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Identifying With a Stereotype: The Divergent

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Identifying With a Stereotype: The Divergent

Effects of Exposure to Homosexual Television
Characters

Bryan McLaughlin PhD & Nathian S. Rodriguez PhD

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JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2016.1242335

Identifying With a Stereotype: The Divergent Effects of

Exposure to Homosexual Television Characters
Bryan McLaughlin, PhDa and Nathian S. Rodriguez, PhDb
a
College of Media and Communication, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas, USA; bSchool of
Journalism and Media Studies, San Diego State University, San Diego, California, USA

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
Scholars examining homosexual television characters have Attitudes toward
typically come to one of two conclusions: either exposure to homosexuality; homosexual
homosexual characters can lead to increased acceptance, or television characters;
homosexual characters serve to reaffirm negative stereotypes. identification; media
representations; mediated
We seek to bridge these two bodies of research by introducing intergroup contact;
the concept of stereotyped identificationthe idea that cogni- stereotyped identification;
tively and emotionally identifying with fictional characters can stereotyping
increase acceptance of minorities, while reinforcing implicit
stereotypes about how they look, act, and talk. Results from
our national survey (N = 972) offer support for this hypothesis.

Not all homosexual males are effeminate. Nor are they all flamboyant,
fashionable, emotional, or hypersexualized. Yet many people are surprised
if they discover that someone who does not seem gay turns out to be
homosexual (Rapp, 2013). Although attitudes toward homosexuals in the
United States are increasingly heading toward acceptance (Pew, 2013),
stereotypes about homosexuals remain pervasive (Gilbert, 2014). The see-
mingly dichotomous trends have been borne out in recent scholarship that
has examined television portrayals of homosexuals. Scholars have typically
come to one of two conclusions: either (1) exposure to homosexual television
characters can help reduce prejudice against and increase acceptance of
homosexuals (e.g., Calzo & Ward, 2009; Ortiz & Harwood, 2007; Schiappa,
Gregg, & Hewes, 2005), or (2) homosexual television characters are typically
caricaturized and, therefore, reinforce negative stereotypes (e.g., Avila-
Saavedra, 2009; Bond, 2014; Holz Ivory, Gibson, & Ivory, 2009). Indeed,
inclusion does not always equal representation.
Although scholars have typically fallen into one of the two aforementioned
camps, this study proposes that these seemingly divergent findings are
actually conciliatory. Conscious acceptance of a social group can be quite
separate from whether people implicitly stereotype that group (Devine,
1989). Specifically, we introduce the concept of stereotyped identification

CONTACT Bryan McLaughlin bryan.mclaughlin@ttu.edu College of Media and Communication,

Texas Tech University, Box 43082, Lubbock, TX 79409, USA.
2016 Taylor & Francis
2 B. MCLAUGHLIN AND N. S. RODRIGUEZ

the idea that cognitively and emotionally identifying with fictional minority
characters can increase acceptance of minorities, while reinforcing stereo-
types about how they look, act, and talk.
Stereotyped identification builds on the emerging mediated intergroup con-
tact literature (Igartua, 2010; Joyce & Harwood, 2014; Park, 2012), which
argues that by simulating intergroup contact, exposure to minority television
characters can reduce social distance and increase acceptance of other social
groups (Mazziotta, Mummendey, & Wright, 2011; Schiappa et al., 2005, 2006).
Identification is the vicarious experience through which people get sucked into
the fictional world they are observing and come to see things through the
characters eyes (Cohen, 2001; Oatley, 1994, 1999). Identification can lead to
empathy, which should increase acceptance of minorities (Igartua, 2010; Ortiz
& Harwood, 2007). At the same time, most homosexual characters are stereo-
typed (Avila-Saavedra, 2009). Because identification requires emotional and
cognitive immersion, if the characters people connect with are portrayed in a
caricaturized manner, then identification should serve to reaffirm, rather than
challenge, their mental schemas about homosexuals.
To investigate the concept of stereotyped identification, we employed a
national survey of 972 participants. We predict that identifying with televi-
sion characters will mediate the effect of exposure to homosexual television
characters, leading to lower levels of prejudice and opposition to gay rights
but higher levels of male homosexual stereotypes. In the process, we seek to
(a) bridge the two strands of research that have focused on either the positive
or negative implications of homosexual television characters, and (b) con-
tribute to the growing mediated intergroup contact literature.

