On Nationalism and the State of News Media in 2017.

The world of January 1, 2017 does not look so similar to that of just one year prior. The

experiment known as the EU has suffered a major blow; her strongest member, Britain, has

voted to withdraw. Meanwhile, nationalist parties in France, Germany, and Italy have surged in

the polls, as citizens wish to follow Britain's lead. In the united states, the controversial and

outrageous figure of Donald Trump has been elected President - an event professed as impossible

by almost every professional news outlet. These events are not anomalies. The world is in a state

of transition: globalism giving way to nationalism, elitism to populism, and the mainstream

media is far from safe from the turmoil. Cable TV is going the way of the dinosaur, and the

alternative press, operating through the internet on an open marketplace of ideas, has matured

into a significant competitor to the corporate news. As we look toward the future, it is clear that

much of the status quo is in danger of being left behind forever. Having sacrificed their

reputation in the political battles of 2016, it is unlikely that the mainstream media will ever

regain the dominance it once had over the hearts and minds of the people. A paradigm shift has

occurred. It is fair to say we entering the era of new nationalism and social media news.

There are a number of points I would like to convey in this paper. First I will clarify the

concept of nationalism, and why it has recently resurged, specifically in the form of civil (as

opposed to ethnic) nationalism. Next I will discuss the ongoing transition from corporate to

alternative media, the general reasons for the transition, and the major differences between the

two. I will then cite two recent events, the Brexit vote and the 2016 US Election, as examples of

an ongoing shift from globalist to nationalist sentiment, and will explain how each has acted as a

catalyst in the rise of alternative news sources. I will conclude with a brief overview of where
these trends are likely to take us, and how, despite the apparent turmoil, we are better off than we

were before.

Terms such as globalism and nationalism are not always clearly defined. Dictionary.com

(which is frequently closer to common usage than Oxford or Merriam Webster) provides the

following definition of nationalism: the policy or doctrine of asserting the interests of one's own

nation viewed as separate from the interests of other nations or the common interests of all

nations (dictionary.com). Specifically, nationalism is used to refer to the general idea that

governments should put the interests of its people first, with the natural connotation that they are

not doing so already. The alternative view, globalism, is defined as the attitude or policy of

placing the interests of the entire world above those of individual nations (dictionary.com).

Globalism is also refers to a group of ideologies that advocate the concept of globalization. It

tends to advocate for such policies as increases in immigration, free trade, lowering tariffs,

interventionism and global governance. (globalism). The common usage typically falls

somewhere across these two definitions.

There is also a cultural implication to the terms. With globalism associated with

multiculturalism, and nationalism with culture preservation. Those who identify as nationalist

may staunchly oppose each other on how the identify with their nation. Historically, the term

state referred to the government, country referred to the land, and nation referred to a

population, though these term are synonyms today. What was once considered to delineate a

nation was shared identity, typically in the form of shared language, culture, race, and heritage.

Under ethno-nationalism, national identity is determined by race, ethnicity, and heritage. This

was the dominant ideology in pre-WW2 europe. Civic nationalism, on the other hand, is more

american in origin, and is based on a shared conviction to make the (political, economic,

cultural) system work: Civic nationhood is meant to describe a political identity built around
shared citizenship it simply requires a disposition on the part of citizens to uphold their

political institutions, and to accept the liberal principles on which they are based (Stilz, 257).

Stilz also distinguishes between civic nationalism and cultural nationalism, claiming that, under

the former, the state need not endorse one national culture over others (258). Though this

distinction is, etymologically, correct, it is largely lost in the present day. The term civic

nationalist is frequently used by both groups, as they have more in common with each other than

they do with either ethno-nationalists or globalism.

The modern nationalist movement, of which Brexit and Trump are a part, is

predominantly civic nationalist in nature. In an interview with Marine Le Pen, front runner in the

upcoming french elections, she says I have respect for leaders who defend the interests of their

countries, associating herself with the fight for sovereign nations and the sentiment that The

French want to regain control of their own country ("Interview with Marine Le Pen."). The

nationalist movement (of which Brexit, Trump and Le Pen are a part), is predominantly

concerned with taking back control from globalists, involving a shrinking of government and

withdraw from foreign involvement. The civic nationalist movement is also populist in nature.

Globalist policies, while aiding multinational corporations, hurt the lower classes. Mass

immigration devalues labor, and free trade incentivises outsourcing. Naturally, civic nationalists

consider these policies elitist. Liberals frequently turn support for globalist policy (open borders,

free trade, etc.) into litmus tests for moral respectability (Haidt, 47). In turn, the nationalist has

associated itself with a rejection of political correctness, which is perceived as disingenuous and

a form of censorship.

