Agencia, Creatividad.. in African Music

Review: Agency, Creativity, and Biography in African Musical Performance
Reviewed Work(s): Seeing with Music: The Lives of Three Blind African Musicians by
Simon Ottenberg
Review by: Veit Erlmann
Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 39, No. 4 (August/October 1998), pp. 578-579
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for
Anthropological Research
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/204779
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Books 1
Review Essay: Toward an as exemplified by Western economic theories and the

ideals of the French Revolution (1977a). Now, in Ger-
Anthropology of Germany: man Ideology, one of the preeminent anthropologists of
A Culture of Moralist the outgoing century continues his research project of
a lifetime: he analyzes and compares national forms
Self-Education?2 of modern ideology from France to Germany and
back. After introducing readers to his theoretical ori-
entation, method, and research topic (part 1), Dumont
a nd r e g i ng r ic h discusses the German ideal of Bildung in its more elab-
Institute for Social and Cultural Anthropology orate forms around 1914 (part 2) and in its formative pe-
(Institut fur Volkerkunde), University of Vienna, riod between 1770 and 1830 (part 3). Finally, he applies
Vienna, Austria. 9 ii 98 some of his results to a new analysis of French political
ideology and of German-French relations (part 4).
German Ideology: From France to Germany and In his introductory remarks Dumont expresses regret
Back. By Louis Dumont. Chicago and London: at not having accomplished everything he set out to do
University of Chicago Press, 1994. 250 pp. in this study. Any scholar might reach his limits with
such a formidable task. For someone now in the ninth
What is typically German? In a current European TV
decade of his life, the amount of work invested in this
ad, this question is presented to several non-Germans.
book is simply amazing. Although several chapters
A British businesswoman replies, Diligence, an Ital-
were published previously as individual articles in En-
ian bon vivant reflects on the question and says, Disci-
glish, they appear here in thoroughly revised form to-
pline, and so forth. At the end of the spot, the advertis-
gether with the books main section, part 3, which ap-
ing company offers its own, typically German, answer:
pears for the first time in English. It must be said,
The love of driving: BMW. At first glance, Louis Du-
however, that a writer of Dumonts intellectual stand-
mont seems to be pursuing a similar research question
ing and literary style deserved better care and attention
in German Ideology. Not surprisingly, perhaps, for a
on the part of his publishers: parts of the translation
French intellectual, his answer is neither diligence nor
make somewhat rough reading, as some of the subse-
discipline nor driving but Bildungthe German ideal
quent quotations may indicate; the German quotations
of (self-)education, self-formation, or self-improvement.
display several embarrassing misspellings; and the En-
But Dumont is not concerned primarily with stereo-
glish title (nowhere referred to by the author) bears a
types about Germany. Rather, he is investigating cen-
confusing resemblance to Die Deutsche Ideologie by
tral ideas and values in German ideological history,
Marx and Engelsan implied irony (or intention?) that
whether or not they coincide with stereotypes. What
is never made explicit.
matters for Dumont is how such ideologies and values
Nevertheless, the appearance in English of the key-
emerge, how they operate, and what impact they have
stone of Dumonts work represents a significant pub-
within a given society. His focus is on dominant ideolo-
lishing event in anthropology and in the social sciences
gies as they are shared and represented by those in
and humanities in general. Contrary to what a number
power and their followers.
of critics have argued against portions of his earlier
In Dumonts view, such ideologies can best be ana-
work, in this book Dumont is not dealing with ideology
lyzed through a comparative approach. In the 1991
in a static, internally homogeneous, or externally iso-
French original his books title is Homo Aequalis II.
lated manner. His approach to Bildung is instead explic-
Anyone familiar with the history of European anthro-
itly processual, interactional, and differentiated. Bil-
pology in the second half of the 20th century will recog-
dung is analyzed as a central value that emerged within
nize the implications: Dumonts influential Homo Hi-
an overall transformation of German culture which
erarchicus (1980 [1966]) identified holism and hierarchy
took place between 1770 and 1830. In Dumonts analy-
as central elements in Indias dominant ideology. These
sis, that transformation occurred at least in part as a re-
were contrasted, in Homo Aequalis (1977b), with indi-
action to and in interaction with the revolutionary pro-
vidualism and equality in modern Western ideologies,
cesses unfolding in France during the same period. His
central thesis is that from that time forward the funda-
1. Permission to reprint items in this section may be obtained only mental elements of German ideologythough con-
from their authors.
2. For their very valuable comments and suggestions on a first draft
stantly challenged, contested, or reassertedunder-
of this paper, I thank Thomas Fillitz, Joan ODonnell, Charles went few basic changes and remained basically intact
Ramble, and Nur Yalman. until the end of World War II. Given the global political
567
568 c u r r e n t an t hr o p o l o g y
and intellectual influence exerted by Germany and though now expanding on a global level, this ideology
France during these one and a half centuries (in Europe, emerged in a few centers onlynorth-western Europe
Africa, and Asia and to some extent in North America and the North American East Coast. Today it is inter-
as well), Dumont has carved out a highly significant re- acting globally with the holistic principles that prevail
search topic. Simultaneously, his work raises a fascinat- locally everywhere else. This process of perpetual inter-
ing and contested issue in anthropological theory: Is action may result in either the destruction of local ideo-
there any longue duree with regard to a societys central logical forms or their closing in, as Dumont (or his
ideological values? translator) calls the various forms of religious, national,
From the outset, different schools of thought in con- or ethnic essentialism, as much as they can. In most
temporary anthropology would approach such a re- cases, however, holism and individualism together pro-
search problem in very diverse ways. But it would be duce new hybrid forms. In general, according to Du-
unwise to assume that Dumonts project represents a mont, individualism is unable to replace holism
typically French question in anthropology (remember wholesale and is never able to function without an
what we all teach about stereotypes!) simply because it unperceived contribution of holism to its life (p. 6).
is approached by a disciple of Marcel Mauss. I hope to Such widespread ideological hybridity requires com-
demonstrate that the longue duree aspect of the topic parative empirical research, which can demonstrate the
is highly relevant not only to Anglophone anthropology different ways in which various hybrid forms express
but to current debates in other disciplines and lan- the particular interactions between local or native ideas
guages as well. Furthermore, Dumonts book contains and universalist values. The stress may be put on reli-
a number of gems that will be appreciated by contempo- gion, as in India (Vivekananda), on the sociopolitical, as
rary anthropologists of all persuasions, even if they have in Russia (Lenin), or on the inner life and genius of the
their reservations about his overall project. For in- individual, as in Germany (Herder, Humboldt). For Du-
stance, I believe it is worth reading for an anthropology mont, then, Leninism is much more a product of the
student in Edinburgh, New York, or Sydney who is try- Russian reaction to the West than a direct result of
ing to follow the debate between Marshall Sahlins and Marxism itself. Similarly, Herders ideas represent a hy-
Gananath Obeyesekere: such debates have one of their brid result of German interaction with the developed
roots in the formative period of German philosophy and French form of individualism: his vision included a rich
anthropology, as embodied in the works of Herder, on variety of cultures (representing the holistic aspect)
the one hand, and Forster and Alexander von Humboldt, whose interplay made up the unified history of man-
on the other. One may cite another example: It may be kind (representing the individualistic aspect of his
instructive for, say, a postmodernist anthropologist in work). Given the far-reaching impact of Herderian ideas
Texas, Gottingen, or California to recognize an impor- upon the discipline of anthropology worldwide, includ-
tant precursor in Friedrich Schiller. As early as in 1821, ing the recent Sahlins-Obeyesekere debate (e.g., Sahlins
Dumont informs us, Schiller insisted that there were 1995:1113), Dumonts analysis brings us to the center
important parallels between the work of a poet and that of what anthropology is all about. According to Du-
of a historian (p. 135). Rather than drawing any prema- mont, it is precisely the hybridity of local ideas that en-
ture conclusions, let us give Dumonts project the ables them to have such global impact. Thanks to their
chance of an assessment free of the preconceptions that universalistic aspect, the hybrid products of a particular
dog our disciplines national and theoretical subsets. culture may enter into the dominant culture, the world
What, then, are the projects key conceptual and culture (and world anthropology, I am tempted to add)
methodological tools, and what are its main empirical of the times (p. 14), where they may become adaptable,
and theoretical results? Since the main methodological intensified, and even stronger representations. Hence
tools of Dumontian analysis have been presented and the importance of studying German ideology in its early
elaborated by some of his best disciples elsewhere and mature forms. Dumonts basic concepts thus focus
(Barnes, de Coppet, and Parkin 1985, Galey 1984), I will on individualism as an extremely powerful force of
confine my remarks to the essential concepts relevant ideological change, emphasizing the importance of ide-
in this context. The problematic concepts of individual- ology in its own right.
ism and holism are central here as in Dumonts earlier One may disagree with the author already at this
work. Basically, individualism is the set of fundamental level (as I do with regard to Dumonts somewhat
(egalitarian) values of Western democratic market econ- ephemeral consideration of power and of language, for
omies, and holism is another set of basic ideological val- instance, or by reference to Das 1994), but the elegance
ues which (hierarchically) subordinate the individual to and theoretical rigor of his procedure command admira-
a social whole or community. In Dumonts view of to- tion. Dumont identifies three general features that
days world, individualism expands on a global or uni- shaped German ideology in its formative period:
versal scale, while holism rules a majority of societies 1. The prevalence of holism, embodied in values of
outside the main Western centers of democracy and Gemeinschaft (community) and Volk (people, nation),
market economy. In German Ideology, Dumonts start- which make a German feel German in the first place
ing point (part 1) is therefore what he identifies as the and a human only through being German.
individualist configurationthe hegemonic, dominant, 2. The decisive formative influence of the Lutheran
and relatively consistent ideology of individualism. Al- Reformation, which immunized Germany against the
Volume 39, Number 4, AugustOctober 1998 569
French Revolution (compared with the Enlightenment, early 19th century onward, pan-Germanism was chal-
the Reformation represented an earlier, religious form lenged by the political reality that Switzerland and Aus-
of individualism that remained confined to the person, tria (including their German-speaking populations)
without necessarily involving politics). were beginning to leave the realm of German history.
3. The survival into our own times (i.e., until the Colonialism in its German variant had its basis in the
middle of the 20th century) of the medieval concept of ideological program of overcoming internal fragmenta-
a universal (formerly Roman) empire or Reich, which tion in order to embark on an external expansion that
supported the idea of German supremacy over other other nations were already pursuing much more suc-
peoples. cessfully. The pan-Germanist dimension, especially
It is the combination of these features which Dumont after the failure of the 1848 revolution, became a key
sees as unique to German society. Features 1 and 3 ideological means toward that end. I do not mean to
alone also occurred elsewhere; Dumont implies that 1 imply that these two dimensions are of necessity ir-
(holism in general) was common to all premodern soci- reconcilable with a Dumontian perspective. But includ-
eties and that 3 (some idea of supremacy) is inherent in ing the colonial dimension and specifying the pan-
all kinds of ethnocentrism. Germanist dimension are absolutely indispensable for a
Dumonts treatment of the Reich concept and its sur- balanced analysis of German ideology during this period
vival bears examination. When it resurfaces in his sum- and in fact could further strengthen Dumonts argu-
mary section it supports his view on the evolution of ment.
pan-Germanism in the latter half of the 19th century. Of the three features of German culture that Dumont
According to Dumont, pan-Germanism has its roots in identifies as uniquely shaping German ideology, only
the ancient concept of the Germanic Holy Roman Em- the Lutheran Reformation was a purely local histori-
pire, founded on a belief in a sort of pan-Germanic birth- cal phenomenon. Dumont argues convincingly that
right to dominate other peoples (pp. 23, 200). This is far through pietism it exerted a unique impact on German
too general a definition of pan-Germanism, and it is ideology and provided German thinkers with an inter-
closely intertwined with Dumonts surprising neglect nalized, mental equivalent to what elsewhere was
of colonialism. After all, the birthright to dominate achieved politically. Spiritual individualism and the ho-
other peoples is not at all unique to pan-Germanism. lism of community and Volk, combined with the persis-
To the contrary, it was characteristic of all the major tent idea of a pan-Germanic Reich mission, thus shaped
European powers of that era, France among them. It is German values and their interaction with universalist
quite curious, and detracts significantly from Dumonts individualism.
project, that the colonial dimension is so glaringly ab- Out of this historical context and intellectual cli-
sent from an anthropological work dealing with two mate, Bildung emerged as a crystallized constellation of
major European powers of the 19th century. Even from values with Herder as its inventor, Goethe as its found-
a Dumontian perspective, the colonial mission ing hero, and Wilhelm von Humboldt as its main theo-
should be identified as an element common to most of rist and reformer. (Having reached this point in Du-
the dominant European ideologies of the time. Further- monts presentation, I began to wonder what a
more, the specific ideological component in pan- comparative study along similar lines might show for
Germanism, as in pan-Slavism and similar ideologies, early U.S. ideology. Given the unique combination of a
was a very different matter. Pan-Germanism was, and mission civilatrice and of Protestantism so characteris-
to a limited extent still is, not a claim with regard to tic of the formation process of the United States, the
other peoples but an expansionist concept primarily outcome would probably be the most radical of all hy-
about ones own people. It concerns the birthright brids: Protestant moralism and cultural relativism com-
of all people of the same (German) and related (Nor- bined with egalitarian individualism and universalism!)
