Professional Documents
Culture Documents
To cite this article: Talal Asad (1975) Anthropological texts and ideological problems: an analysis of Cohen on Arab villages
in Israel , Economy and Society, 4:3, 251-282, DOI: 10.1080/03085147500000014
Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the Content) contained
in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no
representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of
the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,
and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied
upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be
liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities
whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of
the use of the Content.
This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic
reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any
form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://
www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions
Anthropological texts and ideological
problems: an analysis of Cohen
on Arab villages in Israel*
Talal Asad
Abstract
Anthropological texts, like all ideological products, are related in
complex ways to social practice. Abner Cohen's Arab Border Villages in
Israel is analysed as an ideological specimen which embodies contem-
porary anthropological practice in its typical form-the field monograph
-and objectifies a specific historical reality in a politically charged
manner. For understanding this text a distinction must be made between
(i) its conscious analytic concerns (rooted in anthropology as a discipline
dealing with colonised peoples) and (ii) its unconscious political-
ideological determinations (connected primarily with the Zionist Colonial
character of Israel). It is argued that the coherence of Cohen's text at the
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
Introduction
but from the point of view of understanding the theoretical and ideo-
logical tendencies of the discipline it is this very average character (as
Durkheim might say) that gives it its special claim to our attention. As
an anthropological monograph it is of course unique, as every field
monograph is which organises and presents a particular series of events.
Yet it also employs certain concepts and procedures which it shares with
other anthropological texts. It is with this theoretical apparatus, and
the contact it makes with a particular historical reality, that I am here
concerned, and not with the skill (or lack of it) displayed by the author
in using it.
Briefly, Arab Border Villages in Israel purports to explain a profound
change in the bases of political organisation of Arab villages in Palestine-
Israel. The nature of this change was expressed (in 1959, when the
major part of Cohen's fieldwork was done) in a seeming paradox: (a) the
Arab village was no longer self-contained since it was integrated into
the industrial economy and parliamentary politics of Israel; (b) and yet
in spite of these modern realities, the Arab village spontaneously
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
economy.' Yet in spite of this residue from an earlier epoch, class was
now more important than ever before, since there was today in Israel
'a full-fledged Arab village proletariat, working mainly in the Jewish
sector.'
Although much of Rosenfeld's criticism was justified, it is true that,
in an important sense, the Arab rural population of Ottoman Palestine
was relatively egalitarian compared with the subsequent Mandate
period (there is ample evidence of increasing disparities in landholdings,
of growing rural debt, unemployment, etc., in the first half of the
twentieth century); and that compared with this period, there is com-
paratively less inequality within the Arab village population of Palestine-
Israel. Now these facts have nothing to do with the cyclical change
proposed by Cohen: hamula-class-hamula. They have to do, as we shall
see, with developing class relations in the Palestinian countryside over
two centuries. Rosenfeld may be right in maintaining that 'hamula
organisation' at village level did not decline in the Mandate period, but
such a statement misrepresents important structural transformations.
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
of constituting history, and then confront this problem with the apparent
object of that history. I n what follows I try to disclose not only the
discrepancy between the apparent aim and the unconscious problem,
but also the ideological character of the construction projected through
the monograph.
with a few exceptions, was State land and was held by the village
community in a form of joint ownership called musha'.' ( 5 ) The village
constituted a single tax unit and was divided into hamulas (clans).
Membership in the hamula determined rights to a share of the village
lands.
'Thus the dominant cleavage in the village during the Joint Estate
Period was on hamula lines. Hamula organisation provided the basis of
political organisation. Law and order in the village was maintained by
means of a balance of power between the hamulas, regulated by institu-
tionalised forms of collective self help.' (8) Politically and economically
the villages remained isolated.
'During the latter half of the nineteenth century, and well down to the
Mandatory period, economic and political conditions changed drasti-
cally. The country became the centre of interest for European power so
a large number of missionaries came and established institutions of
various sorts, spending a great deal of imported capital. The number of
traders, pilgrims, scholars and travellers visiting the country increased.
T h e administration was reorganised and social order became more
stable. A substantial increase in the population followed, as a result of
natural increase, of [Arab] immigration from the neighbouring [Arab]
countries, and of the settlement of bedouin in permanent villages. These
developments were associated with the break-up of the joint estate, in
many villages, and the conversion of land to private property. I n the
process, a large proportion of peasants became landless and lived as
tenants on the land of others.' (8)
Disparities within the village increased. T h e accumulation of wealth
produced a leisured class who migrated to the towns and lived there
as rentiers, acquiring modern education and monopolising the elite
occupations (professionals, businessmen, political functionaries, etc.).