Some of my best (TV) friends are gay

As American society trends toward acceptance of homosexuals, there has also
been increasing representation on mainstream television (Lee & Hicks, 2011). In
the 1980s, gay television characters were few and far between. Two shows were
instrumental in changing these social currentsWill & Grace, which debuted on
NBC in 1998, and The Ellen Show, which first aired on CBS in 2001. Both shows
were widely popular and featured memorable openly gay characters portrayed in
everyday situations (Bonds-Raacke, Cady, Schlegel, Harris, & Firebaugh, 2007).
Since these shows aired, there has been a marked increase in homosexual
representation on network television, hitting a high-water mark in 2012
(GLAAD, 2014).
Many scholars have expressed optimism about the positive implications of
this increasing representation. Indeed, a large body of empirical work has found
that increased exposure to homosexual characters results in increased acceptance
of and lower levels of prejudice toward homosexuals (Bonds-Raacke et al., 2007;
Calzo & Ward, 2009; Lee & Hicks, 2011; Newman, 2007; Ortiz & Harwood,
 JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 3

2007). This work exemplifies the emerging mediated intergroup contact literature
(Park, 2012), which has argued that exposure to minority television characters
can help increase familiarity and comfort with minorities (Joyce & Harwood,
2014; Mazziotta et al., 2011).
The groundwork for the concept of mediated intergroup contact emerged
with the idea of vicarious contact, or simulated interpersonal contact with
other social groups enabled by media (Fujioka, 1999). Schiappa, Gregg, and
Hewes (2005, 2006) extended the concept of vicarious contact by proposing the
parasocial contact hypothesis. Building off of the theories of the contact hypoth-
esis (Allport, 1954) and parasocial interaction (Horton & Wohl, 1956), the
parasocial contact hypothesis links two key propositions: (1) interpersonal
contact with minorities leads to a reduced level of prejudice, and (2) television
provides a means of vicariously experiencing interpersonal relationships.
The theoretical rationale is compelling. People tend to employ hasty general-
izations about social others because they have limited or misconstrued infor-
mation about those groups (Schiappa et al., 2005). Having direct interaction
with homosexuals, rather than relying on unfounded assumptions, can pro-
mote understanding, alleviate perceived difference, and lead to more positive
attitudes (Herek, 1987). In this regard, television provides an important bridge.
Parasocial interaction refers to a one-sided relationship where a viewer per-
ceives the existence of an interpersonal relationship with a television person-
ality (Horton & Wohl, 1956).
Building off of this research, Schiappa, Gregg, and Hewes (2005, 2006)
proposed that the mediated experience of meaningful contact with homosexual
television characters can lead to positive attitude change toward homosexuals.
In a series of studies, they found empirical support for the claim that when
individuals form parasocial relationships with gay characters, they have
reduced levels of prejudice. Thus Schiappa, Gregg, and Hewes lay the ground-
work for thinking about the pathways through which exposure to homosexual
television characters can affect real-life attitudes and acceptance.

Watching or walking a mile?

Other scholars, however, argue that an interpersonal framework does not fully
account for the ways people interact with television characters. When people
watch narrative genres, such as sitcoms or dramas, they are often transported
into the fictional world, rather than remaining observers from afar (Cohen,
2001; Oatley, 1994). This concept is particularly relevant in the new television
landscape, where technological and programming trends increasingly allow
(perhaps even demand) audience members to become immersed in these
fictional worlds (Evans, 2011).
The concept of identification articulates the process through which media
consumers lose awareness of their own world and take on the perspective of
4 B. MCLAUGHLIN AND N. S. RODRIGUEZ

fictional characters (Oatley, 1994, 1999). By cognitively processing the unfold-

ing story through the characters eyes (Busselle & Bilandzic, 2009), consumers
become invested in characters storylines, take on their goals and objectives,
process their successes or failures as their own, and experience the characters
emotions directly (Cohen, 2001). Thus empathy becomes a central emotional
mechanism through which identification can affect the viewer (Oatley, 1999).
By immersing oneself into anothers perspective, an individual becomes more
likely to see people, issues, and topics from a wider range of views and thereby
becomes more open to attitudinal change (Basil, 1996; Busselle & Bilandzic, 2009).
Recent evidence suggests that identification with fictional characters can lead to
more positive attitudes toward minorities (Igartua, 2010; Joyce & Harwood, 2014).
For example, Ortiz and Harwood (2007) found some support for the prediction
that through identification, exposure to televised gaystraight interactions would
lead to less homophobic attitudes.
The degree to which a person identifies with a television character should
depend on the frequency of their exposure to that character. The more television
a person watches, the more engaged they become with the content and characters
(Clatterbuck, 1979) and the more likely they will be to see the world from a
television characters perspective (Basil, 1996). As a result, identification can be
seen as a mediator between television exposure and attitude change (Basil, 1996),
such as increased acceptance of minorities (Ortiz & Harwood, 2007).
Acceptance may take several forms. This includes a reduction in prejudice,
which in the context of homosexuals has largely been operationalized as moral
judgments (e.g., same-sex marriages are morally offensive). The other potential
benefit is increased support for legal rights (e.g., homosexuals should be allowed
to adopt children). We therefore predict that the more television shows an
individual watches featuring homosexual characters, the more likely they will be
to see the world through their eyes and, subsequently, to demonstrate more
acceptance for homosexuals. Thus we predict:

H1: Identification will mediate the effect of exposure to homosexual television

characters on acceptance of homosexuals, such that, through identification,
exposure to homosexual television characters will lead to lower levels of (a)
prejudice and (b) opposition to homosexuals legal rights.

Thats so stereotypical
The optimism of the mediated intergroup contact literature, however, is at odds
with a long line of scholarly work emphasizing the negative effects of media
stereotypes. Indeed, an alternative camp of scholars has largely lamented the
stereotyped and exaggerated nature of homosexual portrayals on television
(Bond, 2014; Cartei & Reby, 2012; Holz Ivory et al., 2009; Rothmann, 2013).
 JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 5

From this perspective, LGBT television characters simply reiterate traditional

sexuality norms (Avila-Saavedra, 2009), ultimately lowering social tolerance for
homosexuality (Hart, 2003). These characters are largely presented as a monolithic
social group (Bonds-Raacke et al., 2007; Rothmann, 2013), even though there is
substantial diversity within the LGBT community (as there is in any social group).
For example, the LGBT community is disproportionately represented as White
and male on television (Reynolds, 2015). Most of the literature on homosexual
stereotypes, however, has focused on analyzing the content of television portrayals,
not testing their effects.
We argue that these seemingly divergent findings are actually conciliatory. The
first body of literature largely has focused on how exposure affects prejudice and
acceptance, while the second set of studies has focused on how these characters
have been stereotyped. Identification with homosexual characters can activate a
specific process, which we label stereotyped identification, that promotes increased
acceptance, while reinforcing stereotypes about how homosexuals are supposed to
look, act, and talk.
The contact hypothesis is based on the notion that people make faulty general-
izations about social groups because they have limited and misconstrued informa-
tion about those groups. Yet television portrayals are typically superficial and
incomplete. This is not simply an issue of homosexual television characters; in
most facets, television tends to provide gross exaggerations of the social world
(Shanahan & Morgan, 1999).
Part of the problem is that stereotypes about homosexuals are prevalent in the
United States, and it is easier for producers to stick to the script when it comes to
creating gay characters (Lee & Hicks, 2011). There is plenty of evidence that
homosexual television characters are typically stereotyped. Well-known gay char-
acters such as Jack from Will & Grace and Cameron from Modern Family are
exaggerated as overtly effeminate, flamboyant, preoccupied with body issues, and
not very intelligent (Rothmann, 2013). In fact, when actors play gay characters,
they tend to raise the pitch of their voice, thus approximating more feminine voices
(Cartei & Reby, 2012). Other common stereotypes include portraying homosex-
uals as hypersexualized (Fouts & Inch, 2005) or diseased and emotionally
anguished (Hart, 2003).
We argue that through identification, viewers of these stereotyped characters
can experience increased conscious acceptance, while continuing to subcon-
sciously hold negative (and sometimes positive) stereotypes about homosexuals.
These implicit attitudes are part of the mental schemas people have about
minorities (Entman & Rojecki, 2000). Schemas are mental networks of con-
nected opinions, attitudes, and attributes for an object, social group, and so on.
The specific attributes or attitudes that are activated depend on what are
applicable (relevant to the current situation) or accessible (at the top of the
head) (Price & Tewksbury, 1997). When a specific attribute of a social group is
consistently activated, it will become more firmly ingrained as part of the
6 B. MCLAUGHLIN AND N. S. RODRIGUEZ

stereotype a person has (Fiske & Taylor, 1991). Constantly viewing stereotypical
television portrayals of a social group, therefore, makes those stereotypes
chronically accessible (Dixon, 2008).
When it comes to interacting with a fictional narrative, any information that is
consistent with preexisting schema will be accepted passively and uncritically
(Oatley, 1994). Because identification requires emotional and cognitive commit-
ment, identifying with a stereotype should serve to reaffirm rather than challenge a
persons mental network, reassuring their mind that its assumptions are correct.
Thus homosexual stereotypes should become more ingrained and chronically
accessible. We therefore believe that, through this process of stereotyped identifi-
cation, the more individuals are exposed to homosexual television characters, the
more they will tend to hold stereotypes about homosexuals, generally. We there-
fore predict;

H2: Identification will mediate the effect of exposure to homosexual television

characters on homosexual stereotypes, such that, through identification,
exposure to homosexual television characters will lead to higher levels of
homosexual stereotypes.