dic) languages to live in one and the same political en- In the main section (part 3) of the volume, Dumont
tity. This was (and is) an idea unique to eastern and masterfully elucidates the key elements, inner coher-
southeastern Europe, and it must have appeared quite ence, and achievements of Humboldts work. Very few
exotic and incomprehensible to contemporary peoples leading German thinkers of that period (17701830)
elsewhere. The English-speakers of the thirteen colo- were direct followers of the Enlightenment and the
nies of 1776, for example, certainly did not believe that French Revolution. (Among those who were, Wilhelms
everyone who spoke their language should continue to brother Alexander von Humboldt and Georg Forster
live within the same political entity. Pan-Germanism, both traveled extensively outside of Europe and also be-
by contrast, basically holds that all German-speakers came founding fathers of European anthropology.) Wil-
belong to the same people and share a political fate. helm von Humboldt sided with the mainstream of Ger-
The pan-Germanist ideal suffered the first of an im- man thinkers and preferred reform from above to
pressive series of historical blows very early in the 19th revolution from below. Throughout his writings, Hum-
centuryanother point neglected by Dumont. As a re- boldt elaborated a concept of Bildung that encompassed
sult of the Napoleonic wars, Switzerland attained its all of culture and humanitarianism, finding its own
modern form, and the Austrian emperor Francis I gave precedent and referent in the Greek paideia. For Hum-
up any further dynastic claims of the Habsburg mon- boldt, Bildung was rooted in reason and sought liberty
archs to the German Reich and its crown. From the and exaltation, as did the French Revolution. It did not,
however, entail the need to be subordinated, in Hum- ingly shows that this useful interpretation nevertheless
boldts words, to the changing inclinations of the (revo- overlooks Bildung as the central element in the Wil-
lutionary) masses. In his work the individual was helm Meister novels and misses the direction it takes
perceived as a mental embryo to be formed and trans- in them. These classic German Bildungsromane are not
formed through his own efforts. Lutheran and Kantian a direct continuation of La nouvelle Heloise as Lukacs
moralism were thus transformed into a self-reflexive maintained but a German answer to it. Confirming in
obligation, an imperative toward the aggrandizement of this respect Simmels (1971) analysis, Dumont demon-
the subject, and the normative ideal one pursued was strates that in the Wilhelm Meister novels the aim of
the realization of a harmonious plenitude. Bildung is to overcome a crisis of adolescence and to
As Dumont points out, this individualist notion of to- integrate the ordinary young man into his community.
tality in the German case is related to the social posi- Closely interacting with Schiller, Goethe thus installs
tion of the elite. Humboldt spoke not only for society the idea of Bildung in slightly altered form. Reinserting
but for his own noblemans status as a representative of the young man into his social group and subordinating
the social whole. Perceived as an ideal of harmonious him to it as to a holistic community or Gemeinschaft
plenitude, Bildung encourages the comparison of hu- becomes the aim of Bildung as process. After the classic
mans, cultures, and languages. It stands above politics period of German philosophy and art, Bildung therefore
and is sustained by ones own (that is, German) culture. becomes an ideal that in principle is accessible to every-
It therefore includes a normative anthropology of lim- one who is German.
ited scope, closer to the anthropology of Herder than to The process of Bildung is aimed not at the formation
that of Georg Forster and Wilhelms brother Alexander, of equal individuals but at the subordination of individ-
with a hierarchical evaluation of a few other cultures. uals to a community, which includes strong elements
A highly ambivalent and somewhat violent image of of culture and (gendered) hierarchy. German individual-
gender relations informs Humboldts view of all other ism thus preserves a notion of unique (incomparable,
relations of mankind, including those between cultures. genius-like, unequal) individuals of pietist inwardness,
Yet during this formative stage German ideology still and it remains intrinsically linked to holism. In Ger-
upholds a diversified universalism and not (or not yet) man culture, we always are under holistic dominance,
a historical relativism, a position which Humboldt em- says Dumont (p. 194) of this later part of the formative
braced only later on in the linguistic studies he under- period. No explicit opposition can be drawn between
took toward the end of his life. these specific variants of (community) holism and (pi-
Humboldts theoretical works thus propose liberal re- etist) individualism. During the formative period, Du-
forms from above that include elitist, male, and pro- mont seems to identify a stronger but unstable influ-
foundly German ideals of individualist inner improve- ence of individualism in German ideology, which
ment. His main practical work must be assessed in this gradually becomes encompassed by a strengthened
light. When in 180910 Humboldt was assigned the and reasserted holism. This development continues
task of reforming the Prussian educational system, his throughout the 19th century, notably after the failed
political liberalism was shaped by these theoretical ele- 1848 revolution and the subsequent unification of Ger-
ments. The University of Berlin, which he founded, is many from above as an expansion of Prussian rule.
therefore not so much the prototype of a modern uni- As noted earlier, the Prussian unification of Germany
versity that many today still claim it is as a very special was accompanied by the reemergence of a modified con-
precursor in which the concept of Wissenschaft encom- cept of the Reich and by pan-Germanism. In the two
passed science, research, and knowledge: placing the shorter essays of part 2 (The German Ideal of Liberty
natural sciences in a subordinate position, it elevated according to Troeltsch and Unpolitical Individual-
the sciences of the spirit and put philosophy, mathe- ism: German Culture in Thomas Manns Reflections),
matics, philology, and history on top. (In this institu- Dumont analyzes Bildung at about 1914, when it
tional framework, Humboldt abandoned his own prefer- reached its developed state. The formative periodthe
ence for anthropology.) In the university, one particular time of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic
selection and hierarchical classification of disciplines warsis thus contrasted with the mature period, that
thus became institutionalized as the public embodi- of the French-German confrontation in World War I.
ment of the individual idea of Bildung. This hybrid Dumonts discussion of everything relating to World
model became incorporated into the global value War I is somewhat distorted by his political opinion that
system. this war was a just cause for the Western side and an
Dumont goes on to show how in certain works unjust one for the central powers (in other words, that
Goethe somewhat democratized Humboldts ideas. He there were clear Good Guys and Bad Guys). This bias
focuses on the two Wilhelm Meister novels (1796 and merits comment. Dumonts political perspective on
1829), Poetry and Truth and Hermann and Dorothea. this issue is not essential to his argument about the full
Lukacs (1947 [1936], 1955) once attempted to portray maturation of the German Bildung ideal during the war,
Goethe as a direct follower of the Enlightenment, plac- which remains valid in any case, but a reconsideration
ing him in opposition to a genealogy of irrationality that seems worthwhile. During the 1960s I was raised politi-
could be traced from Schelling and Schopenhauer cally to see World War I as a cause that was unjust from
through Nietzsche to Hitler. Dumont quite convinc- both sides. Within Europe its results may of course be
interpreted as a futile first attempt to Westernize France by Conte and Essner (1995) is devoted to an an-
Central Europe, but outside Europe it merely served to thropological analysis of Nazism. Both works differ
replace Ottoman and German rule with French and Brit- from Dumonts, as might be anticipated, in placing
ish colonialism. In his complete disregard of the colonial much stronger emphasis on historical change and polit-
dimension, Dumont neglects this aspect of the war. ical power than on ideological continuity. But the two
For the period around World War I, Dumonts analy- perspectives do not necessarily exclude each other and
sis takes the German theologian, philosopher, and poli- considered together can enrich our understanding of
tician Ernst Troeltsch and the writer Thomas Mann as pivotal phases in history. As a working hypothesis, I in-
key examples of German ideology. It is striking to see deed tend to favor such a differentiated view of dramatic
how Troeltschs wartime appeals compare with the re- political and social change combined with a certain de-
sults of Dumonts analysis of Humboldt and Goethe. gree of ideological continuity. Such a hypothesis is sup-
According to Troeltsch, writing during World War I, the ported by current work on anthropologys own continu-
German idea of liberty was based on a rigorous and at ities in the German-speaking countries before and
the same time critical devotion of the individual to the during the Nazi period (e.g., Dostal 1994, Dostal and
whole, which is completed and legitimized by the inde- Gingrich 1996, Gingrich 1996, Hausschild 1995, Jaco-
pendence and individuality of the free spiritual Bil- beit, Lixfeld, and Bockhorn 1994, Linimayr 1994).
dung, The liberty of the German is willed discipline, Whatever the outcome of the incipient anthropologi-
advancement and development of ones own self in a cal debate about Nazism, one cannot afford to ignore
whole and for a whole, and so forth (pp. 4041). Leav- what Dumont has to say about the relevance of the
ing caricatures and stereotypes aside, there is an unde- 18701918 period in France and Germany. Losing the
niable continuity of ideological priorities from the clas- 187071 war against Germany taught France the hard
sic German Bildung writers to those of the early 20th lesson that the Rights of Man were not all that mattered
century. Troeltsch was by no means an exceptional in politics and that it was just one nation among others.
case, as becomes clear from Dumonts careful analysis As a consequence, a stronger recognition of national in-
of Thomas Manns war book Reflections of a Nonpoliti- terests evolved within Frances political right, in con-
cal Man. Interestingly, Thomas and his older brother, flict with the dominant values of justice and social
the novelist Heinrich Mann, were at odds over their emancipation on the left that had been inherited from
countrys war against France, just as the Humboldt the Revolution and were now shaken and even humili-
brothers had been divided in their response to the ated by the defeat of the Commune uprising. Neverthe-
French Revolution 120 years earlier. Heinrich Mann op- less, the ideals of liberte and egalite soon regained do-
posed support of the German war effort and of German mestic influence, especially after the Dreyfuss affair
nationalism, whereas Thomas Mann sympathized with toward the turn of the century. Gradually, the lesson of
views like those of Troeltsch. 187071 was pushed aside and individualist universal-
These arguments and insights intersect in Dumonts ism progressively reasserted. In spite of the Austro-
final section (part 4), an Incipient Comparison of Na- German alliances enthusiastic beginning of World
tional Cultures, in which he examines French and War I, French justice and emancipation ideals in the
German ideologies in the 19th and (the first half of) the form of pacifism remained active throughout the war.
20th century. Elsewhere (Dumont 1986:151), he has ex- After 1918 pacifism grew even stronger, leaving France
plained his view that Nazism was a coherent outcome ill-prepared for World War II. In Germany, in contrast,
of German ideology. Without denying the extreme char- the basic ideological principle of elitist supremacy
acteristics of the Nazi regime, he finds Nazi racism to through Bildung was shattered in 1918 just as deeply as
represent only a minor ideological alteration of funda- Frances ideological values had been in 1871. To a peo-
mental German ideologyan ideology that had pre- ple that had very widely believed in its own hardwork-
vailed long before Nazism developed. The argument ing genius and its vocation for world domination, 1918
about Nazi racism is only briefly picked up by Dumont demonstrated that its pretensions were untenable.
in German Ideology (pp. 23334) but is important be- The German vocation for domination, however, was
cause it intersects meaningfully with some heated cur- reasserted after 1918 just as universalism had been after
rent debates in and beyond academia. Dumonts argu- 1871 in France. Could we imagine a more striking in-
ment can be read in support of one side in the ongoing stance of similarity within difference? Dumont asks in
controversy among American, English, Israeli, and Ger- the last sentences of his book. Is it not somewhat pa-
man historians, political scientists, and popular media thetic to see each of them neutralize its own experience
about Daniel Goldhagens Hitlers Willing Executioners in order to salvage the ideological framework in terms
(see, e.g., Shandley 1998). It could be interpreted as fa- of which the country had been wont to think of itself
voring Goldhagens thesis that Nazi racism is deeply and the world over a great length of time? This is per-
rooted in a much older, more enduring German cultural haps the emotional and experiential core of Dumonts
and ideological system, one that long preceded Nazism view on the longevity of ideologies. On the intellectual
itself. This debate would benefit from the engagement level, ideologies in the Dumontian perspective have a
of other anthropologists as well. Eric Wolfs forthcom- logic of their own, encoded in the concepts of individu-
ing book (n.d.) has a long section on closely related top- alism and holism, hierarchy and totality, equality and
ics, and an impressive volume recently published in universalisma logic that allows one to see similarity
in difference. It makes the differences comparable be- thropological perspective. Chicago: University of Chicago
cause, basically, humans think alike. Nevertheless, dif- Press.
g a l e y, j e a n - c l a u d e. Editor. 1984. Differences, valeurs, hier-
ferent dominant ideologies have a powerful grip on archie: Textes offerts a Louis Dumont. Paris: EHESS.
those who share them, an influence that is powerful g i n g r i c h, a n d r e. 1996. Polyzentrische, transnationale und
precisely because its content seems normal and self- hierarchische Diskurse: Ein Vorwort zum Wandel der Periph-
understood. This, perhaps, is Dumonts intellectual erie, in Frauen-Fremde-Forscherinnen: Leben und Werk der
Absolventinnen des Wiener Instituts fur Volkerkunde,
message. 19451975, by Barbara Smetschka, pp. 512. Bern, Frankfurt,
Emotionally and experientially, however, these last Wien, and New York: Peter Lang.
two questions posed by Dumont represent the warnings g o l d h a g e n, d a n i e l. 1996. Hitlers willing executioners.
of a wise elder. This is the sober and skeptical view of New York: Knopf.
a great scholar in his advanced age as he examines his h a u s s c h i l d, t h o m a s. Editor. 1995. Lebenslust und Frem-
denfurcht: Ethnologie im Dritten Reich. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp.
