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Running head: COLORISM IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN COMMUNITY 1

Am I Yellow or Brown?: Colorism in the Asian American Community

Sara Lioanag

Portland State University


COLORISM IN THE ASIAN AMERICAN COMMUNITY 2

Introduction

In America, skin color has widely been used as a tool to discriminate against racial and

ethnic minorities. Whiteness is valorized in every institution, handing white people privilege that

people of color can never experience. People of color suffer in the fight against racism with

everything they do. Racial categories have formed in the United States to separate people from

different countries of origin. These categories have been assigned colors (e.g. black, white,

brown) to distinguish and rank these groups among each other, creating a hierarchy. However,

looking within each group, one can see skin tones ranging from light to dark. These skin tones

are then ranked within the racial group. This act is called colorism. I use the word colorism, or

skin tone discrimination, to mean the preference for and privileging of lighter skin and the

discrimination against those with darker skin. Colorism is a persisting issue of intergroup and

particularly intragroup relations that is often overlooked. Light skin is seen as beautiful and

associated with intelligence, while dark skin is seen as ugly, associated with lack of education

and poverty. This leads to disadvantages within communities of color. Coupled with racism, this

keeps darker-skinned individuals under lighter-skinned counterparts and prevents racial equity.

Like racism, many people of color learn to deal with issues of colorism at an early age. However,

unlike racism, in which racial and ethnic minorities may unite to fight common causes of

oppression, colorism can cause divisions within racial or ethnic communities and has the power

to continue creating superior and inferior relationships based on the lightness of skin color

(Forster Scott, 2011). To deeper understand colorism in communities of color, I will investigate

one group: Asian Americans. I use the term Asian American to mean all American people whose

country of origin is in Asia or the Pacific Islands. By looking at the Asian American community,

I will be able to examine the effects of colorism in a specific group and then be able to compare
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it to the effects in other racial and ethnic groups. I will review literature about the issue of

colorism and its origins in racial and ethnic groups, as well as specifically in the Asian American

community, its effects in terms of upward mobility, relationships, self-esteem, and the myth of

the model minority. I will also investigate the prevalence and wide use of skin lightening

products in the Asian skin care market. After reviewing literature, I will then provide an analytic

strategy to further investigate how colorism affects the Asian American community. I ask

questions such as: How does colorism take shape within the Asian American community? How is

skin tone an indicator of class within this community? How does having dark skin negatively

affect Asian Americans intraracially, meaning within a racial group, and interracially, meaning

among and between all racial groups. I believe this research will open up discussion surrounding

the issue of colorism in the Asian American community, as well as other groups. I will use my

research to expose colorism as a prevalent issue in racial and ethnic groups and unite

communities of color. My research will benefit Asian Americans to recognize how colorism

negatively affects them and help organizations, who strive to build community, accomplish their

goals.

Review of Literature

Origins of Colorism

Among racial groups. Colorism originates from European colonialism, plantation life

for enslaved African Americans, and early class hierarchies of Asia. In the Latino/a and African

American communities, colorism was rooted in European colonialism and slavery in the

Americas. These systems both served as forms of white supremacy that favored those of lighter

skin tone. Those of lighter skin tone resembled whiteness culturally, ideologically, economically,

and even aesthetically (Hunter, 2007). These people received privileges otherwise unattainable to
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their darker-skinned counterparts. The white elites ruling the colonies even created a small light-

skinned class of the colonized people labeled the colonial elite to maintain white superiority

and domination (Hunter, 2007). In Mexico, the color-caste system was strictly in place. Light-

skinned Spaniards possessed the most power and resources, while darker-skinned Indians were

continually oppressed, robbed of their land, and powerless in the early colony. Similarly, the

United States developed a color hierarchy during slavery and beyond. Slave owners often gave

privileges to lighter-skinned African slaves, such as in-house work instead of field work or the

opportunity to learn to read. Almost exactly like Mexico, a small elite group of freedmen was

established. These light-skinned individuals became business leaders, clergy, and teachers.

In the Asian American community. Colorism in the Asian American community has a

more varied history. For Asian Americans with European colonial history, such as Indians,

Vietnamese, and Filipinos, light skin is prized because of European values enforced by the

colonial regime. Europeans, with white skin and Anglo facial features, embodied high status.

However, for Asian countries with no direct relationship with Western culture, light skin was

associated with the leisure class. Only poor or working people would have dark skin due to

having to work outside as manual laborers. Thus, dark skin was associated with poverty and

backwardness for many Asian immigrants and Asian Americans (Rondilla & Spickard, 2007).

