Journal of Occupational Science

ISSN: 1442-7591 (Print) 2158-1576 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rocc20

From individual to communal experiences of

occupation: Drawing upon Qi Gong practices

Ura Bratun & Eric Asaba

To cite this article: Ura Bratun & Eric Asaba (2008) From individual to communal experiences
of occupation: Drawing upon Qi Gong practices, Journal of Occupational Science, 15:2, 80-86,
DOI: 10.1080/14427591.2008.9686613

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14427591.2008.9686613

Published online: 26 Sep 2011.

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 FEATURE ARTICLE

From Individual to Communal Experiences of

Occupation: Drawing upon Qi Gong Practices

Ura Bratun & This article is based on an ethnographic study that used empirical data and social sciences literature to
Eric Asaba explore the social dimensions of Qi Gong as a community from an occupational perspective.
Interviews, participant observations, and hanging out sessions were conducted with 9 participants
over a 6-month period. Data were analysed using a constant comparative method. The findings suggest
that a collective occupational experience of sharing and validating facilitated the formation of a
community. Moreover, through the use of a symbolic or coded language, participants connected with
each other through occupation. Relationships with people who did not engage in Qi Gong were also
discussed. It is argued that new knowledge concerning occupation can be generated when seeing
occupation as a central aspect of forming a sense of or context for community.
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Key Words: Occupation, Community, Qi Gong, Ethnography

Ura Bratun, MSc, Institute for
Rehabilitation in Ljubljana, Slovenia
Eric Asaba, PhD, OTR, Chief of
Occupational Therapy and
Research Associate at Asaba
Medical Research Foundation,
Kohnan Hospital in Okayama,
Japan. Postdoc/Adjunct Assistant
Professor at Karolinska Institutet
in Stockholm, Sweden
Correspondence to:
ursa.bratun@gmail.com
2008 Association for the
Journal of Occupational Science
Journal of Occupational Science
2008, 15(2), pp 80-86
Qi Gong is an ancient form of body and mind
exercise, deeply rooted in Chinese culture and
based on Taoist philosophical principles of Yin
and Yang (the opposite forces) and breathing
techniques. The earliest written mention of Qi
Gong as a healing technique is found in The
Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine,
or Huang Ti Nei Jing, written sometime during
the Han Dynasty (206 BC-AD 220). Today Qi
Gong is widely practiced around the world in
different styles, primarily as a means for
relaxation and moderate exercise (Sandlund &
Norlander, 2000). Qi Gong allows people to
practice alone or in a group. The basis of every
approach is the combination of deep
diaphragmatic breathing with slow, flowing,
dance-like movements (Anderson, 2001).
Depending on the practitioners preferences,
different aspects of the art can be emphasized,
but the integration of mind and body in every
motion through respiration, mental and visual
concentration and dynamic relaxation is crucial
(Dunn, 1987).
Over the past decade, East Asian Tai Chi and Qi
Gong practices have gained attention within
Western literature (Anderson, 2001; Davis,
2004; Kelly & McCoy, 1994a, 1994b; McKenna,
2001). Much of this interest has focused on the
physical movement patterns for the purpose of
exercise (Anderson; Davis), and biomedical
studies have focused on changes in biomarkers
after practicing Qi Gong (Bottomley, 2004;
Sancier, 2001). However, little has been done to
understand the inter-personal relations and
healing experiences of engaging in Qi Gong
from an occupational perspective. This article
reports an exploratory study of the experiences
of Qi Gong practitioners. The aim was to
explore the social dimensions of Qi Gong as an
occupation, using empirical data and literary
discourse about concepts of community.
Background Literature
The term community is often used to denote
the geographic location and values of a broader
collective group, such as living in the
community (Horowitz, 2002; Minato &
Zemke, 2004; Painter & Elliott, 2004;
Woodland & Hobson, 2003; Wilcock, 1998).
This usage also implies a more social
dimension. Focusing on community as a space
and place for occupations on many levels
conceptually compliments work pertaining to
the experiences and meanings of participation
in the context of peoples everyday lives (Borell,
Asaba, Rosenberg, Schult, & Townsend, 2006;
Graham, 2002; Hemmingsson & Jonsson,
2005; Scheerer, Cahill, Kirby, & Lane, 2004).
In some ways, a community might be where
people share a concern, a set of problems, or a
passion about a topic and interact on an
ongoing basis to deepen their knowledge and
expertise in this area (Wenger, McDermott, &
Snyder, 2002). Moreover, a community in this
sense is alive, in other words it is dynamic. Lave
and Wenger (2003) have conceptually referred
to this as a community of practice, where
biography, relationships, and practices are
essential elements of membership. Not only is
community of practice instrumental for
peoples work, it also accrues in the personal
satisfaction of knowing that peers understand
each others perspective and feel a sense of
belonging (Wenger et al.). In short, community