20th European centuryits hopes, its disappointments, j a c o b e i t, w o l f g a n g, h a n n j o s t l i x f e l d, a n d o l a f
its catastrophes. One need not share his views, but one b o c k h o r n, Editors. 1994. Volkische Wissenschaft: Gestalten
must respect them. As an anthropologist, one may con- und Tendenzen der deutschen und osterreichischen Volks-
sider and learn from them, and a member of a younger, kunde in der ersten Halfte des 20 Jahrhunderts. Wien, Koln,
and Weimar: Bohlau.
postWorld War II generation might also wonder about l i n i m a y r, p e t e r. 1994. Wiener Volkerkunde im Nationalsozi-
the uses of a Dumontian analysis for the period after alismus: Ansatze zu einer NS-Wissenschaft. Bern, Frankfurt,
1945. These five decadesa period already longer than Wien, and New York: Peter Lang.
that from 1870 to 1914have seen the French- and l u k a c s, g e o r g. 1947 (1936). Goethe und seine Zeit. Bern:
German-speaking peoples of Europe finally achieve en- Franke.
. 1955. Die Zerstorung der Vernunft: Der Weg des Irratio-
during relations of peace. They have also seen the estab- nalismus von Schelling zu Hitler. 2 vols, Berlin: Aufbau.
lishment of the most democratic Germany that has ever s a h l i n s, m a r s h a l l. 1995. How natives think: About Cap-
existed. Since 1945, it would appear, German ideology tain Cook, for example. Chicago and London: University of
has gone through some fundamental changes. An em- Chicago Press.
s h a n d l e y, r o b e r t. Editor. 1998. Unwilling Germans? The
phasis on moralist self-education persists, and so per- Goldhagen debate. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
haps does a certain element of community holism. The Press.
notion of a pan-Germanist Reich supremacy, however, s i m m e l, g e o r g. 1971. On individuality and social forms. Chi-
remains shattered. The words capitalism and colo- cago: University of Chicago Press.
nialism are nowhere used in German Ideology. Yet w o l f, e r i c. n.d. Envisioning power: Ideologies of dominance
and crisis. Berkeley: University of California Press. In press.
one could hardly do without them in understanding the
pre-1945 longue duree and the post-1945 changes; after
1945 French colonialism gradually collapsed in most
parts of the world, while German capitalism took a very
long time to recover. A post-1945 perspective on Ger-
Selective Recollections on
man culture demonstrates, in my view, that it is by Anthropology and Indians
such political and economic factors that fundamental
ideological changes are brought about. An ideological
longue duree exists, but it has its limits. n a n c y o e st r e i c h l u r i e
Anthropology Section, Milwaukee Public Museum,
800 W. Wells St., Milwaukee, Wis. 53233, U.S.A.
References Cited
3 iii 98
b a r n e s, r. h., d a n i e l d e c o p p e t, a n d r o b e r t j.
p a r k i n. Editors. 1985. Contexts and levels: Anthropological
essays on hierarchy. JASO Occasional Papers 4. Indians and Anthropologists: Vine Deloria, Jr., and
c o n t e, e d o u a r d, a n d c o r n e l i a e s s n e r. 1995. La quete the Critique of Anthropology. Edited by Thomas
de la race: Une anthropologie du Nazisme. Paris: Hachette. Biolsi and Larry Zimmerman. Tucson: University of
d a s, v e e n a. 1994. The anthropological discourse on India:
Arizona Press, 1997. 226 pp.
Reason and its other, in Assessing cultural anthropology. Ed-
ited by Robert Borofsky, pp. 13344. New York and Toronto: Indians and Anthropologists grew out of a symposium
McGraw-Hill.
d o s t a l, w. 1994. Silence in the darkness: German ethnology organized by Biolsi and Zimmerman at the 1989 annual
in the National Socialist period. Social Anthropology 2:251 meeting of the American Anthropological Association
61. (AAA) as a 20-year retrospective on Custer Died for
d o s t a l, w., a n d a n d r e g i n g r i c h. 1996. German and Your Sins, by Vine Deloria, Jr. (1969), and specifically
Austrian anthropology, in Encyclopaedia of social and cul-
the chapter Anthropologists and Other Friends,
tural anthropology. Edited by Jonathan Spencer and Alan Bar-
nard, pp. 26365. London and New York: Routledge. which lumped and lampooned any scholars as an-
d u m o n t, l o u i s. 1977a. From Mandeville to Marx: The gene- thros who allegedly descended in increasing hordes on
sis and triumph of economic ideology. Chicago and London: the reservations to pursue research solely to forward
University of Chicago Press. their own academic careers. Deloria characterized such
. 1977b. Homo aequalis. Paris: Gallimard.
. 1980 (1966). Revised edition. Homo hierarchicus. Chi-
research as either pointing out rather than helping to
cago: University of Chicago Press. solve problems of which Indian people were fully aware
. 1986. Essays on individualism: Modern ideology in an- or seeking survivals of ancient traditions rather than
understanding of the realities of contemporary Indian outgrew, if he had ever embraced, the kind of anthropol-
life. The symposiums objective and that of the re- ogy and attitudes toward Indians that Biolsi attributes
sulting publication was to explore what has transpired to him; he was my first anthropology teacher.
in, or how have we come to rethink, the relations be- The exclusion of references from the end of World
tween Anthropologists and American Indians since the War II to 1969 is an affront to the memory of Alexander
publication of Delorias book. Lesser, Sol Tax, DArcy McNickle, and Philleo Nash,
Following the editors introduction, the papers are ar- among others, whose work refutes Delorias blanket ac-
ranged in three categories. Part 1, Deloria Writes cusation that the discipline stood by and did nothing in
Back, has contributions by Herbert T. Hoover, Vine the Indians time of need that began in the late 1940s.
Deloria, Jr., in American Historiography; Elizabeth S. Congress had repudiated the policy of Indian Commis-
Grobsmith, Growing Up on Deloria: The Impact of His sioner John Collier (193345) of empowering Indian
Work on a New Generation of Anthropologists; and communities and reinstated the pre-Collier policy ob-
Murray L. Wax, Educating an Anthro: The Influence of jective of assimilating the Indians with a new two-
Vine Deloria, Jr. Part 2, Archaeology and American pronged program: relocation to scatter the Indians in big
Indians, includes chapters by Randall H. McGuire, cities and termination of the reservations and govern-
Why Have Archaeologists Thought the Real Indians ment responsibilities in Indian affairs. Although it is
Were Dead and What Can We Do About It? and Zim- true as Deloria pointed out in 1969 that the AAA did
merman, Anthropology and Responses to the Reburial not officially condemn the postwar Indian policy, Indi-
Issue. Part 3, Ethnography and Colonialism, begins ans and Anthropologists totally ignores the anthropolo-
with the contributions of two American Indian schol- gists who mobilized with Indian activists to lobby on a
ars: some brief remarks by Cecil King (Odawa), Here national scale against the postwar Indian policy and in
Come the Anthros, and Marilyn Bentz (Gros Ventre), support of a policy of Indian self-determination. There
Beyond Ethics, Science, Friendship, and Privacy. were far too many to dismiss as exceptions, the stan-
These are followed by chapters by Biolsi, The Anthro- dard response to data that contradict Deloria.
pological Construction of Indians: Haviland Scudder The book also errs in giving Deloria credit simply as
Mekeel and the Search for the Primitive in Lakota a matter of post hoc ergo propter hoc. He supported and
Country; Gail Landsman, Informant as Critic: Con- helped publicize but did not formulate, initiate, or even
ducting Research on a Dispute between Iroquoianist inspire the reburial and repatriation issues raised in the
Scholars and Traditional Iroquois; Peter Whiteley, 1980s and discussed by Landsman, McGuire, Whiteley,
The End of Anthropology (at Hopi)? and Deloria him- and Zimmerman.
self, Conclusion: Anthros, Indians, and Planetary Re- By 1969 the tide had already begun turning away from
ality. the disastrous policies of the 1950s, primarily because
The spirit of the 1989 symposium, which included of determined Indian resistance supported by concerned
good-natured banter and papers that took issue with anthropologists and others. Custer thus came as some-
Custer, survives in the chapters by Deloria, Hoover, thing of a surprise. In 1970 a day-long symposium, An-
Wax, and, in some respects, Grobsmith. However, the thropology and the American Indian, was held at the
papers of more than half of the symposium participants annual meeting of the AAA in San Diego. There was a
are missing from the book. These six distinguished lot of Indian participation in the presentation of papers
scholars are simply named in a footnote (pp. 1819) and discussions. Deloria adverts to this symposium at
leaving the reader to speculate why even the titles of the start of his chapter (p. 209), where his memory fails
their contributions were deleted. Two chapters were him not only in misdating it as 1972 but as to what
not even part of the symposium. McGuires actually re- transpired. He, not the anthros, was the one on the at-
sponds to Delorias later book God Is Red (1973), and tack. Grobsmiths recollections also are selective
Whiteleys is reprinted from the Summer 1993 issue of (pp. 3536, 46). Anyone can check the facts; the verba-
the Journal of the Southwest. tim recording of the entire symposium was published
Although Deloria is credited with reforming anthro- in full (Officer 1973).
pology, the book fails to make its case because it does One cannot help but wonder if Deloria would have
not provide a documented description of anthropology achieved instant celebrity as an authority on anthropol-
from the mid-20th century to 1969. Instead, for compar- ogy and we still would be debating his impact if some
ative purposes, a self-serving caricature of the work of other chapter in Custer than Anthropologists and
early anthropologists is alluded to. Very few of the Other Friends had been singled out for publication in
books bibliographic citations antedate 1969, and most the August 1969 issue of Playboy. This slick-paper hu-
of these are no later than the 1930s. mor magazine, known for ribald cartoons and literary
Biolsis chapter is a particularly striking example in quality, gave a kind of imprimatur and wide dissemina-
taking some naive unpublished musings on the Teton tion to the idea that anthros were the only thorn in
Sioux by Mekeel at the start of his first field trip in 1930 the side of the Indian body politic. Given Playboys pop-
as the full measure of the man and of anthropology. Al- ularity at the time, far more people were exposed to De-
though Mekeels career was cut short by his death in lorias views on anthropology than to the other topics
1947 at the age of 45, his intellectual development had dealt with in Custer. Anthropologists accept that Delo-
not been arrested at the age of 28. I can attest that he ria raised some legitimate complaints that had a sensi-
tizing and salutary effect. It is the persisting public pretation evident throughout the book. The concern is
image of bad guys that we are still trying to live with ensuring that archaeological information is pro-
down. Missionaries and federal bureaucrats associated vided to the public in an informative manner (p. 13).
with Indians dont keep on soul-searching about Custer; Part 1 establishes the context of the volume with Pe-
Deloria skewered and poked fun at them too, but their ter Stones Presenting the Past: A Framework for Dis-
chapters just didnt happen to make the pages of cussion (originally published in Stone and Molyneux
Playboy. 1994). Stone develops his previous arguments concern-
ing the critical potential of liberating narratives of the
past from the confines of academia in order to prob-
References Cited lematize popularly presented pasts and historical
d e l o r i a, v i n e, j r. 1969. Custer died for your sins: An In- truth. Continuing in a similar spirit are the second
dian manifesto. New York: Macmillan. and third papers, in which Parker B. Potter Jr. and
. 1973. God is red. New York: Grosset and Dunlap.
Nancy Jo Chabot discuss their work in public archaeol-
o f f i c e r, j a m e s. 1973. Anthropology and the American In-
dian: A symposium. San Francisco: The Indian Historian Press. ogy in Annapolis. This work brings to the fore a central
issue in the presentation of paststhe question why we
practice archaeology. Potters The Archaeological Site
as an Interpretive Environment calls for taking archae-
Digging for Truths? ology beyond the museum and presents the Archaeol-
ogy in Public in Annapolis project as a flexible, reflexive
attempt to enable audiences to think critically, yet re-
angela piccini spectfully, about the past. Potter and Chabot then en-
Cadw: Welsh Historic Monuments, Crown Building, gage in a postmodern archaeological discourse (p. 45),
Cathays Park, Cardiff CF1 3NQ, Wales, United a personally informed exploration of alternatives to tra-
Kingdom. 19 i 98 ditional academic practice. Potter discusses attempts at
the Main Street site to open up conventional ap-
proaches to the interpretation of creamware by linking
Presenting Archaeology to the Public: Digging for
its production and consumption, its standardization
Truths. Edited by John H. Jameson Jr. Walnut
and segmentation (p. 48), to the 19th-century develop-
Creek, Calif: AltaMira Press, 1997. 288 pp.
ment of concepts of leisure. Chabot then explores
John H. Jameson Jr.s edited volume Presenting Archae- how critical theory may apply to academics interpreta-
ology to the Public attempts to come to grips with the tion of Native American pasts for a public. She pre-
thorny issues surrounding the interpretation of archaeo- sents a tour of 27-BK-16 in three individual (as opposed
logical pasts. It is part of the Public Interpretation Ini- to essentialized) voices: that of an archaeologist who in-
tiative, a public outreach program initiated and coordi- corporates images of Indians from popular culture
nated since 1990 by the Southeast Archaeological into the archaeological interpretation in order to fore-
Centers Technical Assistance and Partnerships Divi- ground myriad constructed pasts; that of an Abanaki
sion that is intended to foster an exchange of ideas be- whose own experiences of past narratives impacts on
tween archaeologists and education professionals. Cov- her/his understanding of the site; and, finally, that of
ering in the main diverse projects under way in North geomancy, which encompasses alternative experiences
America, contributions range from attempts to engage of place. Potters and Chabots aim is to provide a space
visitors in Marxist critiques of received histories at An- for critical discourse through archaeological practice.
napolis to the educational experiences to be had at After this auspicious beginning, much of the remain-
sites such as Crow Canyon Archaeological Center. Al- der of the volume falls back on positivist though worthy
though the editor is keen to show that interpretation is considerations of how best to present facts to museum,
not simply a matter of conveying information to visi- park, and site visitors so that through knowing pasts
tors, the underlying questionwhat is this thing called they will value them and their material remains. Papers
the public?is left unexamined. by Margaret A. Heath, Teresa L. Hoffman, Karen Lee
Jameson organizes the volume into four parts: Back- Davis, Sherene Baugher and Diana Dizerega Wall, Nich-
grounds, Strategies That Work, Interpreting Ar- olas Honerkamp and Martha A. Zierden, William R.
chaeology in Cities, and Interpreting Archaeology at Iseminger, Stephanie M. Whittlesley and Mary Farrell,
Museums, Parks, and Sites. These are intended to Barbara J. Heath, Meggett B. Lavin, and Douglas D.
bring the reader through introductory philosophical Scott reflect the involvement of many of the authors in
essays to the individual case studies which make up the the commercial heritage sector. Interestingly, they are
remaining sections. Although the division of the final also the most concerned with questions of authenticity,
two parts in terms of rural and urban appears arbitrary, but that quest for authenticity is bound by the belief
it does allow for the juxtaposition of differing ap- that somehow objects represent people and their way
proaches to interpreting arguably similar pasts. How- of life (p. 228, my emphasis) and that professional ar-
ever, this commonsense approach to organization chaeological practice is the superior method of under-
reflects well the commonsense ethos in public inter- standing the past.