To further clarify important terms as they will be used in this paper: the corporate media,

mainstream media or msm, and legacy media, refer to entities of the press which are associated

with a (reasonably large) company. This includes TV news networks such as CNN and Fox
News, as well as newspapers and online news sites such as The Washington Post. The alternative

media refers to individuals or small companies which engage in activities of the press, typically

through sites like youtube, facebook and blogs, leading to the term social media news.

The mainstream media peaked in influence in the early 2000s, and has been losing

ground to alternative media ever since. The early 2000s saw the explosion of the blog, and by

2007 twitter, facebook, and youtube had come into existence, and while these sites grow, TV is

slowly becoming obsolete. Subscriptions to cable TV, the most lucrative media for corporate

news, dropped 7 billion (over 15%) between 2010 and 2015, and the industry overall made 12

billion less in 2015 than it did in 2013 (TV Cable Subscriber Statistics). Senior citizens are now

the primary consumers of cable news. The median age of viewers of fox news, msnbc, and cnn

are all over 60, while viewers of the OReilly Factor have a median age over 72 (Hadas).

Without young people tuning in, the cable industry and cable news face the very real possibility

of losing their status as mainstream in the next decade, and it for this reason that some have

taken to calling cable news the legacy media.

As these companies are forced to make the transition to a primarily internet based

existence, they are forced to compete with a rapidly growing alternative press, competition they

simply did not have in the TV era. The Young Turks, arguably the largest online news show,

averages about 2 million views on their youtube channel per day (socialblade.com), not to

mention views on their website. By comparison, the OReilly Factor, the most watched cable

news program, averaged an audience of 2.8 million viewers per night in 2015 (Marisa). Across

the board, growth of the alternative press skyrocketed in 2016, particularly on youtube. Rebel

media went from 66k to 500k subscribers, and garnered between one and six thousand views

daily. The Young Turks gained a million subscribers. Individuals such as Paul Joseph Watson

gained 900 thousand subscribers, and Sargon of Akkad now gets over 200k views per day.
Smaller channels grew as well. News analyst styxhexenhammer666 had his channel more than

triple in size over the course of the year, and Lauren Southern, a rebel media reporter, gained

almost 100 thousand subscribers in the month after going independent, in addition to getting

white house press access (socialblade.com). Of the examples given, The Young Turks would be

described as liberal, while the rest reside somewhere between conservative and libertarian, with

varying levels of support for the nationalist movement. While there are plenty of alternative

media sources which lean liberal, the majority lean conservative or libertarian. This is an

inversion of the corporate media, which typically leans left (Fox News being an exception).

Alternative media appeals to those alienated by the mainstream media, which occurs

proportionate to representation of an individual's views in mainstream networks.

The transition away from cable comes down to technology. Cable TV has to compete

with netflix, youtube, and social media for consumers attention: services built leveraging the full

power of the modern internet. Cable TV, created when such things were a pipe dream, has

become largely outdated, and networks have more competition on the open internet than they

ever did on cable. However, the success alternative media can only be partially explained by this

technology shift; the transition also has to do with populism. It should be noted that while

nationalists in particular are concerned with elitism in government and media, they are not the

only ones. The Young Turks, while opposing nationalist movements, is known for being critical

of the establishment (The Young Turks, 2:43), sporting the tagline Together we can change

the media, make it more representative of you, and not the powerful (9:42). Many people today

feel the MSM, in addition to varying political biases, have a common corporate bias which

makes them out of touch with common people. American trust in media is 32%, and the number

is 26% for those under 50 (Swift). As discussed earlier, political correctness and professionalism,

both central tenants of the mainstream media, may now be seen as elitist. The ability of the
alternative media to be casual, swear openly, and present their unrestricted personality gives

viewers (and particularly the youth) something they can identify with. When people nowadays

like to talk about the merger of news and entertainment (see article News as entertainment is

sadly becoming the norm by David Shaw), they miss the point; news has always been

entertainment. What The Young Turks, Alex Jones, and Bill OReilly have in common is that

they attract viewers because of their personalities, but the rants which are so big a part of the

former twos appeal are something one simply cannot get away with on a major network.

