Ms.

Alves | SS9 | Start- up

Articles

1. Who was responsible for the violence in

Charlottesville? Here's what witnesses say
The clashes that broke out over the weekend at a white nationalist rally in
Charlottesville, Va., have become a new touchstone in the nations long-running
debate over racism, free speech and violence.

One woman was killed and many more injured when a car, allegedly driven by a rally
participant, sped into a crowd of anti-racism protesters. Two state troopers
monitoring the action died in a helicopter crash later in the day, though no foul play
was suspected.

The event quickly took on enormous political importance as Democrats and

Republicans alike denounced the violence and the white supremacist views espoused
at the far-right rally. President Trump has also denounced the racist groups, but he
suggests that anti-racism counter-demonstrators share some of the blame. On
Tuesday, he said both sides were responsible for the bloodshed.

White supremacists and counter protesters clash in Charlottesville on Saturday. (Michael Nigro / Pacific Press)

What actually happened?

Here are several first-hand accounts of Saturdays events in Charlottesville, collected

from journalists, protesters and far-right ralliers who have published their accounts
of what they saw that day.
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Charlottesville Daily Progress photographer Ryan Kelly: I hitched a ride with my

editor downtown, and I started wandering the mall. There were groups on both sides
scattered. There were a few small fights that broke out from time to time. People
were throwing stuff at each other. A few people were beating on each other.

BuzzFeed News reporter Blake Montgomery: Most white supremacist and Nazi
groups arrived armed like a paramilitary force carrying shields, protective gear,
rods and, yes, lots of guns, utilizing Virginias loose firearm laws. They used
militarized defensive maneuvers, shouting commands at one another to move
forward or retreat, and would form a line of shields or a phalanx its like they
watched 300 a few times to gain ground or shepherd someone through
projectiles. It seemed that they had practiced for this.

Marcus Cicero, another far-right blogger at Occidental Dissent: Now, to begin

Saturdays rally, the League of the South assembled at an area only a few blocks from
Lee Park I myself was one of the shield men. As we advanced down the street
toward the park, I immediately noticed a horde of Antifa, BLM terrorists, and other
assorted genetic refuse ready and willing to block the street leading up to our
destination.

Matt Parrott of Traditionalist Youth Network, a white supremacist group: With a

full-throated rebel yell, the League broke through the wall of degenerates and
TradWorker managed to enter the Lee Park venue itself while they were largely still
reeling. Michael Tubbs, an especially imposing League organizer towered over and
pushed through the antifa like a Tyrannosaurus among raptors as league fighters
with shields put their training to work.

Washington Post reporter Joe Heim: Counter-protesters fought back, also swinging
sticks, punching and spraying chemicals. Others threw balloons filled with paint or
ink at the white nationalists. Everywhere, it seemed violence was exploding. The
police did not move to break up the fights.

Los Angeles Times account of the car attack by special correspondent Robert
Armengol in Charlottesville: By early afternoon, hundreds of counter-protesters had
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amassed two blocks south of Emancipation Park, in downtown Charlottesville. They

began marching down the middle of Water Street, near the citys pedestrian mall.
The white nationalists, for the time being, seemed to have dispersed. Some of the
armed militia members had just driven away in vans and pickup trucks.

The crowd was jubilant. Demonstrators waved flags calling for solidarity and they
chanted anti-racist slogans, declaring, Whose streets? Our streets! and Black lives
matter! They hooted, played on drums and blew horns. One man dressed in a clown
suit with rainbow-colored suspenders held aloft a poster that read, simply, SHAME.

A police helicopter flew overhead in the clear sky. It was about 2 p.m.

At East Fourth Street, the crowd veered left and headed back toward the Main Street
mall, up a slight incline on a narrow one-lane road, flanked on either side by
commercial buildings. The front of the march had advanced less than half a block
before a gray sports car appeared, moving south toward the demonstrators.

The car and its driver, hidden behind tinted windows, advanced slowly at first.
[Police have since identified the driver as James A. Fields, 20, of Ohio, who was
previously seen marching with Vanguard America, a fascist group.] Then, just a few
feet in front of protesters, the vehicle accelerated suddenly, plowing into at least a
dozen people in a gut-wrenching crash, sending bodies, shoes and personal
belongings flying through the air.

Victims cried out in pain while onlookers howled in shock and ran from the scene,
yelling for medical help. Oh my God, someone screamed. He mowed down
everybody.

Within seconds, the sports car, its front-end mangled, changed course and screeched
backward up the street, disappearing around a corner at the next block up as a
bystander yelled, Get off the street! Get off the street!
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2. NORTH KOREA STAMPS SHOW MISSILES AIMED

AT THE U.S. CAPITOL AS PART OF ITS ANTI-
AMERICAN MONTH CELEBRATIONS
North Koreans have been able to fully embrace the spirit of the countrys Struggle
Against U.S. Imperialism month by purchasing two new distinctly anti-American
postage stamps. The stamps were launched at the end of last month to coincide with
the anniversary of the Korean War.