Anthropological texts and ideological problems 255
But there was also a flow of landless into the towns, 'particularly as a
result of the high birth-rate in the rural population.' (14)
'During the Mandatory Period, the Histadrut ["The General
Federation of Jewish Labour in the Land of Israel"] had to face the
competition of Arab labourers who were prepared to work for wages
that were much lower than those demanded by Histadrut members.
T h e only way to deal with this problem was to try to induce Arab
workers to organise and to act in harmony with the Histadrut. However,
because of the tension between the two sectors at the time, little was
achieved.' (26) T h e development of Arab nationalism proved an
insurmountable obstacle. Communications facilitated the formation of
nationalist organisations, and a pyramid of political alliances, culmina-
ting in the nationalist leadership of the towns, integrated the entire
Arab population, urban and rural, into a unified political entity. ' l n
the course of political disturbances in the country during the 1920s and
the 1930s the Arabs developed their own armed, though mainly irregular,
forces, their own banks and industry, labour and business establish-
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
the shifting range of events being ordered. The first part (up to about
the middle of the nineteenth century) consists of a generalised ethno-
graphic account of a segmentary structure made up of economically
autonomous units (settled villages and nomadic tribes), whose persisting
common elements are patrilineal clans, dividing and linking the basic
units within themselves and to each other in horizontal order. The
second part (up to the establishment of Israel in 1948) proposes
a macro-history of an organic society, in which heterogeneous entities
and processes (town and country, occupational specialisation, the
growth of population, landlordltenant relations, commerce and trade,
social mobility and the formation of classes, nationwide political
institutions, etc.) combine to integrate a total structure vertically. The
final part (up to 1959, the year of fieldwork) is a micro-sociology of a
handful of villages whose inhabitants are part of a wider field subject to
conflicting forces (State administration, economic prosperity and social
welfare encouraging them towards a fuller participation in Israeli
society: Arab nationalism, kinship loyalty, and the mercurial politics of
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
the neighbouring States pulling them in the opposite direction) and yet,
through this very tension, able to maintain their ethnic identity and
social equilibrium. I n itself each of these three modes of ordering social
facts is part of the intellectual armoury of any professionally-trained
social anthropologist.
At a na'ive level, someone even half-way familiar with the recorded
history of Palestine will find the omissions astonishing. Apart from
the simplifications alluded to in Rosenfeld's review, there is no mention
for the Ottoman period of systems of tax collection (in money and in
kind), of vigorous urban life, of extensive commerce in handicrafts and
agricultural produce, and of economic dislocation in the early decades of
the nineteenth century caused by the expanding forces of European
industrial capitalism. There is no mention of the political implications
of setting up the British Mandate Government in Palestine upon the
destruction of the Ottoman empire, nothing on the massive flow of
European Jews into the country, or the purchase of land by Zionist
colonists from Arab landlords and subsequent expropriation of Arab
cultivators, or the pressure by Zionist organisations on Jewish employers
to replace their Arab labourers by immigrant Jewish labour at a time
of acute unemployment. There is silence on the paramilitary and
economic support given by the Jewish settlers to the British Mandate
Government in its suppression of the Arab peasant rebellion; and
silence, too, on the role of the Arab peasant cultivators in providing the
Jewish settler community with most of its food. In fact there are only
two references in Cohen's book to the existence of Jews in the Mandate
period (on p. 13 and p. 26 quoted above in section 11). The existence of
Jews is recognised, of course, in Cohen's account of the Israeli period,
when his fieldwork was carried out. But there is no hint of the fact that
in terms of Israeii social stratification the Arab villagers represent the
258 Talal Asad
lowest socio-economic stratum. Nor is much made of the fact that the
political and economic life of the Arabs is directly controlled by a
Military Administration.
But the significance of such simplifications and omissions cannot be
appreciated unless we first return to the modes in which the history
offered is constituted-from an ethnographic account of a segmentary
structure, through a macro-history of an organic society, tb a micro-
sociology of a social field. What gives these curious shifts their overall
coherence is Cohen's pursuit of the dejinition of Arab 'ethnicity' in Israel.
