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THE EMBODIMENT OF GOD AMONG THE
BAULS OF BENGAL
June McDaniel
l For a discussion of these influences, see Shashibhusan Das Gupta, Obscure Religious
Cults (Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1976).
2
Upendranath Bhattacarya, Bdngldr Bdul 0 Bdul Gdn (Calcutta: Orient Book Co.,
1388 B.S.). Bhattacarya discusses these in detail from pp. 291-368.
3Bauls reject mainstream Hindu belief and ritual, and the literary tradition derived
from the Vedas. They call it sdstriya, based on the 'dstric texts, but dead to religious
28 Journalof Feminist Studies inReligion
ond, the role of guru is very important forBauls, for it is the guru who leads
the disciple to the state of liberation. (In thisway they are similar tomany
other Hindu traditions, especially the devotional or bhakti schools.) Third
is the belief that the god dwells physically within the human body. This is
called bhanda/brahmdnda, the body as the microcosm of the universe. The
deity lives in the sexual fluids, the waters of bliss (maharasa or ananda
dmrta).The fourth element is the deity, one of whose names is the man of
the heart (maner mdnus), whom the Baul practitioner seeks to realize
through ritual practice. And the fifth is rfpalsvarfpa, the doctrine that the
true state of the human man and woman is in the union of the divine
couple (jugalamilana) in an eternal relationshipof love, shown in theHindu
tradition as Krsna and Radha or Siva and Sakti. The divine couple is the
svaripa, the true form of the person, as opposed to the ordinary physical
form (rupa) of man and woman.
experience. Baul informants frequently toldme how books were dead, and how the tradi
tion of Hindu discussion and commentary did not bring about ecstasy.
4This
aspect of the practice iswritten primarily from the male perspective. The woman
McDaniel: The Embodiment of God Among the Bauls of Bengal 29
The best time to perform this practice is once a month, during the
woman's period, which is called mahdyoga (or the time of the great union).
The earlier days of the period are viewed as a time of lust (kdma),and the
first day is called the new moon (amuvasyd),the time of greatest temptation.
The third day of the period, when the deity reveals itself, is called the time
of the fullmoon (pirnimd). At this time, the deity isbelieved to "come down
to bathe and play." It is called "tide time in the river,"and the fish comes
down one of the three streams or currentswithin themenstrual flow.These
streams are called the srlrupa-nadis, the rivers of grace or beauty. They
include the primordial waters (karana bdri), the tender waters (tdrunya
bdri), and the charming waters (ldvanya bdri). These are also understood
to have three tastes (bitter, salty and sweet) as well as different colors and
essences.7 The presence of the god is also shown by a special glow and
is understood to unite with the divine aspect within the man, but her technique of doing
so is unspecified in the literature. It is unclear if the woman can "go fishing" for her own
fish.
3 Songs Lalon Shah, trans. Abu Rushd (Dacca: Bengali Academy, 1964), 30.
6Matilal of
DSs and P. K. Mahapatra, eds., Ldlan Gitikd (Calcutta:University of Calcutta,
1958), no. 34, p. 24.
7 Some Baul writers associate these with the three qualities or gunas of Sankhya philoso
30 Journal of Feminist Studies inReligion
fragrancewhich the woman has at this time.When the fish comes down to
the confluence of these three streams, called the Triveni or three rivers, it
can be grasped by means of sexual yoga (triveni is also used as a term for
the female genitals). The Baul poet Lalan Fakirwrites:
You can grasp the hidden god
If you lay a trap at the Triveni
At the time of new moon and full moon
It reveals itself there.
The Triveni has three streams
In order to know how to catch (the fish)
You must know inwhich stream
It likes to play . .8
This ritual is also called the tin diner kriyd, the ritual actions of the
third day. The deity only reveals itself at this time; at other times it stays
secret and invisible. Lalan Fakir condemns the unsuccessful practitioner.
You should have built a dam while there was still time9
Now the water will dry and the fish will swim away
And your heart will be full of regret, and blinded.
