American Philological Association

Domitian and Roman Religion: Juvenal, Satires Two and Four

Author(s): Roberta Stewart
Source: Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol. 124 (1994), pp. 309-332

Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press

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 TransactionsoftheAmericanPhilologicalAssociation124 (1994) 309-332

Domitianand Roman Religion:

Juvenal, Satires Two and Four

Roberta Stewart
DartmouthCollege

For AgnesK. Michels

In thispaper,I wantto examinethe allusionsto traditionalritualin Satires

Two and Four. While Juvenalwas a satiristwhose workreflectedand devel-
oped thetraditions of his genre,he was also a Roman and theproductof the
broaderculturaltraditions of Rome-political, ritualand social.' His rhetoric
therefore is two-fold,consistingof devices and techniquesthatdevelop and
color his argumentand of constructedimages thatresonatedwith Roman
values and madehis argument persuasive(cf. Braund1992: 80). In sum,while
the poet Juvenaldid not writehistory,the Satires can provideevidence for
social and politicalhistory,forattitudes
towardsDomitian,and therhetoric for
legitimating imperialpowerin thelate firstand earlysecondcenturiesA. D. In
fact,theenquiryintothesocial and politicalcontextof Satires Two and Four
can also elucidate how the Satires work as literarytexts.In these satires,
Juvenalinvokestraditionalritualsthathad fundamental politicalfunctionsat
Rome. The importanceof traditionand adherenceto traditionin public life
was institutionalizedin thereligiousprocedureof instauratioand thepolitical
principleof mos maiorum(Wissowa 1912: 329-34, Dumezil 1.83-88). 1 shall
argue that the paradox between traditionalritual roles and currentritual
practiceas Juvenaldefinedit servesto expose thepretenseof seeminglytradi-
tionalpoliticalbehavior.Thus, in Satire Two, the poet presentsDomitian's
claim,as censor,to have restoredthemoralsof theState.Whiletheappeal to
political traditionsunderminestraditionalmorality,a travestyof traditional
ritualsthatguaranteedthe domesticprosperity of the Roman State exposes
political hypocrisy.Ritual hypocrisyprovides a commentaryon domestic
policy. Similarly,in Satire Four Juvenalcontraststhe cult of Vesta and re-

1Anderson hasexploredat leastinpartJuvenal's

use ofRepublican
politicaltraditions
and
GdrardhasexploredtheinfluenceofthebroaderRomanliterary notspecifically
tradition, satire,
on Juvenal'swork.

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310 RobertaStewart

ligious ritualsthatguaranteedmilitaryenterprises withDomitian'sleadership

of war and religion:ritualparodyuncoversthe pretenseof religiousscruple
and traditional martialvalues (cf. Deroux's studyof expiatoryritualin Satire
4). My argumentis thattheallusionsto ritualtraditions in bothsatiresappeal
to a presumedstandardwithwhichto evaluateDomitian'spoliticalbehavior.2

I. Satire Two

The openingsectionintroduces thecensorDomitianas thefocusof theSatire.

The diatribeagainst moral hypocritesprogressesgeographicallyfromthe
edges of theworld(ultra...glacialemOceanum,2-3) to Rome and temporally
fromtheRepublic(M.' CuriusDentatus,3; Ti. and C. Gracchus,24; thetrium-
virs, 28) to the Empire, culminatingwith Domitian, whom the narrator
revivingthe Augustanadulterylaws
explicitlyidentifiesas censor/adulterer
(29-30).3 As censor,Domitianexerciseda generalmoraljurisdictionoverthe
behaviorof Romanelitesand enunciateda moralprogramthataffirmed tradi-
maleprostitution
tionalvalues,revivingthelex Scantiniaprohibiting as well as
theAugustanlaws.4Witha vividand immediatereference to Domitian'sincest
withJuliaand herdeathby an abortion,thenarrator alignsDomitianwiththe
precedinglistof moralhypocrites (29-33, cf.Vinson436 n. 21).

qualiseratnupertragicopollutusadulter
concubitu,qui tunclegesrevocabatamaras
omnibus atqueipsisVeneriMartique timendas,
cumtotabortivis fecundam luliavulvam
solveretetpatruosimileseffunderetoffas

sucha oneas theadulterer

recently bya fatalliaison,
polluted
whothenrevived bitter causedreadforall
lawsthatrightly
andforVenusandMarsthemselves, Julia
whenthefertile
abortedso manytimesandbrought forth lookinglikeheruncle.
fetuses

The openingsectionthenconcludes witha rhetoricalappeal to moral con-

science(33-35).

2Cf.Gerard358-359and363,whoarguesthatan allusiontoLatiarisat Juvenal8.146-57

andtoVestaatJuvenal 6.385-92servetoestablishtheRomanreligious as a measuring
tradition
sticktogaugethereligious integrity
andpolitical characters
ofindividual andofRome.
3Cf.Ramage688-92,examining howTrajanicideologyinfluenced thedepiction ofDom-
itian.ForDomitian'srelationswithelitesandtheirapprehensionat hiscensorialpowers,see
Waters65-77,esp. 66.
4Ingeneral,Grelle340-65: on thedateof theedictprohibiting 343-44; on the
castration,
346-47. Cf.Jones1992,who
revivalof thelexIulia andtheedictagainstmaleprostitution,
summarizes detailswithout policy.
considering

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 DomitianandRomanReligion 311

SatireTwo maintainsitsfocuson Domitian'scensorship by repeatedallu-

sionsto thedetailsofhis moralprogram.Laroniainvokesthelex Scantiniathat
prohibitedmale prostitution (43-44); afterderisivelydeclaimingagainstthe
violationby men of traditionalgenderroles (51-56), thedegeneration of mar-
riageand a wife's loss of positionto herhusband'smale lover(60), she con-
cludeswitha pronouncement on theinequityof censorialsurveillance(63-64).
The earlierreferenceto Domitian'srevivalas censorof thelex Iulia (29-31)
and his revivalas censorof thelex Scantinia suggestthatLaronia's gnomic
declarationrefersto his moral policy. Moreover, Martial corroboratesa
professedconcemforfamilyvaluesas partofDomitian'spolicies:

Lususeratsacraconubiafallere
taedae,
Lususetimmerito execuissemares.
Utraquetuprohibes,Caesar,populisquefuturis
Succuris,
nasciquodsinefraude iubes.
Nec spadoiamnecmoechus erittepraeside
quisquam:
Atprius-omores!-etspadomoechuserat(6.2)

Itwassporttoviolatetheholynuptials
ofthewedding-torch.
Sportas welltocastrate
malesundeservedly.
You,Caesar,
prohibit
bothpracticesandlendassistance
tofuture
populations,
foryouorderthattherebe births
withoutguile.Nowunderyour
protection
noonewillbe eithereunuchoradulterer.
But
earlier-ohthebehavior!-theeunuchwasan adulterer.5

Again, Creticusprosecuteswomen for adultery,implementing the revived

Julianlaws (67-69). The homosexualmarriageof Gracchus(115-19) violates
thelex Iulia, provokingan exclamationof theinappropriatenessof a censorto
remedythe situation.6 Finally,theconcludingvignetteshows a youngArme-
nianZalaces, whois debauchedat Romein contravention of lex Scantinia.Thus
thedramaticepisodesillustrate thepromotionand thecontravention of Domi-
tian'sdomesticpolicyas censor.
Juvenalis ironicabout traditional
appeals to Republicanpoliticaltradi-
tions as standardsforjudgment.The narratorcites the firstRepublicanpre-

5BothStatiusandMartialcelebrate Domitian'sprohibitionofcastration (Mart.6.2,9.6.4-5;

Stat.Silv. 3.4.73-77) and of maleprostitution(Mart.9.6.6-7,cf. Suet.Dom. 8.3). Assess-
mentoftheirevidenceis divided.Forvariousviews,see Grelle347-52;Waters66; Garthwaite
13-22;Dominik74-97,esp.75-76; Jones.Recentchallenges tothesincerityofthesepoetsdo
not,however, diminishtheirevidenceofofficial
doctrine.
6Stuprum includedincestandhomosexual relations
whichwerethusactionableunderthe
Iulianlaw:Guarino185-86.Courtney 142-43compares Gracchus'marriage withthatofNero
andseestheallusiontothecensorship as refering
toDomitian.Gracchus is notidentifiable,
see
Courtney ibid.