One notable exception, Stanley Souths Generalized vid Morleys important work on consumption as the lo-
versus Literal Interpretation effectively reminded me cus of meaning (1992, 1995)together with his work
that the singular underlying theme of archaeology is its with Robins (Morley and Robins 1995)and Sil-
literally being grounded in the experience of material- verstone and Hirschs work (Silverstone 1994, Sil-
ity. Once we develop a narrative about that materiality, verstone and Hirsch 1992) on the position of domestic
however, we have to acknowledge that any representa- relations in the consumption of media are central to an
tion involves discourse. This is the central theme of Da- understanding not simply of what archaeology means to
vid Pokotylo and Gregory Brasss Interpreting Cultural people but of how archaeological narratives structure
Resources. Although presented as a case study of the and are structured by everyday life.
cooperative efforts made by a British Columbian First Presenting Archaeology to the Public represents a
Nation and a British Columbian academic community useful resource for any reader interested in North
to interpret the past, the paper is most interesting for American approaches to publicly accessible archaeolog-
its discussion of the convergence of discursive pasts in ical narratives. Certainly, there are real issues at stake
a public space in which a past relevant to the specific in terms of the everyday running of museums, heritage
identities of all those involved is constructed. sites, and archaeological projects which need to be ad-
Mark D. Bograd and Theresa A. Singletons The In- dressed. Yet, overall, this collection is disappointing in
terpretation of Slavery: Mount Vernon, Monticello, and its refusal to recognize that questions of how we inter-
Colonial Williamsburg further problematizes repre- pret leave undertheorized entities such as the public
sentation by arguing that those who present the past and archaeological practice and the central question
must make visible the ways in which we construct his- of why we do this thing that we do in the first place.
torical truths and confront the problematic and contra-
dictory to question the taken-for-granted. This issue is
also addressed in Museum in the Making: The Morven References Cited
Project, in which Rebecca Yamin discusses the trans- m o r l e y, d. 1992. Television, audiences, and cultural studies.
formationthrough interpretationof a New Jersey London: Routledge.
home into a symbol of nationhood. At Morven, profes- . 1995. Theories of consumption in media studies, in Ac-
knowledging consumption: A review of new studies. Edited by
sional concerns with archaeo-historical authenticity in- D. Miller. London: Routledge.
evitably created frictions within and among local com- m o r l e y, d., a n d k. r o b i n s. 1995. Spaces of identity:
munities; reflexivity is often unwelcome. Yamins most Global media, electronic landscapes, and cultural boundaries.
provocative argument is that through the archaeologi- London: Routledge.
s h a n k s, m. 1992. Experiencing the past: On the character of ar-
cal dismantling of traditional symbols, archaeological chaeology. London: Routledge.
practice itself can more easily be recognized as highly s h a n k s, m., a n d c. t i l l e y. 1992 (1987). Re-constructing ar-
symbolic and contingent. chaeology: Theory and practice. London: Routledge.
Although the papers collected in Presenting Archae- s i l v e r s t o n e, r. 1989. Heritage as media: Some implications
ology to the Public articulate a growing understanding for research, in Heritage interpretation, vol. 2, The visitor ex-
perience. Edited by D. L. Uzzell. London: Belhaven.
of the ways in which archaeologists construct images of . 1994. Television and everyday life. London: Routledge.
the past from material remains, there remains a wor- s i l v e r s t o n e, r., a n d e. h i r s c h. Editors. 1992. Consum-
ryingly uncritical acceptance of a public somehow ing technologies: Media and information in domestic spaces.
separated from professional archaeologists. David T. London: Routledge.
s t o n e, p. j., a n d b. l. m o l y n e u x. Editor. 1994. The pre-
Kirkpatricks The Archaeology of Billy the Kid is sim- sented past: Heritage, museums, and education. London:
ply one example of assertions about what the public Routledge.
accepts as true (p. 248) in the context of various histor-
ical errors and misconceptions. Jameson claims in his
introduction that very little has been written about
public interpretation apart from Stone and Molyneuxs Archaeologys Faustian Bargain
The Presented Past (1994). It is unfortunate that neither
he nor his contributors take to heart Shanks and Til-
leys (1992 [1987]) critiques of monolithic definitions of r ic h a r d e. b l a n to n
public and Shankss (1992) more recent writing about Sociology-Anthropology, Purdue University, West
the practice of archaeology as the crafting of stories, Lafayette, Ind. 47906, U.S.A. 2 iii 98
which problematizes comfortable distinctions between
those who know and those who learn.
Nationalism, Politics, and the Practice of
There also appears to be a reluctance on the part of
Archaeology. Edited by Philip L. Kohl and Clare
contributors to acknowledge the potential impact of
Fawcett. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
media and cultural studies on archaeological practice.
1995. 329 pp.
Roger Silverstones (1989) argument that heritage (as
the commodified, material re-representation of the past) Nationalism, Politics, and the Practice of Archaeology
is a medium of cultural production which should be un- is an important contribution to the growing body of lit-
derstood in the wider context of media studies and Da- erature addressing how archaeological practice is em-
bedded in broad social and cultural processes. National- of nationalist strategy is addressed in this volume pri-
ist ideology is the process addressed here, and each of marily in epistemological terms. Which forms of ar-
the books substantive chapters reviews in detail how, chaeological practice and theory are more susceptible to
for a particular region and period, interpretations of the political meddling? Throughout, postmodern (or post-
past have been manipulated by nation builders. The ex- processual) archaeology is regarded as quite suscepti-
amples discussed are limited to Europe, Eurasia, and ble. Its extreme relativism and lack of agreed-upon em-
East Asia, but archaeologists working in other world ar- pirical method implies that all interpretations of the
eas will find much of value in these chapters. In the sec- pasthowever outrageous and politically motivated
tion on Western Europe, Bernard Wailes and Amy L. are of equal value. The methodology of culture history,
Zoll discuss the concepts of barbarism and civilization which traces specific peoples into the past, may also
in nationalist movements, while several contributors fall prey to ethnic- and regional-supremacist strate-
look in more detail at particular states: Margarita Daz- gies. Where culture history was pursued for other than
Andreu at Spain, Katina T. Lillios at Portugal, and Bet- political reasons (especially in North America), it was
tina Arnold and Hennin Hassman at Nazi Germany. eventually superseded by processualism, because, as
Concluding this section, David W. Anthony investi- Trigger expresses it (p. 270), archaeologists . . . con-
gates the uses of Indo-European linguistics and archae- cluded that it was difficult, if not impossible, to trace
ology in political agendas. The section on Eastern Eu- ethnicidentities in the archaeological record without
rope and Eurasia includes chapters on the conflicted the aid of written records. This conclusion needs to be
situation in the former Yugoslavia, by Timothy Kaiser, more widely disseminated to nationalist archaeologists
on the Soviet archaeology of the 1930s and 1940s, by who are wedded to ethnic history. The dilemma here is
Victor A. Shnirelman, on Russian archaeology after the that, to set the record straight, archaeologists who
collapse of the U.S.S.R., by E. N. Chernykh, and on the know they cannot do culture history very well are
Caucasus, by Philip L. Kohl and Gocha R. Tsetskhladze. called upon to critique the politically inspired interpre-
The East Asian section includes two chapters on China, tations.
by Enzheng Tong and by Lothar Von Falkenhausen, a V. Gordon Childe was among the first to point out
chapter on the Korean experience by Sarah M. Nelson, the futility of a primarily culture-historical archaeol-
and a chapter on postwar Japan by Clare Fawcett. I thor- ogy, and he tried to direct archaeologists toward the in-
oughly enjoyed all of these detailed, forthright, and vestigation of broader issues in social and technological
highly critical chapters, some of which will not be change. The empiricist epistemology of the scientific
highly regarded or appreciated in certain political capi- and neoevolutionary approaches that supplanted cul-
tals or among archaeologists who remain committed to ture history should be more resistant to political appro-
nationalist and ethnic-supremacist goals. priation. As Clare Fawcetts chapter on nationalism and
In an introductory chapter by Philip L. Kohl and Clare postwar Japanese archaeology points out, however, em-
Fawcett and in commentary chapters by Neil Asher piricism itself is not always successful in depoliticizing
Silberman and by Bruce G. Trigger, the basic question archaeological practice. The empiricism adopted there
asked is how archaeology can avoid entanglement in as a counter to the political myths of prewar nationalist
nationalist-inspired rhetoric that inhibits an objective ideology devolved into a pure exercise in the detailed
understanding of the past. This is not easily answered, description and typological classification of artifacts
given the many dilemmas that face archaeologists, in (p. 233). Because it lacked a more substantial intellec-
particular the Faustian bargain whereby resourcesin- tual foundation, Japanese archaeology has found itself
cluding funding for excavations, labs, museums, and unable to withstand renewed postwar efforts to use the
publication outletsare accepted from state agencies past to reinforce ideals of Japanese national identity. For
in exchange for ideological support. Archaeology can be archaeology to be a positive force in human affairs, it
well funded when it provides services required by politi- has to be more than empiricist; it must be broadly an-
cians, but inevitably it pays a price for political commit- thropological as well. As Philip Kohl and Clare Fawcett
ment, including a loss of scientific prestige. Archaeolo- express it in their introductory chapter (p. 18):
gists also lose out when regimes and policies change,
as when S. N. Bykovski and V. B. Aptekar, early Soviet Like any form of archaeology, a responsible national-
archaeologists of the internationalist school, fell afoul ist archaeology refuses to blur the distinctions be-
of the emerging Russian ethnic supremacism of the new tween race, language, and culture and denies the
nationalist focus of the 1930s. They were both impris- purity or biological superiority of any culture over
oned, charged with scholastic pseudo-academic rea- any other. It documents the rich, unique features
sonings, and then shot (p. 130). As several contributors of past human cultures; locates them in specific
point out, in heavily politicized situations empirical social, economic, and historical contexts; and traces
and scientific archaeology attracts less interest in gov- their emergence and transformation over time, de-
ernment circles and therefore less funding. The public tailing how each has contributed to a shared world
may also prefer to see archaeologists reinforcing ethnic historical tradition. From this perspective, future
supremacism and other nationalist agendas. archaeologistsnationalist or notremain anthro-
How archaeology can avoid becoming an instrument pological.