In phase I this ethnicity is defined by the autonomous segmentary
clan organisation, in phase 2 by the autonomous national stratified
organisation, and in phase 3 by the ambiguous normative status of
Israeli Arabs-at once mobilised by the Zionist authority structure
(the Israeli state) and yet not mobilised by it (Jewish ethnicity). I t is
only when this idealist problem is recognised that Cohen's simplifications,
emphases and omissions become intelligible. Why, after all, should
Cohen discuss the effect of the wider political system, the control of
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
and the relations those that define the pattern of appropriating and
controlling the surplus generated. In this sense the forces and relations
of production necessarily take one beyond the village community and
into a domain about which Cohen remains deliberately naive.
In Ottoman Palestine, the more fertile areas (coastal plains, Esdraelon)
were the more heavily taxed, but despite this fact, also the more densely
populated. Unlike other areas subject to irregular rainfall and damaging
desert winds, here the extreme variability of harvests was not a problem
for the peasant. Hence the relative assurance of a good return for his
labour was a condition of the peasant's subjection to his exploiters-for
the exploiters' ability to extract a greater surplus here rested on the
higher yield of the land to which more intensive labour could also be
applied.
The attempt by the Ottoman state to register titles in land for tax
purposes (begun in 1858), facilitated a pattern of change to the detri-
ment of the cultivators. The intention was to grant the title directly to
the cultivators, eliminating any intermediary between the Government
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
and the small individual owner, so that the state could appropriate the
maximum tax itself. But in many cases 'The villagers fearing that the
registration was a preliminary to a call for military service, or for taxation
purposes, falsified the returns, registering the property either in the
name of the head of the tribe [clan?] or in the name of a member of the
family who would not be liable for military service. I n practice they
disregarded the titles granted (the sanad tapu) and continued to farm
on the musha' system, recognising the customary quota-holders as
the real owner^.'^
The class significance of the legal changes can only be understood
when it is recognised that the Land Code of 1858 was a moment in the
intensification of surplus generation from peasant producers. Its
superstructural, accidental character is merely illusory. I n the more
productive areas, especially in the more fertile densely-populated plains,
the Land Code immediately institutionalised and re-enforced pre-
existing relations of dependence between indebted cultivators and debt-
owning usurers (whether traders or urban notables). The registration of
land titles thus became an instrument for stepping-up the appropriation
of the cultivator's product by his exploiters and not merely the occasion
for legal misunderstanding and deception.
The decline of rural handicrafts and urban manufactories (notably
textiles) in the face of European competition throughout the nineteenth
century,' increased peasant dependence on land and hence tended to
depress their competitive position in relation to the richer, more fertile
land (the very areas where large estates were most common). The
capacity of cultivators to yield up greater amounts of surplus, however
reluctantly, began to converge with the rising demand of unproductive
urban classes for the consumption of the agricultural product-partly
directly, but also in exchange for imports from capitalist Europe.
262 Talal Asad
tion the European (Jewish) sector was always smaller than the Palestinian
(Arab) sector-although due to immigration it grew from about 10per
cent to 33 per cent of the total population during the Mandate p e r i ~ d . ~
But the intrinsic character of the European (British) colonial state
ensured the long-term economic growth of the capitalist mode of
production at the expense of the non-capitalist mode, although it
prevented the latter's complete elimination. This fundamental process
is disguised by the political subordination of the Jewish community,
equally with the Arab community, to the British Administration. That
is to say, the concept of a form of political continuity in Palestinian
history before and after 1918 ('the two communities were first ruled
by the Ottomans and then by the British-i.e. always by an alien ethnic
group') covers up a real structural break represented by the Mandate.
For the old indigenous Jewish community10 was an integral part of a
non-capitalist social formation, and the local Ottoman administration
the organ of a non-capitalist state.
Most writers on Palestine have tended to represent the Mandate
period in terms of the political confrontation of two national communi-
ties in which each excluded the other and maintained its own economyll
-a political contest whose first phase ended with the collapse of the
Mandate and the establishment of a national state by one of the two
autonomous, competing communities. In this respect Cohen's account
is not unique. But in order to grasp the changing organisation of Arab
villagers it is necessary to begin with a different set of concepts: the
articulation of a capitalist with a non-capitalist mode of production
mediated by the British colonial state. I t is only in terms of these
concepts that apparent continuities (e.g. the state's registration of title
to agricultural land, begun by the Ottomans and continued by the
British) can reveal their contradictory movements. For it was the
Anthropological texts and ideological problems 263
British Mandate state, not the Ottoman, which constituted the pre-
condition for the relative and absolute growth of the capitalist sector12
(including commercial agriculture and industry) at the expense of the
non-capitalist (mainly peasant) sector in Palestine.
