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Analects and Tao 1

ANALECTS
(CONFUCIUS)
1. Rectification of Names

XIII:3 a. Tsze-lu said, The ruler of Wei has been waiting for you, In order with you to administer the
government. What will you consider the first thing to be done?
b. The master replied, What is necessary is to rectify names.
c. So indeed! said Tsze-lu. You are wide of the mark! Why must there be such rectification?
c. The master said, How uncultivated you are. A superior man, in regard to what he does not know,
shows a cautious reserve.
d. If names be no correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot
be carried on to success.
e. When affairs cannot be carried on to success, properties and music will not flourish. When
proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded. When punishments
are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot.
f. Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken
appropriately. What the superior man requires, is just that in his words there may be nothing
incorrect.

XIII:13 The master said, If a minister make his own conduct correct, what difficulty will he have in
assisting in government? If he cannot rectify himself, what has he to do with rectifying others?

XIII:20 a. Tsze-kung asked, saying, What qualities must a man possess to entitle him to be called an
officer? The master said, He who in his conduct of himself maintains a sense of shame, and when sent
to any quarter will not disgrace his princes commission, deserves to be called an officer.
b. Tsze-kung pursued, I venture to ask who may be placed in the next lower rank? And he was told,
He whom the circle of his relatives pronounce to be filial, whom his fellow villagers and neighbors
pronounce to be fraternal.
c. Again the disciple asked, I venture to ask about the class still next in order. The master said, They
are determined to be sincere in what they say, and to carry out what they do. They are obstinate little
men. Yet perhaps they may make the next class.
c. Tsze-kung finally inquired, Of what sort are those of the present day, who engage in government?
The master said Pooh! They are so many pecks and hampers, not worth being taken into account.

2. Life worth Living

VII:14 The master said, With coarse rice to eat, with water to drink, and my bended arm for a pillow;
- I have still joy in the midst of these things. Riches and honors acquired by unrighteousness, are to
me as a floating cloud.

VII:17 a. The Duke of Sheh asked Tsze-lu about Confucius, and Tsze-lu did not answer him.
b. The master said, Why did you not say to him, - he is simply a man, who in his eager pursuit (of
knowledge) forgets his food, who in the joy of attainment forgets his sorrows, and who does not
perceive that old age is coming on?

IX:22 The master said, A youth is to be regarded with respect. How do we know that his future will not be
equal to our present? If he reach the age of forty or fifty, and has not made himself heard of, then indeed
he will not be worth being regarded with respect.

XIV:40 The master said, I will not be concerned at mens not knowing me; I will be concerned at my
own want of ability.
Analects and Tao 2

3. Filial Piety

I:6 The master said. A youth, when at home, should be filial, and, abroad, respectful to his elders. He
should be earnest and truthful. He should overflow in love to all, and cultivate the friendship of the
good. When he has time and opportunity, after the performance of these things, he should employ them
in polite studies.

I:9 The philosopher Tsang said, Let there be a careful attention to perform the funeral rites to parents,
and let them be followed when long gone with the ceremonies of sacrifice; - then the virtue of the people
will resume its proper excellence.

I:11 The master said, While a mans father is alive, look at the bent of his will; when his father is dead,
look at his conduct. If for three years he does not alter from the way of his father, he may be called filial.

II:5 a. Mang I asked what filial piety was. The Master said, It is not being disobedient.
b. Soon after, as Fan Chih was driving him, the master told him, saying, Mang-sun asked me what filial
piety was and I answered him, - not being disobedient
g. Fan Chih said, What did you mean?

The master replied, That parents, when alive, be served according to propriety; that, when dead, they
should be buried according to propriety; and that they should be sacrificed to according to propriety.

II:6 Mang Wu asked what filial piety was. The master said, parents are anxious lest their children
should be sick.

II:7 Tsze-yu asked what filial piety was. The master said, The filial piety of now-a-days means the
support of ones parents. But dogs and horses likewise are able to do something in the way of support; -
without reverence, what is there to the one support given from the other?

II;8 Tsze-hsia asked what filial piety was. The master said, The difficulty is with the countenance. If, when
their elders have any troublesome affairs, the young take the toil of them, and if, when the young have
wine and food, they set them before their elders, is this to be considered filial piety?

IV:18 The master said, In serving his parents, a son may remonstrate with them, but gently; when he
sees that they do not incline to follow his advice, he shows an increased degree of reverence, but does
not abandon his purpose; and should they punish him, he does not allow himself to murmur.

4. Education

I:8 The master said,


a. If the scholar be not grave, he will not call forth any veneration, and his learning will not be solid.
b. Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles.
c. Have no friends not equal to yourself.
d. When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them.

II:11 The master said, If a man keeps cherishing his old knowledge, so as continually to be acquiring
new, he may be a teacher of others.

II:12 The master said, The accomplished scholar is not a utensil.

II:15 Learning without thought is labor lost; thought without learning is perilous.

II:16 The master said, The study of strange doctrines is injurious indeed!

II:17 The master said, Yu, shall I teach you what knowledge is? When you know a thing, to hold that you
know it; and when you do not know a thing to allow that you do not know it; -this is knowledge.
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IV:9 The master said, A scholar whose mind is set on truth, and who is ashamed of bad clothes and bad
food, is not fit to be discoursed with.

VII:2 The master said, The silent treasuring up of knowledge; learning without satiety; and instructing
others without being wearied: - which one of these things belongs to me?

VII:3 The master said, The leaving virtue without proper cultivation; the not thoroughly discussing what is
learned; not being able to move towards righteousness of which a knowledge is gained; and not being
able to change what is not good: -these are the things which occasion me solicitude.

VII:8 The master said, I do not open up the truth to one who is not eager to get knowledge, nor help out
any one who is not anxious to explain himself. When I have presented one corner of a subject to any one,
and he cannot from it learn the other three, I do not repeat my lesson.

VII:18 The master said, I am not one who was born in the possession of knowledge; I am one who is
fond of antiquity, and earnest in seeking it there.

VII:20 The master said, When I walk along with two others, they may serve me as my teachers. I will
select their good qualities and follow them, their bad qualities and avoid them.

VII:26 The master said, There may be those who act without knowing why. I do not do so. Hearing much
and selecting what is good and following it; seeing much and keeping it in memory: - this is the second
style of knowledge.

VIII:17 The master said, Learn as if you could not reach your object, and were always fearing also lest
you should lose it.

IX:18 The master said, The prosecution of learning may be compared to what may happen in raising a
mound. If there want but one basket of earth to complete the work, and I stop, the stopping is my own
work. It may be compared to throwing down the earth on the level ground. Though but one basketful is
thrown at a time, the advancing with it is my own going forward.

XIII:28 Tsze-lu asked, saying, What qualities must a man possess to entitle him to be called a scholar?
The master said, He must be thus, - earnest, urgent, and bland: - among his friends, earnest and urgent;
among his brethren, bland.

XV:36 The master said, In teaching there should be no distinction of classes.

XV:37 The master said, Those whose courses are different cannot lay plans for one another.

XVII:8 a. The master said, Yu, have you heard the six words to which are attached six becloudings? Yu
replied, I have not.
b. Sit down, and I will tell them to you.
c. There is the love of being benevolent without the love of learning: - the beclouding here leads to a
foolish simplicity.. There is the love of knowing without the love learning: - the beclouding here leads
to dissipation of mind. There is the love of being sincere without the love of learning: - the beclouding
here leads to an injurious disregard of consequences. There is the love of straightforwardness
without the love of learning: - the beclouding here leads to rudeness. There is the love of boldness
without the love of learning: - the beclouding here leads to insubordination. There is the love of
firmness without the love of learning: - the beclouding here leads to extravagant conduct.

XIX:6 Tsze-hsia said, There are learnings extensively, and having a firm and sincere aim; inquiring with
earnestness, and reflecting with self-application: - virtue is in such a course.
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5. Gentleman or Superior Man

II:13 Tsze-kung asked what constituted the superior man. The master said, He acts before he speaks,
and afterwards speaks according to his actions.

II:14 The superior man is catholic and no partisan. The mean man is partisan and not catholic.

IV:5 a. The master said, Riches and honors are what men desire. If it cannot be obtained in the proper
way, they should not be held. Poverty and meanness are what men dislike. If it cannot be avoided in the
proper way, they not be avoided.
b. If a superior man abandons virtue, how can he fulfill the requirements of that name?
c. The superior man does not, even for the space of a single meal, act contrary to virtue. In moments
of haste, he cleaves to it. In seasons of danger, he cleaves to it.

IV:11 The master said, The superior man thinks of virtue; the small man thinks of comfort. The superior
man thinks of the sanctions of law; the small man of favors which he may receive.

IV:16 The master said, The mind of the superior man is conversant with righteousness; the mind of
the mean man is conversant with gain.

IV:17 The master said, When we see men of worth, we should think of equaling them; when we see men
of a contrary character, we should turn inwards and examine ourselves.

IV:24 The master said, The superior man wishes to be slow in his speech and earnest in his
conduct.

IV:25. The master said, Virtue is not left to stand alone. He who practices it will have neighbors.

V:15 The master said of Tsze-chan that he had four of the characteristics of a superior man: - in his
conduct of himself, he was humble; in serving his superiors, he was respectful; in nourishing the people,
he was kind; in ordering the people, he was just.

VI:25 The master said, The superior man, extensively studying all learning, and keeping himself under
the restraint of the rules of propriety, may thus likewise not overstep what is right.