There are three streams in the Triveni
The god [sai] plays there in the form of a fish
You are wandering about on the surface
But you do not dive in deep.
During the month is the time of union
Then the place that was dry floats with water
If you do not find the right time
You cannot play the game of the fish
The world reflects the fish avatar
And they are both united . .10
phy: sattva (purity or light), rajas (activity), and tamas (inertia or passivity). However,
there is no set theology about the nature of these streams.
8Ldlan Gitikd, no. 36, p. 25.
9This is to
symbolically catch both the waters and the mystical fish.
10Anwarul Karim, The Bauls
of Bangladesh (Kushtia:Lalan Academy, 1980), 194. Trans
lated from the romanized Bengali in his text.
McDaniel: The Embodiment of God Among the Bauls of Bengal 31
creative energy and beauty that results inmystical experience and visions
of light. Here, contraception leads to the revelation of the Baul god.1
Sexual ritual (called dehavada or bindu sadhana) clearly focuses on dei
ties that are in some sense immanentwithin the body. Sometimes the fluids
are understood to be the physical representations of the divine male and
female, as Ridha and Krsna, or Siva and Sakti, and sometimes the deities
exist in various localeswithin the body. However, there is also a transcendent
way of uniting the deities, and that involves the Baul version of kundalini
yoga.
According to this variant, each individualhas within himself or herself
both a male and a female aspect. The male aspect of god (Isvara)dwells in
women in the brain, or inmen in the sperm (which is believed to be stored
in a sort of cup at the top of the head, within the brain).The female aspect,
called Kulakundalini, dwells sleeping at the base of the spine, in themulddh
dra cakra,12and inwomen Kulakundalini is also present in themenstrual
flow.
When the woman's menstrual period begins, and the couple comes
together, Isvara is attracted by Kulakundalini's presence in the blood and
descends from the crown of the head tomeet her. Lsvarais believed to be
made of pure spiritual love (prema), andwhen he encounters his feminine
aspect, the body of the couple becomes radiantwith love, and both return
to the sahasrara cakra (the thousand-petalled lotus) at the crown of the
head. The feeling within both practitioners is the bliss of union (miland
nanda), which occurs between Isvara and Kulakundalini, and echoes the
union of cosmic male and female essences (asRadha and Krsna, or Prakrti
and Purusa). Ideally, this state of bliss would be continuous, and when the
Baul practitioner realizes him- or herself as this union of opposites, he or
she enters the state called sahaja, a state of pure, spontaneous creativity
(generally expressed in songs and poetry) and yogic realization.
Lalan Fakir describes this revelation of the union of opposites.
As the man and the woman in me
Unite in love,
The brilliance of beauty
Balanced on the bipetalled
Lotus bloom inme
Dazzles my eyes.
The rays
My heart,
Dress yourself
In the spirit of all women
And reverse
Your nature
And habits. ..
Millions of suns
13Deben
Bhattacarya, trans., Songs of the Bards of Bengal (New York: Grove Press,
1969), 88. The translator admits to having taken liberties with this translation. The drop
of water becoming the ocean shows the influence of Vedantic thought, and the two
petalled lotus is the ajia cakra, located between the eyes, often thought to be the locus
of visionary experience.
14
Sahajiyi Vaisnavas believe that the best way to show pure love for Krsna and Radha is
to identify with them, especially trying to share their emotions during their sexual interac
tions. For a detailed description of Sahajiya Vaisnavism, see Edward C. Dimock, The
Place of the Hidden Moon: Erotic Mysticism in the Vaisnava-Sahajiyi Cult of Bengal
(Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1989).Many of them try to identifywith the female
perspective, aswomen are understood to be more sensitive emotionally and more capable
of true religious passion than are men. See Dimock, 158-61.
15
Oddly enough, this approach is also seen among Sufi Bauls, who show strongMuslim
influence. See Karim, The Bduls of Bangladesh, 115.
McDaniel: The Embodiment of God Among the Bauls of Bengal 33
Will burstopen
With brilliance
And the formless
In visual forms.