Method
Participants
A total of 972 participants were recruited through Survey Sampling International
(SSI). SSI uses quota sampling to recruit samples whose demographic profiles
closely mirror those of the target population. SSI also uses quality controls to
ensure that all sample populations are consistent and high quality. Table 1 shows
that the demographics of survey participants in our sample provided a reasonable
approximation of the United States population (see Discussion). Participants
answered a range of questions about their media habits, sociopolitical attitudes
and behaviors, attitudes toward various social groups, and basic demographics.

Measures
Prejudice against homosexuals
Four items on a 7-point scale (Calzo & Ward, 2009) were used to assess
prejudice toward homosexuals (homosexuality is perverse and unnatural,
same-sex marriages are morally offensive, homosexual behavior is an
acceptable form of sexual preference (reverse coded), and the love between
two same-sex partners is not different than the love between a man and a
woman (reverse coded); Cronbachs = . 89, M = 3.57, SD = 1.91).
 JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 7

Table 1. Comparison of study samples to national populationa.

National
Demographic Population (%) Study Sample (%)
Gender
Male 49 49
Female 51 51
Ageb
1844 48 51
4564 35 32
65+ 17 17
Race
White 75 77
Black 12 13
Hispanic 13 16
Asian 4 5
Income
Less than $30,000 33 29
$30,001$75,000 42 52
$75,001+ 25 19
Political Affiliation
Democrat 31 36
Republican 25 26
Independent 42 34
Education
High school graduate 30 20
Some college 19 31
College graduate 38 46
a
National population statistics for gender, age, race, income, and education were retrieved from the U.S.
Census. Statistics for political affiliation were retrieved from Gallup Polling.
b
Excluding those under the age of 18.

Opposition to homosexual rights

Four items on a 7-point scale (Herek, 1984) were used to measure opposition
to homosexual rights (homosexual couples should not be allowed to adopt
children, homosexuals should not be allowed to teach grade school,
homosexuals should not be allowed to serve in the military, and homo-
sexual couples should not have the same rights as married heterosexual
couples; Cronbachs = . 94, M = 2.90, SD = 1.93).

Homosexual stereotypes
Participants were asked on a 7-point scale how well 11 traits (Madon, 1997)
described the typical homosexual male (emotional, fashionable, feminine,
sexually promiscuous, sensitive, good listener, understanding, obsessed with
their appearance, melodramatic, touchy-feely, lacking self-control; Cronbachs
= . 91, M = 4.43, SD = 1.14).

Exposure to homosexual television characters

Participants were asked on a 5-point scale how frequently (neverall the
time) they watched nine network television shows that featured a recur-
ring male homosexual character (Brooklyn Nine-Nine; The Carrie Diaries;
8 B. MCLAUGHLIN AND N. S. RODRIGUEZ

Glee; How to Get Away With Murder; Modern Family; Nashville; The
Originals; Scandal; Vampire Diaries) (GLAAD, 2014). Although this list
is by no means exhaustive, it does provide a good proxy for how fre-
quently participants are exposed to homosexual television characters (see
Discussion; Cronbachs = . 90, M = 1.82, SD = 0.96).

Identification
Four items on a 7-point scale were used to measure the two central components
of identification with television charactersempathy (I can feel the emotions
the characters feel, and I know exactly what the characters are going through
emotionally) and cognitive perspective taking (I can easily imagine myself in
the situations of some of the characters, and I can understand why the
characters feel the way they feel; Busselle & Bilandzie, 2009; Cohen, 2001).
These questions were not directed toward specific characters; rather, they were
used to measure a general propensity to identify with television characters (see
Discussion). These four items were combined to create an identification index
(Cronbachs = .93, M = 4.78, SD = 1.38).

Controls
Previous research has demonstrated that there are several important predictors of
attitudes toward homosexuals, including gender, race/ethnicity, ideology, religios-
ity, real-life interaction with homosexuals, and exposure to political news (Calzo &
Ward, 2009; Lee & Hicks, 2011). We therefore control for these factors, as well as
some other potentially relevant demographics (age, income, education).