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312 RobertaStewart

in theopeningsectionto challengetheabilityof wrong-

cedentsrhetorically
doersto challengewrong-doing,i.e. to serveas negativeparadigms(24-28):

Gracchos
quistulerit querentes?
de seditione
quiscaelumterisnonmisceat etmarecaelo
Verri,
si furdispliceat homicida Miloni,
Clodiusaccusetmoechos, CatilinaCethegum,
intabulam tres?
Sullaesi dicantdiscipuli

Whocouldendure theGracchicomplaining abouttreason?

Whowouldnotconfuse heavenwithearthandthesea with
theheavensifa thiefshouldfindfaultwithVerres,a murderer
withMilo;ifClodiusshouldaccuseadulterers, CatilineCethegus
ifSulla'sthreedisciplesshouldspeakagainsthisproscriptions?

The list containsmajor figuresin Cicero's life and identifiesthemby the

crimesthataffectedtheirrelationswithCicero: Cicero successfully prosecuted
Verresforextortion in 70 and won his reputation; he unsuccessfully defended
Milo forhavingkilledClodius in 52; as consulin 63 he countered the political
machinations of Catiline;he opposedAntonyin 44-43 and was proscribedby
thetriumvirs in 43. The reference to Clodius shouldtherefore referto his vio-
lationof theBona Dea in 62, forCicero's testimony destroyedClodius' alibi,
and Clodius,as tribunein 58, retaliated by exilingCicero (Tatum204-08). As
a hypocrite,Domitianis a naturalextensionof the precedinglist of Repub-
licans,and theidentification of Clodius ("moechus")and Domitian("adulter")
as adulterers emphasizestheassociation.Domitianis therefore identified with
Republicans,but notorious Republicans. While the narratorapplies these in a
positiveargumentto expose hypocrisy, thesimpleappeal to Republicanpoli-
tical traditionsas standardsforactionis shownto be at best ambiguousand
potentiallydeceptive.
The openingsectionconcludeswitha rhetorical questionon the rightful
censure of hypocrites:"nonne igituriure ac merito vitia ultima fictos/
contemnunt Scauros et castigataremordent?" ("Do nottherefore themostvile
vices rightlyandjustifiably condemnthefalseScauriand,once reproved, gnaw
at them?"34-35). The narrator claimsto have discovereda paradigmof virtue
comparedto whichthe actionsof hypocrites, like Domitian,are revealedas
pretense.The Aemilii Scauri were extinctby Juvenal'stime,and "Scauros
fictos"probablyrefersto M. AemiliusScaurus,identifying a Republicancen-
sor of 109 (see Ferguson203-04 s.v. "Scaurus"). The narrator thusassumes
themoralhighgroundinvokingRepublicantraditions to questionDomitian's
moralintegrity as censor.His choice of paradigm,however,createsa paradox.
AemiliusScaurus was knownforhis unwillingnessto resignhis censorship

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 DomitianandRomanReligion 313

until threatenedby the tribunes(Plut. QR 50), and his political behavior

resembledratherthan contrastedwith thatof Domitian,who assumed the
censorshipin 85 and was named censor perpetuusin thatyear.7Domitian
attachedenormousimportanceto the office:his bronzecoinage from85 on-
wards,theas, dupondiusand sestertius,always showsthetitle;thesilverand
gold issues of 85 and 86 consistentlyreferto it (Buttrey26-34). The choiceof
Republicanparadigmthereforesets a standardwhich identifiesDomitian's
actionswiththoseoftheRepublic.Republicanpoliticalstandards againvalidate
hypocrisy, althoughthistimetheappeal to themundermines thenarrator'sown
moralposture,showingit to represent further hypocrisy.Furthermore, Juve-
nal also confoundstheRepublicansensibilities ofhis audience,forthenarrator
addresseshis rhetorical questionoutwards,and his choice of paradigmunder-
mines the Roman respectfortraditioncannonizedin mos maiorum,i.e. the
expectationsof his audience.The politicaland historicaltraditionsof Rome
thusbecomea profoundly ironiccommentary on Domitian'spoliticalbehavior
and thepossibility evenof evaluatingit.
By contrast,Laronia's assessmentof Domitianicpracticeringstrue.Niall
Ruddhas suggestedthatLaronia,theadvocateof thelex Scantiniaand of tra-
ditionalmorals,is probablya whorewho citeswhoresas examplars,revealing
hermoralityas postureand hypocrisy;S. Braund(1988: 10 relyingon Coffey
125) has suggestedthatshe represents an aristocraticadulteresswho has suf-
feredunderDomitian's hypocriticalrevival of the Augustanlaws. Yet the
sexual moralityof womenas womenwas an oxymoronthatJuvenalexploited
in Satire Six. Paradoxmay therefore be createdsimplyby Laronia's gender.
Laronia labels Domitian a thirdCato ("tertiuse caelo cecidit Cato"), thus
appealingto a positiveprecedentof traditional morality.Throughhyperbole
("tertiusCato") and bathos ("e caelo cecidit"),she suggeststhe pretenseof
Domitian'smorality, therebyaffirming thevalue of Romanpoliticaltradition
to providepositivemoralparadigmsto evaluateaction.The poet intensifies the
paradox by identifying her as divinelyinspiredto speak truth("vera ac
manifesta canentem," 64), and by introducingherwithan irrepressible senseof
indignation ("non tulit...
Laronia,"36) whichcomparesherto thenarrator (24,
see Winkler430 and n. 62). Laronia's abilityto use Republican political
sensibilitiesto evaluate actioncontrasts,however,withthe narrator'searlier
inabilityto do the same,whentheexpectedauthority of Republicanstandards
subvertsthe moral posture of both narratorand audience. A woman's
assessmentof Domitianicpracticetherefore confoundstheexpectationsof the

70n thedate:Buttrey
26-34,esp.29; cf.Waters66.

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314 RobertaStewart

audienceon themoraljudgmentof women.Traditionalsensibilitiesare again

invertedand offerno reliablestandard.
A letterof Seneca elucidatesthepoet's constructionof Domitian'schar-
acter.8Seneca (Ep. 97) used Clodius' trialin 62 to arguethatcontemporary
timeswerenotbad: Clodius' acquittalde incesturepresented a greateroffense
to standardsthanhis violationof theBona Dea (1-3); theprimarydifference
betweenthecurrent day and thetimesof theRepublicwas notthepresenceof a
Clodius buttheabsenceof theCato who had opposed Clodius (10). In Satire
Two, JuvenalconflatesCato and Clodius in thecharacterization of Domitian.
While the narratorequates the charactersof Clodius and Domitianas adul-
terersin the openingsection,Clodius' crimeof incestlooks forwardto the
parodyof the Bona Dea; and in Satire Six the narratorsimilarlyinvokes
Clodius as theparadigmfortheviolationof ritualcodes (341-45):

etquistunchominum contemptor
numinis,autquis
simpuuium Numaenigrumque
ridere catinum
etVaticano de monte
fragiles patellas
aususerat?sednuncad quasnonClodiusaras?

Whatmanthendespiseddeity, orwhodaredtolaugh
bowl,theblackpotandthefragile
atNuma'ssacrificial
madefrom
offering-dish Vaticanstone?Butnowwhataltar
lacksa Clodius?