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has to do with relationships among people, independent of
physical location (Loughran, 2003; Wenger et al.).
Specifically, Loughran proposed that community can include
the following elements: (1) common interests among a group
of people, and recognition of those common interests; (2)
conscious interaction between and association among people
with common interests; (3) some degree of common action
and/or common organization by them; and (4) a sense of
personal identification with the group as a whole, by the
members within it.
If people can form a community despite being in different
localities, then the concept of community is freed from
restrictions of a physical place. Instead the focal point of
community shifts from the physical to the social space
characterized by shared interests, concerns, and problems.
While acknowledging the value of a physical space and place
to any community, this focus on the social dimension of
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a teacher of Qi Gong). Gaining a rich understanding of how
occupation unfolds within the context of peoples lives can
often be difficult when using only interviews (Dickie, 2003).
In this study, a total of 16 in-depth interviews (Kvale, 1996)
were conducted in addition to participant observations. An
interview guide was developed to ensure that certain topics
were covered during conversations. The questions pertained
to how the participants were introduced to the occupation,
what their experiences with Qi Gong were like, and how it
played out in their lives as well as in the lives of people among
whom they spent time. A sample of questions included: Can
you tell me about an occasion when you had a really good/bad
experience with Qi Gong, How is Qi Gong part of your daily
life, Why do you continue practicing, and How do others view
your practicing Qi Gong? Each interview lasted between
30-90 minutes. Interviews were recorded and transcribed
near verbatim.
Observations of group practices at the setting under study

community aligns with the philosophical roots of

occupational science (Hasselkus, 2002; Pikur, 2001; Pikur, were completed on several occasions in order to understand
Kinebanian, & Josephsson, 2002; Zemke & Clark, 1996). the way Qi Gong was performed. In order to establish rapport,
Loughrans view of community was adopted as a theoretical the first author practiced Qi Gong together with the group
framework for this paper because his ideas target health and during the study, as well as with individual participants at
social services sectors. different locations during the course of the study. Moreover,
based on previous methodological works within occupational
science (Asaba, 2005), it was felt that a more mutual
Method participation in a co-occupation enabled the researcher to gain
access to both storied as well as embodied experience. Thus
This ethnographic study (Krefting & Krefting, 1991; observations were kept unstructured and in keeping with the
Mattingly & Lawlor, 2001; Robson, 2002) was conducted over natural context for the participants. In addition to interviews,
a 6-month period with 6 women and 3 men. A purposive observations, and joint practice sessions, participants were
convenience sampling method was used (Polit, Beck, & met on other informal occasions such as a picnic or dinner.
Hungler, 2001), where informants were invited to participate The first author was responsible for all data collection. While
through a contact person. Participants were selected based on her closeness with the data gathering process enabled her to
being able to communicate their experiences and provide rich access the field with greater depth, it also demanded reflexive
descriptions in English. Moreover, participants needed to have practices such as journaling and memo taking to ensure a
actively practiced Qi Gong for at least 6 months. Informed certain distance. Notes of thoughts that emerged as the study
consent was obtained from all participants and, when progressed and new ideas were entered into the reflexive
relevant, from a legal guardian. Pseudonyms have been used journal, as well as summaries of different informal
to maintain confidentiality of the participants. conversations and personal experiences of practices. For
example, on one occasion the author debated some of her
Table 1: Participants Demographic Characteristics preliminary findings with the Qi Gong teacher to compare her
understanding of what was happening in the group. This
Participant Gender Age Background Profession Years with conversation was afterwards described in detail and
Qi Gong elaborated upon to support further analysis of the material.
On another occasion, an entry in the reflexive journal
Isabella female 35 N. American actuary 0.5 contained a musing about Qi Gong being a secular religion or
Patricia female 51 European bank employee 0.5 an addiction. These journaling activities, coupled with
Katrin female 44 European Qi Gong teacher 5 discussions with the second author as well as peer support
Ian male 15 European student 1 groups, enabled the first author to achieve greater depth in the
Hanna female 49 N. American accountant 0.5 analysis. Moreover, this cyclical process of going back and
Peter male 69 European composer 2.5 forth, as well as reflecting upon ones own role in the research
Alexandra female 65 European retired 2 process, is considered an important aspect of qualitative
David male 48 European Qi Gong teacher 8 research (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Mary female 39 European Qi Gong teacher 8
In keeping with qualitative research methods, data collection
The participants (Table 1) ranged in age from 15-69 years, and and data analysis occurred concurrently. Data were managed
described their involvement with Qi Gong from casual with the software program Atlas.ti (Muhr, 1997) and analyzed
practitioner (which was defined as practicing Qi Gong using a constant comparative method (Bogdan & Biklen,
regularly but not necessarily every day) to professional (being 1998). First, all transcripts were read several times to get a