VII:35 The master said, The superior man is satisfied and composed; the mean man is always full of
distress.

XII:4 a. Sze-ma Niu asked about the superior man, The master said, The superior man has neither
anxiety nor fear.
b. Being without anxiety or fear! Said Niu; - does this constitute what we call the superior man?
c. The master said, When internal examination discovers nothing wrong, what is there to be anxious
about, what is there to fear?

XIII:23 The master said, The superior man is affable, but not adulatory; the mean man is adulatory, but
not affable.

XIII:25 The master said, The superior man is easy to serve and difficult to please. If you try to please
him in any way which is not accordant with right, he will not be pleased. But in his employment of men, he
uses them according to their capacity. The mean man is difficult to serve, and easy to please. If you try to
please him, though it be in a way which is not accordant with right, he may be pleased. But in his
employment of men. He wishes them to be equal to everything.

XIII:27 The master said, The firm, the enduring, the simple, and the modest are near to virtue.
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XIV:12 The master said, To be poor without murmuring is difficult. To be rich without being proud is
easy.

XIV:14 a. Tsze-lu asked what constituted a COMPLETE MAN. The master said, Suppose a man with the
knowledge of Tsang Wu-chung, the freedom from covetousness of Kung-cho, the bravery of Chwang
of Pien, and the varied talents of Zan Chiu; add to these the accomplishments of the rules of
propriety and music: - such a one might be reckoned a complete name.

b. He then added, But what is necessary for a complete man of the present day to have all these
things? The man, who in the view of gain, thinks of righteousness; who in the view of danger is
prepared to give up his life; and who does not forget an old agreement however far back it extends: -
such a man may be reckoned a complete man.

XIV:37 The master said, The superior man is modest in his speech, but exceeds in his actions.

XV:5 a. Tsze-chang asked how a man should a man should conduct himself, so as to be everywhere
appreciated.
b. The master said, Let his words be sincere and truthful, and his actions honorable and careful; - such
conduct may be practiced among the rude tribes of the south or north. If his words be not sincere and
truthful and his actions not honorable and careful, will he, with such conduct, be appreciated, even in
his neighborhood.
c. When he is standing, let him see those two things, as it were, fronting him. When he is in a carriage,
let him see them attached to the yoke. Then may he subsequently carry them into practice.

XV:15 The master said, The superior man in everything considers righteousness to be essential. He
performs it according to the rules of propriety. He brings it forth in humility. He completes it with sincerity.
This is indeed a superior man.

XV:17 The master said, The superior man is distressed by his want of ability. He is not distressed by
mens not being mentioned after his death.

XV:18 The master said, The superior man dislikes the thought of his name not being mentioned
after his death.

XV:19 The master said, What the superior man seeks, is in himself. What the mean man seeks is in
others.

XV:20 The master said, The superior man is dignified, but does not wrangle. He is sociable, but not
partisan.

XV:21 The master said, The superior man does not promote a man simply on account of his words,
nor does he put aside good words because of the man.

XV:30 The master said, The object of the superior man is truth. Food is not his object. There is
plowing; - even in that there is sometimes want. So with learning; emolument may be found in it. The
superior man is anxious lest he should not get truth; he is not anxious lest poverty should come upon him.
a. The master said, When a mans knowledge is sufficient to attain, and his virtue is not sufficient to
enable him to hold whatever he may have gained, he will lose again.
b. When his knowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has virtue enough to hold fast, if he cannot
govern with dignity, the people will not respect him.
c. When his knowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has virtue enough to hold fast; when he
governs also with dignity, yet if he try to move the people contrary to the rules of propriety. full
excellence is not reached.
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XV:31 The master said, The superior man cannot be known in little matters; but he may be
entrusted with great concerns. The small man may not be entrusted with great concerns, but he may
be known in little matters.

XVI:7 Confucius said, There are three things which the superior man guards against. In youth, when
he physical powers are not yet settled, he guards against lust. When he is strong and the physical
powers are full of vigor, he guards against quarrelsomeness, he guards against covetousness.

XVI:10 Confucius said, The superior man has nine things which are subjects with him of thoughtful
consideration. In regard to the use of his eyes, he is anxious to see clearly. In regard to the use of his
ears, he is anxious to hear distinctly. In regard to countenance, he is anxious that it should be
benign. In regard to his demeanor, he is anxious that it should be sincere. In regard to his doing
business, he is anxious that it should be reverently careful. In regard to what he doubts about, he is
anxious to question others. When he is angry, he thinks of the difficulties (his anger may involve
him in). When he sees gain to be got, he thinks of righteousness.

XIX:3 The disciples of Tsze-hsia asked Tsze-chang about the principles that should characterize mutual
intercourse. Tsze-chang asked, What does Tsze-hsia say on the subject? They replied, Tsze-hsia says:
- Associate with those who can advantage you. Put away from you those who cannot do so. Tsze-chang
observed. This is different from what I have learned. The superior man honors the talented and
virtuous, and bears with all. He praises the good, and pities the incompetent. Am I possessed if
great talents and virtue? who is there among men whom I will not bear with? Am I devoid of talents and
virtue? men will put me away from them. What have we to do with the putting away of others?

6. Jen/ren; righteousness

I:13 The philosopher Yu said, When agreements are made according to what is right, what is spoken can
be made according to what is right, what is spoken can be made good. When respect is shown according
to what is proper, one keeps far from shame and disgrace. When the parties upon whom a man leans are
proper persons to be intimate with, he can make his guides and masters.

I:14 The master said, He who aims to be a man of complete virtue in his food does not seek to gratify his
appetite, nor in his dwelling place does he seek the appliances of ease; he is earnest I what he is doing,
and careful in his speech; he frequents the company of men of principle that he may be rectified: - such a
person may be said indeed to love to learn.

I:15 Tsze-kung said:


a. What do you pronounce concerning the poor man who yet does not flatter, and the rich man who
is not proud? The master replied, They will do; but they are not equal to him, who, though poor, is
yet cheerful, and to him, who, though rich, loves the rules of propriety.

IV:1 The master said, It is virtuous manners which constitute th excellence of a neighborhood. If a man in
selecting a residence, do not fix on one where such prevail, how can he be wise?

IV:2 The master said, Those who are without virtue cannot abide long either in a condition of poverty and
hardship, or in a condition of enjoyment. The virtuous rest in virtue; the wise desire virtue.

IV:7 The faults of men are characteristics of the class to which they belong. By observing a mans faults, it
may be known that he is virtuous.

IV:8 The master said, If a man in the morning hear the right way, he may die in the evening without
regret.

IV:12 The master said, He who acts with a constant view to his own advantage will be much murmured
against.
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IV:14 The master said, A man should say, I am not concerned that I have no place, I am concerned
how I may fit myself for one. I am not concerned that I am not known, I seek to be worthy to be
known.

VI:17 The master said, Man is born for uprightness. If a man lose his uprightness, and yet live, his
escape from death is the effect of mere good fortune.

VI:20 Fan Chih asked what constituted wisdom.

The master said, To give ones self earnestly to the duties due to men, and, while respecting
spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them, may be called wisdom He asked about perfect virtue. The
master said, The man of virtue makes the difficulty to be overcome his first business, and success only a
subsequent consideration; - this may be called perfect virtue.

VIII:2 a. The master said, Respectfulness, without the rules of propriety, becomes laborious bustle;
carefulness, without the rules of propriety, becomes timidity; boldness, without the rules of propriety,
becomes insubordination; straightforwardness, without the rules of propriety, becomes rudeness.
b. When those who are in high stations perform well all their duties to their relations, the people are
aroused to virtue. When old friends are not neglected by them, the people are preserved from
meanness.

VIII:4 a. The philosopher Tsang being ill, Meng Chang went to ask how he was.
b. Tsang said to him, When a bird is about to die, its notes are mournful; when a man is about to die,
his words are good.
c. There are three principles of conduct which the man of high rank should consider specially important:
- that in his deportment and manner he keep from violence and heedlessness; that in his words and
tones he keep far from lowness and impropriety. As to such matters as attending to the sacrificial
vessels, there are the proper officers for them.

VIII:10 The master said, The man who is fond of daring and is dissatisfied with poverty, will proceed to
insubordination. So will the man who is not virtuous, when you carry your dislike of him to an extreme.

IX:24 The master said, Hold faithfulness and sincerity as first principles. Have no friends not equal
to yourself. When you have faults, do not fear to abandon them.

XII:2 Chung-kung asked about perfect virtue. The master said, It is, when you go abroad, to behave to
everyone as of you were receiving a great guest; to employ the people as if you were assisting at a great
sacrifice; not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself; to have murmuring against you in the
country, and none in the family. Chung-kung said, Though I am deficient in intelligence and vigor, I will
make it my business to practice this lesson.

XII:3 a. Sze-ma Niu asked about perfect virtue.


b. The master said, The man of perfect virtue is cautious and slow in his speech.
c. Cautious and slow in his speech said Niu; Is this what is meant by perfect virtue? The master said,
When a man feels the difficulty of doing, can he be other than cautious and slow in speaking?

XVI:4 Confucius said, There are three friendships which are advantageous, and three which are
injurious. Friendship with the upright; friendship with the sincere; and friendship with the man of much
observation: - these are advantageous. Friendship with the man of specious airs; friendship with the
insinuatingly soft; and friendship with the glib-tongued: - these are injurious.