Youwill see
What cannot be seen. . .16
16
Songs of the Bards of Bengal, 112. At this point, when the physical body becomes
full of joy and spiritual love, then the body (ripa) has become fully divine (svarupa).
17To direct love towards a
physical woman would be considered almost a descent into
lust (kama), for as love becomes spiritualized it becomes directed towards divinity.
'1Upendranith Bhattacarya, Bdnglir Bdul 0 Bdul Gan, 341.
34 Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion
as the Bengali expression goes, "forevery tree there is a flowering time, but
every tree does not bear fruit."21
The body is understood to be a precious and valuable thing, for it is
the locale of the divine. The doctrine of bhanda/brahmdnda states that the
whole universe iswithin the body, and that it can be realized only through
love.As Abdul Wali states, "TheMurshid, Guru or spiritual guide is to be
found in (the human body). He can only be found through woman. The
temple of God is said to be in the middle of the earth, but in fact that
temple is in the centre of the human body."2This statement emphasizes the
necessity of thewoman for ritual practice, though forbalance both male and
female are necessary.23
It is not only the body, but bodily substances aswell, which are consid
ered sacred.The practice of the fourmoons, the cdri-cdndra, is a recognition
and full acceptance of the body's elements. According to the four moon
ritual, the four elements (earth,water, fire and air), and their bodily manifes
tations (excrement, urine, blood and semen)must be recognized, separated
and accepted, with no reaction to their purity or impurity.This is a strong
violation of traditionalHinduism, which has hierarchies of purity, aswell as
hierarchies of social status. The Baul goal is the unity of high and low,
acceptable and unacceptable, purity and impurity, in the search forwhole
ness. Holiness is not thatwhich is "set apart,"but thatwhich is united.
The most important of the fourmoons ismenstrual blood, which is
viewed as a sacred substance,worthy of offering to the gods.24Indeed, among
some tantric groups, the menstrual blood of a virgin is a desirable object
forworship.25 Such blood is the essence of creativity and fertility, and there
are holidays dedicated to it. At the time of Ambuvaci (during the third
month of the Hindu calendar), especially inBengal andAssam, it isbelieved
thatMother Earth menstruates for four days, and there is a cessation of
21
Karim, The Bduls of Bangladesh, 119. Among Bauls, the term flower, or phul, refers
to the menstrual flow. It is understood among some Bauls to have properties of healing
and rejuvenation. Its symbolism is also discussed by Charles Capwell in his article "The
Esoteric Belief of the Bauls of Bengal," Journal of Asian Studies 33, 2 (1974): 255-64.
2
Quoted in Karim, 121. Again, of course, this statement iswritten from a male per
spective.
23 It also emphasizes the Baul belief in the integrity of the body. Bauls interviewed in
Siuri felt that no person who had ever had an operation where some bodily part was
removed (such as tonsils or appendix) could ever really be a Baul.
24In
Bengali, such blood is called raja or stri-virya, literally the woman's strength or
courage.
25Narendranath Bhattacarya, History of the Tantric Religion (New Belhi: Manohar,
1982), 136. Virgins themselves are also worshipped in the ritual of kumari pijd. They are
understood to incarnate the goddess, and the young girls are given gifts and offerings as
part of the worship.
36 Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion
plowing, sowing, and farmwork. Women, like the earth, are expected to
rest and retire. At the temple of Kamakhya inAssam, a red liquid is sold to
devotees as her blood, and it is believed by them to hold life-giving power.
The rocks and statues that represent the goddess are painted red or smeared
with vermilion.2 For Bauls, the drop of blood is described in poetry as the
"red pearl" or "red jewel," inwhich the deity can be seen.
A note of clarification, however, should be added. While fertility is
highly valued in India, the notion of "mother"has a broader application.
The titlemd, or mother, is the highest title awoman can have, but it is not
necessarily related to her having children. Both tiny infantgirls and elderly,
white-haired, celibate women may be called Ma by Indian gurus (religious
teachers) and practitioners. The title shows respect for the woman's sakti
(power)and allows themale to avoid lookingat thewoman in a sexual fashion.