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 U R S A B R A T U N & E R I C A S A B A
good overall understanding and familiarity with the material.
Fifty-nine codes were generated using line-by-line coding.
Similar codes were merged and preliminary categories were
developed throughout the analysis. Community emerged as a
main theme of salience; subsequently five categories were
developed around this theme: (1) group practice, (2)
connecting, (3) sharing and validating, (4) relating to people
who did not engage in Qi Gong, and (5) language. The
category Relating to people who did not engage in Qi Gong
had two subcategories.
Findings
The findings of this study suggest that Qi Gong is not only a
matter of doing something, as in performing Qi Gong
exercices. Qi Gong is also about human relations with other
practitioners as well as those who are not practitioners. The
construction of community around Qi Gong has to do with
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being as well as doing, two dimensions of occupation
introduced by Wilcock (1999). In other words, finding calm
and a sense of self in the present (being) as well as performing
movements, actions, and thoughts (doing) involved in the
practice of Qi Gong, contribute to community because it
creates venues for communication both within and with
others.
Group practice: Its the people that make the difference
Participants in this study described how the number of people
who participate in Qi Gong influenced their experiences.
Group practice was highly valued, with all participants
sharing the belief that group practice positively contributed to
their experience. Patricia said: Its more powerful to do it in a
group, definitely. I mean when Im in that room, its the people that
make the difference, its much more powerful. I can sense it from
the beginning. Another participant, Ian, said: If I do it in a
group, the energy is stronger. Peter agreed in saying: It should
be at least three people. Three people are already a group, two is
not a group but the energy is different if its a group. Alone is
notits bad. Its not worthwhile.
Engaging in an occupation with a group appeared to be a
means of having a better experience compared to doing it
alone or with one other. Participants liked the group practice
because it provided them an opportunity to experience
something different influencing their whole occupational
experience. People were drawn together and met on regular
basis in order to add to their experience.
Connecting: Its a very different way to be with each other
In addition to recognizing the power of group practice,
participants also told of connections that were forged when
they practiced Qi Gong with another person. Katrin
expressed:
Doing the program together. I mean, the effect of, as Ive
experienced, the effect of doing the program together with
someone else or together with a whole group, it builds
kind of a connection between people that are doing the
program. At least for the time of doing it together and if
82 J O U R N A L O F O C C U PAT I O N A L S C I E N C E V O L 1 5 ( 2 ) , J U LY 2 0 0 8
you stay together afterwards, the connection is still there.
Many came to the weekly classes also to be with each other;
one participant said: It was a very good feeling to go there
every Wednesday, just be with each other as well. Moreover,
this being together could have different qualities, for instance
Ian related how, through joint practice, he experienced people
in a different way.
You always look at the person differently when you
practice. Its a very different way to be with each other.
Every personality just disappears. Youre only yourself. Its
hard to explain. Im just more than a teenager when I do
it. Im much bigger. I dont have the role as a kid. Because
I dont know...it just disappears because you shut your
mind and you dont think so much, you just feel. And
sometimes, that can be really good.
When Ian practiced together with others, he did not feel tied
to a socially prescribed role. He was able to relate in new ways
to the people he was practicing with. The critical and
reflecting mind was silenced for a while and what was left was
only the experience of occupation and the state of being.
Doing occupation with a group was a bridge to being with. The
occupation acted as a medium to bring people together, which
relates to the proposed topic of community formation. People
came together to practice, to do Qi Gong, but through that
they were also spending time with each other. They connected
and the connections could exceed the temporal dimension in
which the doing took place.
Sharing & validating: She was the only one that wasnt surprised
Participants experienced their Qi Gong group as a place where
their experience of practicing could be openly shared and
discussed. It became an important meeting place for them also