One features a fist crushing a U.S. missile, while the other evokes even more destructive
imagery, showing an array of warheads locked in on a target that appears to be the U.S.
Capitol.

Experts said the missile could reach

Alaska, while North Korean state media
said it was capable of carrying a nuclear
warhead and meant the country has
risen to become one of the few nuclear
weapons states.

The U.S. strongly condemned the test, and United Nations Ambassador Nikki Haley
refused to rule out military action while pushing for stronger sanctions against the
isolated country.
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Residents of Pyongyang take part in a June 25 mass rally

marking the start of the Korean War, in Kim Il Sung
Square. North Korea refers to June 25 as the "Day of
Struggle Against U.S. Imperialism." KIM WON-
JIN/AFP/GETTY IMAGES

But while there has been a sharp escalation in rhetoric from both sides in recent
months, stamps with a distinctly anti-American flavor are nothing new in North Korea.
In 1969, a stamp was released showing then-U.S. President Richard Nixon being ripped
apart by pens, accompanied with the tag International Conference of Journalists
Against U.S. Imperialism.

A few years later, as Quartz notes, a stamp depicted a muscular North Korean punching
a cowering U.S. soldier. The picture was embellished by the addition of the words
Yankee bastard.
But not all of North Koreas stamps are nearly so provocative. Over the years, they have
featured such subjects as Princess Diana and former German tennis great Steffi Graf, as
well as rodents and plants.

All stamps, though, have a purpose. In some cases, the propaganda angle is not difficult
to decipher, but more common is North Koreas attempts to appeal to collectors and
secure a crucial source of foreign currency. Indeed, in its prolific use of stamps to bring
in revenue, North Korea and the U.S. share some rare common ground.

The U.S. is another example of a country that uses the postal service to make a ton of
money from gullible collectors, Ross King, the head of Asia studies at the University of
British Columbia, told CNN Monday. North Korea and the United States are very similar
in that respect.
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3. What Scientists Know About Climate Change and

Hurricanes:
Hurricane Irma
Source: NOAA

These days, as soon

as winds hit 74 miles
per hour or
barometric pressure
drops below 990
millibars, people
want to know: Is
climate change
behind this hurricane? Its an even more pressing question when a giant storm like
Harvey is followed by an even more gigantic one like Irma, which itself is being
followed by Jose and Katia. Climate scientists continue to wrestle with the
connection between global warming and individual storms, but theyre more
confident than ever that theres some linkage.

1. Is climate change to blame for Harvey and Irma?

Climate scientists are increasingly comfortable connecting global warming to the

unprecedentedly high ocean temperatures that fuel some storms. Scientists in
Germany and the U.K. drew a direct link between global warming and the intensity
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of Irma and the destructiveness of Harvey. Climate change cant be blamed for the
existence of these two juggernauts -- there have always been hurricanes, after all --
but it does shape the remarkable conditions theyre occurring in. The fuel for tropical
storms is ocean heat, and each storms top winds have a theoretical speed limit,
determined by how much of that fuel is in their tank.

2. How hot is the ocean?

Hotter than at any previous moment in recorded history, thanks to human-driven

climate change. The global average sea-surface temperature for July was 1.24
degrees Fahrenheit above the 20th century average, making it the third-hottest July
for oceans, behind 2016 and 2015. The waters where Irma was born were about 2
degrees Fahrenheit above normal or 1 degree Celsius.

3. What does the extra heat do?

In addition to raising water temperatures, it heats up the air, which makes storms
wetter. Every uptick in temperature increases the airs water-holding capacity
exponentially. As a result, theres now at least 4 percent more water vapor in the air
than a century ago.

4. What does all that mean?

So far, the scientific consensus is that global warming will make more-intense storms
more frequent, even if the total number of storms stays the same or drops.

5. How did scientists reach that consensus?

Climate scientists rely on powerful computer models that simulate the behavior of
the atmosphere, oceans and land. Through testing, they make sure these model-
Earths can reproduce weather events that have already occurred. Then the models
can be used to project into the future. There is not as much historical data as
scientists would like to support a more confident statement about hurricane
frequency going forward.
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6. What explains the recent run of quiet hurricane seasons?

The U.S. did indeed go without a strike by a major hurricane (Category 3 or above)
between 2005 and 2017, the longest gap on record going back to 1851. But the
Atlantic Ocean spun up some monster storms during that time. Last year, Hurricane
Matthew killed more than 500 people across the Caribbean. In 2015, Hurricane
Joaquin grew with explosive power, trapping the freighter El Faro and sinking it with
the loss of all hands. In addition, 2010, 2011 and 2012 all posted 19 named storms,
making them tied for most active year, along with 1995 and 1887. And Superstorm
Sandy, which hit the U.S. in 2012, started as a hurricane near Jamaica. The U.S. also
suffered billions in damages from smaller storms such as Ike in 2008 and Irene in
2011, which caused severe flooding as far north as Vermont.

