Asia Foundation, which included The Planning of a New
Town and Traffic in Towns. Published in 1961, The Planning of a New Town reported on
the pedestrian-oriented planning principles of Hook new town in Britain, which was influential
in HURPIs planning principles.29 Nagler was inspired by the vitality of street life in Myeongdong, a major commercial area in Korea, and thought that these planning principles were more
applicable than American planning principles in Korea. Furthermore, HURPIs projection of
urban growth in Korea illustrated that the available land would be covered by housing developments in the near future if the country adhered to the low-density development plans proposed by
Korea Housing Corporation.30 Throughout these research activities, HURPI established a set of
urban design principles for Korean cities.31
1. Urban Density should be of medium density by introducing low-rise apartments or townhouse developments.
2. Activation of community should occur by placing community space and facilities within
multi-unit dwellings.
3. The neighborhood unit should be based not on the previously known basis of an elementary school, but at a level of 60,000 people, taking into account the distribution of
Korean markets and pedestrian access.
4. Vehicular and pedestrian traffic should be separated, as in the case of the Hook new town
in order to accommodate increase in car ownership.
5. Analysis of place, time, and frequency of social interaction should be undertaken and
reflected in subsequent planning, in addition to residential meeting facilities, elementary
schools, and churches.
6. Minimum housing standards should be based on the minimum space of dwelling that can
accommodate future human needs. In short, a system should be envisioned by which a
dwelling can expand depending on future economic growth and changes in household
configuration.
7. Linear development, rather than use of a concentric structure, should be encouraged to
address socioeconomic changes and step-by-step development.
The MOC sent out official reports to local governments notifying that HURPI has been established to help urban planning at the local level by laying out guiding principles for planning. In
addition, the National Mayors conference encouraged cities to utilize HURPI as a consultancy
for urban planning.32 Especially among local governments, Seoul, Suwon, and Daegu municipal
governments actively made use of HURPI. Even though the then mayor Hyun-ok Kim of Seoul

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was known for being bullish, he often consulted HURPI concerning redevelopment issues such
as Seun Sangga and shantytown redevelopment.33 In the case of Suwon, the mayor asked HURPI
to propose a new master plan for the city, which advocated the preservation and pedestrianization
of Hwaseong, an old castle. A community redevelopment plan near a newly established railway
station was proposed in Daegu. The above-mentioned planning principles were thoroughly
applied in all of these plans, although there were some variations depending on local environment and context. From time to time, MOC itself also requested HURPI to produce some plans,
including the South Seoul Plan.

Development of South Seoul

South Seoul is located across the Han River from the old city. The area was annexed by Seoul in
1963. Now referred to as Gangnam, it is Koreas most affluent area, accommodating various
corporate headquarters and service and IT industries. Before its development in the 1970s, however, this area was a rural village. The biggest obstacle for development was that there was no
bridge connecting the area to the more developed northern bank of the Han River. In addition,
during the rainy season, large portions of the area became flooded. Consequently, the expansion
of Seouls urban area was confined to the north of Han River and to Yeongdeungpo where there
was bridge access. The development of South Seoul was initiated when the third Han River
bridge plan was published in 1966. However, there were development plans for the area even
before that. The first person who led development in South Seoul was Heungsik Park, then one
of the wealthiest businessmen in Korea and the owner of the Hwasin Group. Following the military coup in 1961, the military regime ordered him to work on the housing construction plan for
the future urban growth of Seoul. In turn, he proposed to develop South Seoul into a new town.
He also provided a business plan to attract foreign capital and persuaded Japanese companies to
support the development. With the approval from the military supreme council, he then established a master plan with the participation of accomplished civil engineers and architects.
Referencing the garden city movement in Japan and in a manner similar to the basic layout of the
Federal Housing Administration (FHA) estates in the United States, the master plan was composed of low-density suburban developments (see Figure 2). The density of about 300 m2 per
household was too low to be supported by the relatively poor living standard at the time.34
Subsequently, the military regimes attitude to this plan changed from positive to negative without obvious reasons.35 In September 1965, the plan was officially terminated and the Seoul
Metropolitan Government took over to control the development.36
In 1966, major changes in the developmental conditions of South Seoul and its surrounding
areas. First, there was the development of the Han River itself. Because of prevailing climatic
conditions that led to chronic flooding, the Han River Development Project built dams and
embankments for flood control that enabled the development of the riverfront and South Seoul.
Perhaps, more important was the construction of the third bridge (now the Hannam bridge), an
initiative promoted largely for military purposes. The biggest obstacle during the civil war was
evacuating civilians across the Han River. When the war broke out, 1.5 million civilians had
to cross the river via only two bridges.37 By 1966, Seouls population had more than doubled,
yet only one additional bridge was built for public purposes, except in the event of a military
emergency. With the ever-present threat from North Korea, having adequate means to cross
the river was an urgent issue for Seoul.38 In 1967, the Gyeongbu Highway Plan connecting
Seoul to Busan was announced and the third Han River bridge was established as the starting
point of the highway. As South Seoul became a main gateway to the city, new urban developments ensued in the area, including a substantial amount of speculation. In response to these
events, the Seoul Metropolitan Government set out development plans. However, the city did
not have a clear vision for the areas development and certainly not at a fine-grained level.39