in this sense. They missed it if they did not have the
opportunity to attend. Isabella explained that: Its nice to have
a group you can refer to, where you can exchange your
experience. It brings another dimension. It brings you further.
The group was a place of reference for the participants and the
sharing of experience with others was important for further
development. Katrin elaborated on the idea of bringing you
further when she said:
I dont know how to say it, you use the group to explore
yourself. During the lessons you always have, you always
exchange experiences and put words on what you
experienced and that is a very important way to build up
this experience in yourselfThere wasnt any talk about
that at all at other courses Ive been to. This way of
sharing and talking about what is happening in your body
and around, I think it makes you more conscious of your
own development.
Other participants were also of the opinion that sharing
experiences was a distinct feature of this setting that was
beneficial for them. Verbalizing what they experienced during
practice helped them rationalize and integrate the experience.
Others in the group acknowledged the experience and did not
judge or label it. They provided a bridge to reality and every
day life. Patricia described how she had shared an experience
of her weekly practice with her teacher. It was a somewhat
unusual experience but the teacher reacted in an accepting
 U R S A B R A T U N & E R I C A S A B A
way: She was the only one that wasnt surprised. Others in the
group could also understand and validate these experiences of
practice. They had similar experiences or interest and were
open to it. The group provided a safe and accepting
environment to share experiences and questions and to
develop further.
Moreover, some members of the studied Qi Gong group were
engaging in an activity known as 100 days Gong which
symbolises inner strength and discipline. It meant practicing
for 100 consecutive days and placing a tick for each day of
practice on a sheet of paper. Often, practitioners would refer
to the 100 days Gong as a sign of their progress: Im on day
65! The group reacted to this with approval, support and
sometimes admiration. Participants knew what this meant
because they had completed 100 days Gong themselves or
alternatively had not managed to do so.
Relating to others: The paradox of powerful experience
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Participants talked of their relations with people outside the
group or outside the community of people practicing Qi
Gong. All mentioned that practice made them open up more
and aided in overcoming certain barriers; participants asserted
that this was a means through which to more easily connect
with other people. On the other hand, part of the experience
of Qi Gong made participants feel more distant to some
people. According to participants, since some people did not
share what they experienced on a very deep level, these
significant experiences created a gap in relationships. Katrin
told about her relationship with her mother: When I talk
about this with her, shes not denying things and she doesnt tell me
Im a fool or anything. But shes not a part of it either. Significant
others could become more distant as they remained largely
unaware of the Qi Gong experience. Moreover, not sharing in
these experiences was not only a matter of disinterest, but also
interpreted as the loss of a common reference point in daily
experience. This was viewed as a sort of paradox in powerful
experiences gained through engaging in an occupation.
Belonging to the community could bring a person closer to
fellow practitioners while simultaneously distancing the
person from otherwise close friends and family members who
did not share in the Qi Gong experiences and communities.
Spreading it: If everyone did Qi Gong it would be a wonderful world
There was another interesting phenomenon connected to the
relationship participants had to people who did not practice.
There was a wish to spread Qi Gong among other people, to
extend the community. Sometimes their enthusiasm was
reminiscent of a missionary zeal. For instance Katrin said: If
everyone did Qi Gong, it would be a wonderful world, a more
wonderful world [laughs]. Participants explained that part of
the motivation behind participation in Qi Gong was to do a
good deed and to pass on what they experienced as benefiting
their lives. An alternative explanation might be the distance
that might be created between practitioners and others.
Getting others interested in Qi Gong could help bridge this
gap. Ian said: I was getting more and more interested [in Qi
Gong] and I liked to speak to people about it. But I have no one
to speak to because they dont know what it is. So I want to teach
J O U R N A L O F O C C U PAT I O N A L S C I E N C E V O L 1 5 ( 2 ) , J U LY 2 0 0 8