The Mandate Administration maintained a fiscal structure which
facilitated the extraction of surplus from the non-capitalist sector, and
its partial transfer to the expanding capitalist sector.
Rural Property Tax, although not a major category of Government
revenue, was paid by and constituted a substantial burden on the peasant
producers.13 The rationalised system of agricultural taxation evolved
by the British administration14 seems to have contributed to increasing
peasant indebtedness.15 Over the years much of this debt was trans-
ferred from money-lenders to the Administration.16 I t is worth noting,
incidentally, that since this tax was levied as a fixed percentage on net
productivity of the soil (i.e. minus cost of production) capital-intensive
Jewish agricultural enterprises paid proportionately less tax in relation
to gross product, or even none at all, because of comparatively high
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
1937-38
Amount % of Amount % of Amount % of Amount % of Amount % of
in total in total in total in total in total
Tax LP. receipts LP. receipts LP. receipts LP. receipts LP. receipts
Customs Duties 1,868,598 48.90 2,600,370 49.10 2,751,246 49.03
Excise Duty on Matches 17,740 0.47 23,817 0.46 30,933 0'55
Excise Duty on Salt 12,950 0'34 14,450 0.27 16,400 0.30
Excise Duty on Tobacco 237,812 6.23 274,055 5.18 257,694 4.60
Excise Duty on Wines and Spirits 50,057 I 58,139 1.10 67,723 1.21
Stamp Duties 70,160 1.84 105,254 1.99 124,477 2.21
Total 2457,317 59.10 3,076,085 58.10 3,248,473 57.90 2,452,498 54-56 2,451,140 51.7
(Source: M. F. Abcarius, 'The Fiscal System' in S. B. Himadeh (ed.), The Economic Organization of Palestine, Beirut, 1938,p. 530.)
Anthropological texts and ideological problems 265
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
e,
0
'g
U
G
! 8C
.
U
-
C
g
-d
C -d
2
" '6
(I) H
!-S .-g m
a
,
U
,
U
U
% *
.2 ::
f
g G - r n2 - 3.5
0
Z '2 5 '8 $ f
a " 4 4 ~ Q
266 Talal Asad
Arab classes had largely the same general effect as that of the Mandate
Government on the Arab peasant producers-namely, it subjected them
to a progressively greater extraction of surplus, part of which was
transferred to the Jewish capitalist sector.
The growth of European immigration and-despite some fluctuations
-of the European (Jewish) capitalist sector, contributed to increases in
cost which affected Arab labour adversely.z4 Unemployment was
always far higher in the Arab sector than in the Jewishz5because despite
massive immigration of European Jews, Jewish capitalist enterprises
expanded fast enough to absorb them, while the small segment of
capitalist industry in the Arab sector did not grow sufficiently to take up
the increasing numbers of unemployed coming from the depressed
rural areas. (Urban workers maintained close links with their native
villages.) For a brief period, during the second world war, an abnormal
rise in the price of local produce caused by large military expenditure
benefited landlords and owner-cultivators (as well as other classes in
both sectors). But even during the war-time boom, the poorest strata
fared badly because of inflati0n.~6And in general, rising costs due in
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
Table 111
Since rent was generally paid in kind,27as a share of the total produce,
a rise in the total cost of local commodity prices meant a rise ill the
value of rent paid by tenant to landlord.28 Indebted owner-cultivators
Anthropological texts and ideological problems 267
as the British' Mandate, which mediated the articulation of the two modes
of production, gave place to the political dominance of the (Jewish)
capitalist sector, and to the unmediated unity of the social formation,
the complete destruction of the non-capitalist mode of production was
inevitable. There is here again another structural rupture which
Cohen's perspective fails to comprehend.
I n the Mandate period the Jewish sector did not seek Arab labour
but Arab land. Because of its political subordination to t6e British
Administration such land could only be acquired through market
exchange-a slow and politically unsatisfactory process.34 By 1947
total Jewish holdings comprised only about 9-12 per cent of all cultivable
1930s. But their new inability to control their means of social reproduc-
tion is expressed in the fact that for many their labour-power can only
be productively applied to their own land after it has first passed through
an exchange relationship which is an integral feature not of Arab
village organisation but of the capitalist mode of production which
sustains the entire Israeli society. Thus Cohen records that about
a third of the best category land in one of the villages he studied was
leased to a Jewish agricultural company by a large number of petty
owners (land to which machinery, irrigation, etc. were then applied)
and that this company employed up to IOO villagers, many ofwhom
were 'the children of the very owners of the land on which they worked.'