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Figure 4. South Seoul Plan by Seoul Metropolitan Government in 1966.

Source: Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek iyagi: Seoul kyoktong ui 50-yon kwa na ui chungon (Seoul City planning story:
turbulent 50 years of Seoul and my testimonies), vol. 1 (Seoul, 2003), 201.

The plans employed a grid and radial roadway structure, which was commonly implemented
at the time (see Figure 4). As in the period of Japanese rule, the plans facilitated land readjustment processes. In short, these plans showed no sincere consideration for the terrain, the cultural context, or the movement of people.
Although the planning for South Seoul was assigned to the Seoul city government, MOC
needed to push forward its own ideas. Considering substantial amount of research and analyses
done by HURPI, MOC subsequently ordered HURPI to develop a master plan for South Seoul.

HURPIs South Seoul Plan

Because of the upcoming bridge construction and associated land speculation, HURPI had to
finish the project within a short period of several months. Fortunately, previous studies conducted on other pilot projects allowed planning for South Seoul to move ahead without much
difficulty. There was also a sufficient area of land to demonstrate the worthiness of a more comprehensive approach. The Korean urban design principles advocated by HURPI were applied,
which included the use of a linear city form, pedestrian access, low-rise high-density housing,
and access to maximum choices. The target population for the project was 1.2 million people.
The first noticeable aspect of the plan is its central axis (see Figures 5 and 6). As car ownership was low at the time, walking to the daily market for grocery shopping was a primary activity.
Given this context, the South Seoul Plan was devised to locate marketplaces at a distance of no
greater than 500 meters from each household. Since the site was also extensive in scale, a hierarchy of axes was provided to cover the entire area. The central spine was of the highest rank.
Depending on their respective functions, the neighborhood and traffic axes in the lower levels of
hierarchy were separated as in Radburn, United States, among other Garden Citystyle developments. However, the facilities in each axis were determined by considering the situation in Korea.
Kyunghi Hong, a female urban geographer who collaborated with HURPI, presented her research

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Journal of Urban History

Figure 5. Perspective of the South Seoul Plan by HURPI.

Source: Kyu Sung Woo Archive.

on the hierarchy of urban central spaces and different sizes of centers and subcenters. Based on
Hongs analysis, HURPI members studied the daily, weekly, and monthly life patterns of
Koreans. Based on this research, HURPI members listed all possible forms of shopping, allowing
for a better understanding of what should go in the central spine and what should go in the neighborhood and traffic axes. The distribution of the three axes was based on these studies, with
topography influencing the overall shaping of the spines.
The central spine contained all the major businesses, services, and facilities. Weekly and
monthly lifestyle needs such as offices, shops, entertainment venues, and cultural facilities were
also located in the central spine. The road surrounding the central spine was meant to be a service
road with no through traffic. Consequently, it was located away from the arterial road as the
functional center. Neighborhood axes connected the pedestrian-focused shops, restaurants, and
cafes, as well as other neighborhood-related businesses, including bokdukbang (real estate
agency). Here again, transportation was mainly confined to service roads, carrying traffic primarily for the delivery of goods, garbage removal, and accommodation of taxis. In contrast, the traffic axis was accessible from major roads. Facilities at this location required better traffic access
and were not necessarily suitable for daily human interactions. Examples include furniture and
home goods stores. While the elementary schools were located inside each block and connected
to a park, corresponding to classic Neighborhood Unit formations, high schools combined with
sports facilities were located on the traffic axis. The idea was that the way elementary and middle
schools used land was different from high schools. Nagler did not consider busy pedestrian areas
as ideal for placing high schools, which required ample amount of space for sports facilities and
access to traffic. Despite low traffic volume, car-oriented spaces were planned based on future
projections.
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Figure 6. Hierarchy of axes in the South Seoul Plan by HURPI.