The alternative media is made up predominantly of individuals and small groups making

modest profits, frequently through donations from their supporters. The inherent populism of the

movement makes it necessarily related to the civic nationalist movement, which is equally

populist. Both trends are fueled by a rejection of the elitism seen in government and media. To

deviate for a moment, it is important to discuss the concept of narrative as it pertains to media

bias. A narrative simply means a story. Anyone who has an opinion on how the world is and

where it is going has a narrative they are subscribing to: a story of the world. Interpretations of

current events and the way we report on them is affected by the narrative we frame them in. This

is commonly called a bias, and it is unavoidable in journalism. Beneficial or not, people tend to

gravitate toward news media which tells the same narrative they subscribe to. During the events

of Brexit and the 2016 US Election, the mainstream media pushed a narrative inconsistent with

reality, and which failed to acknowledge the nationalist aspect of the movements. By and large,

the alternative media presented a more accurate narrative, and one more acceptable to a large

subsection of the public, leading to an increase to their audience and influence.

The Brexit movement was an inherently populist and civic nationalist movement, and in

fact represents the first major victory for the civic nationalist movement on a global scale.

Following the result of the referendum, Nigel Farage, leader of UKIP, was asked how much
economic cost he was willing to accept to bring about the change he wanted. He responded, you

cannot put a price on freedom or independence, and what we did last Thursday is we voted to

take back our country. To take back our laws, our courts, our borders, our pride and self respect,

adding at the end in trade terms, we're going to do better than we did before (CNN, Nigel

Farage on Brexit, 5:20). The order is important. For farage, economics is a secondary concern

compared to sovereignty. The things farage associates with pride and self respect are facets of

the state (i.e. laws, courts, borders), indicative specifically of civic nationalism. Farages

sentiments are representative of the typical Brexit voter as well. The top three reasons cited for

voting leave were nationalist rather than economic, with the number one reason being The

principle that decisions about the UK should be made in the UK (Lord Ashcroft Polls, fig. 5).

By contrast, the top reasons cited by those who voted remain involved economic weariness (fig.

5). This was not a battle between British and european loyalties, but between populist civic

nationalism, and the economic reservations about deviating from the status quo.

The corporate media, mainly the British corporate media, repeatedly cast the Brexit

debate as an economic matter, ignoring the real sentiments behind the movement. The BBC

article Vodafone boss warns Brexit threatens digital influence, reports that chief executive of

the seventh largest company listed on the London market warns of the potential negative

impact on the digital services market. This is largely irrelevant to the common British Citizen,

and may be seen as pandering to corporate interests. Meanwhile, the Sky News headline Leave

Rejects Brexit Pound Plunge Warning puts the leave campaign squarely on the defensive, while

placing additional focus on economics, a trend which persists even when discussing foreign

reactions (see BBC Yellen: Brexit significant economic repercussions). It is almost always

supporters of the remain campaign which are given headlines, and their positions are covered

disproportionately in articles. Article titles such as, Cameron urges voters to 'think of children'
before EU choice (BBC) make it fairly obvious, which side these news organisations are on.

The journalists later cited misinformation as a major factor in the Brexit result (EU referendum:

British public wrong about nearly everything, the independent). Many news outlets focused

specifically on an exaggerated figure for Britain's EU contributions.. perplexing considering not

one of the top three reasons for voting leave had to do with money. It was not long before the

MSM began to seriously cover the idea of a re-vote, which would have amounted to making

democracies revote after getting the wrong answer (Sargon, 16:25). Though it is difficult to

make objective claims of bias on a per article basis, on aggregate the British corporate media

pushed the narrative that Brexit was an economic issue, with remain as the only informed,

responsible, and sensible position.

The alternative media allowed for a different narrative, one that accurately portrayed

Brexit as a movement for populism, civic nationalism, and sovereignty. After the Brexit result,

youtube personality Sargon of Akkad posted a video titled Britain chooses Freedom over Fear,

noting that a principle has won out over pragmatism (Sargon, 1:17). Among other youtubers

supporting Brexit was Stefan Molyneux, who described the Brexit result as another nail in the

coffin of the general media which cried wolf, cried armageddon and then nothing happened

(Molyneux, Brexit Aftermath). Molyneux is at mostly correct, while the pound did initially

fall, it has since rebounded, and UK markets have expanded (Cunningham). That the media was

so wrong (both in the effects of a Brexit and their forecast of a remain victory) has certainly

reduced public confidence.