Ideology
Political ideology was measured by asking participants on a 7-point (very liberal
very conservative) in terms of social issues and economic issues how liberal/
conservative would you say you are? (r = .78, M = 4.27, SD = 1.64).

Contact with homosexuals

Participants were asked on a 5-point scale (noneall), Thinking about your
close friends and family, how many would you say are. . . Participants were
asked about a range of social groups (e.g., political, religious, racial/ethnic)
and homosexuals (M = 1.84, SD = 0.83).

Religiosity
Religiosity was a composite measure designed to capture general religious
beliefs, fundamentalist Christian beliefs, public religious practice, and private
religious practice. These seven measures were combined to create a religiosity
index (Cronbachs = .93, M = 4.84, SD = 1.82).
 JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 9

Political news
Participants were asked how frequently (neverall the time) they watched a range
of political news shows, including NETWORK NEWS shows (ABC World News,
CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News; Cronbachs = . 89, M = 2.36, SD = 1.05),
liberal news shows (Hardball With Chris Matthews, The Rachel Maddow Show,
Situation Room With Wolf Blitzer, Anderson Cooper 360; Cronbachs = . 92,
M = 1.91, SD = 1.05), and conservative news shows (Hannity, The OReilly Factor;
r = .85, M = 1.88, SD = 1.20).

Demographics
Demographic control variables included gender, race/ethnicity, age, income,
and education. Dummy variables were created for gender (male = 1,
female = 0), and race/ethnicity [White (White = 1, other = 0), Black
(Black = 1, other race = 0), and Hispanic (yes = 1, no = 0)].

Analytic technique
Analysis was performed using the SPSS Macro PROCESS Model 4 (Hayes, 2012),
which examines the relationship between an X variable (exposure to homosexual
television characters), a Y variable (attitudes toward/stereotypes about homosex-
uals), and an M (mediating) variable (identification). Numerous control variables
were also included in the model (listed above). Indirect effects were examined
using a bootstrap analyses with 1,000 bootstrap samples and a 95% confidence
interval (CI; for more details about bootstrapping and confidence intervals, see
Hayes, 2009). Using this method, when an indirect paths CI does not overlap 0
(e.g., .3 to .5), it is considered significant at p < .05, and if it does overlap zero (e.g.,
-.3 to .5), it is considered nonsignificant.

Results
Acceptance of homosexuals
Our first hypothesis predicted that identification would mediate the effect of
exposure to homosexual television characters on acceptance of homosexuals.
We first looked at the relationship between the control variables and
prejudice, as well as the specific direct paths from exposure to identification
and from identification to prejudice. Looking at Table 2, there are several
significant direct paths to prejudice toward homosexuals. Consistent with
previous literature, males, those with high levels of religiosity, and those who
are more conservative exhibit higher levels of prejudice against homosexuals.
Conversely, Whites and Hispanics show significantly lower levels of preju-
dice. There is no relationship with network news, but conservative news
viewing is associated with higher levels of prejudice, and liberal news viewing
10 B. MCLAUGHLIN AND N. S. RODRIGUEZ

Table 2. Direct paths to attitudes and stereotypes.

Prejudice Opposition to Rights Stereotypes
Variable b SE b SE b SE
Age 0.01 0.00 * 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
Gender 0.47 0.10 *** 0.59 0.11 *** 0.33 0.07 ***
White 0.44 0.15 ** 0.23 0.17 0.10 0.11
Black 0.05 0.20 0.06 0.23 0.03 0.15
Hispanic 0.33 0.14 ** 0.16 0.15 0.03 0.10
Education 0.01 0.05 0.05 0.06 0.01 0.04
Income 0.03 0.03 0.01 0.03 0.01 0.02
Ideology 0.33 0.04 *** 0.35 0.04 *** 0.10 0.03 ***
Religiosity 0.40 0.03 *** 0.28 0.03 *** 0.12 0.02 ***
Network news 0.03 0.07 0.00 0.08 0.07 0.05
Conservative news 0.22 0.06 *** 0.19 0.06 ** 0.01 0.04
Liberal news 0.23 0.08 ** 0.12 0.09 0.02 0.06
Contact 0.70 0.14 *** 0.01 0.16 0.07 0.06
Exposure 0.03 0.08 0.30 0.09 *** 0.09 0.06
Identification 0.08 0.04 # 0.13 0.05 ** 0.15 0.03 ***
***p < .001, **p < .01, *p < .05, #p < .10.