Clodius' alleged incest withhis sisterClodia establishesanotherlink with

Domitian whose relationshipwithJulia is identifiedas incestuous("patruo
simileseffunderet offas,"33).9 Second,whileassimilatingDomitianand Clo-
dius, thepoet also associatesDomitianwithCato. Laronia labels Domitiana

8Cf.G6rard366-67,whoemphasizes ofSenecaas theliterary

thisletter sourceforJuvenal's
comments.
9ForClodius'politicaltrialonthechargeofincestum, see Scheid130-33,citingSchol.Bob.
p. 89 Stangltosuggestthatthechargeofincestwasa lessercharge.ButtheScholiastcouldjust
as easilybe remarkinga toughandconservative decisionoftheSenate:"decreverunt de ea re
nonaliterquamde incestuquaereretur." Cf.Moreau88-89. The chargeofincestum was not
toClodius'crimeandwasanattempt
appropriate
strictly bytheSenatetodefinea crimalcharge
thatwouldencompass theallegedstuprum withPompeiaandthereligious affronttotheVestals
(Moreau88). CiceroallegesthatClodiuscommitted incestwithClodia(Cic.Har Resp.37-38;
Mil. 86). Thechargesareusuallyacceptedas truth,see e.g.Mitchell84 andn. 6. Thechargeis
morelikelyrhetoric(Vinson435 n. 17). Fortheconnection betweenincest(=sexualrelations
witha Vestal)andincest(=sexualrelations witha relative),see Guarino186,216-18;Cornell
32-33.ThechargeofincestagainstDomitianis probably false:Waters60-61 emphasizes Do-
mitian'sotherwiseconservative Vinson431-38demonstrates
morality; motives
therhetorical
behindthechargeand thechronological objectionsto it (Julia'sdeathlate 89; Domitian's
absenceoncampaign untilfall,89).

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 DomitianandRomanReligion 315

thirdCato ("tertiuse caelo ceciditCato,"40). Courtney associatesthereference

withDomitian'scensorshipand identifiestheallusionto archetypesof moral
living(Courtney129, cf. Ramage 689). Whilethereputation of Cato theElder
suppliesan allusionto censorialseverity, thesecondCato had a specificrolein
the politics of 62, insistentlypressingfor Clodius' trial (Cic. Att. 1.13.3,
14.5).10In sum,Seneca hadjuxtaposedClodiusand Cato. Juvenalequatesthem
throughthe characterof Domitian,who thus embodies the hypocrisyand
ambiguity of Republicanpoliticaltraditions.
The figureof CreticusidentifiesDomitianicmoral legislationwitha
blind,hypocriticalappeal to politicaltradition.The narratorintroducesCre-
ticus in court,prosecutingadulterouswomenand wearinga transparent toga:
theemblemof Romancitizenship exposeshis hypocritical
literally advocacyof
traditionalvalues (66-68, 77). Creticusalso bearsan honorificcognomensuch
as thatassumedby successfulRepublicangenerals,creatingparadoxbetween
the traditionalRepublicanexpectationsstirredby his name and the realityof
his actions.To underscoreCreticus'hypocrisy,the narratortwice questions
him directlyabout the incongruity of his public actions and his personal
demeanor (66-68, 75-76). Republican historical and political traditions
seeminglyfunction thereforeto undermine thecredibility
of Creticus'behavior
and so Domitian'sadvertised moralrevival.
The figureof Creticusagain calls into question,however,the simple
appeal to political traditionsas reliable standardsfor moral judgement.
Creticusbearsthespecifichonorific cognomenof Q. Caecilius MetellusCeler.
Courtney(132-33) rejectsthe identification because theCaecili Metelliwere
extinctin Domitian's time,but thismay in factbe the point:the allusion is
simplyRepublican,like theallusionto theextinctScauri (35) and theuniden-
tifiedimperialGracchus (117). Juvenalis playingwithRepublicannames.
Creticusidentifiestherefore a Metellus,and Clodia, the sisterof P. Clodius
Pulcher,had marriedintothefamily,specificallyto Creticus'cousin,Q. Cae-
cilius MetellusCeler. Moreover,P. Clodius Pulchermasqueradedas a woman,
a fluteplayer,to participatein theritesof theBona Dea in 62 B.C;11 and the
narrator had establishedtheimageof Clodius' violationof theBona Dea at the
beginningof theSatire(24-28). The narrator assuresus thatCreticuswilljoin
one day in thetravesty of theBona Dea (83-84), therebycreatinga transition

100n theRepublican politics,

see Balsdon66-69,Mitchell84.
11Cic. Har. Resp. 44. See Balsdon66 n. 13 and Mulroy167 and n. 17. Mulroyuses
Clodius'transparent
disguise,however, torejectthestoryof an intentional
sacrilege;against
thisview,Tatum207-08.On Clodius'infiltration oftheBonaDea, see Brouwer363-70,who
collectsanddiscussesthesources.

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316 RobertaStewart

fromthe courtscene to the Bona Dea celebrationand reinforcing the asso-

ciation.Creticushas alreadydressedthepartand wearsthetransparent garbof
a flute-player, theonlymusicianadmittedto the Bona Dea, accordingto the
narrator.
The poet shows thatritualtraditions offerincontrovertible standardsfor
evaluatingthepolitical behavior of Domitian's world.The Vestal Virginsand
themarriedwomenof elitefamiliesof Rome performed theannualfestivalof
theBona Dea at thehouse of thehighest-ranking chiefmagistrate of theState:
the women drankwine and the necessaryperformanceof the festivalpro
populo gave womenan important role in the State (Wissowa 1912: 177-78,
Brouwer358-70). Men were excludedabsolutely,and the infiltration of the
festivalby a singlemale in 62 occasionedtheimmediaterepetition of theriteto
guaranteethepax deorum(Cic. Att. 1.13.3; Schol. Bob. p. 89 Stangl).In 62,
the infiltratorClodius faced a political trial for violating the religious
traditionsof thecity.12The ritualof theBona Dea represented an inversionof
women's traditional roles: thelapse of the traditional taboo againstwomen's
use of sacrificialwine;theabandonment of women'sfundamental social defini-
tionwithinmarriage;the assumptionof an important politicalrole in the life
of thecity.13The ritualguaranteed fertilityand domesticprosperity, theadver-
tisedaims of thecensorDomitian'spolicy.
In his parodyof theBona Dea, Juvenalalludes to characteristic features
of theritualto establishtheRoman reference: thesacrificeof a sow (86) and
theconsumption of wine (86, see Gerard369). As a male,Juvenalwould not
have had detailedknowledgeof theBona Dea festival,and he conjuresup the
image of a secretritualby referring to a ritualof the Eleusinianmysteries,
namelythe loweringof thetorch that servedto purifythe initiate(91).14 He
focusestheparodyon theexclusiveperformance of theritualby men.Women
weredrivenaway: "sed moresinistroexagitataproculnonintratfeminalimen"
("but in a perverserituala womanis drivenoffand does notcross thethresh-
old," 87-88). He identifieswomenas rituallyproscribed,using the technical
invocationto begin religiousceremonies:"ite,profanae"(89).15 Word order

12Scheid130-31. Tatum204 andBalsdonemphasize motives

thepolitical forthesuitagainst
Clodius.
13Versnel 31-55. Cf.Latte228-30,whodiscounts thedrinking of wineduringtheritual.
Againstthisview,Brouwer327-36 emphasizestheimportant roleof wine-drinkingin the
myths
aetiological aboutthegoddessandthefestival.
140nthepurificatory 286 andn. 7. Brouwer358-61 emphasizesthedistor-
ritual,Burkert
tionsinherent tradition
inliterary becauseoftheritualexclusionofmenfromtheritesandthe
agendaofeachwriter.
political
15Appel82-83,cf.Courtney 135.