States. Douglas E. Foleys study of Mesquaki youth in

The Dynamics of Cultural Iowas Tama High School highlights the ways in which
Production Mesquaki students in this local community have
learned to use the image of the silent Indian con-
structed by white teachers strategically in their rebel-
l i s a k. n e u m a n lion against white versions of what it means to be an
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, St. educated person. Wendy Luttrells examination of
Norbert College, De Pere, Wis. 54115, U.S.A. 1 iii 98 how women from Philadelphia and North Carolina use
continuing education to becom[e] somebody (p. 94) is
laced with richly constructed narratives provided by her
The Cultural Production of the Educated Person:
informants. Armando Trujillos study of the introduc-
Critical Ethnographies of Schooling and Local
tion of Chicano culture, history, and bilingual educa-
Practice. Edited by Bradley A. Levinson, Douglas E.
tion into public schools in Aztlan City, Texas, in the
Foley, and Dorothy C. Holland. Albany: State
1970s reveals the diverse ideological orientations of ed-
University of New York Press, 1996. 352 pp.
ucators toward the image of the Chicano/a educated
Why are anthropological studies of education, broadly person that Chicanismo fostered. Although drawing ex-
conceived, often relegated to the province of the latter clusively on research with students, administrators,
discipline or to the status of applied anthropology? If and educators in the United States (with the exception
Levinson and Holland are correctthat our eyes glaze of Anderson-Levitts comparative piece), the essays in
over when we encounter the words schools and ed- this section demonstrate the broad range of scholarship
ucation (p. 20)then The Cultural Production of the that can be undertaken from the cultural-production
Educated Person may well begin to open our eyes to a perspective.
neglected area of anthropological inquiry that has much Part 2, The Educated Person in Competing Sites of
to offer to our theoretical understandings of the dynam- Cultural Production, broadens our understandings of
ics of culture. the dynamics of cultural production to include larger
Drawing on interdisciplinary perspectives but communities of which schools are a part. In her intri-
grounded firmly in the anthropology of education, The guing study of Huaorani hunter-gatherers in Ecuador,
Cultural Production of the Educated Person is a collec- Laura Rival exposes the way in which formal schooling
tion of 12 essays critically examining the dialectic of has undermined Huaoraniness (p. 165) by altering the
structure and agency as it is manifest in the educational social context of childrens learning experiences, de-
process. The individual essays, many of them showcas- skill[ing] children in the subsistence activities re-
ing rich ethnographic data from outside the United quired in their forest environment (p. 159) and teaching
States, are linked together by the theme of cultural pro- them to be modern (p. 156). The strength of Rivals
duction, an approach that considers schools sites not approach is her attention to cultural production; she
only for the (re)production of dominant cultural mean- theorizes that all identitiesboth traditional and mod-
ings but also for the articulation of students own cul- ernare not merely transmitted from one generation to
tural meanings, which may or may not challenge those the next but formed through interactive learning
of dominant social institutions (for a classic example of (p. 164) in the context of specific social and natural
this approach, see Willis 1981[1977]). In addition, the environments. While she appears to conclude that
authors are concerned with what it means to be an ed- Huaoraniness is threatened by modernity (pp. 164
ucated person in local communities around the world, 65), is it possible that new identitiesequally Huao-
and the essays emphasize the fact that the cultural pro- raniare being created? For example, her fascinating
duction of what it means to be educated (versus un- description of young peoples use of ghetto blasters
educated) occurs both at school and outside of educa- (p. 160) to record the chants of tribal elders draws our
tional institutionson the job, in neighborhoods, and attention to the complex ways in which people fashion
at home. and refashion their identities. Margaret Eisenharts
The organization of The Cultural Production of the comparative investigation of how a university and a
Educated Person reflects the choice of its editors and nonprofit corporation in the United States produced dif-
contributors not to privilege schools as exclusive sites ferent types of biologists is the most limited of the con-
for the production of hegemonic and counterhegemonic tributions simply because, as Eisenhart points out
cultural discourses. Part 1, Schools as Sites for the Cul- (p. 177), it lacks strong research data on the university
tural Production of the Educated Person, asks us to environmental biology program that is one of its sub-
look at how students, educators, and administrators jects. It does, however, provoke us to think about how
construct particularoften contradictorycultural no- college and university degree programs may construct
tions of the educated person that articulate with gen- professional identities differently from the workplaces
dered, ethnic, and class-based identities. Kathryn M. in which their graduates are employed. Thomas A.
Anderson-Levitt presents a compelling comparison of Shaws well-researched and detailed study of how
teachers perceptions of childrens literacy development emerging youth cultures in Taiwan reinscribed individ-
in elementary classrooms in France and the United ual subjectivity (a culture of desire) against the hege-
monic order imposed by schools demonstrates how edu- torical approaches necessary to understand the cultural
cators may unintentionally promote new forms of processes about which they theorize.
radical individualism in students by alienating them If many educational anthropologists are to blame for
from official school discourses. not making connections to the larger discipline of an-
The essays in part 3, The Educated Person in State thropology, then the larger discipline has been equally
Discourse and Local Practice, cohere extremely well guilty of neglecting to reclaim and refashion studies of
and thoroughly address the theme of cultural produc- education in theorizing cultural processes. The Cul-
tion. Debra Skinner and Dorothy Holland convincingly tural Production of the Educated Person shows us that
demonstrate that the state-run Nepalese schools de- the anthropology of education has much to contribute
signed to produce modern citizens succeeded in reduc- to our understandings of the dynamics of culture
ing caste and gender distinctions among students but in what the early Boasians would have seen as the rela-
turn created new hierarchies based on distinctions be- tionship between individual creativity and cultural
tween educated and uneducated. Elsie Rockwells constitution (Fox 1991:106) in everyday practice.
ethnohistorical study of rural schooling in Mexico dur- Avoiding the narrowness of some other anthropologies
ing the 1920s and 1930s stands out not only for its of education, this collection is designed to speak to an-
methodology but also for its articulation of how both thropologists, if only we will let it.
dominant and subordinate groups generate cycles of
appropriation (p. 303)often claiming each others References Cited
cultural symbols in struggles over resources and power.
For their ethnographic thoroughness, Bradley A. Levin- f o x, r i c h a r d g. 1991. For a nearly new culture history, in
Recapturing anthropology: Working in the present. Edited by
sons work on the production of oppositional identities
Richard G. Fox, pp. 93113. Santa Fe: School of American Re-
in and around a Mexican secundaria (high school) and search Press.
Aurolyn Luykxs study of the construction of indige- g e a r i n g, f r e d o. 1973. Anthropology and education, in
nous identities in Bolivian teacher training courses de- Handbook of social and cultural anthropology. Edited by John
serve special mention. J. Honigmann, pp. 122349. Chicago: Rand McNally.
j o h n s o n, c h a r l e s s. 1943. Education and the cultural pro-
The well-written introduction by Levinson and Hol- cess: Introduction to symposium. American Journal of Sociol-
land clearly situates the reader within the field, provid- ogy 48:62932.
ing the necessary foundation for the solid cultural- w a x, m u r r a y l. 1993. How culture misdirects multicultur-
production framework that links all of the volumes alism. Anthropology and Education Quarterly 24(2):99115.
w i l l i s, p a u l. 1981 (1977). Learning to labor: How working
contributions. In fact, it is their introduction that begs
class kids get working class jobs. New York: Columbia
us to return to the question why anthropologists have University Press.
disassociated themselves from the study of education.
During the period between the two World Wars, anthro-
pologists contributed a significant number of articles on
education. Benedict, Boas, Du Bois, Goldenweiser, Her- Agency, Creativity,
skovits, Mead, Mekeel, Opler, Redfield, and Thompson
were among them (see Gearing 1973:1225). In 1943, the and Biography in African
American Journal of Sociology printed a special edition
devoted to the role of education in society that drew a
Musical Performance
large response from social scientists both in the United
States and abroad (Johnson 1943). Yet today the disci-
v e i t e r l ma n n
pline appears to have relegated the potential theoretical
School of Music, University of Texas at Austin,
contributions of studies of education to the dustbin of
Austin, Tex. 78712, U.S.A. 10 iii 98
its intellectual history.
Levinson and Holland are absolutely right in pointing
Seeing with Music: The Lives of Three Blind
out that earlier anthropologies of educationprimarily
African Musicians. By Simon Ottenberg. Seattle:
falling under the rubric of culture-and-personality stud-
University of Washington Press, 1997. 230 pp.
ieswere often rooted in a static concept of culture
that focused on the transmission of values and identi- Simon Ottenberg has written a gem of a book. Seeing
ties and precluded true studies of cultural production with Music is not the first attempt at African musi-
(p. 20). Yet psychological anthropology, historically cians biography, but it is the first and certainly the
even more a stepchild of culture-and-personality stud- most far-reaching effort to date to address the issues of
ies, has succeeded in making the connections to the individual agency, musical creativity, and biographical
larger discipline that the anthropology of education has narrative within the context of African musical perfor-
not. Perhaps this has more to do with the present than mance. And it is beyond any doubt the first major at-
with the legacy of the past. Many contemporary anthro- tempt to interrelate, in depth, the personal experience
pologies of education in fact do not pay enough atten- and the work not of a superstar of African world beat
tion to anthropological theories of culture (for a recent but of a group of rather obscure African musicians. The
notable exception, see Wax 1993). Often highly ethno- three musicians depictedSayo Kamara, Muctaru
graphic, other anthropologies of education omit the his- Mansaray, and Marehu Mansarayall lived in Bafodea
Town, a minor community in Limba territory and a scholarly terminology (beat as distinct from, for in-
backwater of Sierra Leone. None of these (now de- stance, pulse) and the broader meaning of beating
ceased) musicians was known outside of their home in many African societies as music making.
town, and apart from Ottenbergs field recordings the A second problem arises from Ottenbergs objective
group was never recorded. Their instrument, too, the of linking the musicians everyday lives to their perfor-
plucked-idiophone kututeng, occupies a relatively mar- mances and personal creativity. While some of these
ginal position in Limba culture and in West Africa gen- linkages are derived from a careful textual exegesis of
erally. In fact, marginality and the role of music in over- their lyrics, Ottenberg also seeks to understand these
coming it is what Seeing with Music is all about. Blind, performers sense of self in more musical terms. Thus,
wifeless, and poor, the three musicians played the kutu- in discussing the densely textured soundscape emerging
teng to cope with and somehow compensate for their from Sayos kututeng performances (the sound of the la-
low social status and marginal position. mellae [the pebbles in the box resonator] or of knocking
The book is clearly organized into two parts: a more on the instruments side), he suggests that something in
theoretical part (chaps. 1 and 2) and a second part exam- the ensemble quality of the music replaces the sense
ining the life histories and music of the three musi- of loneliness of blind musicians like Sayo with a tempo-
cians. More specifically, chapter 1, Concepts, dis- rary sense of community (p. 72). Along these lines, he
cusses the more recent anthropological concerns with also rather problematically links aspects of kututeng
personhood and agency and Ottenbergs role in au- musical form with visual designs and even patterns of
thoring the three musicians as individuals, and it also social organizationarguing, for instance, that the seg-
reviews the ethnomusicological and anthropological lit- mental quality of Limba social groups resembles the
erature on life histories, suggesting (somewhat flatly tendency in Bafodea music to be made up of small,
perhaps) that there are many differing ways to ap- rather independent units (p. 191).
proach the life histories and social roles of musicians as Finally, like many Westerners fascinated by but unfa-
performers (p. 25). In chapter 2, The Setting, Otten- miliar with African music, Ottenberg finds it difficult
berg offers a brief survey of Bafodea and the role of mu- to understand the African concern with cyclicity or re-
sic and the kututeng in the towns cultural fabric. Each petitiveness (as he calls it, perhaps a little too casu-
of the next three chapters is devoted to one of the three ally). Thus, for example, although he correctly argues
musicians, while chapter 6 provides a comparison of the that the importance of the event appears to lie in the
three life stories presented. activity rather than in the text and that meaning lies
Seeing with Music is a well-written and accessible in the act of doing, in the repetitive quality of the per-
text. Not a musicologist or in any sense a formally formance (p. 93), he claims that this repetitiveness
trained musician, Ottenberg is remarkably candid about allows for a special sort of inner individualism that
his lack of musical expertise, the limitations of his re- permits the performers and their audiences to day-
search setting, and, indeed, the loneliness that drew dream (p. 193). Here the same repetitiveness that is
him to the three musicians in the first place. More im- said to create a state of communitas and a temporary
portant, perhaps, he has wisely resisted the temptation state of suspension of thought enables individuals to
to arrange the textual fragments emerging from his dissociate themselves mentally from the musical group.
encounters with Sayo, Muctaru, and Marehu into Despite these shortcomings, Seeing with Music is a
livesin terms of the templates and chronologies the fine book. Unpretentious and satisfyingly rich in ethno-
Western literary imagination provides for putting the graphic detail, methodologically sound yet humanely in
self in order. Ottenberg inserts himself into his narra- tune with the material and expressive world of the three
tive at various junctures, purposely exposing the seams Bafodea musicians, it deserves a wide readership.
that hold his account together and carefully interlacing
biographical information with analysis of performance
context, lyrical content, and, within limits, musical
structure. As a result, it is distinctive personalities, not Taking the Pulse of Historical
types or exemplars, that emerge from his account. At
the same time, Sayo, Muctaru, and Marehu remain em- Archaeology
bedded in and constrained by the specific cultural con-
text of Bafodea Town and Limba society at large.
m ic h a e l s. n a s s a n e y
For all its honesty and attention to detail, the book is
Anthropology Department, Western Michigan
not without its problems. One of these, perhaps a minor
University, Kalamazoo, Mich. 49008-5032, U.S.A.
one, is the somewhat disconcerting use of terms such
3 ii 98
as griot and beat. While the Limba term hana may
be rendered correctly as beat (p. 146) and Marehus
A Historical Archaeology of the Modern World. By
claim that a good kututeng player should know a lot
Charles E. Orser Jr. New York: Plenum Press, 1996.
of beats (p. 147) captures rather well African thinking
247 pp.
about musical competence, to suggest that a good
player is one whose beat stays with the others con- Fifty years ago Walter W. Taylor published the scathing
fuses Western popular usage of the term beat with critique of American archaeology (1948) that arguably
led to the processual revolution of the 1960s. The late power, autonomy, and equality. He also draws on nu-
1960s also witnessed the formalization of American merous other examples from throughout the world to
historical archaeology, whose definition and goals are support his arguments. While material objects and cul-
still subject to debate. Though milder and less accusa- tural landscape featuresthe stuff of archaeologyare
tory than Taylors call to arms, A Historical Archaeol- implicated in his discussion, hardly any fieldwork has
ogy of the Modern World similarly seeks to take the yet been conducted at either Palmares or Gorttoose, and
pulse of a discipline and redirect the focus of historical Orser has no intention of presenting a detailed analysis
archaeologists toward studies that are simultaneously here. Those who see this as a shortcoming of the work
global and relevant to the modern world. Both authors, have misconstrued his goals, which are far broader than
in their own way, insist that archaeology live up to its the elaboration of a single case study. Instead, Orser
full potential. This volume inaugurates a series aimed prods historical archaeologists to recognize the richer
at demonstrating how archaeological remains can con- understandings and intellectual excitement that can de-
tribute to the study of modern history and culture in rive from efforts to expose and dissect the issues that
global perspective (p. viii), thereby moving us beyond structure and reproduce the modern world. The explora-
the parochialism associated with the identification and tion of more detailed topical, methodological, and com-
classification of potsherds, rusty nails, stone founda- parative questions will follow in the series; here the
tions, and their patterned distributions. It serves as a purpose is to articulate the logic and rationale for these
well-informed commentary on the state of the art in subsequent studies and how each will be grist for the
and a programmatic statement for historical archae- mill of anthropological comparison.