To call a woman "mother" is a classic way for an Indianmale to deflect a
woman's hint at marriage or a courtesan's proposition. Gurus traditionally
call their female disciples and visitors "Ma"to avoid having sexuality inter
ferewith communication.27
26
Ibid, 133. Ambuvaci is derived from ambu, water, and vdci, to speak, express or
blossom. It is a holiday which involves austerities, and those performing tapas or ritual
vows usually fast at this time.
27 I saw this avoidance
very clearly while interviewing ascetics in India. I spoke with a
pigdca tantrika (aman both sage and black magician) in Calcutta about Sakta belief, but
before he was willing to speak with me, I had to feed him sandesh (amilk-based dessert)
with my hands. He then thanked me, calling me "Ma," and after repeating this numerous
times, he was willing to answer my questions. Iwas then safe from any sexual relationship
or problem. My local informant was very impressed that the tantrika would do this and
said that Iwas being called Ma formy own good, because even a powerful and dangerous
black magician would never harm his mother. Thus, the title allows more than one kind
of safety.
28For instance, in some forms of SahajiyaVaisnavism all women contain Radha, and thus
any woman is suitable as a ritual partner. In some forms of tantric Saktism, all women
are considered to be incarnations of the goddess or Devi, who may be worshipped within
them. For examples of such practice, see my The Madness of the Saints: Ecstatic Religion
in Bengal (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 122-24.
McDaniel: The Embodiment of God Among the Bauls of Bengal 37
practice, and her state at the end of the ritual is irrelevantand not discussed
in the literature.29It is not expected that shewill have training inmeditation.
It is unfortunate that virtually all Baul songs have been written by men,
for it is thus difficult to gain access towomen's religious experience. How
ever, during fieldwork inWest Bengal, I observed Bauls of both householder
and ascetic types.Among Baul householders, themale/female relationships
seemed traditional except for the ritual practices, and the couples acted
fondly towards each other. The women participated in conversation and
seemed equally involved in the religious practice, and in some cases they
were more capable of describing the belief system and ritual practice than
the men.30
Among Baul ascetics, the social situationwas quite different. Relation
shipswere temporary and largely for the purpose of ritual, as ascetics cannot
marry and are supposed to be detached from the world. Here, women
were not wives, but rather sevddisis or bhairavis, handmaidens or ritual
assistants.The ascetic goal is not to build relationships, but to escape from
theworld ofwhich relationship is a part. For the ascetic, there is no distinc
tion between good and evil, no shame or fear, no acceptance of Veda and
dharma (Hindu tradition).Both partnerswere expected to be detached and
impersonalpractitioners. For such couples, pregnancywas a great problem,
for it showed either attachment to the realms of desire or a lapse inmedita
tive concentration.3' Such a situation could either force the ascetics to be
29There is a range of views about the role of women in the Baul, Sahajiya and tantric
writings-there is no set image upon which all agree. They range from the sort of idealiza
tion of women described by Dimock in The Place of the Hidden Moon, to the more
manipulative approach shown in the Sahajiya primary text Premavilasa: "Beehives are
filled up with honey collected frommany flowers.When the honey is collected, the flowers
are of no use to the bees." The translation of this phrase is quoted inManindra Mohan
Bose, The Post Caitanya Sahajiya Cult of Bengal (Calcutta:University of Calcutta, 1930),
76. In describing the consort, some texts focus upon her beauty, youth and modesty,
others upon her education, piety and ritual skills. No one text is canonical. Bengali Saha
jiya practitioners in Calcutta and Siuri had differing opinions on the issue.
30 In one Bengali village I interviewed a Baul couple, a strongly built woman with long
white hair and a younger and smaller man. He was questioned first, out of politeness, but
he would answer only a word or two and then turn to her for elaboration. She did most
of the talking, explaining their beliefs and lineage, and showed me the ritual text that
they used.
31Different Baul schools have different views on
orgasm. For the more Vedic and devo
tional types, ejaculation is the sacrifice or offering to the gods. Orgasm is necessary for
the union of opposites, for the male and female essence to unite, for the union of milk
and water in which the vision of God arises. Some schools believe that women also
ejaculate a watery or invisible substance, in a corresponding fashion tomale ejaculation.