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 DomitianandRomanReligion 317

emphasizesthecelebrationby individualswhomthepoet will identify as male

("maribus"),but not men/husbands ("viris"): "solis ara deae maribuspatet"
(89). The celebrantsuse phallic-shapedritualparaphernalia("vitreobibitille
priapo,"95), althoughin SatireSix Juvenalshowshimselfawarethatthepres-
ence of male imagescontravened theritual(6.339-41). Thus thepoet showsus
theviolationof traditionalritual.The openinglinesdetailthecostumingof the
men who dressas womento celebratetherites,and theseunderscorethethe-
atricalityand pretenseof theritual:"[sc. viri]longa domi redimiculasumunt
frontibus et totoposueremoniliacollo" ("theyput long filletson theirfore-
heads at home and covertheirnecks withnecklaces,"84-85).16 At Juvenal's
Bona Dea, thecelebrants ape religiouspracticewhileoffending ritualcodes.
Juvenalalso associatestheBona Dea festivalwiththeorgiasticcultsofthe
Thraciangod Kotyto(91-92) and of Cybeleat Rome (110-14) to distinguish it
furtherfromtraditionalritual.The openingcomparisonto Kotyto,a goddess
unknownat Rome and labelledby Juvenalas specificallyGreek,identifies the
Bona Dea rite as utterlyforeignand a vulgar pretenseof ritual.17Again,
Juvenallikensthefestivalto thecultof Cybeleto underscore thevariancewith
traditionalpractice.18Whilethegoddesswas celebratedas thegiverof victory
and gainedparticularprominenceunderAugustusas thepatronof Rome,her
cult,in contrast,was severelyrestricted by the Roman Senate. Juvenalplays
upon traditionalprejudicesagainstthe cult.19Duringthe Republic,Romans
werenotallowedto serveas priests;thepriestsmightperform theirritualonly
on specifieddates and were otherwiseconfinedto theirtemple.20The Bona
Dea festivalwas underthejurisdiction of theVestalVirgins,who wereselected
fromthe elite familiesof Rome (Wissowa 1912: 421 and n. 10, cf. Gell. NA

160n thestageeffectsintheepisodeandespecially theemphasis onmake-upatlines93-95,

99, see BraundandCloud1981:206.
170n Kotyto,see RE 11 (1922) 1549-51s.v. Kotys(Schwenn);Burkert 179.The allusion
to Baptaemayrefer toa playofEupolison thecult(Courtney 136-37).Lucian(Adv.Ind.27)
identifiestherhetoricof Juvenal'sallusion:Eupolis'playtheBaptae was a wellknownand
uncomfortably bawdydepiction ofthecultwhichStrabo(10.3.16)likenedtothatofCybeleand
Aeschylusassociatedwiththemysteries ofDionysus.Cf.Hesychiuss.v. Kotyto, whostates
thatEupolismaligned a foreign
riteoutofangerandmadetheritual bawdy.
18Forthecult,Wissowa1912:263-64. Bona Dea is perhapsassociatedwithCybelein a
first-century
A.D. inscription
from Dalmatia(Bouwerno. 127),see Brouwer 386-89,notinga
connection ofthetwogoddessesinsouthern Gaulas well.
19Wiseman 117-28examinedthetensionbetweenRomanregardforthegoddessandthe
concommitant fearanddisparagement of theritualin Vergil'sAeneid.His viewshavebeen
elaborated byWilhelm77-101,whodoes notaddressRomanviewson thepriesthood or the
ritual.
20SeeWissowa1912:264-65.Romans,generally oflowerstatus,wereallowedtobecome
priests
during theEmpire.

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318 RobertaStewart

1.12.5-7, 12). The priestsof theparodyare identifiedas frenziedpriestsof the

EasternCybele("crinesenexfanaticusalbo/sacrorum antistes,"113-14). Vestal
Virginshad to be withoutblemishwhentheywere selected.21The priestsof
Cybele were eunuchs.Juvenalemphasizestheirmutilation and identifiestheir
testiclesas uselessevenbeforecastration:"quid tamen expectant,Phrygioquos
tempus erat iam/moresupervacuamcultrisabrumperecarnem" (115-16).
Romanpriesthoodswerehonoraryoffices;Juvenalidentifies thepriestsof the
parodyas "forhire"("conducendusquemagister,"114), emphasizingtheritual
beggingthatwas a conspicuousand suspectfeatureof the cult.22The reference
to Phrygiancustom ("Phrygiomore") in concludingthe descriptionof the
ritualrecollectsthe openingdescriptionof the Bona Dea parodyas perverse
("more sinistro").Thus the contrastof currentritualpracticewithtraditional
ritualat Rome revealsa traditionalcultbetrayedto alien,foreignpractices.
The entiresatire,and particularly the marriageof Gracchus,illustrates
the consequencesof such travesty.First,Bona Dea was a fertility goddess.23
MartialcelebratedDomitian'spoliciesas increasingthe population(9.6.1-3):

Tibi,summeRhenidomitor etparensorbis,
agunturbes:
gratias
pudiceprinceps,
parereiamscelusnonest
populoshabebunt;

To you,greatconqueroroftheRhineandparent oftheworld,
thecitiesgivethanks,
chasteprinceps,
theywillhavepeople;nowitis nota crimetogivebirth.

The satirecontinuallyrefersto births,failedbirths,and monstrous births.The

openingcriticismof moralhypocrisyand homosexuality concludeswitha de-
scriptionof Domitian'sincestwithJuliaand herdeathby abortion:"[sc. Do-
mitian]qui tuncleges revocabat...cum tot abortivisfecundamlulia vulvam/
solveretet patruosimileseffunderet offas"(30-33, cf. Vinson437). Immedi-
atelyfollowingthe Bona Dea parody,the narratordescribesthe homosexual
marriageof an unidentifiedimperialGracchuswhose name perhapsservesto
create anotherapparentRepublican/imperial dichotomy.The narratorterms
Gracchus'marriagea prodigy("monstrum") and likensit to a womangiving
birthto a cow (121-23):

21Forthephysicalrequirements oftheVestal,see Gell.NA 1.12.1-3:"negaveruntcapi fas

esse...quaelinguadebilisensuveauriumdeminutaaliavequa corporis sit."
labeinsignita
22Cic.Leg. 2.40:"Stipemsustulimus nisieam,quamad paucosdiespropriam IdaeaeMatris
excepimus; implet animosetexhaurit
enimsuperstitione domus."Cf.Leg. 2.22.
23CIL 6.73 (=ILS 3506,Imperial);CIL 6.74 (=ILS 3507,Flavian).See Brouwer398 and
esp. 346-47 andn. 179-80.

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 DomitianandRomanReligion 319

o proceres,censoreopusestan haruspice
nobis?
scilicethorreres
maioraquemonstraputares,
si mulier velsi bosederetagnum?
vitulum

nobles,havewe needofa censorora haruspex?

Illustrious
Wouldyoushudder andconsiderita greater
monstrosity,
ifa womancalvedora cowgavebirtitoa sheep?

The call fora haruspexratherthana censorto interpret theprodigyalludesto

Domitian's professedconcern,as censor,to promotemarriageand babies,
whilelabellingtherealitya religiousthreat.The use of thevocativeproceres
attributesto the audience the Republican moral perspectivecapable of
recognizingand disapproving of thetravesty (cf. Braundand Cloud 1982: 81).
The narrator notesthefrustration of thenewlywedsnotto be able to produce
children:"intereatormentum ingensnubentibus haeret/quod nequeantparereet
parturetineremaritos"("Meanwhilea greattormentremainsforthe newly-
weds, for theycannotproduce childrenand hold onto theirhusbandswith
offspring," 137-38). Marriagesin Domitian'sworldare sterile(140).
Traditionalritualsof publiccultemphasizethemarriageas a sham.The
narrator claimsthatnoteven theLupercalritualcan assistto producebirthfor
Gracchus:"nec prodestagili palmas praebereluperco"(142). At the Luper-
calia, two patricianpriesthoodssacrificeda goat and ran aroundthePalatine,
strikingwomenwithstripsof thehide to promotefertility (Ov. Fasti 2.425-
52, cf. Wissowa 1912: 172-73). Gracchusis male,and thepoetemphasizesthe
pretense:Gracchusdons bridalgarb as a costume(124). Moreover,the nar-
ratorremindsus of his properreligiousrole: as a Salius, Gracchuswore the
ritualregalia to dance the sacredwar dances forRoman militarycampaigns
(125-27). Thus theLupercalis directedat pretenseand cannotwork.The con-
cludingimageof Gracchusfighting withthetrident in thearena(143) createsa
metaphorof thepublic displayof his blindhypocrisy:unlikeall othergladi-
ators,a man witha tridentfoughtwithouta mask/helmet (cf. 8.204-06). In
sum,thepoet connectshomosexualmarriagewithDomitian'smoralprogram
thataffirmed familyvalues. Yet he showstheinefficacy of traditionalRoman
ritualto guaranteebirthin Domitian'sworld,forDomitianiccharactersonly
aped traditionalritual while violating the very codes they professedto
represent and protect.
The rite of the Bona Dea offersa ritualexplanationfor the satire's
repeatedallusionsto disease and ritualtaint(cf. Braundand Cloud 1981: 204).

