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Ralph Schroeder
Abstract
The Editorial Board of The Sociological Review 1995. Published by Blackwell Publishers,
108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 lJF, UK and 238 Main Street, Cambridge, MA 02142, USA,
Ralph Schroeder
Here lies the key to the inner logic of the scientific world-view
- it robs the world of meaning while being unable to replace it.
The process of disenchantment is a product of the content of this
world-view which stipulates that everything is in principle know-
able and that the world is a causal mechanism, the workings of
which can ultimately be explained. The inner logic of this world-
view must therefore lead in a unidirectional manner to an ever-
growing stock of knowledge, a process which is by its very nature
open-ended. At this point, too, the relation between the scientific
world-view and technology is close at hand, since the content of
the former translates into the conduct and way of life suitable to
the latter; that is, the principle that everything is in principle
knowable leads to a practical orientation premised on the notion
that the social and natural worlds can be mastered by technical
means.
Before discussing the impact of science on everyday life via
technical mastery, it is worth stressing that the scientific world-
view itself has thoroughgoing consequences; first because of the
growing number of 'believers' or human beings whose lives are
oriented towards this belief-system. Apart from supplying a
world-view of open-ended progress, the scientific world-view is
bound to become more widespread in an age in which the spe-
cialist plays an increasing social role, both within the sphere of
cultural or intellectual life as well as in those spheres in which
rational forms of organization demand expertise - especially the
economic and political ones.
This leads to a second point, which is that the scientific world-
view not only has an autonomous logic within its own, intellec-
tual sphere where rational knowledge grows inexorably, but also
encroaches upon the other spheres of life. Knowledge is increas-
ingly brought to bear on other pursuits, so that the intellectual
sphere not only pushes the sphere of religion into the realm of
private life, but also banishes irrationality into the personal realm
within the other spheres. Thus the spheres of economics and poli-
tics operate according to the demands of technical efficiency, con-
struing efficiency as a growing body of knowledge about the
means to achieve certain given ends. This incursion of the sci-
entific world-view into the non-intellectual spheres not only
extends the scope of the intellectual sphere within social life (at
the expense of the other spheres), but also translates into a cer-
tain way of life throughout these other spheres.
the other spheres of social life these demands take the form either
of adapting to the external conditions of everyday life - in other
words, routine political administration and the routine economic
pursuit of material aims - or escaping these within the realm of
private life, or finally transcending this adaptation by reshaping
social relations through non-everyday conduct. Weber does not
want to exclude the possibility of an escape from the iron cage, a
possibility which is inherent throughout his writings by virtue of
his conception of the individual and of personality (Schroeder,
1991). Yet his pessimistic outlook on the modem world and the
social processes within it point to the fact that the world is
increasingly shaped by disenchantment. The 'conquest of life by
science' thus leads to an 'external uniformity of life-style' (Weber,
1980: 64) which ultimately constitutes the cultural significance of
science and technology for the modern social world.
must fit the needs not only of a steadily expanding output of eco-
nomic goods and the openness of the political system, but also
refiect the social situation of a bourgeois stratum with its affinity
to open-ended progress rather than traditionalism.
The emergence of the modern scientific world-view was helped,
according to Gellner, by its predecessor. A world-view which
subsumed reality within a single conceptual schema based on a
transcendent reference-point could, particularly in its Occidental
form with a 'jealous god', 'flip over' (1988: 83, 79) into a single-
aim conceptual schema, this time with empirical reality as its ulti-
mate reference-point. For Gellner as for Weber, science is one
belief-system among others, yet what sets it apart from other
world-views is that scientific knowledge leads to mastery over the
world, and thus to social change.
The transformative capacity of the scientific world-view, for
Gellner, derives from its tension with the world. He identifies two
features as central to science: empiricism, which breaks down the
evidence provided by sense data into its smallest isolable parts
and allows this evidence to arbitrate between rival theories; and
mechanism which establishes impersonal, symmetrical and trans-
parent models which impose order on this evidence (1974, esp:
206-7). The point of singling out these features of science - apart
from arguing that they constitute the basis for objective knowl-
edge in the social sciences (1979: 164-81; 1985: 101-27) - is that
they explain how science has led to the unprecedented and spec-
tacular growth of knowledge which is characteristic of industrial
society. Empiricism and mechanism are normative inasmuch as
they impose order on the world, and the single-minded and sys-
tematic effort to subject ever more parts of the social and natural
worlds to these two norms accounts for the dynamic unleashed
by science. The scientific world-view is thus bound to remain in
conflict with the world as long as there are aspects of nature and
of the human environment which elude the orderliness and regu-
larity which are sought within the realm of objective knowledge,
a realm which operates according to its own rules (ie those of sci-
entific knowledge).^
Disenchantment is an immediate corollary of this view of
science. Scientific knowledge undermines not only 'traditional'
systems of belief, with their supra-sensible reference-points, evi-
dence-evading mechanisms and the social stability that these and
other features engender, but also the traditional beliefs and prac-
tices which govern our everyday lives. As Hall puts it:
Notes
1 The exceptions to this omission are Scaff (1989) and Brubaker (1984) on the
side of interpreting his works; while Gellner's (especially 1974, 1988) and
Collins' (1986) attempts to apply them will be discussed below. Merton's writ-
ings on science and technology (see esp. 1970) are sometimes regarded as fol-
lowing on from Weber. Tenbruck (1974) has argued convingly, however, that
Merton's sociology of science does not represent a Weberian viewpoint.
2 Although a number of writers in various theoretical traditions, such as Merton,
Shils, and Polanyi, have drawn on Weber's ideas about science, the fact that
they do not develop a distinctively Weberian perspective is demonstrated by the
complete absence in their works of the concept of disenchantment, which, it is
argued here, is the key to Weber's and Gellner's understanding of science. Even
Habermas, who does discuss disenchantment, develops this idea in the direction
that science should be challenged as an ideology. This leads him to conclusions
that are diametrically opposed to Weber's ideas (on this point, see Hall 1982).
3 For the rest of the discussion in this paragraph, see Weber (1968: 399-421).
4 But see Turner (1987) on Weber's underestimation of non-Occidental scientific
and technological achievements, particularly in the Chinese and Islamic cases.
5 Compare Weber's comment that 'the empiricism of the seventeenth century was
the means for asceticism to seek God in nature' (1930: 249, note 145).
6 The similarity between Weber and Kant on this point are striking: if we want
to obtain valid knowledge, Kant argued, certain categories (synthetic a priori)
must be presupposed. Otherwise, without these presuppositions, the world is
unknowable. These categories themselves, however, are meaningless.
7 My understanding of Gellner's ideas, such as it is, has benefited from Hall's
(1981, 1987) exposition of them. A discussion of some of the links between
Weber's and Gellner's thought can now also be found in an essay by Anderson
(1992). No attempt will be made to give a comprehensive account of Gellner's
ideas about science, the focus being on those ideas that are relevant to Weber's
conception of science. Moreover, the emphasis will be on the continuity
between their views, thus ignoring the many differences both between their con-
ceptions of science and their accounts of industrial society in which it is embed-
ded.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Randall Collins, John Hall and two anony-
mous referees of this journal for helpful comments on an earlier
version of this essay.
References
Wherever reference is made first to the German original of Weber's texts, I have
used my own translation.
Tenbruck, Friedrich, (1974), 'Max Weber and the sociology of science: a case
reopened' Zeitschrift fuer Soziologie 3: 312-23.
Turner, Bryan, (1987), 'State, science and economy in traditional societies: some
problems in Weberian sociology of science' British Journal of Sociology 38:
1-23.
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