XVI: 5 Confucius said, There are three things men find enjoyment in which are advantageous, and
three things they find enjoyment in which are injurious. To find enjoyment in the discriminating study of
ceremonies and music; to find enjoyment in speaking of the goodness of others; to find enjoyment in
having many worthy friend: - these are advantageous. To find enjoyment is extravagant pleasures; to
Analects and Tao 8

find enjoyment in idleness and sauntering; to find enjoyment in the pleasure of feasting: - these are
injurious.

7. Government

I:5 The master said, To rule a country of a thousand chariots, there must be reverent attention to
business, and sincerity; economy in expenditure, and love for men; and the employment of the people at
the proper seasons.

II:1 The master said, He who exercises government by means of his virtue may be compared to the north
polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars turn towards it.

II:3 The master said:


a. if the people be led by laws, and uniformity sought to be given them by punishment, but have no
sense of shame.
b. If they be led by virtue, and uniformity sought to be given them by the rules of propriety, they will
have the sense of shame, and moreover will become good.

II:19 The duke AI asked, saying, What should be done in order to secure the submission of the people?
Confucius replied, Advance the upright and set aside the crooked, the n the people will submit. Advance
the crooked and set aside the upright, then the people will not submit.

II:20 Chi Kang asked how to cause the people to reverence their ruler, to be faithful to him, and to go on
to nerve themselves to virtue.

The master said, Let him preside over them with gravity; - then they will reverence him. Let him be filial
and kind to all; then they will be faithful to him. Let him advance the virtuous.

III:19 The duke Ting asked how a prince should employ his ministers, and how ministers should serve
their prince. Confucius replied, A prince should employ his minister according to the rules of propriety;
ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness.

VII:34 The master said, Extravagance leads to insubordination, and parsimony to meanness. It is better
to be mean than to be insubordinate.

VIII:13 a. The master said, With sincere faith he unites the love of learning; holding firm to death, he is
perfecting the excellence of his course.
b. Such an one will not enter a tottering state, nor dwell in a disorganized one. When right principles of
government prevail in the kingdom, he will sow himself; when they are prostrated, he will keep
concealed.
c. When a country is well-governed, poverty and mean condition are things to be ashamed of. When a
country is ill-governed, riches and honor are things to be ashamed of.

VIII:14 The master said, He who is not in any particular office, has nothing to do with plans for the
administration of its duties.

XII:7 a. Tsze-kung asked about government. The master said, The requisites of government are that
there be sufficiency of food, sufficiency of military equipment, and the confidence of the people in
their ruler.
b. Tsze-kung said, If it cannot be helped, and one of these must be dispensed with, which of the three
should be foregone first? The military equipment, said the master.
c. Tsze-kung again asked, If it cannot be helped, and one of the remaining two must be dispensed with,
which of them should be foregone? The master answered, Part with the food. From of old, death
has been the lot of all men; but if the people have no faith in their rulers, there is no standing for the
state.
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XII:13 Tsze-chang asked about government. The master said, The art of governing is to keep its affairs
before the mind without weariness, and to practice them with undeviating consistency.

XII:16 Chi Kang asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, To govern means to rectify. If
you lead on the people with correctness, who will dare not to be correct?

XII:18 Chi Kang asked Confucius about government, saying, What do you say to killing the unprincipled
for the good of the principled? Confucius replied, Sir, in carrying on your government, why should you
use killing at all? Let your evinced desires be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relation
between superiors and inferiors, is like that between the wind and the grass. The grass must bend, when
the wind blows across it.

XIII:6 The master said, When a princes personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without
the issuing of orders. If his personal conduct is not correct, he may issue orders, but they will not be
followed.

XIII:11 The master said, If good men were to govern a country in succession for a hundred years, they
would be able to transform the violently bad, and dispense with capital punishments. True indeed is this
saying.

XIII:16 a. The Duke of Sheh asked about government.


b. The master said, Good government obtains, when those who are near are made happy, and
those who are far off are attracted.

XIII:17 Tsze-hsia, being governor of Chu-fu, asked about government. The master said, Do not be
desirous to have things done quickly; do not look at small advantages. Desire to have things done quickly
prevents their being done thoroughly. Looking at small advantages prevents their being done thoroughly.
Looking at small advantages prevents great affairs from being accomplished.

XIV:1 Hsien asked what was shameful. The master said, When good government prevails in a state, to
be thinking only of salary; and, when bad government prevails, to be thinking, in the same way, only of
salary; - this is shameful.

XIV:52 The master said, When rulers love to observe the rulers of propriety, the people respond readily to
the calls on them for service.

XVI:2 a. Confucius said, When good government prevails in the empire, ceremonies, music, and
punitive military expeditions proceed from the son of Heaven. When bad government prevails in the
empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive military expeditions proceed from the princes. When these
things proceed from the princes, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power
in ten generations. When they proceed from the Great officers of the princes, as a rule, the cases will
be few in which they do not lose their power in five generations. When the subsidiary ministers of the
great officers hold in their grasp the orders of the state, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they
do not lose their power in three generations.
b. When right principles prevail in the kingdom, government will not be in the hands of the Great
officers.
c. When right principles prevail in the kingdom, there will be no discussions among the common
people.

XX:2 a. Tsze-chang asked Confucius, saying, In what way should a person in authority act in order that
he may conduct government properly? the master replied, Let him honor the five excellent, and
banish away the four bad things; - then may he conduct government properly. Tsze-chang said,
What are meant by the five excellent things? The master said, When the person in authority is
beneficent without great expenditure; when he lays tasks on the people without their repining; when
he pursues what he desires without being covetous; when he maintains a dignified ease without
being proud; when he is majestic without being fierce,
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b. Tsze-chang said, What is meant by being beneficent without great expenditure? The master
replied, When the person is authority makes more beneficial to the people the things from which
they naturally derive benefit; - is not this being beneficent without great expenditure? When he
chooses the labors which are proper, and males them labor on them, who will repine? When his
desires are set on benevolent government, and he secures it, who will accuse him of covetousness?
Whether he has to do with many people or few, or with things great or small, he does not dare to
indicate any disrespect: - is not this to maintain a dignified ease without any pride? He adjusts his
clothes and cap, and throws a dignity into his looks, so that, thus dignified, he is looked at with awe; -
is not this to be majestic without being fierce?

c. Tsze-chang then asked, What are meant by the four bad things? The master said, To put the
people to death without having instructed them; - this is called cruelty. To require from them,
suddenly, the full tale of work, without having given them warning; - this is called oppression. To issue
orders as if without urgency, at first, and, when the time comes, to insist on them with severity; - this
is called injury. And, generally, in the giving pay or rewards to men, to do it in a stingy way; - this is
called acting the part of a mere official.

LAO TZU
(Excerpts from Lao Tzus Tao)

1 takes everything that happens as it comes


to accept naturally without self-importance
(if you never assume importance you never lose it)

2 better not to make merit a matter of reward lest people conspire and contend
not to pile rich belongings (lest they rob) (surround with treasure, feel at ease)
never to excite by display (lest they covet)

sound leaders aim:


open peoples heart
fill their stomach
calm their wills
brace their bones
clarify their thoughts and cleanse their minds

3 by not confining himself to himself sustains outside himself


by never an end in himself he endless becomes himself

Man, like water, serves as he goes along


Loves kinship with his neighbors
Picks words that tell the truth
Even tenor of a well-run state
Fair profit of able dealing
Right timing of useful deeds

4 favor and disfavor have been called equal worries (burdens men fear of losing it)
success and failure have been called equal ailments
(because men thinks of the personal body as self)
one who knows his lot to be the lot of all other men is a safe man to guide them
one who recognizes all men as members of his own body is a sound man to guard them

5 be wholly humble and you shall hold the foundation of peace

6 be at one with all those living things which, having arisen and flourished
Analects and Tao 11

(he who is open-eyed is open minded


he who is open-minded is open hearted
he who is open-hearted is kingly
he who is kingly is godly
he who is godly is useful
he who is useful is infinite
he who is infinite is immune
he who is immune is immortal)

7 a leader is best when people barely know that he exists


not so good when people obey and acclaim him
worst when they despise him
fail to honor people they fail to honor you
but of a good leader, who talks little, when his work is done, his aim fulfilled

8 set people free from private greed and wanton needs

9 yield and you need not break


bent you can straighten
emptied you can hold,
torn you can mend
and as want can reward you so wealth can bewilder
aware of this, a wise man has the simple return which other men seek

10 Pride has never brought man greatness


but according to the way of life brings the ills that make him unfit
make him unclean in the eyes of his neighbor,
and a sane man will have none of them

11 a good man, before he can help a bad man


finds himself the matter with the bad man

12 at no time in the world will a man who is sane


over reach himself
over-spend himself
over-rate himself

13 one who guides a leader will warn him against the use of arms for conquest
weapons often turn upon the wilder
conscription of a multitude of men drains the next year dry
a good general, daring to march, dares also to halt
will never press his triumph beyond need
what he must do he does but not for glory
what he must do he does but not for show
what he must do he does not for self
He has done it because it had to be done
Not from a hot head
Let life ripen and then fall
force is not the way at all
Deny the way of life and you are dead

14 even the finest arms are an instrument of evil


a spread of plague
in time of war men civilized in peace, turn from their higher to their lower nature
arms are an instrument of evil
Analects and Tao 12