(31) I n this way the villagers' own land becomes an instrument in the
hands of the capitalist for realising their labour-power-at a rate of
exploitation far greater than was possible when they were peasant
owner-producers.
The 'new egalitarianism' of which Cohen speaks is the equality of
a repressed and exploited working class, and it is not in any way defined
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
lack! Is it any wonder that class disappeared and the hamula endured
among Israeli Arabs?
The most clear-cut case produced by Cohen of hamulas as interest
groups in the village he studied is 'The Case of the Labour Exchange
Office (1954)'. It seems that in the early years of the 1950s the villager
appointed as the local employment officer came, understandably, to be
identified by the other villagers as representing the Israeli Military
Administration, and as the result of a severe local unemployment crisis
in 1954, a challenge was made to the man's complete control of job
allocations. Cohen claims that eventually 'the representative of the
village labourers proposed that the distribution of jobs should be
entrusted to a body in which each one of the major patronymic groups
would be represented'. (67) Shortly before the 1959 elections the
Military Administration established 'The Committee of Labour' on
just this principle, and the hamula was thus institutionalised. What
emerges from this is the labourers' attempt to decentralise the process
of job allocation, and to distribute work-permits more widely among
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
about 9 per cent in the border villages, between the 1955 and 1959
elections. Also (and this is not mentioned by Cohen) the Communist
Party obtained 45 per cent of Arab votes in the towns, where the
Military Administration has no authority, and 26.6 per cent in the
villages, where it prevails.45 All of this probably points to incipient
class opposition to MAPAI, the ruling Zionist party, and not necessarily
to ideological identification with the political leadership of the other two.
Such differences are not adequately explained by the bland statement
that in the parliamentary elections the Arab villager voted 'mainly as
individuals, or groups with private interests, on party lines' (159) and
that by 'voting for hamulas, instead of for parties, in the council
election, the villagers prevented outside "foreign" agencies from
dominating their internal affairs.' (173)
T o begin with, Cohen might have informed the reader that out of
about IOO Arab villages in Israel there were only 30 which had local
councils,46 and that these local councils are an important means at the
disposal of the Military Administration (and so of MAPAI) of political
manipulation and patronage. Thus an official report, published in 1959,
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
Conclusion
At the very least we have established that Abner Cohen's Arab Border
Villages in Israel lies in an ideologically contested domain. And yet
Cohen presents his account as though it were a patient record of un-
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
increased, but its proportion of the total has decreased, from 65 per cent in
1922 to 51 per cent in 1944. [ . . . ] The majority of the rural population are
Moslem, while the Jewish population are predominantly town dwellers and
account for half the population of the towns.' D. Warriner, Land and
Poverty in the Middle East, London, 1948, p. 55. According to A. Granott,
writing at about this time, 'Although decades have passed since the division
of joint property started, about half the villages in Palestine still hold their
lands, at least officially, in mesha'a.' The Land System in Palestine, London,
1952, p. 178. Most of the Arab population worked on the land, and apart
from some wage-labourers (especially on citrus farms), the majority had
direct control of their land-in the various forms of property right then
prevailing.
10. Structurally, as well as culturally, the urban-based Ottoman Jews were
quite distinct from the new European colonists. Many of them were state
officials and tax-farmers, together with local Ottoman Muslims and
Christians. For example, 'The [Jewish] banker family of Farhi, whose
members had considerable influence on the economical and political life of
the provinces of Damascus and Acre in the first half of the nineteenth
century, held many villages [in Palestine as tax-farmers].' A. N. Poliak,
Feudalism in Egypt, Syria, Palestine and the Lebanon 1250-1900, London,
1939, p. 52, n. 5. Whether through trade, banking or government, the roots
of the old Jewish community lay in a non-capitalist mode of production.