with lower levels. Finally, there is a negative relationship between knowing

homosexuals in real life and being prejudiced.
Notably, there is not a significant relationship between exposure to homo-
sexual television characters and levels of prejudice. There is, however, a
marginally significant negative relationship between identifying with televi-
sion characters and levels of prejudice.
Next, we considered whether exposure to television shows that feature a
reoccurring homosexual character was associated with a greater tendency to
identify with television characters, generally. Our results supported our
expectations, as watching television shows with gay characters was positively
related with identification, b = 0.27, SE = 0.06, t = 4.40, p < .001.
Finally, focusing on our hypothesis, we examined whether there is an indirect
path from exposure to homosexual television characters on prejudice through
identification. Our results show a significant, negative indirect path, b = -0.02,
SE = 0.01 (CI: -0.05, -0.01), p < .05. Thus we find that although exposure to
homosexual television characters does not have a direct relationship with levels
of prejudice, it does have an indirect path through identification. We therefore
find support for H1a.
Next, we looked at opposition to homosexuals legal rights as an outcome.
Table 2 shows similar patterns for direct paths to opposition to legal rights with a
couple main differences. In concordance with the above, males, those high in
religiosity, conservatives, and those who consume conservative news were much
more likely to be opposed to homosexual rights. We do not, however, see a
significant relationship for any of the race/ethnicity variables, liberal news, or
having personal relationships with homosexuals.
Perhaps most notably, there is a significant positive relationship between
exposure to homosexual television characters and opposition to legal rights. We
 JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 11

also find a significant negative association between identification and opposition

to legal rights.
Because our model is the same except for the outcome variable, there is no
change in the significant relationship between consumption of television shows
with gay characters and identification, b = 0.27, SE = 0.06, t = 4.40, p < .001.
Examining the indirect path from exposure to legal rights opposition through
identification, the relationship between exposure and opposition to legal rights
becomes negative. When going through identification, there is a significant nega-
tive path from exposure to homosexual television characters, b = -0.04, SE = 0.02
(CI: -0.07, -0.01), p < .05. We therefore find support for H1b.

Homosexual stereotypes
Our second hypothesis predicted that identification would mediate the effect of
exposure to homosexual television characters on stereotypes about homosexuals.
Looking at Table 2, there are less direct paths to homosexual stereotypes than the
other outcome variables. Consistent with the above, we do see a significant positive
correlation between being male, having high levels of religiosity, and being more
conservative with holding stereotypes about homosexuals.
There is a positive relationship between exposure to gay television char-
acters and stereotypes, but it does not reach significance (p = .11). There is,
however, a significant positive relationship between identification and homo-
sexual stereotypes.
Once again, there is no change in the significant relationship between
consumption of television shows with gay characters and identification,
b = 0.27, SE = 0.06, t = 4.40, p < .001.
Examining the indirect path from exposure to homosexual stereotypes
through identification, we see a significant pathway. Specifically, when
going through identification, there is a positive pathway from exposure to
homosexual television characters on homosexual stereotypes, b = 0.04,
SE = 0.01 (CI: 0.02, 0.07), p < .05. Thus we find support for H2.

Discussion
Recent scholarship examining the implications of homosexual television
characters has typically come to one of two conclusions: either exposure to
homosexual characters can lead to increased acceptance, or homosexual
characters are typically caricaturized and serve only to reaffirm negative
stereotypes. In this study we have argued that these seemingly disparate
findings are not contradictory. Specifically, we contribute to the growing
mediated intergroup contact literature by introducing the concept of stereo-
typed identificationthe idea that cognitively and emotionally identifying
with a fictional character can lead to acceptance of other social groups,
12 B. MCLAUGHLIN AND N. S. RODRIGUEZ

