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Liberals take the Keynesian line that government spending acts like an
economic multiplier: It not only generates immediate economic
activity by guaranteeing that money is spent (creating demand), but
that spending provides an opportunity for private actors to recycle
the money into further investment and further spending. This chart,
from the FT's Matthew Klein based on data from the BEA, seems to show that
government has a pretty straightforward effect on GDP. When spending goes
up, it adds to economic growth. When it goes down, it subtracts from it and
hobbles the economy: Klein has another chart isolating the effect of defence
spending on growth. Reduced military spending the withdrawal of
troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, basically also hurts growth. The chart
shows that as military spending went negative in 2011, it truncated
GDP growth. Only recently, as non-defence government spending has
outweighed defence cuts, has total government spending been a
net contributor to GDP again.
http://www.businessinsider.com/data-government-spending-cuts-hurt-
economicgrowth-2014-11
Current military spending cuts prevent the military from having success in
locations around the world
The United States needs much more than airstrikes to defeat the
Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter said Saturday. If
you say, is it enough? I dont think its enough. I think were looking to do more, Carter said of the U.S. campaign
against ISIS during a defense forum at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in California. More than a year into
the U.S.-led fight against ISIS, only incremental gains have been made against the extremist group, which continues
to control large swaths of territory in Iraq and Syria. Yes, we are willing to do more, Carter said. As we identify
opportunities to do more, you will see us doing more. And we need to do more, much more than airstrikes.Carters
call for a more robust effort against ISIS comes at a time when the Obama administration is tweaking its approach.
President Obama last week authorized fewer than 50 U.S. special operations forces to deploy to northern Syria to
train and assist local forces, putting American boots on the ground in Syria for the first time since that countrys
civil war began. In order to deal a lasting defeat against ISIS, Carter said the U.S. must succeed in training local
forces to fight the group on the ground. We can defeat ISIL, but its keeping them defeated that is the hard part,
The administrations
Carter said, using another acronym for the group. Its making it stick.
effort to recruit local fighters to battle ISIS suffered an
embarrassing setback last month when the Pentagon closed down a
$500 million program to train and equip moderate Syrian rebels.
http://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefingroom/news/259474-pentagon-chief-us-
needs-much-more-than-airstrikes-to-beatisis
Klare, Michael. "The United States and NATO Are Preparing for a Major War
With Russia." The Nation, 07 July 2016.
Klare, Michael. "The United States and NATO Are Preparing for a Major War
With Russia." The Nation. N.p., 07 July 2016.
The United States, of course, is deeply involved in these initiatives. Not only
will it supply many of the troops for the four multinational battalions, but it is
also taking many steps of its own to bolster NATOs eastern flank. Spending
on the Pentagons European Reassurance Initiative will
quadruple, climbing from $789 million in 2016 to $3.4 billion in
2017. Much of this additional funding will go to the deployment, on
a rotating basis, of an additional armored-brigade combat team in
northern Europe. As a further indication of US and NATO determination to
prepare for a possible war with Russia, the alliance recently conducted the
largest war games in Eastern Europe since the end of the Cold War. Known as
Anakonda 2016, the exercise involved some 31,000 troops (about half of
them Americans) and thousands of combat vehicles from 24 nations in
simulated battle maneuvers across the breadth of Poland. A parallel naval
exercise, BALTOPS 16, simulated high-end maritime warfighting in the
Baltic Sea, including in waters near Kaliningrad, a heavily defended Russian
enclave wedged between Poland and Lithuania.
https://www.thenation.com/article/the-united-states-and-nato-are-preparing-
fora-major-war-with-russia/
Staff "The Dangers of our aging nuclear Arsenal" The Week Jan 27 2015
Staff "The Dangers of our aging nuclear Arsonal" The Week Jan 27 2015
Which is now a problem. The nuclear warheads that sat atop missiles and
bombs before the Cold War ended weren't intended to last forever.