them so I can speak with them. Spreading the practice would
mean eliminating the distance that developed when the
experiences were not shared, thus solving the paradox of
powerful experience issue previously mentioned. Isabella
expressed a similar thought in an informal discussion. She
wanted to invite her friend to join the practice so they could
have something more to talk about. The dedication the
practitioners showed when it came to presenting Qi Gong to
others revealed their belief in it and identification with the
community. At the same time, there was loneliness connected
to being so strongly involved, as the interests and values of
this community did not always overlap with other
communities. There was a subtle wish that others would share
the experience, and the way to bring them closer was to invite
them to try the occupation.
Language: Im not sure if I would use a lot of this vocabulary
with other people
Participants often used vocabulary that might not be part of
everyday colloquial language and the local context (e.g. chi
field, energy, third eye, tan tien, 100 days Gong). Using those
expressions was a common way of communicating and
expressing experience in this group. They understood what
each word captured so they used it to describe something they
otherwise would not know how to describe. With other
people, they were more careful in their choice of language.
Isabella talked about this language barrier between the group
and those outside of it:
I feel at ease if Im in the class to speak about that. Or if
Im with you or with somebody from the group, but Im not
sure if I would use a lot of this vocabulary with other
people. I would have to test a little bit I wouldnt say to
my colleagues, Oh he brings negative energy. Because its
not how they would express themselves. But when I speak
with my husband then I can say it, Oh, it was a lot of
negative energy. He understands.
Patricia too experienced difficulties in communicating to
people around her when she was using the language of the
group: My husband, people at work, they dont seem very
interested. I think they think I am imagining or something. The
jargon they used acted as glue for people in the group. The
knowledge and ideas expressed were kept inside the group,
since others did not comprehend or accept it. It leaked outside
the group only if the other people had a common
understanding or shared interest.
Discussion
This study contributes to knowledge about how communities
are shaped through engaging in an occupation. In this way, the
physical dimension of community can be transcended. Howell
and Pierce (2000) explored similar ideas in their work about
how communities were formed through quilting. Zemke and
Clark (1996) also acknowledged the role of shared
occupations as building blocks of communities. In this study,
occupation was observed in the context of Qi Gong.
Participants in this study might be viewed as a group of people
meeting regularly to share the experience of practicing Qi
83
 U R S A B R A T U N & E R I C A S A B A
Gong. On the other hand, this group of practitioners might be
seen as forming various social bonds, networks, practices, and
a unique vocabulary. For example, looking through the lens of
Wenger et al. (2002), the Qi Gong group is a community of
practice. Participants shared an interest and interacted to
develop it further. Their community exemplifies a world in
which people engaged in an occupation, learned to
communicate in a specific way, internalized ideas, developed
relationships, and gave meaning to actions and objects in that
world. The categories Relating to others and Language,
represent the existence of multiple worlds that practitioners
faced and dilemmas that subsequently arose. They needed to
move between different worlds, attempted to bridge them and
negotiated their roles within them. There was a notion of a
subtle border being created, as is inevitable when
communities are in existence. Wenger et al. (2002) also
highlighted the importance of negotiating borders in
communities of practice.
For many people boundaries connote limitations and
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exclusion. Properly understood, however, boundaries
are sources of new opportunities as well as potential
difficulties boundary crossing can be the source of a
deep kind of learningradically new insights and
developments often arise at the boundaries between
communities. (Wenger et al., 2002, p. 153)
Furthermore, the problem of closed borders was critically
discussed by Wenger et al. Tight bonds within the community
are desired but too much community can be counter-
productive; The intimacy community develops can create a
barrier to newcomers, a blinder to new ideas or a reluctance to
critique each other (Wenger et al., p. 139). The borders and
the core of the community need to be recognized and worked