8. What do scientists disagree about?

For one thing, how powerful an influence the Arctic, which is warming twice as
quickly as the rest of the planet, has on weather extremes in the sub-tropics. Theres
also a debate over whether the Atlantic has a long-term cycle of warming and
cooling thats separate from warming induced by industrialization.

9. Are Irma and Harvey likely to change the climate debate?

The U.S. quickly went from world leader in global climate diplomacy to an outlier
when President Donald Trump walked away from the 2015 Paris accords, which
continue to be supported by virtually all other nations. There is interesting research
into behavior and decision-making on climate and other issues. Extreme weather and
palpable changes in long-term trends can be influential in helping people understand
whats going on even if political affiliations restrict what they are comfortable
saying out loud. On the other hand, the record hurricane year of 2005, when there
were 28 named storms, including Katrina, was followed by deepening political
polarization on the issue, in the U.S. if not elsewhere.
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4. Is Canada 150 a national party or a celebration

of colonization?
'Why would we celebrate 150 years? A hundred and fifty years of colonization?' Susan
Barberstock
On July 1, Canada will mark its 150th birthday with a national party but many
Indigenous people won't be celebrating.

Some Aboriginal people across the country say Canada 150 stands as a symbol of
decades of colonization and oppression, and seek changes to the celebrations to
recognize a history that stretches back centuries.

Others call for resistance to the event or just skipping it altogether.

"A lot of people say, because we've been here longer, why would we celebrate 150
years? A hundred and fifty years of colonization?" said Susan Barberstock, the executive
director of the Hamilton Regional Indian Centre.

"A lot of people aren't participating. Why would we celebrate that?"

A look at the hashtag #Resistance150 on Twitter reveals thousands of messages of

protest and discontent. They say that it's impossible to celebrate Canada with a history
of abusive residential schools, where thousands of people died and others had their
heritage ripped away.

View image on Twitter

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Then there are the hundreds of cases of missing and murdered Indigenous women and
girls, which has prompted a national inquiry.

It's issues like that which prevent Aboriginal people from being able to look at Canada
150 as any kind of celebration, said Vanessa Watts, the director of McMaster
University's Indigenous studies program.

"Canada 150 in and of itself is a complicated and inherently contradictory celebration,"

she said. "How is it in celebrating Canada 150 we can talk about integrating Indigenous
communities [in the celebration], when some Indigenous communities don't even have
clean drinking water?"

"How can there be an expectation that Indigenous persons jump on board with this
celebration, when there are all these histories and current circumstances that are still
unjust or haven't been properly engaged with by the state?"

Barberstock echoed that sentiment, pointing out that funding used to ramp up Canada
Day celebrations (Bono and The Edge from U2 are even performing on Parliament Hill)
could be used elsewhere, like wastewater treatment and affordable housing.

"There are other places it could be spent," she said.

But not everyone views the event with the same consternation. Chase Jarrett is a hip-
hop artist from Six Nations who performs under the same Chilly Chase.

He says he has no plans to celebrate on Saturday, but also isn't offended in any way by
the event.
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Hip-hop artist Chilly Chase performs with many political themes. (Vimeo)

"I think if Canadians want to be proud and celebrate their heritage, they should
celebrate. Indigenous people have complaints, but there are so many people here who
had nothing to do with colonization, and they are blamed for the sins of their fathers.
And who wants that?" he asked.

"I understand where the feeling comes from. But if you are going to continuously make
white people feel bad for being white, they're going to shut down the conversation. We
have to be very careful with this idea of 'white people can't feel good about their
culture.'"

So should further efforts be made to include Aboriginal people in the Canada 150
celebrations? Baberstock says that it could be a place to educate people about the
wealth of issues still facing Indigenous communities. But Watts isn't so sure.

"I don't know that integration is even something to really strive for," she said.

"I think that it's necessary for indigenous

people to view themselves as distinct."

5. How the LGBT

movement came

together to fight

Trumps transgender military ban

Military flag bearers prepare to march in the 2017 San Diego LGBT Pride parade in San Diego on July 15.
The parade included a contingent of active-duty military members and their spouses. (David
Maung/European Pressphoto Agency)
Ms. Alves | SS9 | Start- up

In August, President Trump instructed the Defense Department to stop recruiting

transgender people for the military. LGBT and human rights organizations
quickly filed two lawsuits to prevent the ban from being enforced.
In doing so, LGBT organizations and factions that used to battle one another are now
working together, and swiftly. Thats likely to make a big difference in whether
Trumps ban on open transgender service will survive. Heres how and why that
happened and what it means for the future.