Source: Redrawn by author from Kyu Sung Woo Archive.

All axes were connected through the so-called hexagonal system referenced from the
Buchannan Report: Traffic in Towns.40 It is a one-way system that enables constant movement
without traffic lights. Crossings of all axes are always made via T intersections, which allows for
constant movement through the shifting and changing of lanes. Neighborhood axes were intended
solely for pedestrian movement, and crossings with major roads were accomplished through
underpasses. Parking along the central spine and neighborhood axes was scarce, but substantial
surface parking was allowed in the traffic axes.
Each block was about 500 by 500 meters and sufficiently large enough to accommodate about
10,000 inhabitants, the threshold required to sustain one elementary school. Lower-density areas
were also provided for those who preferred to live in single-family housing. Although the planners tried to inveigh against low-density settlement trends, they did allow for some to occur, at
locations relatively far from the central spine. The main housing type in each block was the walkup apartment, an unfamiliar housing type at the time. With the exception of few commercial
buildings, installation of elevators was avoided because of high costs. Reinterpretations of the
traditional courtyard dwelling were also implemented in the open spaces between the walk-up
apartments (see Figure 7). In sum, this approach represents a comparatively sophisticated instance
of transnational diffusion of urban-architectural ideas.
Regarding the overall shape of the plan, which has been likened to a living organism composed of cells, Nagler stated the following:

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Journal of Urban History

Figure 7. Residential area model by HURPI.

Source: Kyu Sung Woo Archive.

I was influenced by Josep Lluis Serts humanistic approach. It was not a traffic-oriented or utilityoriented approach. I have always thought a city is changing like a living organism. Most of the great
urban planners have thought that way. At that time, however, the Japanese approach was being used
throughout Korea with little thought about how people lived and moved. There was no hierarchy
related to land use and human activity. I intended my approach to be more organic. That is another
reason for the linear approach. You cannot predict exactly how its going to be built. With a linear
approach, it is easy to build in stages. You can start small and expand.41

HURPIs South Seoul Plan was never realized. Instead, the area was developed into gridded
superblocks with small adjustments to the topography (see Figure 8).42 According to Woo, there
was no capacity in Korea to respond to the Plan. There was no basis for judgment other than that
it was planned by an American. Since the plan was also drafted for free through a foreign aid
institution, there was no obligation to put it into effect from the perspective of the Korean government.43 Because of rapid urbanization, planning authorities could not afford to experiment with
entirely new and unfamiliar approaches presented by HURPI. Reflecting on the South Seoul
Plan, Nagler stated, We knew that they were not going to implement the plan at that time, but
our purpose was to show a different direction for planning. Actually, it became more thoroughly
implemented in Mok-dong, and for that we had to wait some years.44

HURPI after 1967

After two years at HURPI, Nagler left Korea in 1967. When the Asia Foundation decided to stop
funding the project, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) entered the scene.
Tarik Carim of UNDP, a Turkish planner educated in France, took over the role of Nagler. The
shift in HURPIs focus from physical planning to regional/economic development planning

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Figure 8. Model of the South Seoul plan by HURPI.

Source: Kyu Sung Woo Archive.

under Carims leadership resulted in a troubled process of transition. Since the HURPI staff was
mostly of architectural, engineering, and landscape backgrounds, many of them were not satisfied with the change. Shortly thereafter, a majority of HURPIs key young members left to study
abroad, and some of whom, with the help of Nagler, were financially supported by the Asia
Foundation.45 These members eventually became prominent professionals in the Korean urban
planning and design field, including Kyu Sung Woo, Hongbin Kang, Yongju Hwang, and Jusuck
Koh. Kyu Sung Woo studied at Columbia and Harvard, and made his debut in the United States
when he won the Roosevelt Island Housing competition. His works include the Olympic Village
in Seoul, 10 Akron Street (Graduate Student Housing for Harvard University), International
Village of Northeastern University, and the Asian Culture Complex. He is one of the representative Korean architects and still runs his firm, Kyu Sung Woo Architect, Inc., in Cambridge,
Massachusetts. Hongbin Kang, who studied at Harvard and MIT, worked on numerous projects
in Korea and served as a professor of urban planning in the University of Seoul, president of the
Seoul Development Institute, and vice mayor of Seoul. He is now the director of the Seoul
Museum of History. Yongju Hwang studied at UC Berkeley and served as a professor of urban
planning at Choongang University. Hwang led the establishment of Regional Development
Institute at Korea Institute of Science and Technology, which worked on notable New
Administrative Capital Plan in the 1970s. Jusuck Koh studied landscape architecture at the
University of Pennsylvania and served as professor at Texas Tech University, the University of
Georgia, and Wageningen University. He has also received the honors, such as the U.S.
Department of State Distinguished Scholar and Professor, and Fulbright Distinguished Scholar
of the United States. Other important individuals such as Jinkyun Kim, Wan Yu, Sungchul Hong,
Wihoon Kang, and Sinkyu Moon also had successful careers in academia and practice, in Korea
and elsewhere.
In 1968, HURPI was dissolved and transformed into the Korean Institute for Physical
Planning,46 which later restructured into the Korean Research Institute for National Planning
in 1969.47 This institute worked on the first National Territorial Plan of Korea and became