In many former European colonies, what remains is a visible legacy of Eurocentrism and racism

in the culture. Light-skinned people continue to hold positions of power and esteem in the

economy, government, educational sectors.

Taking Shape

Communities of color in the United States have continued to endure oppression, from

both white Americans, as well as within their own communities. In addition to the innate struggle
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of being a person of color in America, these individuals are also scrutinized and ranked amongst

and by their counterparts. Lighter-skinned people of color in America reap more advantages over

those of darker skin. Upward mobility, incarceration rates, and media representation are just a

few of the areas colorism directly affects. To the extent blacks are represented in the most

powerful positions in the US, most in those leadership roles (CEOs, federal and state government

officials, and the like) are light in skin tone. Darker-skinned blacks are arrested and incarcerated

at higher percentages than lighter skinned blacks. Darker-skinned blacks also receive longer

prison sentences for comparable offenses than lighter skinned blacks and are more likely to be on

death row (Norwood, 2014). Lighter-skinned individuals are more prevalent in all advertisements

and entertainment. Even in the adoption market, when nonwhite children are considered, there is

a preference for light skin and biracial children over dark-skinned children (Norwood, 2014).

Choices based on skin color, some conscious and others unconscious, are made every day. It is

important to know where these opinions manifest from and why.

Colorism in the Asian American Community

Specifically, in the Asian American community, colorism is deeply rooted in both

Eurocentrism and East Asian class hierarchies. Asian Americans do not fit the racial binary of

black and white. Being neither black nor white gives way to brownness, although even being

categorized as brown is often trivialized. Although Asian Americans are not formally classified

as white, there is the notion that the group has attained a status of honorary whiteness

(Harpalani, 2015). Segments of Asian American communities have economic and educational

privileges and are very successful, but others are still striving for success or are struggling.

Honorary whiteness refers to the acquisition of benefits and privileges of being white without

formally categorizing as such. Contrastingly, in other sub communities, such as South Asian
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Americans, the relationship between dark skin color and Blackness is more apparent than that of

light skin and Whiteness. However, most common experiences with blackness are informal and

situational (Harpalani, 2015). South Asian Americans have claimed brown as another color-

designated identity. Unlike black or white, brown has not been a formal racial category in the

United States. Brown can be used to refer no only to South Asian Americans, but also Latino/as.

Claiming brownness allows South Asian Americans to establish a separate racial identity for

themselves, independent of white and black Americans (Harpalani, 2015). It can also serve as a

connection between South Asian Americans and other people of color in a show of solidarity. As

shown, there are different experiences within the Asian American community distinguished by

region and position in American identity.

There are similarities and differences between skin tone discrimination of Asian

Americans and other communities of color in America. Across communities of color, the

significance of skin tone and the things associated with it hold different meanings. Skin color

plays a critical role in racial classification and it is unsurprising that the color hierarchy in the

United States coincides with the racial hierarchy. Lighter skin color is associated with

intelligence and beauty, while darker skin color is associated with laziness and criminality

(Jones, 2013). Skin color has been associated with socioeconomic class of African Americans.

Lighter-skinned blacks tend to be better educated, better employed, and have higher earnings

than darker-skinned blacks. Similarly, Asian Americans have the same association between skin

color and class. Hunter (2007) would agree that these are both results of deeply rooted colorism

and that this can be dated back to the mid-nineteenth century when upper-class Japanese women

and men wore white-lead powder to indicate their elite status. Now, this association can be seen
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through the celebrity class who are noticeably lighter and taller, with more angular features,

compared to the general population.

Effects on the Community

Self-esteem. Colorism affects many aspects of life for Asian Americans. Skin color

dictates class, mobility, and interracial views of Asian Americans. For darker-skinned Asian

Americans, such as Filipinos, Pacific Islanders, and Indians, are set back farther than Asians of

lighter tone due to associations between their darker skin tone and the working class or poverty.

A study surveying among 2,092 Filipino Americans about attitudes toward different skin tones

shows that darker skin is associated with lower income and lower physical health. The results

also show that for females, more ethnic features were associated with lower income (Kiang &

Takeuchi, 2009). This can show how darker-skinned Asian Americans view their own skin color

and how this would greatly affect self-esteem.