ology by illustrating the benefits that can be derived Some of the most difficult but intriguing issues in an-
from an approach that is anthropological, dialectical, thropological and historical inquiry are discussed in
multiscalar, critical, and self-reflexive. chapter 7, entitled Can the Subaltern Speak? While
Orser begins (chap. 1) by defining historical archaeol- many practitioners see historical archaeology as a
ogy as the study of the modern world that emerged means of recovering the voices of the people without
sometime in the 15th century. Thus, the field is linked (written) history, Orser problematizes the postprocessu-
not directly to the study of all societies associated with alist goal of acquiring an emic view of the past. From
written documents (e.g., ancient Rome, the Maya) but this discussion, which rightly challenges facile under-
only to that of the societies that became enmeshed fol- standings of ideology and social power, Orser warns
lowing the age of European expansion and exploration. that we must not be fooled into thinking that dominant
The theme of social interaction and interconnectedness and subordinate groups actually negotiated their roles
in the tradition of Eric Wolf resonates throughout the and realities on equal terms. His closing chapter (8) en-
book. Orser adopts a mutualist perspective that under- courages us to think globally and dig locally by using
scores the significance of social relationships in group a dialectical methodology to vary our spatial and tem-
dynamics that are often played out over broad areas. Al- poral scales of analysis. In the end, he makes a convinc-
though archaeologists may not excavate on a global ing plea for reuniting historical archaeology with the
scale, the artifacts and landscapes that they expose are European field of postmedieval archaeology, arguing
products and precedents of human agentsboth men that the beginnings of the modern world lay among the
and womenwho were the bearers and creators of so- ruins of the castles and peasant villages of feudal Eu-
ciohistorical structures linking populations across rope. Furthermore, he reminds us, we must include the
oceans and continents. These structures, or what Orser Ottoman Empire in the networks of interaction, since
calls haunts, can be captured along four dimensions: the Middle East was the powerful and threatening
colonialism, Eurocentrism, capitalism, and modernity. Other (p. 196) against which Europeans defined them-
While these topics have been the subjects of countless selves in creating their identity. Orser stops short of ad-
volumes, Orser nicely summarizes the ways in which vocating that this same perspective be extended to In-
they distinguish the history of the world over the past dia, Southeast Asia, and the Far East, all areas that were
five centuries from that of previous periods. involved in European expansion and colonization ef-
To illustrate how these large-scale processes are ex- forts.
pressed in small things forgotten, Orser presents tan- For academic archaeologists who may have the lux-
talizing information from two historical cases which, ury of doing comparative anthropological work, Orser
despite their spatial and temporal separation, can be has charted a path to the future. What remains to be
profitably examined from his mutualist perspective. seen is whether the majority of historical archaeological
The 17th-century fugitive Brazilian slave community of investigations that are conducted under the auspices of
Palmares and Gorttoose, a peasant village of poor Irish cultural resource management (at least in the United
farmers occupied a century later, are the vehicles he States) will be taken down that path. The theoretical
uses to illustrate his theoretical framework. To many, framework proposed in this book is appropriate for any
these places may initially appear incomparable, but historical site, since post-Columbian archaeological re-
Orser intentionally chooses them to convince the mains are seldom exempt from the forces of colonial-
reader of the broad applicability of his approach; each is ism, Eurocentrism, capitalism, and modernity. This
the product of social interactions and struggles for book will be of value to serious students of history, ar-
chaeology, anthropology, and other social sciences who tingency, a tall order, and it seems to me that process
are interested in the development of the modern world. reappears through the back door. Fletcher is a neo-
By adopting its framework, archaeologists will also be Darwinian (again, consult his web page), a position con-
challenging the artificial barriers between so-called aca- sistent in epistemology if not in detail with several rel-
demic and compliance-oriented investigations by acting ict New Archaeologies. His product may therefore
in unison. In some ways the book is a seductive intro- appeal more to the old school than to the new. His
duction to a continuing story that ideally will unfold in cross-cultural data are analyzed far more systematically
future volumes focusing on specific sites, periods, and than the anecdotal ethnographic window-dressing of
related issues of topical interest. I, for one, will be eager some current British theorists, and his style is less man-
to see the range of analyses that historical archaeolo- nered than those of the prevailing genres. Indeed, al-
gists can incorporate within Orsers theoretical vision though the text is dense and occasionally difficult it is
to expose the ways in which social power is exercised on the whole well written and cleanly edited. I suspect
and resisted from Alaska to Zimbabwe. that it will find more favor with American readers than
with Europeans.
The argument is presented (with one diagram or plan
for every two pages of text) in three sections, each of
A Tale (and Tally) three chapters. Part 1 (Theoretical Context) is an ex-
tended apologia for materialismnot, I hasten to add,
of Many Cities the simple deterministic materialism of the ancien re-
gime but that of more postmodern inquiries, call it
crypto-materialism, perhaps. The bona fides of the ap-
s te p h e n h. l e k s o n proach having been established, part 2 (The Limits of
University Museum, University of Colorado, Boulder, Settlement Growth) presents empirical, cross-cultural
Colo. 80309-0218, U.S.A. 26 i 98 patterns in a series of diagrams and interprets these pat-
terns, suggesting regularities of an alarmingly lawlike
The Limits of Settlement Growth: A Theoretical nature. A series of size thresholds is observed and ex-
Outline. By Roland Fletcher. Cambridge: Cambridge plained in terms of combinations of interaction and
University Press, 1995. 300 pp. communication limits; the reader must consult the
book for details (no single quotable paragraph of the
First we shape our buildings, Winston Churchill is re- book compresses his expansive argumenteven his
ported to have said; then they shape us. The point, front-matter precis fills a full page). Part 3 (Implica-
whether original or apocryphal, is well taken: the physi- tions) extends these data and discussions to the peren-
cal environment is an active player, and the built envi- nial prehistoric problems of sedentism and urbanism
ronment is particularly pervasive both as a tool and as and to a fresh, bold archaeological consideration of fu-
a constraint on social action. Roland Fletcher has ex- ture urban growth. Bravo! It remains to be seen if ur-
plored the built environment in a short but influential ban planners will consult or cite Limits; a quick re-
series of papers and chapters beginning in the last dark view of their citations was negative, but it is still early
days of New Archaeology (in David Clarkes Spatial Ar- days.
chaeology) and continuing through the brave new post- Cross-cultural empirical analyses are not new. Nei-
structuralist world (chapters in various Ian Hodder ther are size and scale thresholds. If I have any bone to
compilations). The Limits of Settlement Growth pre- pick with Limits it is the omission of earlier, simi-
sents his long-term research programalmost as long lar works: only two of Gregory Johnsons many scalar
as my career in archaeology, according to Fletchers studies are cited, and there is no acknowledgment of
web page (www.archaeology.usyd.edu.au/people). It is Krisztina Kosses brilliant 1990 and 1994 articles in
an impressive effort. We may hope that it is not his Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. (I have also
magnum opus; Fletcher is in mid-career, and we can ex- fished these same waters, in a 1988 dissertation pub-
pect even more. lished in part as a chapter in Turans Vernacular Archi-
In brief, Fletcher argues that two measurable dimen- tecture [1990].) In fairness, the citations for Fletchers
sions of settlementinteraction (crowding) and com- 1995 Limits were closed by publishers fiat at 1993. His
municationconstitute the operational parameters of bibliography is impressively extensive (and his vast
social life in settlements (p. xxiii), creating density and cross-cultural references are not even included; they are
size thresholds that operate in a quasi-nonlinear fashion available in electronic format). The Johnson and Kosse
to shape and limit the size of settlements. The argu- omissions are probably more indicative of the impossi-
ment tacks between empirical patterns and theory and bly diverse literature of our field than any failing of the
has real implications for contemporary urban life. book. Even a scholar as scrupulous as Fletcher cannot
Fletcher walks a fine line between postmodern sensi- encompass the vast array of resources.
bilities and old-fashioned Michigan-style cross-cultural Fletcher is not the only researcher to reach approxi-
comparison. Repudiating processual archaeology, he mately these conclusions, although his treatment is by
still seeks generalizing theory amid the chaos of con- far the most thorough and undoubtedly the most impor-
tant. The independent work of Kosse and, in a smaller

way, my own research support Fletchers empirical pat- Thoughts on Preserving the
terning. There really is something in magic population Archaeological Record
numbers and settlement thresholds. But what do they
mean? Fletcher suggests underlying causes in interac-
tion and communication limits and points to ways of p a u l g. b a h n
achieving even broader understanding of such thresh- 428 Anlaby Road, Hull HU3 6QP, England. 1 i 98
olds: the emergent order of complexity, and particularly
of Stuart Kauffmans (1993) Origins of Order. Complex-
Archaeological Ethics. Edited by Karen D. Vitelli.
ity has become a Big Science gala, but beneath the Santa
Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira Press, 1996. 272 pp.
Fe glitter may in fact lie the missing paradigmatic com-
plement to Darwin. Kauffman considers complexity Only a couple of decades ago, one never heard anything
that important, and Fletcher apparently agrees (as do I). at all about ethics in archaeology. The only paper pub-
Emergent order is a stranger in this strange postmod- lished on the topic around that time (Thomas 1971) was
ern land. Agency is a litmus test for postmodernity: a concerned primarily with the moral duty to seek new
focus on the individual, on free will, on the primacy of data! But in the late 1970s and especially the 1980s ar-
the actor. Agency enters the study of complexity only chaeologists found themselves under attack from all
through agent-based modeling, in which vast num- sides as racist, Eurocentric, neocolonialist, and grave
bers of anonymous silicon units, each armed with sim- robbers. These attacks, together with the navel-gazing
ple rules and the (randomized) ability to err, swarm in and soul-searching that characterized the contempora-
endless iterations to create order. These antlike neous reassessments of archaeologys theories and prac-
agents seem far removed from the hopelessly West- tice, led to a radical transformation, and ethics gradu-
ern heroes and heroines of postmodern discourse. Kauff- ally came to centre stagefirst in the ground-breaking
mans order does not emerge through acts of will or collection of papers edited by Green (1984), then in the
more subtle cultural negotiations; it is order for collection edited by Messenger (1989), and most re-
freenot unlike the sterile, bloodless, despised pro- cently in the Society for American Archaeology Special
cesses of our bad old days. I love it, of course, but its Report edited by Lynott and Wylie (1995).
an unlikely approach in postmodern times. Fletcher, Vitellis Archaeological Ethics differs from its prede-
van der Leeuw (1981), and a handful of other brave souls cessors in being conceived as a text for classroom use
seem to be reviving the moribund search for order in an and in simply bringing together a package of existing es-
intellectual climate that strongly favors chaos. says, all of them previously published in Archaeology
Threshold phenomena are natural targets for emer- between 1984 and 1995 but principally in the last three
gent order: on one side of the threshold an accumula- years of that period. This confers a number of advan-
tion of units with a few simple rules, on the other unex- tages on the bookArchaeology has consistently
pected order (sounds like complexity to me). Fletchers played an important role in placing a broad range of eth-
data and ideas should be evaluated in the light of Kauff- ical issues before its readers, and the fact that these
mans emergent order, andaccording to his web pieces appeared in the magazine ensures that they have
pagethis appears to be the direction of Fletchers re- already been well edited and are therefore short, clear,
search. Limits is a remarkable, even seminal book; per- readable, and accessible. But one wonders why, having
haps that next monograph will be the magnum opus. gone to the trouble of anthologizing these essays, the
editor has omitted the original bibliographies and the
illustrative material that would surely have helped
References Cited
bring the texts to life. Moreover, more typographic er-
k a u f f m a n, s t u a r t. 1993. The origins of order. London and rors have crept into the transcriptions than one would
New York: Oxford University Press. expect, and the lack of an index is, as usual, most irri-
k o s s e, k r i s z t i n a. 1990. Group size and societal complexity:
Thresholds in the long-term memory. Journal of Anthropologi- tating.
cal Archaeology 9:275303. There are other surprising omissionsfor example,
. 1994. The evolution of large, complex groups: A hypothe- Ricardo Elias thought-provoking and penetrating re-
sis. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 13:3550. view of Colin Renfrews The Cycladic Spirit (1991)
l e k s o n, s t e p h e n h. 1990. Cross-cultural perspectives on
is presented here, but it would surely have been in-
the community, in Vernacular architecture. Edited by Mete
Turan, pp. 12245. Avebury: Aldershot. structive and fair to include Renfrews reply and,
v a n d e r l e e u w, s a n d e r e. 1981. Information flows, flow indeed, Elias response to that, both of which
structures, and the explanation of change in human institu- appeared in the May/June 1993 issue of Archaeology
tions, in Archaeological approaches to the study of complex- and helped to clarify further the ethical issues involved
ity. Edited by S. E. van der Leeuw, pp. 299312. Amsterdam:
Universiteit van Amsterdam. in the study of Cycladic figurines and other looted
material.