15 The way to use life is do noting through acting


the way to life is do everything through being
when a leader knows this, his land naturally goes straight
and the worlds passion to stray from straightness is checked at the core
Men cease from coveting
Peace comes of course
Man sure of fitness never makes an act of it
Kind heart proceeds and forgets what it may profit
False teachers of life use flowery words and start nonsense
Man of stamina stays with the root, has his yes and no

16 always the low carry the high on a root for growing by


leader of a land profess their stature and their station to be servitude and lowliness

17 only he who contains content remains content


(owning is entanglement
wanting is bewilderment
taking is the presentiment)

18 be parent, not possessor


attendant, not master
be concerned not with obedience but with benefit
and you are at the core of living

19 The source of life is as mother


be fond of both mother and children but know the mother dear and you outlive death
curb your tongue and sense and you are beyond trouble
let them loose and you are beyond help
Discover that nothing is too small for clear vision
Too insignificant for tender strength
Use outlook and insight
Use them both and you are immune
For you have witnessed eternity

20 worst brigands:
fine palaces but the farms are poor
fine palaces but bare the peasant granaries
gentry wear embroideries
hiding sharpened arms
the more they have the more they seize
never hunger, never thirst
eat and drink until they burst

21 those who know do not tell


those who tell do not know
not to set the tongue loose
but to curb it

22 if I keep from meddling with people, they take care of themselves


if I keep from commanding, they behave themselves
if I keep from preaching at people, they improve themselves
if I keep from imposing on people, they become themselves

23 The less a leader does and says the happier his people
the more a leader struts and brags the sorrier his people
often what appears to be unhappiness is happiness
Analects and Tao 13

and what appears to be happiness is under happiness

24 handle a large kingdom with as gentle a touch as if you were cooking small fish
if you manage people by letting them alone, ghosts of the dead shall not haunt you

25 solve the small problem before it becomes big


the most involved fact in the world could have been faced when it was simple
the biggest problem in the world could have been solved when it was small
the simple fact that he finds no problem big is a sane mans prime achievement
if you say yes too quickly you may have to say no

26 to know yourself and not to show yourself


to think well of yourself and not to tell of yourself
be that your no and your yes

27 death is no threat to people who are not afraid to die


but even if these offenders feared death all day
who should be rash enough to act as executioner?
Nature is executioner when man usurps the place
People starve if taxes eat their grain
And the fault of starving people are the faults of their rulers

28 A sensible man does not devise resources


the greater his use to others the greater their use to him
the more he yields to others the more they yield to him.

INDIAN POLITICAL THOUGHT

PRACTICAL GUIDE TO TRUE WAY OF LIVING (In Service)


(lifted from Buddhas Teachings)

1. There are seven teachings which lead a country to prosperity:


First, people should assemble often to discuss political affairs, and to provide for national defense.

Second, the people of all social classes should meet together in unity to discuss their national affairs.

Third, people should respect old customs and not change them unreasonably, and they should also
observe the rules of ceremony and maintain justice.

Fourth, they should recognize the differences of sex and seniority, and maintain the purity of families
and communities.

Fifth, they should be filial to their parents and faithful to their teachers and elders.

Sixth, they should honor the ancestors shrines and keep up the annual rites.

Seventh, they should esteem public morality, honor virtuous conduct, listen to honorable teachers
and make offerings to them.

2. Once there was a king who was notably successful in ruling his kingdom. Because of his wisdom he
was called King Great Light. He explained the principles of his administration as follows:

The best way for a ruler to reign over his country is first of all to rule himself. A ruler should come
before his people with a heart of compassion, and should teach and lead them to remove all
Analects and Tao 14

impurities from their minds. The happiness that comes from good teachings far exceeds any
enjoyment that the material things of the world can offer. Therefore, he could give his people good
teaching and keep their minds and bodies tranquil.

xxx
Each man has a different view of things according to the state of his mind. Some people see the city
where they live as fine and beautiful, others see it as dirty and dilapidated. It all depends on the state
of their minds.

Those who hold good teachings in respect can see in common trees and stones all the beautiful lights
and colors of lapis lazuli, while greedy people do not know enough splendors of a golden palace.

Everything in the nations daily life is like that. The mind is the source of everything, and, therefore,
the ruler should first seek to have his people train their minds.

3. The first principle in wise administration is like the principle of King Great Light: to lead the people to
train their minds.

To train the mind means to seek enlightenment, and, therefore, the worse ruler must give his first
attention to the Buddhas teaching.

If a ruler has faith in Buddha, is devoted to his teachings, appreciates and pays tribute to virtuous and
compassionate people, there will be no favoritism toward either friends or enemies and his
country will always remain prosperous.

If a country is prosperous, it is not necessary for it to attack any other country and it does not
need any weapons of attack.
xxx

4. The duty of a ruler is to protect his people. He is the parent of his people and he protects them by
his laws. He must raise his people like parents raise their children, giving a dry cloth to replace a wet
one without waiting for the child to cry. In like manner, the ruler must remove suffering and bestow
happiness without waiting for people to complain. Indeed, his ruling is not perfect until his people
abide in peace. They are his countrys treasure.

Therefore, a wise ruler is always thinking of his people and does not forget them even for a moment.
He thinks of their hardships and plans for their prosperity. To rule wisely he must be advised about
everything about water, about drought, about storm and about rain; he must know about crops, the
chances for a good harvest, peoples comforts and their sorrows. To be in position to rightly award,
punish or praise, he must be thoroughly informed as to the guilt of bad men and the merits of
good men.

A wise ruler gives to his people when they are in need, and collects from them when they are
prosperous. He should exercise his correct judgment when collecting taxes and make the levy as
light as possible, thus keeping his people consonant.

A wise ruler will protect his peoples by his power and dignity. One who thus rules ones people is
worthy to be called a king.

5. xxx
The King of Truth never slays or steals or commits adultery. He never cheats or abuses or lies
or talks idly. His mind is free from all greed, anger and foolishness. He removes these ten evils
and in their place establishes the ten virtues.

Because his rule is based upon truth he is invincible. Wherever Truth appears violence ceases and ill
will vanishes. There is no dissension among his people, and therefore, they dwell in quietness and
Analects and Tao 15

safety; his mere presence brings peacefulness and happiness among them. That is why he is called
the King of Truth.
xxx

6. A wise ruler will temper his verdicts with compassion. He will try to consider each case with clear
wisdom and then make his verdict in accord with the five principles.

The five principles are:


First, he must examine the truthfulness of the facts presented.

Second, he must ascertain that they fall within his jurisdiction. If he renders a judgment with full
authority, it is effective, but if he does so without authority, it only causes complications; he should
await the correct conditions.

Third, he must judge justly; that is, he must enter into the mind of the defendant. If he finds that the
deed was done without criminal intent, he should discharge the man.

Fourth, he should pronounce his verdict with kindness but not harshness; that is, he should apply a
proper punishment but should not go beyond that. A good ruler will instruct a criminal with kindness
and give him time to reflect upon his mistakes.

Fifth, he should judge with sympathy but not in anger; that is, he should condemn the crime but not
the criminal. He should let his judgment rest upon a foundation of sympathy, and he should use the
occasion to try and make the criminal realize his mistakes.

7. If an important minister of state neglects his duties, works for his own profit or accepts bribes, it
will cause a rapid decay of public morals. People will cheat one another, a strong man will attack a
weaker one, a noble will mistreat a commoner or a wealthy man will take advantage of the poor, and
there will be no justice for anyone; mischief will abound and troubles will multiply.

Under such circumstances, faithful ministers will retire from public service, wise men will keep silent
from fear of complications, and only flatterers will hold government positions, and they will use their
political power to enrich themselves with no thought for the sufferings of the people.

Under such conditions the power of the government becomes ineffective and its righteous policies fall
to ruins.

Such unjust officials are the thieves of peoples happiness, yet are worse than thieves because
they defraud both ruler and people and is cause of the nations troubles. The king should root out
such ministers and punish them.

But even in a country that is ruled by a good king and by just laws, there is another form of
disloyalty. There are sons who give themselves up to love of their wives and children and forget the
grace of their parents who nursed and cared for them during many a year. They neglect their parents,
rob them of their possessions and neglect their teaching. Such sons are to be counted among the
most wicked of men.

And why? It is because they are unfilial to their parents whose long love has been very great, a love
that could not be repaid even if the sons honored and treated them kindly throughout their lives.
Those who are disloyal to their ruler and unfilial to their parents should be punished as the worst of
criminals.

And also, in a country which is ruled by a good king and by just laws, there is still another form of
disloyalty. There are people who are entirely forgetting the three treasures, the Buddha, the Dharma
and the Sangha. Such people destroy their countrys sanctuaries, burn the sacred scriptures, make
Analects and Tao 16

the teachers of righteousness serve them, and thus violate the sacred teachings of Buddha. They are
also among the worst of criminals.

And why? It is because they destroy the spiritual faith of their nation, which is its foundation and the
course of its virtues. Such people, by burning the faith of others, are digging their own graves.

All other sins may be regarded as light in comparison with these disloyalties. Such disloyal criminals
should be punished most severely.

8. There may be a conspiracy against a good king who is ruling his country according to right teaching,
or perhaps foreign enemies may raid the country. In such a case the king should make three
decisions.

He should decide: First, these conspirators or foreign enemies are threatening the good order and
welfare of our country; I must protect the people and country even with armed force.

Second, I will try to find some way of defeating them without resorting to the use of arms.

Third, I will try to capture them alive, without killing them if possible, and disarm them.