With regards to populism, one CNBC article hits the nail on the head when they mention

that expert predictions are increasingly unpersuasive to voters (Rosenfeld, Brexit 101). The

media reliance on so called experts is merely another form of elitist. An idea should stand on its

merits and a fact on its evidence, neither require experts. Increasingly, people want ideas they
can understand and evaluate for themselves; this is readily available from the alternative press. A

debate between Sargon of Akkad and Thunderfoot (who was resolutely opposed to Brexit),

represented both sides of the issue quite well, with Sargons arguments primarily based on

principle, while Thunderfoots are practical, claiming the EU is stable as it is and that Brexit is

a very expensive way [to achieve] a distinction without a difference (Thunderfoot, 1:00). The

two and a half hour video has over a quarter of million views. By comparison, the British

network Sky News only pulls about 100,000 viewers for its 10pm newscast (Foster). It is

important to recognise that the alternative press represented a wide range of opinions regarding

Brexit, and that a great deal of critical conversation occurred there. The refusal of the MSM to

fairly cover both sides of the issue, and to report on the nationalist side of the debate meant that

the alternative press could offer something that the public could not get from mainstream

sources. In 2016, British trust in media fell from 36% to 24% (Grierson), while the alternative

media has gained a larger audience.

The momentum of Brexit likely spilled over to the United States, where Donald Trump

won the presidency with a populist, nationalist campaign. Trumps platform, confusing to some

as it is typical of neither democrats nor republicans, may be summed up with the phrase:

Americans first. Trump takes up the nationalist view on immigration, his campaign site stating

that any immigration plan must improve jobs, wages and security for all Americans

(donaldjtrump.com, Immigration). His campaign further pushed the populist line promising trade

deals which will serve the interests of American workers not Wall Street insiders

(donaldjtrump.com, Trade), and tax reform Reducing or eliminating ... loopholes available to

the very rich (donaldjtrump.com, Tax Reform). Although not all of Trumps policies were

related, his major talking points, his promises to drain the swamp, and especially his slogan of

Make America Great Again all played on rising national sentiments. It is worth noting that this
effect was not exclusive to the right. In the democratic primaries Bernie Sanders was a viable

populist candidate. Though a professed socialist, his platform had some nationalist elements,

such as his position on trade deals, and his determination to take back control from the

multinational corporations.

Like Brexit, Trump appealed to civic nationalism, not ethnonationalism. His interests are

in the political system, not in culture, race, or ethnicity, and making america better for all

americans was a major part of his message. In a speech to congress, Trump stated My job is not

to represent the world; my job is to represent the United States of America (Press Secretary),

and in his victory speech immediately following the election, he made clear his conviction to be

president for all americans (Rosenfeld, Remarks...). The propaganda casting Trump as a bigot

is universally unsubstantiated, and the claim that Trumps appeal stems from racism, sexism, and

bigotry does not hold up to scrutiny either. In the general election Trump a received a greater

percentage of the hispanic and african american vote than either Mitt Romney or John McCain

did in past elections, and the gender margin was no different than past elections (Tyson). It is

impossible to believe that Trumps support is based in hatred of certain groups if those groups

were no less likely to support him than they were a typical republican. However, Trumps

offensive comments and political incorrectness, which are often the source of such accusations,

were an important part of his success. Trump refused to act like a politician, appealing to those

who were sick of politicians. His clashes with the corporate media and political establishment

earned the support of people fed up with elitism. Everyday people could identify with trump:

everyday people arent politically correct, they arent always consistent, they change their minds,

and make offensive jokes, and they think the governments a racket. When Trump said that the

biggest problem in this country is political correctness, he endured himself to a lot of people.

His brand was perfectly tailored to populist appeal.

 The narrative pushed by the corporate media during the 2016 primaries and general

election focused on character assassinations on both Trump and his supporters. CNN editorials

like Is Mike Pence OK with Trumps bigoted remarks? (Obeidallah) and By inviting Trump,

black pastor gives bigot access to his flock (Balley) are common, while those representing the

opposing view are non-existent. In the former article, the author accuses Trump of spewing

sexism, racism and bigotry (Balley), alienating those even partially sympathetic to the Trump

movement. Part of the media narrative cast Trump as a misogynist for having insulted individual

women. In a quote which shows the bias of the article, The Washington Post reported: Megyn

Kelly confronted Donald Trump with his own words -- you know, various little comments he's

made about and to women over the years (Ross). Trump was well known for insulting the

appearance of both men and women, so having called individual women pigs, dogs, slobs

(Ross), etc. is not indicative of sexism.