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absorbed into the newly born Korea Research Institute of Human Settlements (KRIHS) in
1978, which today remains a prominent research institute for Korean urban policy.48
After his departure from Korea in 1967, Nagler settled down in Columbia, South Carolina and
has been involved in local projects, such as Community Development in Harbison and Three
Rivers Greenway project. Nagler continued to work on important architectural and urban design
projects in Korea mainly through his personal connections that he formed during HURPI years.
For example, Nagler was invited by Kyu Sung Woo to work on the Olympic Village in Seoul.49
Sukeun Kim also invited him to Korea for several projects, including the Mok-dong Plan.50

Oswald Naglers involvement in the Mok-dong Plan

Following the enactment of the Housing Site Development Inducement Law in 1980, a series of
planned-unit developments were encouraged in Seoul. In particular, Mok-dong was seen as the
new-town-in-town to function as the core of Western Seoul. Nagler participated in the Mokdong Plan due to his friendship with Sukeun Kim, a nationally renowned Korean architect Nagler
met during his years at HURPI. After his acquaintance with Sukeun Kim in 1965, Nagler often
brought Kim to the office even though he was not an official HURPI member. Through this contact, Kim was quite excited about the approach Nagler was employing. The two shared thoughts
about the urban characteristics and issues that permeated Koreas urban environment during their
walks in Myeong-dong and shantytowns of Seoul. After HURPI, Kim invited Nagler to work on
several projects including Mok-dong Plan.51
In 1983, the mayor of Seoul discussed the Mok-dong development with Sukeun Kim, who
offered to conduct a design competition. The first design competition in Korea was thus initiated.
However, without waiting for the results of the competition, the mayor independently commissioned Kim to design the outline of the master plan. With doubts about whether a good plan
would result from the competition, the Seoul metropolitan government sought for its own vision
for the development. Kim then invited Nagler and organized a working group behind closed
doors along with Byunggi Kang, Hyungman Kim, and Jaewoong Seo of the Seoul metropolitan
government.52 Nagler and Byung-gi Kang mostly led the actual design process. The schematic
outline was completed before the end of the competition but remained undisclosed until the deadline to avoid affecting the result.53 Consistent with HURPIs practice, Nagler proposed a plan
composed of a central spine surrounded by a one-way movement system, which was transformed
from the hexagonal system, as a main structure of the town (see Figure 9).
Interestingly, top two of the five winning proposals featured linear central spines, which
resembled the secret teams schematic outline (see Figure 10). There are suspicions that the schematic outline could have been leaked out by someone in the secret team.54 However, Kunhyuck
Ahn, who also participated in the competition, argued that the central spine was more or less
preconditioned by the shape of the site. Ahn saw that Mok-dongs isolation from the neighboring
regions as a new-town-in-town and the shape of its site necessitated the north-to-south axis in
providing services to the overall site.55 Urban design principles, such as the segregation of pedestrian and vehicle, became widely practiced as indigenous planning groups grew up. It is also
possible that the similarities could have occurred because the secret team members virtually led
the screening process of the competition.56
Of the top two proposals, Seoul Architect took control of the urban structure design while
Samwoo Engineering focused on the infrastructure plan. Members of the secret team participated in the planning committee that was involved in postcompetition design.57 While Nagler
was mostly involved in shaping the urban structure and transportation planning during the early
years of the secret team, he also laid out directions for further design development. Although
detailed design processes were mainly implemented by Korean planners, some of Naglers input
remained until the final plan. As part of the planning committee, Sukeun Kim sent progress
reports to Nagler.58
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Source: Seoul Metropolitan Government, Mok-dong Gongyeong Gaebal Pyeong-ga bogoseo (Evaluation of Mok-dong public development) (Seoul, 1991).