By adopting these three decisions the king will proceed most wisely, after setting necessary posts
and giving instructions.

By proceeding in this way, the country and its soldiers will be encouraged by the kings wisdom and
dignity and will respect both his firmness and grace. When it is necessary to call upon the soldiers,
they will fully understand the reason for war and its nature. Then they will go to the field of battle with
courage and loyalty, respecting the kings wise and gracious sovereignty. Such a war will not only
bring victory but also add virtue to the country.

CONSTRUCTIVE PROGRAMME
(New Delhi, 27-1-48; M, K. Gandhi)

The constructive programme may otherwise and more fittingly be called construction of Poorna Swaraj or
complete Independence by truthful and non-violent means.
Effort for construction of Independence so called through violent and, therefore, necessarily
untruthful means we know only too painfully. Look at the daily destruction of property, life and truth in the
present war.
Complete Independence through truth and non-violence means the independence of every unit,
be it the humblest of the nation, without distinction of race, colour or creed. This independence is never
exclusive. It is, therefore, wholly compatible with interdependence within or without. Practice will always
fall short of the theory, even as the drawn line falls short of the theoretical line of Euclid. Therefore,
complete Independence will be complete only to the extent of our approach in practice to truth and non-
violence.
Let the reader mentally plan out the whole of the, constructive programme, and he will agree with
me that, if it could be successfully worked out, the end of it would be the Independence we want. Has not
Mr. Amery said that an agreement between the major parties, translated in my language, any agreement
*after* communal unity which is only one item in the constructive programme, will be respected? We need
not question his sincerity, for, if such unity is honestly, i.e., non-violently, attained, it will in itself contain
the power to compel acceptance of the agreed demand, On the other hand there is no such thing as an
imaginary or even perfect definition of Independence through violence, For, it presupposes only
ascendancy of that party of the nation which makes the most effective use of violence. In it perfect
equality, economic or otherwise, is inconceivable.
But for my purpose, which is to convince the reader of the necessity of following out the
constructive programme in the non-violent effort, the acceptance of my argument about the
ineffectiveness of violence for the attainment of independence is not required. The reader is welcome to
the belief that Independence of the humblest unit is possible under a scheme of violence, if this effort
Analects and Tao 17

enables him also to admit that it is a certainty through the complete execution of the programme by the
nation.
Let us now examine the items.

1. COMMUNAL UNITY
Everybody is agreed about the necessity of this unity. But everybody does not know that unity does not
mean political unity which may be imposed. It means an unbreakable heart unity. The first thing essential
for achieving such unity is for every Congressman, whatever his religion may be, to represent in his own
person Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Zoroastrian, Jew, etc., shortly, every Hindu and non-Hindu. He has to
feel his identity with every one of the millions of the inhabitants of Hindustan. In order to realize this, every
Congressman will cultivate personal friendship with persons representing faiths other than his own. He
should have the same regard for the other faiths as he has for his own.
In such a happy state of things there would be no disgraceful cry at the stations such as "Hindu
water" and "Muslim water" or "Hindu tea" and "Muslim tea". There would be no separate rooms or pots for
Hindus and non-Hindus in schools and colleges, no communal schools, colleges and hospitals. The
beginning of such a revolution has to be made by Congressmen without any political motive behind the
correct conduct. Political unity will be its natural fruit.
We have long been accustomed to think that power comes only through Legislative Assemblies. I
have regarded this belief as a grave error brought about by inertia or hypnotism.
A superficial study of British history has made us think that all power percolates to the people
from parliaments. The truth is that power resides in the people and it is entrusted for the time being to
those whom they may choose as their representatives. Parliaments have no power or even existence
independently of the people. It has been my effort for the last twenty-one years to convince the people of
this simple truth. Civil Disobedience is the storehouse of power. Imagine a whole people unwilling to
conform to the laws of the legislature, and prepared to suffer the consequences of non-compliance! They
will bring the whole legislative and executive machinery to a standstill. The police and the military are of
use to coerce minorities however powerful they may be. But no police or military coercion can bend the
resolute will of a people who are out for suffering to the uttermost,
And Parliamentary procedure is good only when its members are willing to conform to the will of
the majority. In other words, it is fairly effective only among compatibles.
Here in India we have been pretending to work the parliamentary system under separate
electorates which have created artificial incompatibles. Living unity can never come out of these artificial
entities being brought together on a common platform. Such legislatures may function. But they can only
be a platform for wrangling and sharing the crumbs of power that may fall from rulers whoever they may
be. These rule with a rod of iron, and prevent the opposing elements from flying at one another's throats. I
hold the emergence of complete Independence to be an impossibility out of such a disgrace.
Though I hold such strong views, I have come to the conclusion that so long as there are
undesirable candidates for elective bodies, Congress should put up candidates in order to prevent
reactionaries from entering such bodies.

2. REMOVAL OF UNTOUCHABILITY
At this time of the day it is unnecessary to dilate upon the necessity of the removal of this blot and curse
upon Hinduism. Congressmen have certainly done much in this matter. But I am sorry to have to say that
many Congressmen have looked upon this item as a mere political necessity and not something
indispensable, so far as Hindus are concerned, for the very existence of Hinduism. If Hindu Congressmen
take up the cause for its own sake, they will influence the so-called *Sanatanis* far more extensively than
they have hitherto done. They should approach them not in a militant spirit but, as befits their non-
violence, in a spirit of friendliness. And so far as the Harijans are concerned, every Hindu should make
common cause with them and befriend them in their awful isolation-- such isolation as perhaps the world
has never seen in the monstrous immensity one witnesses in India. I know from experience how difficult
the task is. But it is part of the task of building the edifice of Swaraj. And the road to Swaraj is steep and
narrow. There are many slippery ascents and many deep chasms. They have all to be negotiated with
unfaltering step before we can reach the summit and breathe the fresh air of freedom.
Analects and Tao 18

3. PROHIBITION
Although like communal unity and removal of untouchability prohibition has been on the Congress
programme since 1920, Congressmen have not taken the interest they might have taken in this very vital
social and moral reform. If we are to reach our goal through non-violent effort, we may not leave to the
future government the fate of lakhs of men and women who are labouring under the curse of intoxicants
and narcotics.
Medical men can make a most effective contribution towards the removal of this evil. They have
to discover ways of weaning the drunkard and the opium-addict from the curse .
Women and students have a special opportunity in advancing this reform. By many acts of loving
service they can acquire on addicts a hold which will compel them to listen to the appeal to give up the
evil habit.

4. KHADI
Congress committees can open recreation booths where the tired labourer will rest his limbs, get healthy
and cheap refreshments, and find suitable games, All this work is fascinating and uplifting. The non-
violent approach to Swaraj is a novel approach. In it old values give place to new. In the violent way such
reforms may find no place. Believers in that way, in their impatience and, shall I say, ignorance, put off
such things to the day of deliverance. They forget that lasting and healthy deliverance comes from within,
i.e. from self-purification. Constructive workers make legal prohibition easy and successful even if they do
not pave the way for KHADI. *Khadi* is a controversial subject. Many people think that in advocating
*Khadi* I am sailing against a headwind and am sure to sink the ship of Swaraj and that I am taking the
country to the dark ages. I do not propose to argue the case for *Khadi* in this brief survey. I have argued
it sufficiently elsewhere. Here I want to show what every Congressman, and for that matter every Indian,
can do to advance the cause of *Khadi*. It connotes the beginning of economic freedom and equality of
all in the country. "The proof of the pudding is in the eating." Let everyone try, and he or she will find out
for himself or herself the truth of what I am saying. *Khadi* must be taken with all its implications. It
means a wholesale Swadeshi mentality, a determination to find all the necessaries of life in India and that
too through the labour and intellect of the villagers. That means a reversal of the existing process. That is
to say that, instead of half a dozen cities of India and Great Britain living on the exploitation and the ruin
of the 7,00,000 villages of India, the latter will be largely self-contained, and will voluntarily serve the cities
of India and even the outside world in so far as it benefits both the parties.
This needs a revolutionary change in the mentality and tastes of many. Easy though the non-
violent way is in many respects, it is very difficult in many others. It vitally touches the life of every single
Indian, makes him feel aglow with the possession of a power that has lain hidden within himself, and
makes him proud of his identity with every drop of the ocean of Indian humanity. This non-violence is not
the inanity for which we have mistaken it through all these long ages; it is the most potent force as yet
known to mankind and on which its very existence is dependent. It is that force which I have tried to
present to the Congress and through it to the world. *Khadi* to me is the symbol of unity of Indian
humanity, of its economic freedom and equality and, therefore, ultimately, in the poetic expression of
Jawaharlal Nehru, "the livery of India's freedom".
Moreover, *Khadi* mentality means decentralization of the production and distribution of the
necessaries of life. Therefore, the formula so far evolved is, every village to produce all its necessaries
and a certain percentage in addition for the requirements of the cities.
Heavy industries will needs be centralized and nationalized. But they will occupy the least part of
the vast national activity which will mainly be in the villages,
Having explained the implications of *Khadi*, I must indicate what Congressmen can and should
do towards its promotion. Production of *Khadi* includes cotton growing, picking, ginning, cleaning,
carding, slivering, spinning, sizing, dyeing, preparing the warp and the woof, weaving, and washing.
These, with the exception of dyeing, are essential processes. Every one of them can be effectively
handled in the villages and is being so handled in many villages throughout India which the A.I.S.A, is
covering. According to the latest report the following are the interesting figures: 2,75,146 villagers,
including 19,645 Harijans and 57,378 Muslims, scattered in at least 13,451 villages received, as spinners,
weavers, xxx. The spinners were largely women.
Yet the work done is only one-hundredth part of what could be done if Congressmen honestly
took up the *Khadi* programme. Since the wanton destruction of this central village industry and the allied
Analects and Tao 19

handicrafts, intelligence and brightness have fled from the villages, leaving them inane, lustreless, and
reduced almost to the state of their ill-kept cattle.
If Congressmen will be true to their Congress call in respect of *Khadi* they will carry out the
instructions xxx issued from time to time as to the part they can play in Khadi planning. Only a few broad
rules can be laid down here:

1. Every family with a plot of ground can grow cotton at least for family use. Cotton growing is an
easy process. In Bihar the cultivators were by law compelled to grow indigo on 3/20 of their
cultivable land. This was in the interest of the foreign indigo planter. Why cannot we grow
cotton voluntarily for the nation on a certain portion of our land? The reader will note that
decentralization commences from the beginning of the *Khadi* processes. Today cotton crop is
centralized and has to be sent to distant parts of India. Before the war it used to be sent
principally to Britain and Japan. It was and still is a money crop and, therefore, subject to the
fluctuations of the market. Under the Khadi scheme cotton growing becomes free from this
uncertainty and gamble. The grower grows what he needs. The farmer needs to know that his
first business is to grow for his own needs. When he does that, he will reduce the chance of a low
market ruining him.

2. Every spinner would buy--if he has not his own-- enough cotton for ginning, which he can easily
do without the hand-ginning roller frame. He can gin his own portion with a board and an iron
rolling pin. Where this is considered impracticable, hand-ginned cotton should be bought and
carded. Carding for self can be done well on a tiny bow without much effort. The greater the
decentralization of labour, the simpler and cheaper the tools. The slivers made, the process of
spinning commences. I strongly recommend the *dhanush takli*. I have used it frequently. My
speed on it is almost the same as on the wheel. I draw a finer thread and the strength and
evenness of the yarn are greater on the *dhanush takli* than on the wheel. This may not,
however, hold good for all. My emphasis on the *dhanush takli* is based on the fact that it is more
easily made, is cheaper than and does not require frequent repairs like the wheel. Unless one
knows how to make the two mals and to adjust them when they slip or to put the wheel right when
it refuses to work, the wheel has often to lie idle. Moreover, if the millions take to spinning at
once, as they well may have to, the *dhanush takli* being the instrument most easily made and
handled, is the only tool that can meet the demand. It is more easily made even than the simple
*takli*. The best, easiest and cheapest way is to make it oneself. Indeed one ought to learn how
to handle and make simple tools. Imagine the unifying and educative effect of the whole nation
simultaneously taking part in the process up to spinning! Consider the leveling effect of the bond
of common labour between the rich and the goer!

Yarn thus produced may be used in three ways: by presenting it to the A.I.S.A. for the sake of the poor,
by having it woven for personal use, or by getting as much *Khadi* for it as it can buy. It is clear enough
that the finer and better the yarn the greater will be its virtue. If Congressmen will put their heart into the
work, they will make improvements in the tools and make many discoveries. In our country there has
been a divorce between labour and intelligence, The result has been stagnation. If there is an indissoluble
marriage between the two, and that in the manner here suggested, the resultant good will be inestimable.
In this scheme of nation-wide spinning as a sacrifice, I do not expect the average man or woman
to give more than one hour daily to this work.

5. OTHER VILLAGE INDUSTRIES


These stand on a different footing from *Khadi*. There is not much scope for voluntary labour in them.
Each industry will take the labour of only a certain number of hands. These industries come in as a
handmaid to *Khadi*. They cannot exist without *Khadi*, and *Khadi* will be robbed of its dignity without
them. Village economy cannot be complete without the essential village industries such as hand-grinding,
hand pounding, soap-making, paper-making, match-making, tanning, oil-pressing, etc. Congressmen
can interest themselves in these and, if they are villagers or will settle down in villages, they will give
these industries a new life and a new dress. All should make it a point of honour to use only village
articles whenever and wherever available. Given the demand there is no doubt that most of our wants
can be supplied from our villages. When we have become village-minded, we will not want imitations of
Analects and Tao 20

the West or machine-made products, but we will develop a true national taste in keeping with the vision of
a new India in which pauperism, starvation and idleness will be unknown.

6. VILLAGE SANITATION
Divorce between intelligence and labour has resulted in criminal negligence of the villages. And so,
instead of having graceful hamlets dotting the land, we have dung-heaps. The approach to many villages
is not a refreshing experience. Often one would like to shut one's eyes and stuff one's nose; such is the
surrounding dirt and offending smell. If the majority of Congressmen were derived from our villages, as
they should be, they should be able to make our villages models of cleanliness in every sense of the
word. But they have never considered it their duty to identify themselves with the villagers in their daily
lives. A sense of national or social sanitation is not a virtue among us. We may take a kind of a bath, but
we do not mind dirtying the well or the tank or the river by whose side or in which we perform ablutions. 1
regard this defect as a great vice which is responsible for the disgraceful state of our villages and the
sacred banks of the sacred rivers and for the diseases that spring from insanitation.

7. NEW OR BASIC EDUCATION


This is a new subject. But the members of the Working Committee felt so much interested in it that they
gave a charter to the organizers of the Hindustani Talimi Sangh which has been functioning since the
Haripura session. This is a big field of work for many Congressmen. This education is meant to transform
village children into model villagers. It is principally designed for them. The inspiration for it has come from
the villages. Congressmen who want to build up the structure of Swaraj from its very foundation dare not
neglect the children. Foreign rule has unconsciously, though none the less surely, begun with the children
in the field of education. Primary education is a farce designed without regard to the wants of the India of
the villages and for that matter even of the cities. Basic education links the children, whether of the cities
or the villages, to all that is best and lasting in India. It develops both the body and the mind, and keeps
the child rooted to the soil with a glorious vision of the future in the realization of which he or she begins
to take his or her share from the very commencement of his or her career in school, Congressmen would
find it of absorbing interest benefiting themselves equally with the children with whom they come in
contact. Let those who wish, put themselves in touch with the Secretary of the Sangh at Sevagram.

8. ADULT EDUCATION
This has been woefully neglected by Congressmen. Where they have not neglected it, they have been
satisfied with teaching illiterates to read and write. If I had charge of adult education, I should begin with
opening the minds of the adult pupils to the greatness and vastness of their country. The villager's India is
contained in his village. If he goes to another village, he talks of his own village as his home. Hindustan is
for him a geographical term. We have no notion of the ignorance prevailing in the villages. The villagers
know nothing of foreign rule and its evils. What little knowledge they have picked up fills them with the
awe the foreigner inspires. The result is the dread and hatred of the foreigner and his rule. They do not
know how to get rid of it. They do not know that the foreigner's presence is due to their own weaknesses
and their ignorance of the power they possess to rid themselves of the foreign rule. My adult education
means, therefore, first, true political education of the adult by word of mouth, Seeing that this will be
mapped out, it can be given without fear. I imagine that it is too late in the day for authority to interfere
with this type of education; but if there is interference, there must be a fight for this elementary right
without which there can be no Swaraj. Of course, in all I have written, openness has been assumed, Non-
violence abhors fear and, therefore, secrecy. Side by side with the education by the mouth will be the
literary education. This is itself a specialty. Many methods are being tried in order to shorten the period
of education, A temporary or permanent board of experts may be appointed by the Working Committee
to give shape to the idea here adumbrated and guide the workers. I admit that what I have said in this
paragraph only points the way but does not tell the average Congressman how to go about it. Nor is
every Congressman fitted for this highly special work. But Congressmen who are teachers should find no
difficulty in laying down a course in keeping with the suggestions made herein.

9. WOMEN
I have included service of women in the constructive programmed, for though satyagraha has
automatically brought India's women out from their darkness, as nothing else could have in such an
incredibly short space of time, Congressmen have not felt the call to see that women became equal
Analects and Tao 21

partners in the fight for Swaraj. They have not realized that woman must be the true helpmate of man in
the mission of service. Woman has been suppressed under custom and law for which man was
responsible and in the shaping of which she had no hand. In a plan of life based on non-violence, woman
has as much right to shape her own destiny as man has to shape his. But as every right in a non- violent
society proceeds from the previous performance of a duty, it follows that rules of social conduct must be
framed by mutual co-operation and consultation. They can never be imposed from outside. Men have not
realized this truth in its fullness in their behaviour towards women. They have considered themselves to
be lords and masters of women instead of considering them as their friends and co-workers. It is the
privilege of Congressmen to give the women of India a lifting hand. Women are in the position somewhat
of the slave of old who did not know that he could or ever had to be free. And when freedom came, for the
moment he felt helpless. Women have been taught to regard themselves as slaves of men. It is up to
Congressmen to see that they enable them to realize their full status and play their part as equals of men,
This revolution is easy, if the mind is made up. Let Congressmen begin with their own homes.
Wives should not be dolls and objects of indulgence, but should be treated as honoured comrades in
common service. To this end those who have not received a liberal education should receive such
instruction as is possible from their husbands. The same observation applies, with the necessary
changes, to mothers and daughters.
It is hardly necessary to point out that I have given a one-sided picture of the helpless state of
India's women. I am quite conscious of the fact that in the villages generally' they hold their own with their
men folk and in some respects even rule them. But to the impartial outsider the legal and customary
status of woman is bad enough throughout and demands radical alteration.