Despite these minor faults, however, this is a book
of major importance. Although it is aimed primarily at
American classrooms (the laws, ethical codes, etc.,
which are cited or provided in an appendix are all North
American), it deserves to be adopted for archaeological Abrams/Nicholas P. Goulandris Foundation, Museum of

courses everywhere in the world, because the many is- Cycladic Art, Athens.
. 1993. Collectors are the real looters. Archaeology 46(3):
sues it addresses are of global concern and fundamental 1617.
to the future conduct, indeed the very survival, of the t h o m a s, c. 1971. Ethics in archaeology. Antiquity 45:26874.
discipline.
After an introductory essay to illustrate the all-im-
portant factor of context for retrieving information from
archaeological material, the collection devotes groups Lightening That Burden
of articles to the problems of looting and collecting, re-
sponses to looting, cultural heritage in time of war and
political unrest, affected peoples, reburial and repatria- l e s w. f i e l d
tion, and professional behaviour. It draws on important Anthropology Department, University of New
examples from all over the world, some well-known Mexico. Albuquerque, N.M. 87131, U.S.A. 12 i 98
(e.g., the squabble between Germany and Russia over
looted material from the last war), others less so (e.g.,
Killing the White Mans Indian: Reinventing Native
the plundering of Malis largely unrecorded past to feed
Americans at the End of the Twentieth Century. By
the avarice of Western art collectors). Each essay is fol-
Fergus M. Bordewich. New York, London, Toronto,
lowed by a series of pertinent questions, and these pro-
Sydney, and Auckland: Anchor Books Doubleday,
vide a useful corpus of topics for discussion both inside
1996. 399 pp. $14
and outside the classroomespecially as so many of the
questions are enormously difficult, with no easy answers. In the long tradition of powerful East Coast publishing
Overall, the book is a timely reminder of archaeolo- houses, noted the late Alfonso Ortiz, every fifteen
gists responsibilities not only to the material and sites years or so, they send out someone to report on the In-
they study and to their colleagues but also to the public dian problem. Ortizs ironic observation about this
and to any minorities or special-interest groups which ongoing white mans burdenanalyzing the In-
have legitimate claims to the past or are in some way diandrives home the authority that white experts
affected by archaeological work. The core issue, how- still have to evaluate Indian lives in a way that bears
ever, is that of safeguarding and preserving the archaeo- upon the future(s) of Indian country. Anthropologists
logical record, which is under ever-increasing attack like to think of themselves as the premier experts about
from natural causes, from tourism, and especially from Native North American history and culture. The arche-
vandalism and pillaging. To me the most important es- typal response, then, of an anthropologist to a book like
say in this collection is the short piece by Brian Fagan Fergus Bordewichs Killing the White Mans Indian
entitled The Arrogant Archaeologist, which should would critique a journalists inexpert analysis of the
be required reading in every archaeology course. Its various goings-on in contemporary Indian country. In
message is that as we enter the next century we need fact, I do have a number of critical remarks about this
to put far less emphasis on producing ever-growing book, its sympathies and antipathies, and the ideologi-
numbers of research archaeologists with esoteric inter- cal assumptions that lead its author to flawed conclu-
ests and little hope of employment and far more on ap- sions.
parently less glamorous but infinitely more important Bordewichs book is written entirely for a white audi-
and ultimately more rewarding tasks such as helping to ence, an approach that is repeatedly reinforced but also
catalogue, maintain, and conserve the enormous back- cloaked by such terms as we, Americans, Ameri-
log of what has already been unearthed, preserving and can society, and basic American values. The use of
protecting intact what remains above or below the these terms as a backdrop against which to discuss the
ground for future generations to study and enjoy, and, Indians and their reservations enables Bordewich to
above all, educating the public about the true value (i.e., present his ideology in a way that may appear objective
the information value, not the price in dollars) of the and commonsensical to that audience. Therefore, it
relics of our past. makes perfect sense that Bordewich is in the main quite
sympathetic toward attempts by individual Indians to
ameliorate the lack of higher education on reservations
References Cited through the founding of two-year tribal colleges such
e l i a, r i c a r d o. 1993. Response to Colin Renfrew. Archaeol- as Little Big Horn College on the Crow reservation,
ogy 46(3):17. which is described extensively, or to address the deadly
g r e e n, e r n e s t e n e l. 1984. Ethics and values in archaeol-
scourge of alcoholism through a number of different
ogy. New York: Free Press.
l y n o t t, m a r k j., a n d a l i s o n w y l i e. 1995. Ethics in programs. At the other end of the spectrum, Bordewich
American archaeology: Challenges for the 1990s. Washington, is extremely critical, at times even hysterical, about the
D.C.: Society for American Archaeology. increasing exercise of Indian sovereignty by tribal gov-
m e s s e n g e r, p h y l l i s m a u c h. 1989. The ethics of collecting ernments. Needless to say, he is less than friendly to
cultural property. Whose culture? Whose property? Albuquer-
que: University of New Mexico Press.
the growth of gambling enterprises on reservations, but
r e n f r e w, c o l i n. 1991. The Cycladic spirit. New York: H. N. this attitude is a familiar feature of the journalistic
landscape. His worst-case scenarios focus upon abuses
of power by corrupt tribal administrations, the lack it favorably. Edmund Ladd, Curator of Ethnology at the
of checks and balances within tribal governments Museum of Indian Arts and Culture in Santa Fe, N.M.,
that puts the constitutional rights of individuals at risk, and a person intimately involved with the Zuni repatri-
and the instances in which white people who have ation, considered Bordewichs treatment of the Zuni
lived on reservations for decades, apparently in ignor- case satisfactory. Those who had cause to react nega-
ance of that fact, have become subject to tribal politics. tively were extremely diplomatic: Gregg Bourland,
Indeed, it is on this last point, exemplified by the Sen- Chair of the Cheyenne River Lakota, told me that Bor-
eca of upstate New York and the Cheyenne River La- dewichs book could be interpreted in many ways by
kota in South Dakota, that Bordewich resurrects hoary many people. Keith Basso, a colleague whose decades-
images of lone white families at terrible risk on the In- long work with the Western Apache is well-known,
dian frontier, although in the 90s the Indian threat sent me documents that showed how little research
manifests itself in tribal bureaucrats rather than painted Bordewich had done about the Mt. Graham dispute. In
warriors. general, however, many of the individuals quoted in the
Between these two extremes, Bordewich examines a book whom I attempted to contact did not take the op-
number of issues that he invests with less pathos and portunity to comment. People are busy in Indian coun-
that therefore make up the most nuanced contributions try, lightening the white mans burden whether the
of the book. He may be on the mark in criticizing ro- white man wants them to or not. For some, as Borde-
manticized (white peoples) notions of Indian reverence wichs book vividly testifies, this creates contradictory
for the earth and Indian ecological correctness. By con- and familiar anxieties.
trast, he shows how tribes such as the Pyramid Lake
Paiute (Nevada), the Warm Spring Confederated Tribes
(Oregon), and the Choctaw (Mississippi) are managing
and developing natural resources. Tribes that use their Books Received
resources in such a way that entire regions and their In-
dian, white, and black populations benefit economi- a d a m s, v i n c a n n e. 1998. Doctors for democracy: Health pro-
cally earn Bordewichs praisenotwithstanding the fessionals in the Nepal revolution. New York: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press. 263 pp. $64.95 cloth, $24.95 paper
exercise of tribal sovereignty involved in resource de-
velopment. Likewise, he reviews the repatriation of hu- a l v a r e z, s o n i a e., e v e l i n a d a g n i n o, a n d a r t u r o
man remains and sacred objects to the Omahas and the e s c o b a r. Editors. 1998. Cultures of politics/politics of cul-
tures: Re-visioning Latin American social movements. Boul-
Zuni with heartfelt and eloquently expressed support, der: Westview Press. 472 pp. $70 cloth, $25 paper
even though repatriation results from tribal rather than
individual activism. a m s e l l e, j e a n - l o u p. 1998 (1990). Mestizo logics: Anthropol-
ogy of identity in Africa and elsewhere. Translated by Claudia
Such sympathetic portrayals notwithstanding, the Royal. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 226 pp. $45.00
worst charges that Bordewich levels against tribal enti- cloth, $16.95 paper
ties are, from my perspective, the weirdest. It was the
a n d r e n, a n d e r s. 1998. Between artifacts and texts: Histori-
government of the United States that imposed tribal cal archaeology in global perspective. Translated by Alan Cro-
governments upon the extremely diverse native peoples zier. New York: Plenum. 225 pp. $39.50
of this continent and forced them to use blood quanta
a n g r o s i n o, m i c h a e l v. 1998. Opportunity house: Ethno-
to document their Indianness. Yet the fact that Indians graphic stories of mental retardation. Walnut Creek, Calif.:
now play the race game according to the white mans AltaMira Press. 288 pp. $42.00 cloth, $19.95 paper
rules infuriates Bordewich and leads him to denounce a r m s t r o n g, g a r y. 1998. Football hooligans: Knowing the
tribes as racist, segregationist, and just plain unfair. He score. Oxford: Berg. 374 pp. $55.00 cloth, $19.50 paper
paints both the Lumbee, who with their mixed heritage
a s q u i t h, p a m e l a j., a n d a r n e k a l l a n d. Editors. 1997.
claim a cultural rather than a racial identity, and the Japanese images of nature: Cultural perspectives. Surrey: Cur-
federally acknowledged tribes with their blood-quan- zon. 299 pp. $48.00 cloth, $24.95 paper
tum rules as purveyors rather than recipients of Euro-
a u d e t t e, r a y, a n d t r o y g i l c h r i s t. 1996. 3d edition.
American race theory. But it is he who questions Indian Neanderthin: A cavemans guide to nutrition. Dallas: Paleo-
identities on the ground that miscegenation is wiping lithic Press. 138 pp. $12
out pure Indianness and who scorns historical relation-
a u g e, m a r c. 1998 (1994). A sense for the other: The timeli-
ships between the Lakotas and the Black Hills and the ness and relevance of anthropology. Translated by Amy Jacobs.
between Apaches and Mt. Graham because they are not Stanford: Stanford University Press. 151 pp. $39.50 cloth,
sufficiently timeless or are understood by tribal $14.95 paper
members through what he considers dubious cultural b a g a d e r, a b u b a k e r, a v a m. h e i n r i c h s d o r f f, a n d
prisms. d e b o r a h s. a k e r s. Editors. 1998. Voices of change: Short
Will Bordewichs reportage end up influencing the stories by Saudi Arabian women writers. Boulder: Lynne Rien-
powerful individuals in Washington, D.C., who make ner. 183 pp. $32.00 cloth, $13.95 paper
and break Indian policy and who appear (at least ac- b a h n, p a u l g. 1998. The Cambridge illustrated history of pre-
cording to the word bites on the books jacket) to be historic art. New York: Cambridge University Press. 334
reading it? Perhaps my worries are exaggerated. Some pp. $39.95
people quoted in the book with whom I spoke viewed b a i l e y, f. g. 1998. The need for enemies: A bestiary of politi-
cal forms. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 237 pp. $39.95 c l a r k, a. k i m. 1998. The redemptive work: Railway and na-
cloth, $15.95 paper tion in Ecuador, 18951930. Wilmington, Del.: SR Books. 244
pp. $48
b a r t o n, c. m i c h a e l, a n d g e o f f r e y a. c l a r k. Editors.
1997. Rediscovering Darwin: Evolutionary theory and archeo- c l a s t r e s, p i e r r e. 1998. Chronicle of the Guayaki Indians.
logical explanation. Archeological Papers of the American An- Translated by Paul Auster. New York: Zone Books. 349 pp.
thropological Association 7. 330 pp. $27.50 $22.50
b a u m a n, k a y. 1998. Solomon Island folktales from Malaita. c o l e, j e f f r e y. 1997. The new racism in Europe: A Sicilian
Danbury, Conn.: Rutledge. 128 pp. $15.95 ethnography. New York: Cambridge University Press. 168 pp.
$54.95
b e a u d e t, j e a n - m i c h e l. 1997. Souffles dAmazonie: Les orch-
estres tule des Wayapi. Nanterre: Societe dEthnologie. 212 pp. c o o p e r, f r e d e r i c k, a n d r a n d a l l p a c k a r d. Editors.
1997. International development and the social sciences: Es-
b e c k e r, g a y. 1997 (1990). Healing the infertile family: says on the history and politics of knowledge. Berkeley: Uni-
Strengthening your relationship in the search for parenthood. versity of California Press. 373 pp. $50.00/40.00 cloth,
Berkeley: University of California Press. 335 pp. $14.95 $20.00/14.95 paper
b e c k e r, h o w a r d s. 1998. Tricks of the trade: How to think c o r n i s h, a n d r e w. 1997. Whose place is this? Malay rubber
about your research while youre doing it. Chicago: University producers and Thai government officials in Yala. Bangkok:
of Chicago Press. 243 pp. $35.00 cloth, $13.95 paper White Lotus. 146 pp.
b e l l, c a t h e r i n e. 1997. Ritual: Perspectives and dimensions. c o r s a r o, w i l l i a m a. 1997. The sociology of childhood.