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320 RobertaStewart

Bona Dea was thegoddessofhealth,and hertempleservedas a pharmacy.24 In

the openingdiatribeagainstmoralhypocrisy, the narratorintroducesPeribo-
mius,whose Greeknametranslates"aboutthealtar."Peribomius'name looks
to thecomingdescriptions of theBona Dea/Cybele,and thescholiastidentifies
thefigureas thechiefpriestof thefrenziedpriestsof Cybele: "nomenarchi-
galli cinaedi qui publice impudicitiamperpessus." Yet Peribomiuswhile
praisedby the narratoras not a moralhypocriteis neverthelessidentifiedas
diseased(15-17):

veriusergo
etmagisingenue huncegofatis
Peribomius;
quivultumorbum
inputo, incessuquefatetur

andI
is morehonestandunaffected;
Peribomius
himfated,
consider whoadmitshisdiseaseinhis
andinhisgait.
expression

Creticus,who is about to join the ranksof thoseperforming the travestyof

as
religion,is identified a contagionthat and
taints all
destroys thatit touches
(78-81):

dedithanccontagio labem
etdabitinplures,sicutgrextotusinagris
uniusscabiecaditetporrigine
porci
uvaqueconspecta livoremducitab uva

diseaseproduced andwillcausemore,
thisdestruction
herdinthefieldfallsbecauseofthemange
justas anentire
ofonepig,andonegrapedrawsrotfrom(merely) seeinganother.

Braundand Cloud have suggestedthatthefinalepisode offersan exampleof

Juvenal'sgnomicstatement aboutthethreatof Creticus:a youngArmenianboy
homein a new Romantogasignalling
has been debauchedat Rome and returns
his changein character
(164-70):

Armenius Zalacescunctisnarratur
ephebis
seseindulsisse
molliorardenti tribuno...
frena
bracae,cultelli,
mittentur flagellum:
Artaxata
referunt
sicpraetextatos mores

theArmenian Zalaces,moreeffeminatethantheGreekboys,
is thetalkofthetown,namely thatheindulgedthe

24CIL 6.72 (=ILS 3514,II s. A.D.), cf.Brouwer345-46,Wissowa1912: 178,Latte228,

230.

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 Domitianand RomanReligion 321

passionofa tribune...the
trousers,
knives,reignsand
whipwillbe letgo: thushostages
toRomebringbacktoga'd
behaviortoAraxata.

Thus thepoet concludesby showingthattheworldis infectedand thatthein-

fectionspreadsfromRome.Domitianand his supporters are revealedto offend
the veryprinciplesof Rome; and the Republicanheroes in the underworld
wantto purifythemselvesas froma disease: "cuperentlustrari, si qua daren-
tur/sulpura cum taedis et si foretumida laurus" ("they would want to be
purified,iftherewereanysulfur,torches,and moistlaurel,"157-58).25
To sum up, ritualand historicalallusions color the characterization of
Domitianand thosewho promotehis policies.WhilethecensorDomitianpre-
senteda politicalpolicyof affirming traditional
values,thepoet challengesthe
appeal to politicaltraditionsas reliablestandardsforevaluatingpoliticalbe-
havior.Ritualtraditions,however,are incontrovertible and expose hypocrisy.
Domitian's domesticpolicy as censorestablishesa thematiclink withSatire
Four,thestructural counter-part of Satire Two withinJuvenal'sfirstbook of
Satires (Braundand Cloud 1982: 79, 81-82). A further featureof Domitian's
moralprogramwas his policingof theVestalsand his prosecution, as pontifex
maximus,of theallegedsexual indiscretion of thehead VestalCornelia.Satire
Fourconcernsthisevent.
II. Satire Four

JuvenalbeginsthisSatire withan allusionto Crispinus'incestwitha Vestal,

rhetorically
emphasizingCrispinus'intrigue:"incestus,cum quo nupervittata
iacebat/sanguine adhuc vivo terramsubiturasacerdos"("the adulterer,with
whomthe fillettedpriestessrecentlylay, she who was aboutto go underthe
earthwhilestillalive,"9-10). The punishment of theVestal identifies
theinci-
dent(cf.Townend156-57). The narrator suggestsa recentevent("nuper").In
83, Domitianaccused threeVestalsof sexual misconduct:all threeweregiven
theopportunity to commitsuicideand did.26 In 93, Domitianaccusedthehead

25Theritualcannotrelateto a religiouscrimesinceRomanreligiondid notrequirea

purification
oftheoffendingindividual
fora sacraloffense
(Scheid130).Cf.theritualexpiation
fora prodigy(reflecting
commissionof a sacraloffenseanda violationof thepax deorum,
Henzen 136-49). Waterand firewerebasic to lustralritual:Wissowa 1912: 327-29. The
substancesforpurification variedfortheoccasion:RE 2.4 (1932) 652-53 s.v.
(suffimenta)
suffimentum(Marbach).Sulphurservedtopurify fromdisease:Tib. 1.5.11;Ov. Met.7.261;
Verg.Georg.3.449.See RE 14 (1930) 364 s.v. Mageia(Hopfner);RE 2 (1923) 798-99 s.v.
Schwefel(Blumner).
26Suet.Dom.8.4: "NamcumOculatissororibus, itemVarronillae
liberum mortispermisisset
arbitrium
corruptoresque
earumrelegasset."

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322 RobertaStewart

Vestal Comelia of unchastity and buriedheralive.27The nextmostrecenttrial

and burial had occurred in 114-113 B.C. (Livy, Per. 63, Obseq. 37).
Domitian'spunishment of Comelia providesthereforethemostprobablerefer-
ence, and the allusionto censorialsurveillanceof Crispinus'excesses, while
administratively inaccurate,invokesthe moralprogramDomitianenunciated
primarily, althoughnotexclusivelyby meansof his authorityas censor.By al-
ludingto theVestal's burialand thendismissingit ("sed nuncde factislevior-
emphatically
ibus," 11), thenarrator focuseson theevent.
A letterof Pliny is particularlyinformativeabout the rhetoricof this
dismissal.While SuetoniusdescribesDomitian's policingof the Vestals as
strict,conservative,and remedying thenegligenceof his predecessors(Dom.
8.3) and Statiuspresentsthemas pious and adheringto thereligioustraditions
of Rome (Silv. 1.1.32-36),28PlinyrepresentsComelia's trialas a scandal (cf.
Vinson433-35). He impugnsDomitian'smotivesand theprocedure:Domitian
actedas a tyrant;he convenedtheconciliumat Alba withoutprecedent;and he
condemnedtheVestalto death,allowingherno defense(Ep. 4.11.6):
Nam,cum Corneliam,Vestaliummaximam, defoderevivamconcu-
saeculumsuumeiusmodiexemplisarbitraretur.
pisset,utqui illustrari
maximiiureseu potiusimmanitate
Pontificis licentiadomini
tyranni,
reliquospontifices nonin Regiam,sed in Albanamvillamconvocavit.
Nec minorescelere,quam quod ulciscividebatur, absenteminaudi-
tamquedamnavit incesti...

For he had wantedto buryCornelia,theheadVestal,alive,as he be-

bysuchdeeds.By hisau-
lievedthathisreignwouldbe madeillustrious
thority maximusor rather
as pontifex withtheoutrageousness charac-
andthewanton
ofa tyrant
teristic a slave-owner,
typifying
disregard he
convenedthepontificesnotintheRegiabutathisAlbanvilla.Norwith
lessa crimethanheseemedtoavengedidhecondemn herforincest,al-
though shewasabsentandhadnoopportunity todefendherself.

Plinyattemptsto undermine Domitian'sauthority by likeningComelia's trial

to Domitian'salleged incestwithhis niece Julia.29At herexecution,Comelia

27Suet.Dom.8.4:"MoxCorneliam maximam virginemabsolutam olim,deinlongointervallo

repetitamatqueconvictam defodiimperavit virgisinComitioad necemcaedo,
stupratoresque
exceptopraetorio viro,cui,dubiaetiamtumcausaetincertis quaestionibus atquetormentisde
semetprofesso, exsiliumindulsit."
28Dom.8.3: "IncestaVestaliumvirginum, neglecta,varieac
a patrequoque suo et fratre
severecoercuit, moreveteri."
posteriora
prioracapitalisupplicio, Silv.1.1.32-36:"Ipseautem
purocelsumcaputaeresaeptus/templa superfulgesetprospectare viderisJannovacontemptis
surgantPalatiaflammis/pulchrius, faceTroicusignis/atque
antacitavigilet iamlaudet
exploratas
Vestaministras."
290nsenatorial oppositiontoDomitian, seeWaters65-68,Jones102.