Figure 9. The original sketch and structural scheme by Oswald Nagler.

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Figure 10. Winners of the competition (left) and final master plan for Mok-dong Development (right).
Source: Seoul Metropolitan Government, Mok-dong Gongyeong Gaebal Pyeong-ga bogoseo (Evaluation of Mok-dong
public development) (Seoul, 1991).

Comparison of Naglers original sketch and the final scheme illustrates noticeable differences. In the original sketch by Nagler, the main central spine was in one band and another commercial axis was planned from east to west. In contrast, the final scheme shows two commercial
spines that are not directly linked but overlap in the center, enlarging the commercial center. This
difference seems to reflect Samwoo Engineerings scheme. Regarding this, Nagler stated:
I dont know why they did that. Maybe, they felt there was a need for more volume at the center. I
dont think its necessary. I am not sure if its a good idea. I think it complicates the movement
system unnecessarily. It creates some strange turning points. My approach would be if they wanted
more mass, you could thicken the spine, or go more vertically. You can do it by widening the spine.
I dont see any advantage in this variation.59

The complex transportation system in the central part is one of the major critiques of Mokdong as it stands now.60 As with the South Seoul Plan, the hexagonal system referenced by the
Buchannan Report was applied. For the one-way system that circulates the central spine to function, intersection spacing has to be correct and a lot of weaving is required. In the case of Mokdong, complexity of the central zone proved to be an obstacle for the functioning of the one-way
system, and as a result created considerable confusion.
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Nonetheless, considering Naglers role in the planning process and the similarities that exist
between the Mok-dong Plan and the South Seoul Plan, it seems highly likely that the ideas proposed by HURPI in 1960s were reflected in Mok-dong. Also, when viewed in terms of size, the
central axis of Mok-dong is on par with the South Seoul plans neighborhood axis. In terms of
scale, the South Seoul Plan was a combination of several Mok-dongs, with a bigger commercial
spine comparable to Teheran street in Gangnam.

Conclusion
Even after its independence, urban planning in Korea continued to be influenced by its former
colonizer as in other postcolonial settings, but increasing foreign technical aid diversified the
references being deployed. There was an intensive process of transnational diffusion of urban
planning and design in the 1960s, initiated by Oswald Nagler and HURPI, which was a program
supported by the Asia Foundation. Through studies of local conditions, HURPI selectively
brought in Western planning ideas to address Koreas urban planning problems and applied them
with necessary changes. Their up-to-date approach attempted to localize Western concepts based
on extensive research of Korean urban environments. In effect, they developed urban solutions
particular to the Korean context.
The prominent influence of HURPI and Oswald Nagler on Korean urban planning can be classified into four major categories; education, introduction of urban design and planning, institutional formation, and creation of urban design principles specific to local urban conditions. First,
as a major mission and out of necessity, Nagler educated key individuals in urban planning and
design. After their service in HURPI, key members went to study abroad, later to play an important role in architecture, urban design, and planning in Korea.
Second, HURPI introduced the discipline of urban planning and design to Korea. Planning
concepts were basically unknown and nonexistent. Most HURPI members stated that they came
into contact with urban planning and design through the activities at HURPI. Kwon says that the
most palpable change made by HURPI was that urban planning concepts such as master plan or
a comprehensive plan started to be discussed among the Korean elite with the establishment of
HURPI.61 When Nagler came to Korea in 1965, urban planning department was nonexistent, and
architectural departments at major universities did not teach urban planning. It was in the late
1960s that urban planning departments began to form. The 50 Year History of Korea Planners
Association, stated: The unforgettable efforts of HURPI and Oswald Nagler significantly contributed to the openings of urban planning departments at universities in Korea.62
Third, HURPI contributed to the institutional formation of urban planning. After its dissolution in 1968, HURPI evolved into different organizations and was eventually absorbed into the
Korea Research Institute of Human Settlement, which played a pivotal role in Korean urban
planning.63
Lastly, the concept of linear urban form was first proposed by HURPI. This linearity is considered a hallmark of Korean town planning. As shown in the South Seoul Plan, the hierarchical
linear axes first appeared in HURPIs proposal. Even though the Plan was not implemented as
intended, it was realized twenty years later at Mok-dong. The concept of hierarchical spine network has often reappeared in major new town developments in Korea. As a representative case
built under Housing Site Development Inducement Law in the 1980s, Mok-dong often served as
a key reference for subsequent town planning. Yeongtae Ohn, who participated in the master
planning of Bundang new town in the late 1980s, mentioned that the planning team referenced
Mok-dong as an important case.64 The hierarchical linear scheme was applied to Bundang,
despite new variations and ideas implemented by Korean indigenous planners. As in Dongtan
new town, the linear form persists today in current developments, with variations in form and
function due to changing environments. However, the planning of these new towns was also led