while reinforcing stereotypes about how minorities are supposed to look, act,
and talk. We test this concept in the context of male homosexual television
characters by employing a national survey measuring participants exposure
to male homosexual television characters, levels of identification with televi-
sion characters, and attitudes toward and stereotypes about homosexual
males.
Our results support the expectation that identification serves as an important
mediator between exposure to homosexual television characters and increased
acceptance of homosexuals. Indeed, exposure was related only to increased
acceptance through participants identification with television characters. This
is consistent with our claims that it is more than just exposure to homosexuals
on television that affects attitude change; it is about the possibility for empathy
and perspective taking that fictional shows enable. We theorize that the more
exposure to homosexual characters a person has, the more likely they are to see
things from their point of view and, therefore, become more understanding and,
ultimately, accepting. If this account is correct, then through this vicarious
experience individuals can come to have less prejudice toward homosexuals
and less opposition to gay rights.
But the concept of stereotyped identification also posits that as identifica-
tion increases, so, too, will stereotypes about homosexuals. Because television
viewers are cognitively taking on the perspective of television characters, if
these characters are stereotyped or exaggerated, the more ingrained these
stereotypes should become in a viewers mind. The more connected a tele-
vision viewer feels to stereotyped characters, the more traits such as being
effeminate, flamboyant, and hypersexualized should be chronically accessible
when these viewers think about homosexual males. The results of our study
are consistent with this expectation, as identification mediated exposure to
homosexual characters on homosexual stereotypes.
It is important to note that stereotypes can be positive or negative. Indeed,
many homosexual television characters are presented as brave, funny,
endearing, friendly, compassionate, and reliablethe very type of person
that people would want to root for (Bonds-Raacke et al., 2007). But even if
some of these stereotypes are positive, they still work to place all homosex-
uals into one box. Positive stereotypes can create false expectations and
restrict the diversity of social roles (Sparks, 2015). Even if people become
more accepting of homosexuals and view them as possessing positive attri-
butes, having ingrained mental schema still works to categorize homosexuals
a priori as a certain type of person, thus undermining an opportunity to view
them as possessing the same range of characteristics, positive and negative, as
all other types of people. Our study suggests that the potential benefits of
exposure to homosexual television characters are likely contingent on a full
range of homosexual characters being depicted in the media.
 JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 13

The concept of stereotyped identification may also have broader applica-

tions beyond just understanding how television portrayals can affect attitudes
toward and stereotypes about homosexuals. For one thing, these results
should be applicable to other minority groups. Given that Americans often
form their attitudes about other social groups through vicarious experience
enabled by mass media (Dixon, 2008), the concept of stereotyped identifica-
tion may be important for understanding societal attitudes toward and
treatment of all minority groups. Because television tends to exaggerate
minority characters, the concept of stereotyped identification should apply
to any marginalized group portrayed on television.
Second, stereotyped identification can contribute to the growing body
of research on mediated intergroup contact (Igartua, 2010; Ortiz &
Harwood, 2007). This literature has primarily emphasized the positive
implications of media portrayals of minority groups (Joyce & Harwood,
2014), but this concept is still relatively underexplored (Igartua, 2010). As
a result, there is a lack of consensus about how and when mediated
intergroup contact can improve intergroup relationships (Park, 2012). In
this study we have identified a specific pathway that can lead to both
positive and negative effects. This should provide an important founda-
tion for future research. Although the previous literature has typically
emphasized either the positive or negative effects of fictional minority
characters, the concept of stereotyped identification may help future
research develop a more nuanced appreciation of the complicated manner
in which media portrayals of minorities affect attitudes and stereotypes.
There are several noteworthy limitations to our research. First, we did not
use an exhaustive list of all the television shows that feature reoccurring
homosexual characters. Instead, the research was limited to nine prime-time
network shows that contained a male homosexual character. There are
numerous other network, cable, premium pay, and online streaming shows
that feature homosexual characters. Unfortunately, asking participants to fill
out an exhaustive list of television shows would have run the risk of fatiguing
participants. Nevertheless, our measure should serve as a good proxy of how
frequently participants are exposed to homosexual characters. It is reasonable
to conclude that if viewers are watching the shows included in the study, then
they are also more likely to watch other shows containing homosexual
characters. Support for this expectation can be found in the high reliability
of our exposure measure (Cronbachs = .90). Nevertheless, it would be
beneficial if future research could incorporate the full range of homosexual
characters and widen exposure to include shows across networks and media
platforms.
A similar issue is that our study considered only male homosexuals, but
considering attitudes toward female homosexuals, bisexuals, or transsexuals
is no less important. We chose to initially focus on stereotypes of gay men
14 B. MCLAUGHLIN AND N. S. RODRIGUEZ