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 DomitianandRomanReligion 323

professedher innocenceand defendedherselfby citingDomitian's military

successesagainsttheGermansandDacians (4.11.7):

Illa nuncad Vestam,

nuncad ceterosdeosmanustendensmulta,sedhoc
frequentissime Me Caesarincestam
clamitabat: qua sacrafaciente
putat,
vicit,triumphavit?...Dixit,
donecad supplicium,nescioan innocens,
certetamquam innocens
ductaest.

The womanstretchedherhandsnowtowardsVesta,nowtowardsthe
othergods,andrepeatedly
saidmanythings, butthismostfrequently:
"Does Caesarthink
meunchaste,
whoperformed thesacrawhenhewon
hisvictory,
whenhetriumphed?She spoke,untilshewasburied.I don't
knowifshewasinnocent,butshewasthought tobe innocent.

In his treatment of theVestals,Domitianhad soughtto establishhis severity.

The eventback-fired,and Domitianincurredcensure:"FremebatenimDomi-
tianusaestuabatquein ingentiinvidiadestitutus... Ardebatergo Domitianuset
crudelitatis
et iniquitatis
infamia"("For Domitianwas isolatedin theenormous
resentment of him,and he ragedand blusteredand seethedwiththenotoriety
of his crueltyand injustice,"4.11.6). By Pliny's account,Domitian'sactions
werenotorious, and,in Pliny'sview,Comelia was a victim.
Juvenalhas thesameview of theevent,forhe continually alludesto Cor-
nelia's trial throughoutSatire Four. Calling upon the Muses to begin his
accountof Domitian's concilium,thenarrator calls them"puellae" (36). The
word may suggest"a younggirl" or "virgin"(Townend 154, Braund 1988:
15); it may also identify"girlfriend,"creatinga sexual innuendoto recallthe
issue of chastityforwhichthehistoricalconciliumwas convened.The con-
ciliumis locatedat Domitian'svilla at Alba, theplace of Comelia's trial,and
thepoet identifies Alba withreference to Vesta's cult,notingthatVesta's fire
there was still lighted: "ubi quamquam diruta servat/ignem Troianum et
Vestamcolit Alba minorem"(60-61). The extinction of Vesta's fireat Rome
was consideredto be a sign of the Vestal's unchastity(Dion. Hal. 2.67.5).
Juvenal's fishermangives the turbotto Domitian because he is pontifex
maximus,thehead of thepontificalcollege: "destinathoc monstrum cumbae
liniquemagister/pontifici summo"(45-46). It was by virtueof thisofficethat
Domitianexercisedjurisdiction overtheVestals,includingComelia. In giving
the turbotto Domitian,the fisherman assertsthatthe fishwas too greatfor
privatehearthsand wantedto be caught:"accipe...privatismaiorafocis...ipse
capi voluit"(66-69). Focus invokesthehearthas a place of cult,particularly

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324 RobertaStewart

(but not exclusively)the domesticcult of Vesta and of the Lares.30Capere

(69), used by the fishermanto describe the catchingof the turbot,was
particularlyused for the inaugurationof priestsand was such an odd and
particularuse that it occasioned Gellius' explanationof procedure (NA
1.12.13-16):

'Capi' autemvirgoproptereadicividetur, maximimanu

quia pontificis
incuiuspotestate
prensaab eo parente est,velutibellocapta,abducitur.
quae verbapontificem
In libroprimoFabii Pictoris, maximum dicere
oporteat,cumvirginem capiat,scriptumest.Ea verbahaecsunt:'Sacer-
dotemVestalem,quae sacrafaciatquae ius sietsacerdotem Vestalem
facerepropopuloRomanoQuiritibus, utiquae optimalege fuit,ita te,
Amata,capio.'Pleriqueautem'capi' virginem solamdeberediciputant.
Sed flaminesquoqueDiales,itempontificesetaugures'capi' dicebantur.

Moreover, itseemsthatthevirginis saidtobe "taken"forthefollowing

reasons,becausesheis takenbythehandofthepontifex maximus from
theparentin whoseauthority sheis, andis led awayas ifcapturedin
war.Thefirst bookofFabiusPictorcontains thewordswhichtheponti-
fexmaximusoughtto say,whenhe "takes"a virgin.These are the
toperforn
words:"As a Vestalpriestess thesacrawhichitis right
forthe
Vestalpriestesstoperformon behalfoftheRomanpeopleandQuirites,
as onequalifiedbylaw,so I takeyou,Beloved."Severalthink thatonly
a VestalVirginoughttobe saidtobe"taken." ButtheflamensofJupiter,
thepontificesandtheaugursweresaidtobe "taken"as well.

The pun associates the presentationof the turbotto Domitian withthe in-
augurationof a Vestal by thepontifex maximus.Concludingreferencesto
Domitian'santicipatedtriumph (125) and theGermancampaignsforwhichhe
did triumph(147-148) recall Comelia's defenseof her conduct.Withword-
play and imagery,thesatirerepeatedlyrefersto theVestal.
respectforVesta's cultand theimportance
Juvenalplaysupontraditional
of the cult to Roman welfare in order to question Domitian's religious
scruples.Alba and Laviniumcompetedas homes forthe gods and the fire
broughtfromTroy to Italyby Aeneas;31and Vesta's cult was maintainedat
Alba even aftertheRomansdestroyedthecityand transferreditspopulationto

30TLLvol. 6.1 (1912-26) s.v. focus987-91.TheTLL articlelistsall usesof theword.For

thefocusassociatedwithVesta,see Cic. Leg. 2.29,2.20;ND 2.67; Ov. Trist.6.37; Sil. 6.76;
Tib. 2.5.52; Prop.4.11.54; Ov. Am.3.6.76;Fasti 3.142,418, 6.456; Met.4.296; Val. Max.
4.4.11; 5.4.7; 6.1 pr.
31See Alfoldi246-50.D. H. identifiesbothcitiesas theoriginalcenter:Ant.Rom.(2.52.3,
5.12.3v. 2.65.1 [Alba]).On thecultof Vestaat Alba,see RE 8a (1958) 1721-22s.v. Vesta
(Koch);Alfoldi240-41.

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 DomitianandRomanReligion 325

Rome.32 Symmachus(Epist. 9.147) refersto the practiceof the cult in the

fourthcentury;and thepriesthoodwas a religiousofficeof theRoman State
(Wissowa 1915: 3-5). Pliny (Ep. 4.11.6), Statius(Silv. 1.1.32-36) and Sue-
tonius (Dom. 8.3-4) agree that Domitian had acted to affirmtraditional
religiousvalues; the identificationof thepontifexmaximusas thepriestof
Vesta (pontifexVestae) would underscoreDomitian's patronageof Vesta's
cult.33The narrator stressesthemaintenance of thereligioustraditionat Alba
("ubi quamquamdirutaservat/ignem Troianum,"60-61).34 Yet thetraditional
respectfor the cults of Alba Longa contrastswith the actual practiceof
Domitian,whoseAlbanvilla we knowincorporated thesiteof old Alba Longa
and thussubsumedtheold cults.35 The identificationof Domitian'spalace as an
"arx" (145) createsanotherpun whichemphasizestheincorporation, forAlba
Longa itselfis identified
in inscriptions
as an arx.36
Juvenal is ironic about the religious pretense. In describing the
presentation of thefish,thenarrator combinesritualallusionswithan exhor-
tationto Domitianto gorgehimself,reducingritualsolemnity and authorityto
extremegluttony:"accipe...privatismaiora focis. genialis agatur/iste dies.
propera stomachumlaxare sagina/ et tua servatumconsume in saecula
rhombum/...ipsecapi voluit "(66-69).37 Again, the sacred fire of Vesta,
togetherwiththe Trojan penates, were signs of the permanenceof Rome,