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by a younger generation of planners who had also studied abroad, including Kunhyuck Ahn and
Yeongtae Ohn. It is difficult to validate their influence on the direct linear diffusion process,
because they had little connection to HURPI. Furthermore, Western planning principles and
experiences were introduced to Korean planning society through other diverse channels. New
problems that emerged from heightened urbanization necessitated new approaches. Since local
planners better understood these issues and their planning knowledge and experience increased
with the development of urban planning in Korea over time, the need to import Western planning
principles and consult foreign experts decreased. In this sense, it is difficult to identify and quantify the extent to which urban forms of future new towns were influenced by Nagler and HURPI.
Further study is required to understand the relationships between these influences and the newly
evolving approaches created by Korean planners.
Ward argued that the processes of planning diffusion in the early postcolonial years more or
less corresponded to negotiated imposition among his six types of diffusion. The coercive element of diffusion was lessened after independence, but was not eliminated because of the
weaknesses in local technical capacity.65 Similarly, the diffusion process of HURPI was almost
entirely led by Nagler and the role of indigenous planners was limited because of lack of
capacity. What is unique in this case, though, was that even though most of his ideas during
HURPI years were not implemented because of the gap between his ideas and local planners
outside HURPI, his ideas were applied after twenty years when local planners grew to form a
critical mass.
This corresponds with the general process of diffusion described by Rogers as the process by
which an innovation is communicated through certain channels over time among the members of
a social system.66 During the formation of urban planning in Korea, HURPI served as this channel. As HURPI members grew up, they became another source of diffusion in academia and
practice, and other channels such as studying abroad were also activated. Rogers also argued that
the innovation must be widely adopted to reach a point of critical mass in order to be selfsustaining.67 It was after twenty years when a critical mass was formed to diffuse HURPIs ideas,
as exemplified in the Mok-dong Plan. Education is thus critical in the diffusion process as it
speeds up the development of critical mass.
Enabled by his personal connections in Korea, Naglers continuous participation in Korean
projects furthered the diffusion process. Jinkyun Kim affirmed that most HURPI members appreciated Naglers personable nature and humanistic approach, and that this was why most key
members decided to leave the institute after his departure.68 In explaining his devotion to urban
studies, Hongbin Kang stated that he was inspired by Nagler in developing an affinity to the
study of neighborhoods and the interactive nature between humans and the environment that he
could not find in architecture. From recording pillow measurements to surveying hillside slums,
Kang appreciated Naglers efforts to understand the vernacular housing culture in Korea.69 Kyu
Sung Woo considered Nagler as his lifetime benefactor and constant source of inspiration and
stimulation. Woo has invited Nagler to work together on several projects and regularly share time
with him.70 Nagler has also kept in touch with the key urbanists he educated, and these connections have led to his continual involvement in major planning projects in Korea.
The case of Oswald Nagler and HURPI illustrates how influential the attitude and personal
connections of a transnational planner are in the diffusion process. While political structure and
foreign relations affect the direction and mechanism of diffusion, the role of individual planner
is critical in the actual implementation: detailed decisions on what to import, how to localize, and
how to sustain the diffusion process.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article.