I I . Thus S. N. Eisenstadt, Israeli Society, London, 1967, discusses the
development of the Jewish community during the Mandate period with
virtually no reference to Palestinian Arabs. In the Introduction to The Arab
Labour Force in Israel, Jerusalem, 1966, Y . Ben-Porath writes 'In the
mandatory period the Jewish and Arab sectors constituted virtually separate
economic units.' (Page I . ) Not entirely inconsistent with this view is the
suggestion by other writers that the development of Jewish immigration
produced a spill-over effect which benefited the more backward Arab
economy-see, for example, D. Horowitz, 'Arab Economy in Palestine' in
J. B. Hobman (ed.), Palestine's Economic Future, London, 1946.
1 2 . During the Mandate period the growth of Palestine's capitalist sector
is broadly correlated with the inflow of Jewish capital from Europe (N.
278 Talal Asad
smaller extent than that which has accumulated since the War', G. Hakim and
M. Y. El-Hussayni, 'Monetary and Banking System', in S. B. Himadeh (ed.),
op. cit., p. 497.
16. h a r t from monevlenders and the Government. the two maior sources of
short-ierm credlt to Arab cultivators were credit cooperatives in Arab villages
(whose funds were borrowed from Barclays Bank at 6 per cent and lent to
members at 9 per cent) and Barclays Bank through its local branches
(lending at 9 per cent). 'The total seasonal credit issued by Barclays Bank in
1935-1936 was EP.zgo,ooo, the loans to be repaid in instalments falling due
between the middle of September and the end of December.' See G . Hakim
and M . Y. Hussayni, op. cit., pp. 498-500. (It should be noted that the
Ottoman Agricultural Bank has been criticised for contributing to peasant
insecurity in the pre-Mandate era by lending at an interest of 6 per cent. See
A. Granott, op. cit., p. 60.) I n contrast to this familiar pattern of peasant
indebtedness, debt in the Jewish agricultural sector largely represented
productive investment. (See G. Hakim and M. Y. Hussayni, op. cit.,
P P 502-4.)
17. 'They [Jewish agricultural settlements] carry a labour force which; with
this amount of machinery, must be greatly in excess of labour requirements.
.
[ . . ] No detailed analysis of the financial position of all the farms has ever
been published. Some balance sheets are available for 17 settlements in the
Haifa district, which were submitted to the Government during the war to
justify continuation of the government subsidies. [ . . . ] They show . . . that
the majority of the farms did not even cover capital expenditure or rent, and
none were free from debt.' D. Warriner, op. cit., pp. 69-70.
18. It should also be noted that (a) professional, service and trading classes-
always more heavily represented among the Jewish community than the
Arab-paid no direct taxes at all (M. F. Abcarius, op. cit., p. 556); (b) export
manufacturing industries-largely Jewish-owned-were entitled to
refunds on taxes as described above in footnote 8 ; (c) newly constructed
houses and industrial buildings-i.e. mainly those built by the Jewish
immigrant community-were exempt from the payment of the Urban
Property Tax for a period of three years immediately following completion
(M. F. Abcarius, op. cit., p. 529).
Anthropological texts and ideological problems 279
Arabs during the Mandate, but does not deal with the problem of surplus
transfer. Yet it is only in the context of this problem that the historical
determinants of class alliance and struggle in Mandate Palestine can be
grasped.
32. See, for example, M. Mamdani, The Myth of Population Control, New
York, 1972.
33. This suggestion is tentative, but it may be worth noting that the
demographic increase was always greater in rural as against urban areas in
Palestine. See E. Hagopian and A. B. Zahlan, 'Palestine's Arab Population'
in Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 111, No. 4, 1974.
34. See W. Lehn, 'The Jewish National Fund' (in Journal of Palestine
Studies, Vol. 111, No. 4, 1974)for details on land acquisitions. The Zionists
were evidently not unaware that one of the obstacles in the way of land
purchases was the pattern of communal land tenure among Arab peasants.
See, for example Palestine Royal Commission Report, 1937,p. 268.
35. J. Ruedy, 'Dynamics of Land Alienation', in I. Abu-Lughod (ed.), op.
cit., p. 134.
36. J. Ruedy, op. cit., p. 135.
37. S. N. Eisenstadt, Israeli Society, London, 1967,pp. 140-1.
38. 'More than 80 per cent of all farming land and over 90 per cent of the
areas now cultivated by Jews are administered by the [Israel Land Authority]
company . . . T h e Israel Land Authority charges the farmers rents which are
far less than the average economic rent.' S. N. Eisenstadt, op. cit., 79. The
I . L . A . leases land to Jews only. On the discriminatory price structure;
availability of government loans, etc. see the figures from Israel Government
Yearbooks reproduced in S. Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel,. Beirut, 1969,
pp. 156-63.On the expropriation of Israeli Arab land, see D. Peretz, Israel
and the Palestine Arabs, Washington, 1958,especially Chapter IX.