32G. Wissowa1915:3; Alfoldi241,cf.Latte405. FortheAlbanVestals,see CIL 6.2172,

14.2410;Asconius,inMil.p. 36 Stangl;Symm.Ep. 9.147.Asc. inMil.p. 36 StanglandCIL
14.2410locatetheVestalsatnearby Bovillae.
33Grelle344 46 andWaters60-61assertthesincerity ofDomitian's religiouspolicy;Waters
72, notesitsconsistency withtraditionalreligious
values.Bengston192claimsthatthepolicy
soughttoreaffirm traditonal values:"Die BestrafungderVestalinnen istals ein Versuchzu
betrachten,altr6mischen Glaubeundaltromische SittenwiederzurGeltungzu bringen." Cf.
Jones1992: 101-02, who considerstheincidentsto demonstrate Domitian'sconcernfor
details,"theattentionDomitianpaidtotheletter ofreligious
law."Onpontifex Vestae,cf.Cic.
Har. Resp. 12; Ov. Fasti 3.699,5.573,see Koch 1740-41.
34Cf.Livy1.31.3-4,describing themaintenance ofthecultas an actofpietyowedthegods:
"Visietiamaudirevocemingentem ex summi cacuminislucoutpatrioritusacraAlbanifacerent,
quae velutdis quoque simulpatriarelictisoblivionidederant." Further Livy5.52.8.Poucet
241-44emphasizes thevenerabilityofthesite.
35Lugli35-36. Cf. Cic. Mil. 85 of theconstructions of Clodiusat Alba: "Vos enimiam,
Albanitumuli atqueluci,vos,inquam,imploro atqueobtestor,
vosque,Albanorum obrutaearae
sacrorum populiRomanisociaeet aequales,quas ille praecepsamentiacaesisprostratisque
sanctissimislucissubstructionum insanismolibusoppresserat."
36Lugli40. Forthe"arx"ofAlbaLongaandtheassociation ofVestathere, see CIL 6.2172
(v.V.maximaear[cisAllbanae),cf.14.2947(TironiSalio arcisAlbanae).
370n"saecula,"Courtney 214.

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326 RobertaStewart

talismansof Rome's safety,38 and propertendanceof Vesta's fireguaranteed

militarysuccesses.39The narratoremphasizesthisroleof thegoddessby iden-
tifyingAlba as the home of the Trojan fire(60-61). Yet in alludingto Do-
mitian'smilitary campaignsat lines 146-49,he couplesDomitian'shistorically
verifiablevictoryoverthe Chattiwiththementionof theSygambri,defeated
sincethetimeof Augustus.Bathossuggeststhespeciousnessof thecampaigns
(Courtney227-28). In sum, the allusions to the ritualfunctionof Vesta at
Rome emphasize the importanceof the goddess for militarysuccess and
contrastwithDomitian'sreligiouspracticeand his militarycampaigns.They
implythespeciousnessof his motivesforburyingComelia.
Otherritualassociationsof Alba Longa challengeDomitian's religious
and militarypretensions. Alba was also thelocationof thefestivalof theLatin
League, a religiousand politicalorganizationof thepeoples of Latium.Like
thecultof Vesta,thefestivalin honorof Jupiter Latiariscontinuedto be cele-
bratedeven afterthe destruction of Alba Longa.40The last recordedobser-
datedby Degrassito A.D. 142-144 (II 13.1,
vance of thefestivalis tentatively
p. 155, 158), althoughhe also suggeststhatthefestivalcontinuedto be cele-
brateduntilthe suppressionof non-Christiancults in 354 A.D. (II 13.1, p.
143). The festivaltookplace annuallyon theAlbanMount,to theeast of Alba
Longa across the Alban Lake. Correctperformance of the Latin festivalwas
necessaryto guaranteeRomanmilitary (Alfoldi31-32; Weinstock
enterprises
321-22). The descriptionof Domitian's conciliumparodiesthe ritualof the
Latinfestivalin a numberof ways.
First, the Alban ritual was administeredby the Roman consuls
(Marquardt3.297). The narratorrepresentsDomitianat Alba as a military
commanderbut deflatesthe image by using heroic and archaiclanguage to
describeDomitianwithinvulgarcontexts.The fisherman'sadmissionintothe
courtto give the fishto Domitianis describedheroically:theverb is imper-
sonal passive,and Domitianis giventheHomericpatronymic "Atriden,""son

38D.H. 2.67.5recordstheRomanbeliefthatextinction ofthefireportendedthetotalannihi-

theplightofCrassus'soldierscaptured
lationofthecity.Describing anddetainedintheEast,
HoraceassociatesthefireofVestawiththeancillaoftheSalii as oneoftheembodiments of
Romeanda talisman "Anciliorum
ofthecity'ssafety: etnominiset togaeoblitusaetemaeque
Vestae,incolumniloveeturbeRoma"(3.5.10-12).See Dumezil499.
39Dumezil311; cf.Beard15-16:"seriouscrisisinthestatecouldgiverisetosuspicions of
amongtheVestals."Cultobservance
sexualactivity toVestaformed partoftheinauguralritual
formagistratesdepartingfortheirprovinces:Cato Orig.fr.55 PeterwithAlf6ldi262 n. 1;
Macr.Sat. 3.4.11;Serv.Aen.2.296; Val. Max. 1.6.7.
400n thecult:Samter2213-16;Wissowa1912:109-10;Alfoldi19-33;Galosi63-66,with
bibliography.

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 DomitianandRomanReligion 327

of Atreus"(65). Domitianconvenedthe conciliumas a "dux magnus"(145).

The fatuousgrandiosity of thesetitlesis underscored by thefirstimageof the
emperordevouringan enormousmeal: "qualis tunc epulas ipsum gluttisse
putamus/induperatorem" (28-29). The use of theheroic"induperator" withina
degeneratecontextpointsup the hypocrisyin Domitian's claims regarding
military matters(cf. Anderson236; Ramage701-02).
Second,thesacrificeto Jupiter
Latiariswas fundamentally and necessarily
a sharedritualmeal: theLatinsmade simpleofferings of milkand agricultural
produceto Latiarisand sacrificedtogethera bull (D. H. 4.49.3). The festival
was attendedby representatives of the Latin communitiesand by all the
magistratesof Rome (Wissowa 1912: 109, Alfoldi32, cf. Mommsen1.618-
19); to denya shareto a legitimateparticipant requireda repetitionof theen-
tirerite(Alfoldi21-22, 33). Livy reportsthe repetitionof the Alban ritein
199 and 190 B.C., whenthe representatives fromthe Latin townsArdea and
Laviniumdid notreceivetheirsharesof thesacrificialmeal.41Yet at Alba the
enormousturbotpresentedto Domitianwas thebest varietyof an expensive
fish(Courtney214), and Domitianalone receivedthefish.The anticipatedim-
perialclaim inducedJuvenal'sfisherman to give theturbotto Domitian(53-
55):
si quidPalfurio,
si credimus
Armillato,
quidquidconspicuum pulchrumque
estaequoretoto
resfisciest,ubicumque natat

Ifwe giveanycredencetoPalfurrius
andArmillatus,
whateveris noteworthy intheentire
andbeautiful sea
belongstotheimperial
treasury,
wherever
itswims.

Using a legal termto identifyDomitianas theownerof thefish("dominum,"

52), the narratorinvokesa titlethatDomitianhad in factrefused(Stat. Silv.
1.6.84) butwhichinsinuatedhis pretensions to absolutepower(cf. Waters67;
Jones108-09,contraRamage697). Juvenalemphasizesthewrongful exclusion
of the nobilityat Alba by word orderand word choice ("exclusi...patres,"
64).42 Domitian's solitaryconsumption of theturbotis suggestedby his dis-
missalof theconciliumafterit had deliberatedon how bestto cook it (Deroux
288-89, Helmboldand O'Neil 72). WhetherDomitian'sselfishenjoymentof

41Livy32.1.9(199 B.C.): "FeriaeLatinaepontificumdecreto

instauratae
sunt,quodlegatiab
ArdeaquestiinsenatuerantsibiinMonteAlbanoLatiniscarnem, utadsolet,datamnonesse."
Livy37.3.4(190 B.C.): "Ea [sc. prodigia]
procurata,
Latinaequeinstauratae,
quodLaurentibus
parscarnisquaedaridebetdatanonfuerat."
42ForDomitian'shesitant useofpatriciansandtheanimosity inspired
byit,see Jones1979:
50-55.