Components degrade and need to be repaired or replaced. And in
very high-precision machinery, there's an enormous difference
between an original part and the almost but not quite identical
replacement part. Many original component manufacturers have gone out
of business, and so now "equivalent" replacement parts need to be used. In
some cases, this has even involved the reverse engineering and reinvention
of "lost" highly classified materials. But "almost the same," "nearly the
same," and "highly similar" are just different ways of saying "a bit wrong,"
"not quite right," and "slightly off." Add lots of little shortcomings like
that together, and you get a final product that may not work very
well, leading you to wonder what happened to your "Earth-
shattering kaboom" when you try to light the candle.
https://news.vice.com/article/americas-agingnuclear-arsenal-and-the-earth-
shattering-kaboom
Upgrading our arsenal could actually save costs by letting us cut down on
the number of nuclear weapons we need
Alternately, the US could make replacement nukes, but efforts to do that face
stiff political opposition. The last attempt to address this the aptly-named
"Reliable Replacement Warhead" program was nixed by the Obama
administration in 2009 because building new nukes runs counter to the
administration's stated goal of pursuing a nuclear-free world. Perversely
enough, the unreliability of the current warheads actually makes it harder to
get rid of existing weapons. Dr. John Hamre, former Deputy Secretary of
Defense under Bill Clinton and current head of the Center for Strategic and
International Studies, was just quoted in the Los Angeles Times as saying,
"We have the worst of all worlds: older weapons and large inventories that
we are retaining because we are worried about their reliability."
https://news.vice.com/article/americas-agingnuclear-arsenal-and-the-earth-
shattering-kaboom
Indeed, the limits of U.S. military strength are already evident. One
example could be found in the so-called leading from behind
strategy in the Libyan war, which reflected constraints on U.S. forces.
Washingtons Ukraine policy today is another example. Obama has made it
clear that We are not going to be getting into a military excursion in
Ukraine. At a joint press conference with Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi
on March 27, he stressed that the U.S. would not make promises to Ukraine it
could not keep. In both cases, the embarrassment for the United States
lay not only its defensive geostrategic posture, but also in the
questions raised by its allies over its ability to fulfill the
commitments. This distrust has implications for Washingtons ability
to retain global leadership, given that the international order
created and dominated by the United States depends heavily on the
broad U.S. alliance and partner network. The elements that support
this network are the comprehensive power of the U.S. and the
confidence that it will provide protection at a critical moment. How
does the U.S. ask its allies and partners to retain confidence in those security
commitments when it is in decline?
http://thediplomat.com/2014/04/the-crisis-ofconfidence-in-us-hegemony/
One pillar of U.S. hegemony is the vast military power of the United
States. A staple of the U.S. debate about the size of the postCold War
defense budget is the observation that the United States spends
more than virtually all of the worlds other major military powers
combined, most of which are U.S. allies.7 Observers of the actual
capabilities that this effort produces can focus on a favorite aspect of
U.S. superiority to make the point that the United States sits
comfortably atop the military food chain, and is likely to remain
there.
http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/files/posen_summer_2003.pdf
U.S. needs to ramp up in order to prove its not luffing in the South China sea.
Leaf, Paul. "The U.S. Must Call Out China For Its Aggression." The Daily Caller.
13 Oct. 2015.
It could be argued that the U.S. had helped preserve its relationship with
Beijing through its nuanced approach. However, relative U.S. passivity
may well have encouraged China to take a more aggressive
approach to the territorial dispute than it would have in the face of
a more determined, clear, and unambiguous U.S. indication of
support for its treaty ally, Japan. Far from serving as an effective
deterrent to Chinese aggression, the net effect may well have been
destabilizing. Moreover, U.S. failure to strongly back up an ally may
have had a deleterious demonstration effect on other U.S. allies in
the region facing similar territorial disputes with China, and
indirectly encouraged China to continue on its present path of
militarization and confrontation in the South China Sea.
https://www.thecipherbrief.com/article/asia/deterringchinese-aggression