39. See H.Wolpe, 'Capitalism and Cheap Labour-power in South Africa' in
Economy and Society, Vol. I, no. 4, 1972.
40. See A. Hovne, The Labour Force in Israel, Jerusalem, 1961,p. 13
Anthropological texts and ideological problems
(Summary Table) for Jews, and p. 30 (Table g) for Arabs. For greater
detail, see Y. Ben-Porath, op. cit., Chapter 5 .
4 1 . T h e Jewish writer Aharon Cohen (not to be confused with our
anthropologist) noted that 'The wages paid to Arab workers never equalled
those paid to Jews, even if the Arab was doing the same work.' Israel and the
Arab U'orld, 1964, p. 530. Abner Cohen, in a curiously worded sentence,
writes that 'On the whole, their [i.e. Arab] wages are not lower than the
official rates, but they work harder and, sometimes, they work for longer
hours.' (p. 27.)
42. N. Halevi and R. Klinov-Malul, op. cit., p. 275 (Table 83).
43. Two-Dimensional M a n , London, 1974, p. 17.
44. But he does not elaborate, as does A. Etzioni, in Studies i n Social Change,
New York, 1966, p. 169.
45. S. Jiryis, op. cit., p. 5 1 .
46. S. Jiryis, op. cit., p. 49.
47. Report of the State Controller on the Ministry of Defence, No. 9,
15 February 1959, pp. 57-8, quoted in S. Jiryis, op. cit., p. 43.
48. In true colonial fashion the need for direct control of Arabs was early
recognised in Israel: 'In an interview with the press in February 1953, the
Prime Minister's advisor on Arab affairs (then Joshua Palmon), expressed the
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013
opinion that it was unnecessary to allow Arabs to elect their local councils in
a democratic manner. "Democratic elections will only augment family feuds
and are not in keeping with the existing conditions in the Arab community.
T h e establishment of local councils is also bound to lead to bloodshed. In the
Arab community one must choose a 'middle road' of not-too-much
democracy." ' D. Peretz, Israel and the Palestine Arabs, Washington, 1958,
p. 129.
49. A. Etzioni, op. cit., p. 159.
50. W. Lehn, op. cit., p. 88.
51 . A. Etzioni, op. cit., p. 161.
5 2 . 'Because of the strong political vested interest of the Histadrut Sick Fund
no overall health insurance developed. Similarly, there is as yet no
unemployment insurance.' S. N. Eisenstadt, op. cit., p. 2 1 I .
53. S. N. Eisenstadt, op. cit., p. 129.
54. Thus Eisenstadt writes that by 1962 'about 16,000 fee-paying Arabs had
joined the Histadrut', and adds, obscurely, that subsequently 'the willingness
of the Histadrut to grant Arab workers equal status increased'. O p . cit.,
P. 397.
55. T h e importance of the hamula as an ideological category for reconciling
the Zionist contradiction between 'the universalistic and secular truths of a
modern state based on equality of all its citizens' and 'the specifically
Jewish orientation of the State of Israel' emerges distinctly from the brief
discussion of 'Problems of the Arab Minority' in S. N. Eisenstadt, op. cit.,
pp. 394-7. For example :
far as a wider identity developed among them (and this began to happen
under the Mandate, through contacts with the wider Arab national
movement, and paradoxically, through the process of integration within
Israel) it was closely tied to other Arab countries or communities . . .
[...l
'The causes of this ambivalence of the Israeli Arabs towards the
State are, in essence, simple. By ties of kinship, ethnicity, or incipient
nationalistic orientation, they were much more closely tied to the Arabs
across the border, in countries hostile to Israel.'
T h u s the category of hamula conveniently endows Israeli Arabs at
once with a merely fragmented local tradition and also an extra-territorial,
other-nation loyalty-thus removing them ideologically from the essence
of Israeli citizenship.
56. M. Ghilan, How Israel Lost Its Soul, Harmondsworth, 1974, p. 197.
57. Custom and Politics in Africa, London, 1969; Urban Ethnicity (A.S.A.
Monograph no. I 2), London, 1974 ; Two-Dimensional Man, London, I 974.
Downloaded by [Universitaets und Landesbibliothek] at 05:28 09 December 2013