because LGBT media representation is overwhelmingly White and male

(Reynolds, 2015). Further, masculinity is a central organizing mechanism
for male behavior in Western society, and homosexuality is associated with
femininity; therefore, feminizing and anti-gay rhetoric are the primary
mechanisms for policing the boundaries of masculinity (Kimmel, 2004).
Masculine females have received much less societal emphasis or explicit
derision. Hence, we chose to investigate homosexual male characters because
they represent the most visible case of LGBT stereotyping.
At the same time, we face a limitation from the other endby considering
a wider range of television shows, we are unable to directly measure the
degree to which participants identify with specific characters. This was a
necessary product of asking participants about several television shows, as it
would have been unrealistic to ask them to what degree they identified with
each homosexual character. Thus our identification measure represents a
general propensity to identify with television characters. It stands to reason
that those who identify with television characters generally will be the same
people who are more likely to identify with homosexual characters. But this
is, admittedly, an assumption on our part.
Along those lines, as is the case with survey research generally, we are not
able to establish causality. We can only note that our results are consistent
with the expected relationships between the variables of interest. We are not
claiming to have provided any definitive proof for our concept of stereotyped
identification. Instead, we believe our study can be viewed as an important
step in a larger project to unpack how and why homosexual television
characters affect American citizens.
Our results do provide some important preliminary evidence, and, despite
our limitations, we believe this study provides valuable theoretical contribu-
tions for several reasons. First, we offer a theoretical account that makes
sense of the seemingly disparate findings of previous scholars, which have
typically only emphasized either positive or negative effects. Second, we
provide a theoretically consistent account that builds off of well-established
theories. For example, our dataset was not ideal to test mediation, but our
treatment of stereotyped identification as a mediation process is consistent
with a large body of research that has conceptualized and examined identi-
fication as a mediating variable (e.g., Basil, 1996; Cohen, 2001; Igartua, 2010;
Ortiz & Harwood, 2007). Third, our empirical evidence is consistent with our
expectations. Even though we cannot definitively establish causation or
mediation, our theoretical expectations and our study results are consistent
with previous literature. Thus we have reason to believe that our concept of
stereotyped identification is correct. But more work is needed to further our
understanding of and confidence in this concept.
Another potential limitation is that we did not have a probabilistic sample,
as SSI uses an opt-in recruitment method. For example, our sample had a
 JOURNAL OF HOMOSEXUALITY 15

high representation of Democrats and the highly educatedpopulations that

might be more willing to watch and to get drawn into television shows
featuring homosexual characters. Conversely, those viewers who have the
most negative attitudes about homosexuals might simply change the channel
when a homosexual character appears. Nevertheless, because we controlled
for numerous demographic variables, and because our primary interest was
on the relationship between variables and not overall national representation,
we believe our sample presents no cause for concern. If anything, our
findings that identification can lead to higher levels of stereotypes among a
slightly more liberal population suggest that even those who tend to be more
accepting can easily adopt implicit stereotypes.
There are many ways future research could build off of this study. For one
thing, it would be important to employ experimental research using specific
shows to establish causality for our hypothesized model. Another important
line of research would be to look at the more complex way in which
television portrayals range from being entirely stereotypical to completely
counter-stereotypicaloften being somewhere in the middle. Our study
treated the television portrayals of homosexuals as a monolithic phenom-
enon, but we believe future work should strive to disentangle the effects of
this range of portrayals.
One possibility is that certain audience members may read homosexual
television characters as a form of culture parody. Camp readings take into
consideration the purposeful portrayal of characters in order to parody and
entertain. These readings are more likely to be found among a LGBTQ audience.
The general viewing audience may not be aware of the purpose of camp and
may still read it as a representation of the minority group. Further, even if
audience members are aware the character is a parody, that does not preclude
the stereotyped representation from serving to reinforce deeply held cognitive
associations. Future research should consider various forms of reactions among
homosexual viewers with predispositions to homosexual context, such as camp,
nostalgia, oppression, or internalized homophobia.
Future research may seek to provide more nuanced examinations in
numerous ways. For example, performing a content analysis of homosexual
television characters and pairing those shows with a survey similar to the one
used here would allow for a more nuanced examination of how television
portrayals affect attitudes and stereotypes. Finally, it is important to test our
concept of stereotyped identification with other minority groups. We believe
stereotyped identification will be of greatest utility if it can be demonstrated
to apply to all marginalized social groups.
Although there is much work to be done, we believe the concept of stereotyped
identification provides an important foundation in understanding how homosex-
ual television characters affect societal attitudes toward and stereotypes about
homosexuals. Whereas previous scholars examining the implications of
16 B. MCLAUGHLIN AND N. S. RODRIGUEZ

homosexual television characters have tended to conclude that there is either a

positive or negative effect of exposure to these characters, in this study we have
provided a theoretical account of how these effects can occur simultaneously.
Specifically, the concept of stereotyped identification helps us understand the
unique pathway through which being exposed to fictional television characters
can help increase acceptance of minorities, while also fostering implicit stereotypes.
This adds to a larger body of literature that argues that people can be consciously
accepting of social others while subconsciously holding negative stereotypes by
articulating the specific role fictional television shows play in facilitating this
process. Thus we believe the concept of stereotyped identification helps us under-
stand the role media plays in the larger context of attitudes toward and stereotypes
about homosexuals in the United States.

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