10. EDUCATION IN HEALTH AND HYGIENE


Having given a place to village sanitation, the question may be asked why give a separate place to
education in health and hygiene? It might have been bracketed with sanitation, but I did not wish to
interfere with the items. Mention of mere sanitation is not enough to include health and hygiene. The art
of keeping one's health and the knowledge of hygiene is by itself a separate subject of study and
corresponding practice. In a well-ordered society the citizens know and observe the laws of health and
hygiene. It is established beyond doubt that ignorance and neglect of the laws of health and hygiene are
responsible for the majority of diseases to which mankind is heir. The very high death rate among us is no
doubt due largely to our gnawing poverty, but it could be mitigated if the people were properly educated
about health and hygiene. *Mens sana in corpore sane* is perhaps the first law for humanity. A healthy
mind in a healthy body is a self-evident truth. There is an inevitable connection between mind and body. If
we were in possession of healthy minds, we would shed all violence and, naturally obeying the laws of
health, we would have healthy bodies without an effort. I hope, therefore, that no Congressmen will
disregard this item of the constructive programme. The fundamental laws of health and hygiene are
simple and easily learnt. The difficulty is about their observance. Here are some:
Think the purest thoughts and banish all idle and impure thoughts. Breathe the freshest air day and night.
Establish a balance between bodily and mental work. Stand erect, sit erect, and be neat and clean in
every one of your acts, and let these be an expression of your inner condition. Eat to live for service of
fellow-men. Do not live for indulging yourselves. Hence your food must be just enough to keep your mind
and body in good order. Man becomes what he eats. Your water, food and air must be clean, and you will
not be satisfied with mere personal cleanliness, but you will infect your surroundings with the same three
fold cleanliness that you will desire for yourselves.

11. PROVINCIAL LANGUAGES


Our love of the English language in preference to our own other tongue has caused a deep chasm
between the educated and politically-minded classes and the masses. The languages of India have
suffered impoverishment. We flounder when we make the vain attempt to express abstruse thought in the
mother tongue. There are no equivalents for scientific terms. The result has been disastrous. The masses
remain cut off from the modern mind. We are too near our own times correctly to measure the disservice
caused to India by this neglect of its great languages; It is easy enough to understand that, unless we
undo the mischief, the mass mind must remain imprisoned. The masses can make no solid contribution to
the construction of Swaraj. It is inherent in Swaraj based on non-violence that every individual makes his
own direct contribution to the Independence movement. The masses cannot do this fully unless they
Analects and Tao 22

understand every step with all its implications. This is impossible unless every step is explained in their
own languages.

12. NATIONAL LANGUAGE


And then for all-India intercourse we need, from among the Indian stock, a language which the largest
number of people already know and understand and which the others can easily pick up. This language is
indisputably Hindi. It is spoken and understood by both Hindus and Muslims of the North. It is called Urdu
when it is written in the Urdu character. The Congress, in its famous resolution passed at the Cawnpore
session in 1925, called this all-India speech Hindustani. And since that time, in theory at least, Hindustani
has been the Rashtra Bhasha. I say 'in theory' because even Congressmen have not practiced it as they
should have. In 1920 a deliberate attempt was begun to recognize the importance of Indian languages
for the political education of the masses, as also of an all-India common speech which politically-minded
India could easily speak and which Congressmen from the different provinces could understand at all-
India gatherings of the Congress. Such National languages should enable one to understand and speak
both forms of speech and write in both the scripts.
I am sorry to have to say that many Congressmen have failed to carry out that
resolution. And so we have, in my opinion, the shameful spectacle of Congressmen insisting on speaking
in English and compelling others to do likewise for their sakes. The spell that English has cast on us is not
yet broken. Being under it, we are impeding the progress of India towards her goal. Our love of the
masses must be skin-deep, if we will not take the trouble of spending over learning Hindustani as many
months as the years we spend over learning English.

13. ECONOMIC EQUALITY


This last is the master key to non-violent Independence. Working for economic equality means abolishing
the eternal conflict between capital and labour. It means the leveling down of the few rich in whose hands
is concentrated the bulk of the nation's wealth on the one hand, and the leveling up of the semi-starved
naked millions on the other. A non-violent system of Government is clearly an impossibility so long as the
wide gulf between the rich and the hungry millions persists. The contrast between the palaces of New
Delhi and the miserable hovels of the poor labouring class nearby cannot last one day in a free India in
which the poor will enjoy the same power as the richest in the land. A violent, and bloody revolution is a
certainty one day unless there is a voluntary abdication of riches and the power that riches give and
sharing them for the common good.
I adhere to my doctrine of trusteeship in spite of the ridicule that has been poured upon it. It is
true that it is difficult to reach. So is non-violence. But we made up our minds in 1920 to negotiate that
steep ascent. We have found it worth the effort. It involves a daily growing appreciation of the working of
non-violence. It is expected that Congressmen will make a diligent search and reason out for themselves
the why and the wherefore of non-violence. They should ask themselves how the existing inequalities can
be abolished violently or non-violently. I think we know the violent way. It has not succeeded anywhere.
This non-violent experiment is still in the making. We have nothing much yet to show by way of
demonstration. It is certain, however, that the method has begun to work though ever so slowly in the
direction of equality. And since non-violence is a process of conversion, the conversion, if achieved, must
be permanent. a society or a nation constructed non-violently must be able to withstand attack upon its
structure from without or within. We have moneyed Congressmen in the organization. They have to
lead the way. This fight provides an opportunity for the closest heart-searching on the part of every
individual Congressman. If ever we are to achieve equality, the foundation has to be laid now, Those who
think that the major reforms will come after the advent of Swaraj are deceiving themselves as to the
elementary working of non-violent Swaraj. It will not drop from heaven all of a sudden one fine morning,
But it has to be built up brick by brick by corporate self-effort, We have travelled a fair way in that
direction, But a much longer and weary distance has to be covered before we can behold Swaraj in its
glorious majesty, Every Congressman has to ask himself what he has done towards the attainment of
economic equality.

14. KISANS
The programme is not exhaustive. Swaraj is a mighty structure. Eighty crores of hands have to work at
building it, Of these *kisans*, i.e., the peasantry are the largest part. In fact, being the bulk of them
Analects and Tao 23

(probably over 80%) the *kisans* should be the Congress, But they are not, When they become
conscious of their non-violent strength, no power on earth can resist them.
They must not be used for power politics. I consider it to be contrary to the non-violent method.
Those who would know my method of organizing *kisans* may profitably study the movement in
Champaran when *satyagraha* was tried for the first time in India with the result all India knows. It
became a mass movement which remained wholly non-violent from start to finish. It affected over twenty
lakhs of *kisans*. The struggle centred round one specific grievance which was a century old. There had
been several violent revolts to get rid of the grievance. The *kisans* were suppressed, The non-violent
remedy succeeded in full in six months. The *kisans* of Champaran became politically conscious without
any direct effort. The tangible proof they had of the working of non-violence to remove their grievance
drew them to the Congress, and led by Babu Brijkishoreprasad and Babu Rajendraprasad they gave a
good account of themselves during the past Civil Disobedience campaigns. The reader may also
priofitably study the kisan movements in Kheda, Bardoli and Borsad, The secret of success lies in a
refusal to exploit the *kisans* for political purpose outside their own personal and felt grievances.
Organization round a specific wrong they understand. They need no sermons on non-violence. Let them
learn to apply non-violence as an effective remedy which they can understand, and later when they are
told that the method they were applying was non-violent, they readily recognize it as such.
From these illustrations Congressmen who care could study how work can be done for and
among *kisans*. I hold that the method that some Congressmen have followed to organize *kisans* has
done them no good and has probably harmed them. Anyway they have not used the non-violent method.
Be it said to the credit of some of these workers that they frankly admit that they do not believe in the non-
violent method. My advice to such workers would be that they should neither use the Congress name nor
work as Congressmen.
The reader will now understand why I have refrained from the competition to organize *kisans*
and Labour on an all-India basis. How I wish that all hands pulled in the same direction! But perhaps in a
huge country like ours it is impossible. Anyway, in non-violence there is no coercion. Cold reason and
demonstration of the working of non-violence must be trusted to do the work. In my opinion, like labour,
they should have under the Congress, a department working for their specific question.

15. LABOUR
Ahmedabad Labour Union is a model for all India to copy, Its basis is non-violence, pure and simple, It
has never had a set-back in its career. It has gone on from strength to strength without fuss and without
show. It has its hospital, its schools for the children of the mill-hands, its Glasses for adults, its own
printing press and *khadi* depot, and its own residential quarters. Almost all the hands are voters and
decide the fate of elections. They came on the voters' list at the instance of the Provincial Congress
Committee. The organization has never taken part in party politics of the Congress. It influences the
municipal policy of the city. It has to its credit very successful strikes which were wholly non-violent. Mill-
owners and labour have governed their relations largely through voluntary arbitration. If I had my way, I
would regulate all the labour organizations of India after the Ahmedabad model. It has never sought to
intrude itself upon the All-India Trade Union Congress and has been uninfluenced by that Congress. A
time, I hope, will come when it will be possible for the Trade Union Congress to accept the Ahmedabad
method and have the Ahmedabad organization as part of the All-India Union. But I am in no hurry. It will
come in its own time.