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Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes
1. Nezar Alsayyad, Forms of Dominance on the Architecture and Urbanism of the Colonial Enterprise
(Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 1992), 16.
2. Stephen V. Ward, Transnational Planners in a Postcolonial World, in Crossing Borders:
International Exchange and Planning Practices, ed. Patsy Healey and Robert Upton (London:
Routledge, 2010), 47, 66.
3. William S. Logan, Hanoi: Bibliography of a City (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2000),
18797.
4. Ward, Transnational Planners, 56.
5. For examples, see Gordon Emanuel Cherry, ed., Shaping an Urban World (London: Mansell, 1980);
Joe Nasr and Mercedes Volait, eds., Urbanism: Imported or Exported? (London: Wiley-Academy,
2003); Healey and Upton, eds., Crossing Borders.
6. Anthony D. King, Urbanism Colonialism and the World-Economy: Cultural and Spatial Foundations
of the World Economic System (London: Routledge, 1990).
7. Stephen V. Ward, Re-Examining the International Diffusion of Planning, in Urban Planning in a
Changing World, ed. Robert Freestone (London: Taylor & Francis, 2000), 4060.
8. Peter G. Hall, Cities of Tomorrow, An Intellectual History of Urban Planning and Design in the
Twentieth Century, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002).
9. Ward, Transnational Planners, 56.
10. Sang-cheul Choe, Evolution of Modern City Planning in Seoul: 1950-2000, in Seoul, Twentieth
Century: Growth & Change of the Last 100 Years (Seoul: Seoul Development Institute, 2003),
489542.; Bumsik Min, 60,70 nyeondae (mosaekgi) juyojojik mit hwaldong (Major institutions and
Activities in the 1960s and 70s [Groping period]), in Hanguk Tosi Seolkyesa (Seoul: Urban Design
History of Korea, 2012), 6163
11. Since no record is kept on the detailed activities of HURPI, an extensive interview was conducted with
HURPI members for this study.
12. Heechul Yoon, Sigajigyehoeglyeong(1934-1962)ui seonglibgwa jeongaee gwanhan beobjesa
yeongu (The legal history of Town Planning Act [1934-1962] in Korea) (masters thesis, Chonnam
National University, Gwangju, 2011), 9899.
13. Jung-mok Sohn, Colonial City Planning and Its Legacy, in Seoul, Twentieth Century: Growth &
Change of the Last 100 Years, ed. Kwangjoong Kim (Seoul: Seoul Development Institute, 2003), 481.
14. Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek iyagi: Seoul kyktong i 50-yn kwa na i chngn (Seoul
City planning story: Turbulent 50 years of Seoul and my testimonies), vol. 1 (Seoul: Hanul, 2003),
22324, 233.
15. Sungchul Hong, interview by author, July 25, 2012.
16. Sunghoon Oh and Chuyoung Tchah, Hanguk dosiseolgyee jeog-yongdoen seogudosigeonchug-ilon-ui
jaego (How the Korean urban design practice adopted the Western urban design theories), (Seoul, 2011).
17. Juil Kim, Ulinala sindosi gong-gan gusang-e natanan seonhyeong tosi jeog yeonghyang-gwa geu
teukjing-e gwanhan yeongu (The influences of linear city form on the spatial schemes of Korean new
towns and their characteristics), Kukto kyehoek 45, no. 2 (2010): 5168.
18. David Steinberg, interview by author, August 20, 2012.
19. Oswald Nagler, interview by author, April 5, 2012.
20. Anthony Alofsin, The Struggle for Modernism : Architecture, Landscape Architecture, and City
Planning at Harvard (New York: Norton, 2002), 24951
21. Oswald Nagler, interview by author, April 5, 2012.
22. Kyu Sung Woo, interview by author, April 26, 2012.
23. Oswald Nagler, interview by author, December 27, 2012.
24. Kyunghi Hong is still acclaimed as the pioneer of urban geography field in Korea. For her career and
achievements, see Jun-yong Sung, Hong Kyunghiwa dosi jirihak (Professor Kyunghi Hong and her
urban geography), Hangukdosijirihakhoeji 5 no. 2 (2002): 7985.

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25. Sungchul Hong, interview by author, July 25, 2012.