with for a community to develop and not to become isolated.
This was what happened at the setting during this study.
On one hand, the activity known as 100 days Gong acted as a
way to solidify the core of Qi Gong community. It was, in a
way, an initiation to become a full-fledged member. On the
other hand, work was done to address the borders and to cross
them. When practitioners invited others to try Qi Gong, the
occupation that constituted the core of the community was
moved to the borders. Ian illustrated this mobility of
occupation in his attempt to spread an interest in Qi Gong
among his peers, in order to terminate the distance he
experienced if he was the only one practicing.
Moreover, when Qi Gong was at the center of the community,
a certain feeling of elitism was created with the power staying
on the inside. But when the occupation was brought to the
border, the power was shifted away from the center and was
spread across a larger area. Holland, Lachicotte, Skinner, Cain
and Cain (1998), when talking about the position of power,
argued that participants in collaborative activities engage in
conversation and interaction that invariably construct their
own social position and their social relation with one another.
Also, to become a full member of a community, it is vital to
learn how to speak within this community (Lave & Wenger,
1991). Communication between people engaging in a
common occupation has been noted (Hocking, Wright-St.
Clair, & Bunrayong, 2002; Primeau, 1996), but not in relation
84 J O U R N A L O F O C C U PAT I O N A L S C I E N C E V O L 1 5 ( 2 ) , J U LY 2 0 0 8
to power and position. In the Qi Gong community a certain
language was used. The practitioners heard the language from
the teacher and read it in the material they were handed. They
used it freely when interacting with each other or with the
teacher. When a non-member was present, they switched from
the language of this world to a more neutral language. Isabella
explained how she did not use the language of the community
with everybody. In this way, the practitioners restricted
outsiders opportunities to learn this language, thus keeping
the power and monopoly over it in the group, while acting so
that they did not jeopardize the position they held outside the
community. It was not always clear from the reactions they
received what their engagement in this occupation meant for
their social status.
Conclusion
There is a growing body of knowledge on how human
encounters are an important factor for participation in
occupation (Borell et al., 2006; Hemmingsson & Jonsson,
2005; Hvalse & Josephsson, 2003; Isaksson, Josephsson,
Lexel, & Skr, 2007; Josephsson, Asaba, Jonsson, & Alsaker,
2006). This study provided knowledge about some dynamics
of constructing community through engaging in a shared
occupation, which builds on previous research (Asaba, 2004).
This conceptual exploration of occupation can contribute to
the growing understanding of how occupation functions
within individuals and groups.
Specifically, the findings of this study suggested that a group
of people engaging in a shared occupation can form a
community. When occupation was observed in the context of
a community, certain features of it were exposed, such as
importance of relations for the experience of occupation,
meaning making, power, socially constructed borders and the
potential of occupation. The features of the concept of
occupation that we particularly wished to discuss were the
borders and power apparent in the context of a Qi
Gong community. We see them as closely connected and
sometimes intertwined. One might suspect that similar
phenomena could be observed with other groups where
people do occupations together.
Lastly, critics argue that community can be perceived
negatively from the perspective of those on the outside. That
is, community can provide a feeling of inclusion and
belonging for some, while others are excluded and might be
disliked by those who are in (Cornwell, 1984). Moreover
some people may not wish to belong to communities, either at
particular stages of their lives or for their lives in general,
perhaps because they are aware that being part of a
community might mean being a prisoner of selective culture.
For them, as Loughran (2003) suggested, mobility and
autonomy might be of greater value. This subject needs more
research attention, addressing questions such as: Which
factors contribute to the building of a community around an
occupation? What does community mean for the uniqueness
of people? How does belonging to a community influence the
social contexts in which a person carries out her or his life?
 U R S A B R A T U N & E R I C A S A B A
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We wish to thank the participants who generously
volunteered their time to share their experiences and stories.
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