Two big rifts within the LGBT coalition have historically hampered its effectiveness

First, in 1986, the then-nascent gay movements legal organizations formed a

Litigators Roundtable to hash out legal targets and strategies, as recently detailed in
Nathaniel Franks book, Awakening. Political organizations were not invited to
these meetings, resulting in angry movement rifts and gaps.
Second, the LGBT movement is made up of various communities, with different
letters in the coalitions acronym joining over time. Individuals in those different
columns have different experiences and needs, and dont always agree. As the most
recent addition to the coalition and its acronym, transgender identity isnt always
supported by the rest of the movement.
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During the 2000s, the movement breach on trans issues became very pronounced
and resulted in change

Two events during the 2000s highlighted this breach and pushed both the political
and legal wings of the movement to offer a united front on sexual orientation and
gender identity.

First, during the 2000s, the effort to pass a federal law banning employment
discrimination based on sexual orientation resulted in a pitched battle over whether
to include gender identity in the bill. Since then, the major LGBT political
organizations and leaders have closed ranks in favor of including transgender people
under the rainbow banner despite occasional pushback from different factions or
funders.
Second, in 2003, Michael Silverman founded the Transgender Legal Defense and
Education Fund, arguing that the mainstream LGBT litigation organizations within the
Litigators Roundtable were not attentive enough to trans issues. And in 2010,
lawyers from the Sylvia Rivera Law Project, a New York legal aid organization for
people who are trans or gender nonconforming, broke the Roundtables
confidentiality rule by publishing a criticism of what they viewed as a trans-exclusive
approach. In interviews with advocates involved in the Roundtable, I found that
these criticisms prompted internal discussions and new internal education on trans
issues.
In part because of these public breaches, both legal and political organizations
expanded their trans outreach and focus; changed their names and mission
statements to explicitly include trans rights; added more trans and gender
nonconforming staff members; and consulted trans leadership more regularly.
Meanwhile, trans groups were establishing legal and political organizations of their
own. All this helped lead to the quick reaction to the trans military ban.

Coalitions built on specific issues, and goals grew stronger

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The treatment of gay men by the military prompted one of the first gay rights
demonstrations in 1964, and was listed on a Homosexual Bill of Rights distributed
at a national meeting of early homophile organizations in 1968. After Stonewall led
to modern gay rights (later, LGBT) organizations, open military service became a
central movement goal.
Between 1975 and 2010, advocates regularly pivoted between legal and political
efforts. Waves of litigation since the 1970s invited judges to scrutinize policies that
excluded gay men and lesbians from service, including Ben-Shalom v. Marsh, Steffan
v. Cheney and Cook v. Gates. In response, the political branches of government
codified the exclusion, facing strong pressure from LGBT organizations each time.
For instance, under President Ronald Reagan, in 1982, Defense Department Directive
1332.14 declared that homosexuality is incompatible with military service. In 1992,
President Bill Clinton announced that he would undo the ban on openly gay military
members; to prevent that, Congress passed a law known as Dont Ask, Dont Tell
(DADT). LGB, and later, LGBT advocates organized for years against this law, securing
its repeal under President Barack Obama in 2010. Continued advocacy pushed the
Obama administration to end the trans ban 2016 which Trumps memo now seeks
to override.
Within the LGBT movement, military advocacy was ad hoc in the 1970s and into the
1980s. In 1988, the National Gay Task Force formed the Military Freedom Project,
which was the first home of political advocacy on open service. In the 1990s, this
campaign was supplanted by the independent Campaign for Military Service.
Archives show that both were intended to be temporary but were formalized
after DADT was enacted. These laid the foundations for a new organization called the
Servicemembers Legal Defense Network, or SLDN, which had the explicit mission of
enabling lesbians and gay men to serve openly. Once DADT was repealed, SLDN
reorganized to fight for open trans service and is now among the organizations
suing against Trumps trans ban.
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In other words, a movement infrastructure built to resist earlier bans based on

sexual orientation has been activated to fight a ban based on gender identity. The
unity forged among different aspects of the movement has made it possible to act
swiftly now.

Those coalitions built over 40 years allowed the movement to effectively pivot
between legal and political advocacy while bridging internal divisions. The efforts to
bridge the LGB and T gap and the gap among the movements political and legal
wings made it more effective in pursuing its self-defined goals.

The pushback against Trumps trans military ban shows that decades of effort to
bridge tensions over identity and tactics have come together to defend trans
rights broadly and the right to serve specifically.

The LGBT movements long-term efforts to build effective internal coalitions may
offer a model for other movements built on shared goals but with internal skirmishes
over identities and tactics. Internal divisions can seriously challenge movements. But
prioritizing policy goals and constructing durable coalitions to pursue them can lead
to success.