26. The Ministry of Construction in Korea, Jisisahang (je 2cha jeonguk sijang hoeui), (1966).
27. Statistical organization estimated that about 1 refrigerator existed among 600 households in 1968.
(Source: Gogeuphwaeui Mulgyul [Wave of Upgrade], Maeil Kyungjae, March 28, 1968). Car ownership in 1966 was low. Even in 1970, it was about 1 car for 100 households (Source: Korea National
Statistical Office, Tong-gyero bon Daehanminguk 60nyeon-ui gyeongje. sahoesang byeonhwa
(Economic and social statistical changes over 60 years in Korea) (2008), 29).
28. Oswald Nagler, interview by author, August 5, 2012.
29. London County Council, The Planning of a New Town: Data and Design based on a study for a New
Town of 100,000 at Hook, Hampshire (London: London County Council, 1961).
30. Oswald Nagler, interview by author, August 5, 2012.
31. Sungchul Hong, Miguk tosi kyehoekga Oswald Nagler (American city planner Oswald Nagler),
Developing Forum 3, no. 1 (1968).
32. The Ministry of Construction in Korea, Jisisahang (je 2cha jeonguk sijang hoeui), (1966).
33. Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek iyagi, vol. 1, 25758.
34. Ibid., 195.
35. For some hypotheses on this change of attitude, see Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek iyagi, vol. 1,
204.
36. Ibid., 2034.
37. Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek iyagi, vol. 3, 7374.
38. Ibid., 7374.
39. Ibid., 7173
40. Colin Buchannan, Traffic in Towns: A Study of the Long Term Problems of Traffic in Urban Areas
(London: Her Majestys Stationery Office, 1963).
41. Oswald Nagler, interview by author, August 5, 2012.
42. For more details about how Gangnam was developed, see Ilseok Cha, Yeong-wonhan Kkum Seouleul wihan Jeung-eon (Testimony for the eternal dream of Seoul) (Seoul, 2005); Okgyeong Yeo,
Seoul yeongdongsinsigaji seongjang-gwa toji iyong byeonhwaui teukseong (Characteristics of spatial growth and land use change of Youngdong new town in Seoul), (Ph.D diss., Seoul National
University, 2007).
43. Kyu Sung Woo, interview by author, July 17, 2012.
44. Oswald Nagler, interview by author, April 5, 2012.
45. Sungchul Hong, interview by author, July 25, 2012.
46. Official Gazette of the Republic of Korea, October 26, 1968.
47. Official Gazette of the Republic of Korea, April 28, 1969.
48. Korea Planners Association, Iyagi ro tnnn kukto, tosi kyehoek banbaengnyn (Oral History of Half
a Century Territorial and Urban Planning), (Seoul, 2009), 376
49. Kyu Sung Woo, interview by author, April 26, 2012.
50. Oswald Nagler, interview by author, April 5, 2012.
51. Ibid.
52. Seoul Metropolitan Government, Mok-dong Gong-yeong-gaebal pyeong-gabogoseo (Evaluation of
Mok-dong Public Development), (Seoul, 1991), 37980; Byung-gi Kang, Salm-ui munhwawa dosi
(Culture of Life and City), (Seoul, 2009), 290; Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek iyagi, vol. 4,
30412.
53. Ibid.
54. Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek iyagi, vol. 4, 311.
55. Kunhyuck Ahn, interview by author, October 24, 2012.
56. Among total five juries related to the site planning, four persons (Sukeun Kim, Hyungman, Byung-gi
Kang, and Jaewoong Seo) were from the secret team. (Source: Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek
iyagi, vol. 4, 310).
57. Jung-mok Sohn, Seoul tosi kyehoek iyagi, vol. 4, 30411.
58. Oswald Nagler, interview by author, April 5, 2012.
59. Ibid.
60. Byung-gi Kang, Salm-ui munhwawa dosi, 296.

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61. Taejun Kwon, interview by author, October 23, 2012.

62. Korea Planners Association, Daehan guktodosi kyehoekhakhoe 50nyeon-sa (50 year history of
Korea Planners Association (Seoul, 2009), 53.
63. Official Gazette of the Republic of Korea, op. cit.
64. Yeongtae Ohn, interview by author, October 22, 2012.
65. Ward, Transnational Planners, 66. For Wards typology of diffusion, see Ward, Re-Examining the
International Diffusion of Planning, 2000.
66. Everett M. Rogers, Diffusion of Innovations, 4th ed. (New York: Free Press, 2010), 5.
67. Ibid, 313.
68. Jinkyun Kim, interview by author, October 25, 2012.
69. Hojae Chung, Interview: 1978nyeon Yeon-gi pyeong-ya Sinsudoseolgyedo bon Kang Hongbin Ssak
Bakkwo! (In 1978, Hongbin Kang after seeing the New Administrative Capital Plan on Yeon-gi
Plain, Change them all!) Donga Ilbo, January 12, 2013.
70. Kyu Sung Woo, interview by author June 17, 2012.

Author Biography
Sanghoon Jung is a Doctor of Design candidate at the Harvard University Graduate School of Design,
Cambridge, Massachusetts. He received a BS in Civil, Urban, and Geosystem Engineering and an MS in
Urban Design from Seoul National University in South Korea. His research focuses on international transfer
and localization of urban planning and design.

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