For the more yogic Baul practice, sexual fluids of both partners should be held in the
body and transmuted, but never released. Orgasm is a sign that sexual yoga was practiced
carelessly and without discipline. Pregnancy iswidely understood to be a sign of lapsed
38 Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion
Conclusions
Women are often depicted in a negative way in the doctrines of world
religions partly because they are associatedwith the realm of nature and
manifestation, which is lower than the realm of spirit and mind.33 From
menstrual huts, to the Hebrew tum'ah and niddah (impurity) laws, the
Christian idea of Eve's fall, and theMuslim woman polluted and be-sharm
(ashamed),women's bodies have been made the loci of impurity,only safe
when pregnant or too old to reproduce. They epitomize theworld of fallen
nature, and aremore distant fromGod than theirmale counterparts.
Religions that emphasize an immanent divinity seem to evade this prob
lem, for there is no radical distinction between the twoworlds. Bauls are
dualistic, but they avoid hierarchies in their dualism-male and female are
like two banks of a river, united when the river is high with the waters of
love. The body is not expected to be pure (suddha), or even auspicious
(subha), but rather pakka, ripened or mature, and sweet like a mango, for
the deity to exist fullywithin it.34
Women are still associatedwith creativity, but in this case it is both a
virtuous and a spiritual process. In the Baul religion, creation did not come
about through thewill of a single male god. Instead, itwas the result of the
lovemaking of a divine couple, or the emanation of a nongendered deity.
Thus, creativity inwoman and earth can be considered positive, for human
reproduction actually reflects and extends divine creation. This is unlike the
Christian notion of ex nihilo creation,where there is an absolute distinction
between God and world, and where sexuality is later associated with the
concentration, but it is believed to be the fault of both partners: women trained as ritual
partners learn techniques to hold back male ejaculation. As for field research, I found the
Baul female practitioners unwilling to discuss the issue of orgasm.
32This situation is discussed inR. M. Sarkar's article "The Bauls of
Bengal: Their Diverse
Nature and Patterns of Thinking" inMan in India, 68, no. 1 (1988).
33For a discussion of this near-universal, see Sherry Ortner's classic article, "Is Female
toMale asNature is toCulture?" inWomen, Culture and Society, ed. Michelle Z. Rosaldo
and Louise Lamphere (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974).
34Ripeness is not a function of age, but of spiritual maturity. The person is "sweetened"
when he or she develops spiritual love.
McDaniel: The Embodiment of God Among the Bauls of Bengal 39
fallen world. Bauls have no concept of a fall from grace, nor of women's
responsibility for it.Women are the bearers of sakti, feminine power, and
the title of the ritual consort, sakti md, reflects this. Mother is not the
woman who is "saved"through childbearing, but the one who can give sakti,
the female blessing and power.
While the Baul lifestyle follows the traditionalHindu norms of house
holder and ascetic, there is respect forwomen in its theology and ritual. If
it is indeed a goal of feminist theology to sanctify the body and abolish the
disharmony between body and soul, or between nature and God,35 Baul
theology provides a positive model. No additional purification or reconcili
ation is necessary forwomen, for there is no ontological difference between
men and women with respect to their spiritual status.
Baul religion already highly values the body and nonprocreative sexual
ity, and accepts woman's vital role in religious experience. Baul notions of
freedom and spirituality are nonexclusionary,protesting against the limita
tions of caste, gender and status. They still have far to go in terms of the
woman's social role, and women should be writing some of the songs, as
they too have access to the ecstatic stateswhich serve as inspiration.But
within the body of the woman, traditionally the most impure of locales in
most of the world's religions, they have foundGod.
35These ideas are found in such works asMary Daly, Beyond God the Father (Boston:
Beacon Press, 1973) and Phyllis Trible, "Genesis 2-3 Reread," inWomanspirit Rising,
ed. Carol P. Christ and Judith Plaskow (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1979).