Romantic Relationships. Skin tone and colorism can also influence romantic

relationships of Asian Americans. Interracial romantic pairings have significantly increased

throughout the 21st century. Among Asian Americans, Japanese and Filipino Americans have

formed marital unions with whites at higher rates than Southeast Asians and Asian Indian

Americans (Burton et. al, 2010). It has been reported that variability in interethnic and interracial

marriage is largely due to the inequalities in socioeconomic status anchored in residential and

occupational segregation (Okamoto, 2007).

Social settings. At young ages, darker skinned- children face the trials of colorism in

their educational and social settings. Colorism may be an issue within a group, particularly if the

racial or ethnic group in a school setting is relatively consistent (Keith & Monroe, 2015). Even if

the group is more racially or ethnically diverse, one may notice a preference for light skin and
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other physical characteristics that are closer to Caucasian features (Forster-Scott, 2011). In sport

and physical education settings, colorism can affect darker-skinned athletes unfairly. The most

popular team sports, such as basketball and football, have measureable outcomes. The team who

scores the most points wins the game. However, individual sports lack the objectivity is scoring

as the previously mentioned sports. Sports like gymnastics or figure skating determine the

winner through a panel of judges. Colorism can take shape by means of subjectivity to lighter-

skinned athletes. A judge could easily have bias toward light-skinned participants and thus score

dark-skinned athletes more harshly.

Good Asian vs. bad Asian. Asian Americans have experienced a racialization process in

the United States marked by physical comparisons to blacks and stereotypes of Asians being

lazy, foreign, Communist, and as a model minority. These sentiments were mainly focused

towards Chinese immigrants, but similar occurrences have taken place with other Asian groups,

such as the Japanese and Koreans). The American racialization process for Asian immigrants

destroys diverse ethnicities into one broad pan-ethnic Asian category (Burton et. al, 2010). In the

1960s, the term model minority came about, praising Japanese Americans for not becoming a

problem minority (Lee, 2009). Similar rhetoric was reiterated soon after its inception. Asian

Americans were seen as quiet, uncomplaining, and hard-working people. Asian Americans

exemplified the good minority as opposed to blacks and Latino/as in America. This notion of the

model minority has since turned into the lack of discussion surrounding Asian Americans as a

marginalized group. Asian Americans are often overlooked as an oppressed minority because of

this idea. Colorism plays into this as a dividing factor among Asian Americans, separating good

Asians from bad Asians. Lighter skin is associated with affluence, education, and beauty, while
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darker skin is associated with poverty, laziness, and stupidity. One can see how colorism can

affect and divide Asian Americans as an all-encompassing group.

Skin Lightening. Many Asians have turned to skin lightening products in an attempt to

lighten their skin and become less dark. The skin lightening market has exponentially grown

since the beginning of the 21st century in all parts of the world. The production and marketing of

products that offer the appearance of lighter skin has become a multimillion dollar global

industry (Glenn, 2008). East Asian societies have historically valorized light skin for women.

Products aimed to lighten the color of skin are extremely popular in Asian countries (Li et. al,

2008). Skin lightening products are especially popular in the Philippines because they are

particularly affected by Western culture and ideology due to its history as a colonial dependency

of Spain and the United States. Range of skin color is broad due to intermarriage among

indigenous populations, Spanish colonists, and Chinese settlers. It is not surprising that interest

in skin lightening seems to be huge in the Philippines. Important to note is that Filipinos do not

intend to achieve lightness of a Caucasian individual, but that of an East Asian individual (Glenn,

2008). Rondilla (2009) would agree and include that this move towards looking East Asian is

inspired by the leisure class of East Asia. This specific kind of beauty consists of extremely pale

skin, straight black hair, and large, double-lidded eyes. This standard of beauty shows the

valorization of East Asian beauty, but this is also defined by white beauty standards (Rondilla,

2009). The skin lightening industry preys on those with dark skin through strategic

advertisements and enforces the idea that light skin is coveted.

Analytic Strategy

My research has invoked questions about the ways colorism affects Asian Americans

individually and as a whole. The questions I intend to investigate include: How does colorism
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take shape within the Asian American community? How is skin tone an indicator of class within

this community? How does having dark skin affect Asian Americans intraracially and

interracially? I hypothesize that darker-skinned individuals will possess more negative

sentiments about themselves. I also hypothesize that the majority of individuals regardless of

skin tone, will have negative sentiments towards dark skin.

I intend to survey 1,176 self-identifying Asian Americans about their physical

appearance, ethnic identity, self-esteem, and feelings toward other Asian Americans. Stratified

sampling will be conducted, using data from the US Census Bureau to identify Asian Americans

who are either Asian alone or Asian in combination with another race. Individuals will be chosen

randomly within each country of ancestral origin (e.g. Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, Vietnamese).