By and large, the media did not comprehend the populism of the Trump movement.The

CNN video showing Trumps remarks to supporters (following a win in the Nevada Caucus) was

titled Trump: I love the poorly educated. With their choice of headline, it seems clear CNN

was trying to be anything but flattering, but at the same time it shows a grave mistake. Should

Trump, or CNN for that matter, not respect the poorly educated? They make up a substantial

demographic, and are voters and consumers of news media. Typically it is the democratic party

which claims to represent the disadvantaged classes who cannot afford higher education. Similar

articles sport headlines which alienate the lower classes, a block which is traditionally dominated

by the democrats but who voted for Trump in higher numbers than they did for either Romney or

McCain (Tyson). The narrative that Trump supporters are uneducated, with the implication that

the poorly educated arent qualified to make political judgements, had the predictable effect of
encouraging populism and widing Trumps support base. To be fair, not all news sites shared in

the folly, with some pointing out the problem, but in aggregate the narrative remained.

One critical failure of the mainstream media was the certainty with which they predicted

a Clinton victory. The voting day advantage of nationalist movements is now a recurring

phenomenon. Both Brexit and Trump outperformed their polling by about four percent, enough

to secure an unexpected win. Despite Brexit, the MSM cited Clintons lead in the polls to

proculde the possibility of a trump victory. The alternative media was, as a whole, more sensible.

Cenk Uygur, of the The Young Turks, noted that the rest of the media is still in denial they

think Hillary Clinton is going to win, it's taken as a given he [Trump] is in very good shape

right now, and Hillary Clinton is not (The Young Turks, 1:38-6:58). The media underestimated

Trumps viability throughout the entire campaign. Scandals which the media assumed would be

major setbacks to his campaign, which admittedly would have destroyed any other politician,

had negligible (or positive) effect on his polls. Much of the media reported on the the access

hollywood tape as if it were the end of Trumps campaign. Scott Adams, who predicted the

Trump presidency as early as aug. 2015, sums up the reality in a tweet: Trump's bid for

Sainthood officially ended today. I think he's still available for Kennedy-type jobs (Adams). In

the end, after everything else, it was fairly unlikely any still undecided voters would care about

some lewd comments Trump made in 2009. Overall, it was the alternative media which

accurately called the election. The media's repeated underestimation of Trump makes them look

foolish in hindsight, and their coverage of the election is almost certainly the cause for the sharp

drop in American trust in media. One letter to the editor of the Los Angeles Times laments a lack

of substance to the election cycle.

The media share a large part of the blame for this outcome. They have sensationalized the

claims of each campaign and independently gone even further to search out more
 personally damaging material. Very little effort seems to have been made to honestly

analyze the positions of Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton and Republican Donald

Trump and the implications of those ideas for the country. (Baker)

The analysis which Baker wanted was readily available from the Alternative Media, and some,

such as Tarl Warwick (styxhexenhammer666), had their audience triple in size, compensating for

a biased and sensationalist corporate news media, which had failed to understand or give credit

to the Trump movement as it were: a populist civic nationalist movement.

So what can we learn from all this? How can the trends seen in 2016 be extrapolated to

the future? First, recognise that these transitions are ongoing, and not likely to stop any time

soon. The media reporting on Wilders lost in the Dutch Elections was far too quick to declare

populism on the decline. Wilders party still displaced the Labor Party as the second largest in

the Dutch government, and there will be more elections to come; they have momentum.

Similarly, it is foolish to discount Marine Le Pen on the basis of polls. Considering the voting

day advantage of nationalist movements, shes likely to pull off an unexpected victory, and if she

does then Frexit is right around the corner. Other european nations will follow. The EU will fall,

eventually reduced to a collection of German satellite states. With regard to Donald Trump, he

will be neither as good nor as bad as people expected. There is only so much he can do, and if

you make men into heroes and devils, you are likely to be disappointed. I expect his presidency

to be a net positive. As nationalism gains more power in the state, it will begin to subside as a

movement. Populism is a tool for when the government fails to obey the people, and hopefully it

will not be so needed in the future. Similarly, the transition to alternative media has a natural

limit. Though the days of Cable TV are numbered, there are services for which the corporate

news is needed, and for this they will continue to exist. The alternative press will continue to

gain influence, but as it grows, its largest members will resemble more and more the corporate
media they originally rejected. The system will reach equilibrium. However, as we look head

into 2017, the transitions, the turmoil, and the political upheaval are still very much active and

unpredictable. That is the state of nationalism and media in 2017.

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