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328 RobertaStewart

thefishinstanceshis gluttonyand savagery(Anderson242) or thecorruption

of theamicitia betweenpatronand client (LaFleur 166-70), the exclusion
wouldhave represented a ritualflawof theLatinrite.
Third,the Latin festivalcoincidedwitha council of war to determine
militarycampaignsforthe comingyear.43Domitianconveneshis concilium,
buthis councildoes notembodyRepublicanvalues. Andersonhas arguedthat
Juvenaluses militaryimages in describingthe councillorsin orderto reveal
theirlack of martialvalues and to emphasize the realityof theirsavagery
(Anderson240-41). This is even clearer,however,if we understandtheback-
ground:thereenactment of theLatinfestival.An apostropheto Brutus,while
recountingthemembership of theconcilium,lamentstheabsence and thein-
efficacyofRepublicanpoliticalvaluesin Domitian'sworld(101-03):
quisenimiamnonintellegat artes
quispriscum
patricias? illudmiratur
acumen,
Brute,
tuum? facileestbarbato regi
inponere

Whonowdoesnotknowthearistocratic tricks?
Whodoesnotadmire, yourvenerable
Brutus, cleverness?
king.
Itis easytodeceivea bearded

Domitian's conciliumadvises on the properpreparationof the turbot.The

closing opinionis to includepottersin the imperialentourage.Applyingthe
languageof politicaldeliberation("censes,"130,"sententia,"136) and military
enterprise("castra,"135) to a discussionon theproperpreparationof a fish,
thenarrator emphasizestheludicrousmotivefortheconciliumand thedegen-
eracy of Domitian's political and militaryadministration. In describingthe
assembly's dismissal,the narratorrecalls the properbusinessof a concilium
(144-49):
etmissoproceres
surgitur exireiubentur
consilio,quosAlbanamduxmagnus inarcem
traxerat
attonitosetfestinarecoactos,
tamquam de Chattis Sygambris
aliquidtorvisque
dicturus,tamquam ex diversis
partibusorbis
anxiapraecipitivenissetepistula
pinna

wasdismissed,
He roseandtheconcilium

43SeeAlfoldi36. Festusrecords convention

a military oftheLatinpeoplenearAlbaafter the
ofAlbaLonga:"Albadeindedirutausquead P. DeciumMuremconsulem
destruction populos
Latinosad caputFerentinae,quodestsubmonteAlbano,consulere com-
solitos,etimperium
municonsuleadministrare" thatthemeetings
(p. 276L). Alf6ldi,35-38,suggests beganat the
onlywiththepolitical
lucusFerentinae eclipseofAlba,Lavinium,andAriciainthe5thcentury.

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 DomitianandRomanReligion 329

theillustrious areordered
aristocrats toleave,
thegreatcommander haddragged themthunder-struck
andunderordertohurry toAlba,as ifhewereabout
toannounce somenewsabouttheChattiandthefierce
Sygambri, as ifananxiousletter
hadquickly come
fromtheremote oftheworld
regions

The conciliummanifestsDomitian'sbetrayalof traditional Republicanmartial

values.
Finally,thesacrificeat Alba was an omenforthemilitary campaign.44n
describingDomitian'sconciliumat Alba, thenarrator foreshadows themilitary
failuresof the regimeand denigratesits successes. The charactersketchof
ComeliusFuscus refersto Fuscus' defeatand deathwhilecampaigning against
theDacians: "et qui vulturibusservabatvisceraDacis/Fuscusmarmoreamedi-
tatusproeliavilla" ("Fuscus who preservedhis intestinesforthe Dacian vul-
tures and contemplatedmilitarybattles in his marble villa," 111-12).
Referencesto Domitian'smilitarycampaignssuggestthe speciousnessof his
triumph(Courtney227-28). Moreover,the narratoremphasizesthe betrayal
of the traditionalritual.At Domitian's Alba, the prophecyfor the military
campaignscame not fromJupiter'sbull,45 but froman extravagant fish,and
was givennotby a Romanpriestbutby theorientalpriestof a foreign, Eastem
Bellona (123-27):

nonceditVeiiento,
sedutfanaticus oestro
Bellona,tuodivinat
percussus, et 'ingens
omenhabes'inquit'magniclariquetriumphi.
regemaliquemcapies,autde temone Britanno
excidetArviragus.
peregrinaestbelua'

Veientodoesnotyieldplace,butas a fanatic
struckthrough byyourfrenzy, Bellona,hedivines
andsays'youhaveanenormous omenofa greatand
illustrious
triumph:youwillconquersomekingorthe
BritonArviragus willfalloutofhischariot,
forthemonstrous
turbotis foreign.'

44Faultyperformance orcompletedisregardoftheriteareassociated
withthemilitarydefeat
oftheconsulC. Flaminiusin 217 (Livy22.9.7,cf.21.63.6,22.1.5-7);thedeathoftheconsul
Q. Petiliusin battle(Livy41.18.11,cf.41.16.1-3); themilitary
disastersof 43 and42 (Dio
46.33.4-5, 47.40.6).
45Cf.Weinstock322-23, who arguesthatCaesarreceivedtheomenof his victory over
Pompeywhile sacrificingthebull at his special performance
of theferiaeLatinae at Alba in 49
(Dio 41.39.2).

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330 RobertaStewart

Under the Empire,thegoddess Bellona/Maeclipsed the old Roman goddess

Bellona,46but thenarrator hereexploitsthe older,Republicantradition.The
templeof Bellona was vowed in 296 B.C. during the war withthe Etruscans,
and the RepublicanSenate met at the templeto decide on the requestsfor
triumph fromreturning, victoriousgenerals(Wissowa 1912: 137-38; Momm-
sen 3.930 n. 5). The Republican traditionof the templepersistedinto the
Empire:Augustusand laterM. Aureliusperformed at thetempletheold fetial
ritualfordeclaringwar,tossinga spearintoland designatedas hostilefroma
columnthatstoodimmediately beforethetemple.47The contrastof theEastern
priestof Bellona at Domitian's court with the RepublicanBellona whose
functionis alluded to offersfinalproofthatDomitianicpracticecontradicts
ancestralRomanritual.Domitian,not Comelia,has perverted Roman religion
and endangeredtheRomanworld.

To conclude,examinationof Satires Two and Four as historicaldocu-

mentsenablesus to appreciatethetwopoemsas literary textsand how theselit-
erarytextselucidatehistory. The twopoemsfunction as structural
counterparts
in Juvenal'sfirstbook of Satires.Ritualallusionsoffera perspectiveto under-
standtheirindividualcoherenceand theirthematiclinkage.48In Satire Two,
Juvenaljuxtaposesa travesty of theBona Dea and Domitian'spublicizedmoral
agenda; in Satire Four,Juvenalcomparesthesanctityof Vesta's cult and the
religiousritualsof Alba withDomitian's religiousand militarypolicies. In
both satires,the paradox becomes profoundironicalcommentary on Domi-
tianic policies.49The satiresprovideimportant evidence forthe vitalityof
traditionalritual and its functionas part of the rhetoricfor legitimating
imperialpower.

460n Bellona/Ma, see Wissowa1912:289-92; Latte281; on Bellona,see Wissowa1912:

138,Latte235.
47Forthetopography: Ov. Fasti 205-06; Paul.Fest.p. 30 Lindsay.Fortheritual:Dio 50.
4.5; 71.33.3.See Wissowa1912: 138.
48ForSatireTwo, Griffith 135-37,Braundand Cloud 1981: 203-08, Braundand Cloud
1982: 81. ForSatireFour,Braund1988: 15-17,Anderson232-44, Townend155-58,Kil-
patrick 230-35,Romano98-108.
49Cf.Anderson 209-19,Romano80-86.Fortheroleofepicallusions, Winkler 430-31.An
earlierversionofparttwowasreadattheAPA annualmeeting inDecember,1991.I shouldlike
to thanktheeditorandreferees of TAPAfortheirmanyhelpfulcriticisms and suggestions.
Specialthanks tomycolleagueJimTatum.

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 DomitianandRomanReligion 331

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