The number individuals chosen will be proportional to the population percentage. In this study,

the percentage of each group (Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, Vietnamese) within the larger Asian

group, who identify as Asian alone, will be multiplied by 10 to represent the percentage

distribution on a smaller scale. For example, 22.8 percent of Asian Americans, identifying as

only Asian, are Chinese. Randomly selected, the sample will consist of 228 Chinese Americans.

The sample will also consist of 194 Asian Indians, 174 Filipino Americans, 106 Vietnamese

Americans, 97 Koreans, 52 Japanese Americans, and 149 Other. In addition to the 1,000 Asian

only sample, the same sample collection will be used for Asian with another race. The exception

for this sample will be that percentages will be multiplied by 1.76 instead of 10. This will be

representative of the Asian in combination population as it is about 15 percent of the Asian

American population. This will add another 176 people to be surveyed, totaling to 1,176

individuals to be surveyed.
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The survey will include questions to be answered on a scale, such as strongly agree to

strongly disagree or very dark to very pale. Questions will include a range of topics such as race

and ethnic identity, skin tone, physical characteristics, experience with colorism, feelings toward

certain skin colors, self-esteem, and romantic pairings. Participants will be asked various

questions about these topics and results will be measured accordingly.

Contribution

My hope for this research is to explore and investigate how colorism affects Asian

Americans. Accordingly, I want this research to cause inquiry and open up discussion

surrounding how colorism affects other racial and ethnic groups in America. Colorism is an issue

often pushed aside and it is my goal to highlight colorism as a pressing issue within communities

of color. My goal is not to erase skin color or advocate for a color-blind country, but to erase

notions of good and bad skin tones. This research is to be conducted with the intent of examining

how skin tone functions within the Asian American community and how it affects individuals. I

would like to expose the issue of colorism by using results from the research as evidence of the

effects of skin tone discrimination within groups. This research will help the Asian American

community examine the issue of colorism, think critically, create discussion, and build

community. This research will also aid other communities of color by opening up a dialogue to

speak about issues that occur within communities and how to erase them. Through this research,

I intend to confront colorism and examine how colorism functions as a tool of racism. I hope that

this research will bring divided communities together and end colorism.
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References

Burton, L. M., Bonilla-Silva, E., Ray, V., Buckelew, R., & Hordge Freeman, E. (2010). Critical

race theories, colorism, and the decade's research on families of color. Journal of

Marriage and Family, 72(3), 440-459.

Forster-Scott, L. (2011). Understanding colorism and how it relates to sport and physical

education. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance, 82 (2), 48-52.

Glenn, E. N. (2008). Yearning for lightness: Transnational circuits in the marketing and

consumption of skin lighteners. Gender & society, 22(3), 281-302.

Harpalani, V. (2015). To be white, black, or brown?: South Asian Americans and the race-color

distinction. Washington University Global Studies Law Review, 14(4), 609.

Hunter, M. (2007). The persistent problem of colorism: Skin tone, status, and inequality.

Sociology Compass, 1(1), 237-254.

Jones, T. (2013). The significance of skin color in Asian and Asian American communities:

Initial reflections. UC Irvine Law Review, 3, 1105-1123.

Keith, V. M., & Monroe, C. R. (2015). Histories of colorism and implications for education.

Theory Into Practice, 55 (1), 4-10.

Kiang, L., & Takeuchi, D. T. (2009). Phenotypic bias and ethnic identity in Filipino Americans.

Social Science Quarterly, 90 (2), 428-445.

Lee, S. J. (2009). Unraveling the model minority stereotype: Listening to the Asian American

youth. New York: Teachers College Press.

Li, E. P. H., Min, H. J., Belk, R. W., Kimura, J., & Bahl, S. (2008). Skin lightening and beauty in

four Asian cultures. Advances in Consumer Research, 35, 444-449.


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Norwood, K. J. (2014). Color matters: Skin tone bias and the myth of postracial America. New

York: Routledge.

Okamoto, D.G. (2007). Marrying out: A boundary approach to understanding marital integration

of Asian Americans. Social Science Research, 36, 1391-1414.

Rondilla, J. L. (2009). Filipinos and the color complex. In E. K. Glenn (Ed.), Shades of

difference, (pp. 63-80). Stanford University Press.

Rondilla, J. L., & Spickard, P. R. (2007). Is lighter better: skin-tone discrimination among Asian

Americans. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield.

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