16. ADIVASIS
The term *adivasi*, like *raniparaj*, is a coined word. *Raniparaj* stands for *kaliparaj* (meaning black
people, though their skin is no more black than that of any other). It was coined, I think by Shri Jugatram.
The term *adivasi* (for Bhils, Gonds, or others variously described as Hill Tribes or aboriginals) means
literally original inhabitants and was coined, I believe, by Thakkar Bapa, Service of *adivasis* is also a
part of the constructive programme. Though they are the sixteenth number in this programme, they are
not the least in point of importance. Our country is so vast and the races so varied that the best of us
cannot know all there is to know of men and their condition. As one discovers this for oneself, one
realizes how difficult it is to make good our claim to be one nation, unless every unit has a living
consciousness of being one with every other. The *adivasis* are over two crores in all India. Bapa began
work among the Bhils years ago in Gujarat. In about 1940 Shri Balasaheb Kher threw himself with his
Analects and Tao 24

usual zeal into this much-needed service in the Thana District. He is now President of the Adivasi Seva
Mandal.
There are several such other workers in other parts of India and yet they are too few. Truly, "the
harvest is rich but the labourers are few." Who can deny that all such service is not merely humanitarian
but solidly national, and brings us nearer to true independence?

17. LEPERS
Leper is a word of bad odour. India is perhaps a home of lepers next only to Central Africa. Yet they are
as much a part of society as the tallest among us. But the tall absorb our attention though they are least
in need of it. The lot of the lepers who are much in need of attention is studied neglect. I am tempted to
call it heartless, which it certainly is, in terms of non-violence. It is largely the missionary who, be it said to
his credit, bestows care on him. The only institution run by an Indian, as a pure labour of love, is by Shri
Manohar Diwan near Wardha. It is working under the inspiration and guidance of Shri Vinoba Bhave. If
India was pulsating with new life, if we were all in earnest about winning independence in the quickest
manner possible by truthful and non-violent means, there would not be a leper or beggar in India uncared
for and unaccounted for. In this revised edition I am deliberately introducing the leper as a link in the
chain of constructive effort. For, what the leper is in India, that we are, if we will, but look about us, for the
modern civilized world. Examine the condition of our brethren across the ocean and the truth of my
remark will be borne home to us.

18. STUDENTS
I have reserved students to the last. I have always cultivated close contact with them. They know me and
I know them. They have given me service. Many ex-collegians are my esteemed co-workers. I know that
they are the hope of the future. In the heyday of non-co-operation they were invited to leave their schools
and colleges. Some professors and students who responded to the Congress call have remained
steadfast and gained much for the country and themselves, The call has not been repeated for there is
not the atmosphere for it. But experience has shown that the lure of the current education, though it is
false and unnatural, is too much for the youth of the country. College education provides a career. It is a
passport for entrance to the charmed circle. Pardonable hunger for knowledge cannot be satisfied
otherwise than by going through the usual rut. They do not mind the waste of precious years in acquiring
knowledge of an utterly foreign language which takes the place of the mother tongue, The sin of it is
never felt. They and their teachers have made up their minds that the indigenous languages are useless
for gaining access to modern thought and the modern sciences, I wonder how the Japanese are faring.
For, their education, I understand, is all given in Japanese. The Chinese Generalissimo knows very little,
if anything, of English.
But such as the students are, it is from these young men and women that the future leaders of the
nation are to rise. Unfortunately they are acted upon by every variety of influences. Non-violence offers
them little attraction. A blow for a blow or two for one is an easily understandable proposition. It seems to
yield immediate result though momentary. It is a never-ending trial of brute strength as we see in time of
war among brutes or among human beings. Appreciation of non-violence means patient research and still
more patient and difficult practice. I have not entered the list of competitors for the students' hand, for the
reasons that have dictated my course about *kisans* and Labour. But I am myself a fellow student, using
the word in its broader sense. My university is different from theirs. They have a standing invitation from
me to come to my university and join me in my search. Here are the terms:

1. Students must not take part in party politics. They are students, searchers, not politicians.

2. They may not resort to political strikes. They must have their heroes, but their devotion to them is
to be shown by copying the best in their heroes, not by going on strikes, if the heroes are
imprisoned or die or are even sent to the gallows. if their grief is unbearable and if all the students
feel equally, schools or colleges may be closed on such occasions, with the consent of their
principals. If the principals will not listen, it is open to the students to leave their institutions in a
becoming manner till the managers repent and recall them On no account may they use coercion
against dissentients or against the authorities. They must have the confidence that if they are
united and dignified in their conduct, they are sure to win.
Analects and Tao 25

3. They must all do sacrificial spinning in a scientific manner. Their tools shall be always neat, clean,
and in good order and condition. If possible, they will learn to make them themselves. Their yarn
will naturally be of the highest quality. They will study the literature about spinning with a its
economic, social, moral and political implications.

5. They will be *khadi*-users all through and use village products to the exclusion of all analogous
things, foreign or machine-made.

5. They may not impose *Vande Mataram* or the National Flag on others. They may wear National
flag buttons on their own persons but not force others to do the same.

6. They can enforce the message of the tricolour flag their own persons and harbour neither
communalism nor untouchability in their hearts. They will cultivate real friendship with students of
other faiths and with Harijans as if they were their own kith and kin.

7. They will make it a point to give first aid to their injured neighbours and do scavenging and
cleaning in the neighbouring villages and instruct village children and adults.

8. They will learn the national language, Hindustani, in its present double dress, two forms of speech
and two scripts, that they may feel at home whether Hindi or Urdu is spoken and nagari or urdu
script is written.

9. They will translate into their own mother tongue everything new they may learn, and transmit it in
their weekly rounds to the surrounding villages.

10. They will do nothing in secret, they will be above board in all their dealings, they will lead a pure
life of self-restraint shed all fear and be always ready to protect their weak fellow-students, and be
ready to quell riots by non-violent conduct at the risk of their lives. And when the final heat of the
struggle comes they will leave their institutions and, if need be, sacrifice themselves for the
freedom of their country.

11. They will be scrupulously correct and chivalrous in their behaviour towards their girl fellow-
students,

For working out the programme I have sketched for them, the students must find time. I know that they
waste a great deal of time in idleness. By strict economy, they can save many hours. But I do not want to
put an undue strain upon any student. I would, therefore, advise patriotic students to lose one year, not at
a stretch but spread it over their whole study. They will find that one year so given will not be a waste of
time. The effort will add to their equipment, mental, moral and physical, and they will have made even
during their studies a substantial contribution to the freedom movement.

PLACE OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE


I have said in these pages that Civil Disobedience is not absolutely necessary to win freedom through
purely non-violent effort, if the co-operation of the whole nation is secured in the constructive programme,
But such good luck rarely favours nations or individuals. Therefore; it is necessary to know the place
of Civil Disobedience in a nation-wide non-violent effort.

It has three definite functions:


1. It can be effectively offered for the redress of a local wrong.

2. It can be offered without regard to effect, though aimed at a particular wrong or evil, by way of
self-immolation in order to rouse local consciousness or conscience. Such was the case in
Champaran when I offered Civil Disobedience without any regard to the effect and well knowing
that even the people might remain apathetic. That it proved otherwise may be taken, according to
taste, as God's grace or a stroke of good luck,
Analects and Tao 26

3. In the place of full response to constructive effort, it can be offered as it was in 1941. Though it
was a contribution to and part of the battle for freedom, it was purposely centered round a
particular issue, i.e. free speech. Civil Disobedience can never be directed fur a general cause
such as for Independence. The issue must be definite and capable of being clearly understood
and within the power of the opponent to yield. This method properly applied must lead to the final
goal.

I have not examined here the full scope and possibilities of Civil Disobedience. I have touched enough of
it to enable the reader to understand the connection between the constructive programme and Civil
Disobedience. In the first two cases, no elaborate constructive programme was or could be necessary.
But when Civil Disobedience is itself devised for the attainment of Independence, previous preparation is
necessary, and it has to be backed by the visible and conscious effort of those who are engaged in the
battle. Civil Disobedience is thus a stimulation for the fighters and a challenge to the opponent. It should
be clear to the reader that Civil Disobedience in terms of Independence without the co-operation of the
millions by way of constructive effort is mere bravado and worse than useless.

CONCLUSION
This is not a thesis written on behalf of the Congress or at the instance of the Central Office. It is the
outcome of conversations I had with some co-workers in Sevagram, They had felt the want of something
from my pen showing the connection between the constructive programme and Civil Disobedience and
how the former might be worked, I have endeavored to supply the want in this pamphlet. It does not
purport to be exhaustive, but it is sufficiently indicative of the way the programme should be worked.
Let not the reader make the mistake of laughing at any of the items as being part of the
movement for Independence. Many people do many things, big and small, without connecting them with
non-violence or Independence, They have then their limited value as expected, the same man appearing
as a civilian may be of no consequence, but appearing in his capacity as General he is a big personage,
holding the lives of millions at his mercy. Similarly. the charkha in the hands of a poor widow brings a
paltry piece to her, in the hands of a Jawaharlal it is an instrument of India's freedom. It is the office which
gives the charkha its dignity. It is the office assigned to the constructive programme which gives it an
irresistible prestige and power,
Such at least is my view. It may be that of a mad man, If it makes no appeal to the Congressman.
I must be rejected. For my handling of Civil Disobedience without the constructive programme will be like
a paralyzed hand attempting to lift a spoon.

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