Oxford: Oxford University Press. 366 pp. $55.00 cloth, $19.95 Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. 320 pp.
paper
c r a w f o r d, m i c h a e l h. 1998. The origins of Native Ameri-
b e n d i x, r e g i n a. 1997. In search of authenticity: The forma-
cans: Evidence from anthropological genetics. New York: Cam-
tion of folklore studies. Madison: University of Wisconsin
bridge University Press. 323 pp. $64.95
Press. 317 pp. $55.00 cloth, $24.95 paper
c u m b e r p a t c h, c. g., a n d p. w. b l i n k h o r n. Editors.
b e n n e t t, j o h n w. 1998. Classic anthropology: Critical es-
1997. Not so much a pot, more a way of life. Oxford: Oxbow
says, 19441996. New Brunswick: Transaction. 442 pp. $49.95
Books. 162 pp. $44
b e n s o n, l i n d a, a n d i n g v a r s v a n b e r g. 1998. Chinas
c r u i k s h a n k, j u l i e. 1998. The social life of stories: Narrative
last nomads: The history and culture of Chinas Kazaks. Arm-
and knowledge in the Yukon Territory. Lincoln: University of
onk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe. 270 pp. $63.95 cloth, $24.95 paper
Nebraska Press. 236 pp. $45
b e r g e r, p e t e r l. Editor. 1998. The limits of social cohesion:
d e a n, a n n e l. 1997. Teenage pregnancy: The interaction of
Conflict and mediation in pluralist societies: A report of the
the psyche and culture. Hillsdale, N.J.: Analytic Press. 280 pp.
Bertelsmann Foundation to the Club of Rome. Boulder: West-
$47.50
view Press. 415 pp. $69
d i e t r i c h, l i s a c. 1998. Chicana adolescents: Bitches, hos,
b i n d e r n a g e l, j o h n a. 1998. North Americas great ape, the
and schoolgirls. Westport, Conn: Praeger. 192 pp. $55
Sasquatch: A wildlife biologist looks a the continents most
misunderstood large mammal. Courtenay, B.C.: Beachcomber d e l o r i a, v i n e, j r., a n d c l i f f o r d m. l y t l e. 1998. The
Books. 287 pp. $25 nations within: The past and future of American Indian sover-
eignty. Austin: University of Texas Press. 304 pp. $12.95
b o d e - p a f f e n h o l z, h e i d e l i s. 1997. Indianische Frauen
Nordamerikas. (Forum Frauengeschichte 20.) Pfaffenweiler: d e r e v a n k o, a n a t o l i y p., d e m i t r i b. s h i m k i n, a n d
Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft. 466 pp. DM 79 w. r o g e r p o w e r s. Editors. 1998. The Paleolithic of Sibe-
b o h a n n a n, p a u l, a n d d i r k v a n d e r e l s t. 1998. Ask- ria: New discoveries and interpretations. Translated by Inna P.
ing and listening: Ethnography as personal adaptation. Pros- Laricheva. Champaign: University of Illinois Press. 406 pp.
$59.95
pect Heights, Ill.: Waveland Press. 114 pp. $9.95
b r a d b u r d, d a n i e l. 1998. Being there: The necessity of d i c k e r s o n - p u t m a n, j e a n e t t e, a n d j u d i t h k.
fieldwork. Washington, D.C. Smithsonian Institution Press. b r o w n. Editors. 1998 (1994). Women among women: Anthro-
204 pp. $32.50 cloth, $15.95 paper pological perspectives on female age hierarchies. Urbana: Uni-
versity of Illinois Press. 164 pp. $14.95
b r a n i g a n, k e i t h. Editor. 1998. Cemetery and society in the
Aegean Bronze Age. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. 173 d i l w o r t h, l e a h. 1996. Imagining Indians in the Southwest:
pp. $21.50/12.95 Persistent visions of a primitive past. Washington, D.C.: Smith-
sonian Institution Press. 288 pp. $15.95
b r o n n e r, s i m o n j. 1998. Following tradition: Folklore in the
discourse of American culture. Logan: Utah State University d i x o n, r. m. w. 1997. The rise and fall of languages. New
Press. 614 pp. $49.95 York: Cambridge University Press. 176 pp. $54.95 cloth,
$16.95 paper
b u l a g, u r a d y n e. 1998. Nationalism and hybridity in Mon-
golia. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 318 pp. 40 d o m i n g u e z, o l g a. 1997. Der Gewurznelkenhandel in den
Nord- und Zentralmolukken: Kulturelle Auswirkungen des
b u n g e, m a r i o. 1998. Social science under debate: A philo- Fremdeinflusses auf Ternate, Ambon und den Lease-Inseln.
sophical perspective. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 554 Pfaffenweiler: Centauras-Verlagsgesellschaft. 271 pp. DM 88
pp. $85/56
d o w n e y, g a r y l e e, a n d j o s e p h d u m i t. Editors. 1997.
c a r t e r, j o s e p h c o l e m a n. Editor. 1998. The chora of Meta- Cyborgs and citadels: Anthropological interventions in emerg-
ponto: The necropoleis. 2 vols. Austin: University of Texas ing sciences and technologies. Santa Fe: School of American
Press. 909 pp. $125 Research Press. 324 pp. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper
c a t l i n, g e o r g e. 1997 (1957). Episodes from Life among the d r e s c h e r, s e y m o u r, a n d s t a n l e y l. e n g e r m a n.
Indians and Last Rambles. Mineola, N.Y.: Dover. 368 pp. Editors. 1998. A historical guide to world slavery. Oxford:
$16.95 Oxford University Press. 453 pp.
d u b e, l e e l a. 1997. Women and kinship: Comparative perspec- g r i g g s, c l a u d i n e. 1998. S/he: Changing sex and changing
tives on gender in South and South-East Asia. Tokyo: United clothes. Oxford: Berg. 173 pp. $45.00 cloth, $19.50 paper
Nations University Press. 224 pp.
h a i l b r o n n e r, k a y, d a v i d a. m a r t i n, a n d h i r o s h i
d u b e, s a u r a b h. 1998. Untouchable pasts: Religion, identity, m o t o m u r a. Editors. 1997. Immigration admissions: The
and power among a Central Indian community. Albany: State search for workable policies in Germany and the United
University of New York Press. 326 pp. States. Oxford: Berghahn. 296 pp. $49.95/35.00
d u d o s, d e n i s. 1998. The werewolf complex: Americas fasci- h a i l b r o n n e r, k a y, d a v i d a. m a r t i n, a n d h i r o s h i
nation with violence. Translated by Amanda Pingree. Oxford: m o t o m u r a. Editors. 1997. Immigration controls: The search
Berg. 256 pp. $39.00 cloth, $16.95 paper for workable policies in Germany and the United States. Ox-
ford: Berghahn. 240 pp. $49.95/35.00
d u s e n b e r r y, v e r n e. 1998 (1962). The Montana Cree: A
study in religious persistence. Norman: University of Okla- h a i n a r d, j a c q u e s, a n d r o l a n d k a e h r. Editors. 1997.
homa Press. 288 pp. $15.95 Dire les autres: Reflexions et pratiques ethnologiques. Lau-
sanne: Editions Payot. 384 pp.
e l k i n s, j a m e s. 1997. Our beautiful, dry, and distant texts:
Art history as writing. University Park: Penn State University h a n n, j o h n h., a n d b o n n i e g. m c e w a n. 1998. The Apa-
Press. 319 pp. $55.00/49.50 lachee Indians and Mission San Luis. Gainesville: University
Press of Florida. 208 pp. $49.95 cloth, $19.95 paper
e w e n, c h a r l e s r., a n d j o h n h. h a n n. 1998. Hernando
de Soto among the Apalachee: The archaeology of the first h a s h i m o t o, a k i k o. 1996. The gift of generations: Japanese
winter encampment. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. and American perspectives on aging and the social contract.
254 pp. $29.95 New York: Cambridge University Press. 241 pp. $49.95
f a l k, p a s i, a n d c o l i n c a m p b e l l. Editors. 1997. The shop- h e f n e r, r o b e r t w. Editor. 1998. Market cultures: Society

ping experience. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. 212 pp. $79.95 and morality in the new Asian capitalisms. Boulder: Westview
cloth, $29.95 paper Press. 335 pp. $76 cloth, $22 paper
f e n t o n, w i l l i a m n. 1998. The Great Law and the long- h e i n e, b e r n d. 1997. Cognitive foundations of grammar. Ox-
house: A political history of the Iroquois Confederacy. Nor- ford: Oxford University Press. 195 pp. $45.00 cloth, $19.95
man: University of Oklahoma Press. 810 pp. $70 paper
f i n e, m i c h e l l e, a n d l o i s w e i s. 1998. The unknown city: h i t t m a n, m i c h a e l. 1997. 2d edition. Wovoka and the ghost
The lives of poor and working-class young adults. Boston: Bea- dance. Edited by Don Lynch. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
con Press. 352 pp. $26 Press. 391 pp. $20
f i s c h e r, s t e v e n r o g e r. 1997. Rongorongo, the Easter Is- h o c k i n g s, p a u l. 1996. A comprehensive bibliography for the
land script: History, traditions, texts. Oxford: Oxford Univer- Nilgiri Hills of southern India, 16031996. Talence: DYMSET.
sity Press. 723 pp. $175 351 pp.
f o x, j a m e s j. Editor. 1997. The poetic power of place: Compar- h o w e s, d a v i d. Editor. 1997. Cross-cultural consumption:
ative perspectives on Austronesian ideas of locality. Canberra: Global markets, local realities. New York: Routledge. 224 pp.
Australian National University. 210 pp. A$30 $75.00 cloth, $22.99 paper
f r a n k l i n, s a r a h, a n d h e l e n a r a g o n e. Editors. 1998. j a r v e n p a, r o b e r t. 1998. Northern passage: Ethnography and

Reproducing reproduction: Kinship, power, and technological apprenticeship among the subarctic Dene. Prospect Heights,
innovation. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Ill.: Waveland Press. 216 pp. $11.50
251 pp. $39.95/38.00 cloth, $18.50/17.50 paper
k a p l a n, m a t t h e w, a t s u k o k u s a n o, i c h i r o t s u j i,
g a i m s t e r, d a v i d, a n d p a u l s t a m p e r. Editors. 1997. The a n d s h i g e r u h i s a m i c h i. 1998. Intergenerational pro-
age of transition: The archaeology of English culture, 1400 grams: Support for children, youth, and elders in Japan. Al-
1600. Oxford: Oxbow Books. 236 pp. $68 bany: State University of New York Press. 278 pp. $19.95
g a l l o w a y, p a t r i c i a. 1998 (1995). Choctaw genesis, 1500 k a r d u l i a s, p. n i c k, a n d m a r k t. s h u t e s. Editors. 1997.

1700. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 426 pp. $25 Aegean strategies: Studies of culture and environment on the
European fringe. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield. 335
g i l l, s a m d. 1998. Storytracking: Texts, stories, and histories pp. $63.00 cloth, $23.95 paper
in Central Australia. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 287 pp.
$45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper k a t s e n e l i n b o i g e n, a r o n. 1997. Evolutionary change: To-
ward a systemic theory of development and maldevelopment.
g l a s s - c o f f i n, b o n n i e. 1998. The gift of life: Female spiritu- Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach. 226 pp. $40/26
ality and healing in northern Peru. Albuquerque: University of
New Mexico Press. 246 pp. $50.00 cloth, $15.95 paper k e n t, s u s a n. Editor. 1998. Gender in African prehistory.
Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira. 352 pp. $49.00 cloth, $24.95
g o w d y, j o h n. Editor. 1998. Limited wants, unlimited means: paper
A reader on hunter-gatherer economics and the environment.
Washington, D.C.: Island Press. 373 pp. $27 k i m, e l a i n e h., a n d c h u n g m o o c h o i. Editors. 1998.
Dangerous women: Gender and Korean nationalism. New
g r a v e s, l a u r a. 1998. Thomas Varker Keam: Indian trader. York: Routledge. 332 pp. $22.95
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 362 pp. $28.95
k i n g s o l v e r, a n n e. Editor. 1998. More than class: Studying
g r e e n, m i r a n d a. 1997 (1995). Celtic goddesses. London: Brit- power in U.S. workplaces. Albany: State University of New
ish Museum Press. 224 pp. 9.99 York Press. 231 pp.
g r e g e r s o n, m a r i l y n, a n d j o y c e s t e r n e r. Editors. k l a u s e n, j y t t e, a n d l o u i s e a. t i l l y. Editors. 1997. Eu-
1998. Symbolism and ritual in Irian Jaya. Dallas: International ropean integration in social and historical perspective. Lan-
Academic Publications, Summer Institute of Linguistics. ham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield. 356 pp. $64.00 cloth,
126 pp. $22.95 paper
k l e i n, k a t h r y n. Editor. 1997. The unbroken thread: Conserv- and ethnography at the uttermost end of the earth. Princeton:
ing the textile traditions of Oaxaca. Los Angeles: Getty Con- Princeton University Press. 200 pp.
servation Institute. 176 pp. $55.00 cloth, $39.95 paper
m c q u i r e, s c o t t. 1998. Visions of modernity: Representa-
k n e z, e u g e n e i. 1997. An American perspective: Attempts tion, memory, time, and space in the age of the camera. Thou-
for a Korean cultural renaissance. Seoul: National Museum of sand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. 286 pp. $24.95
Korea. 109 pp.
m a l a m o u d, c h a r l e s. 1996 (1989). Cooking the world: Rit-
k n e z, e u g e n e i. 1997. The modernization of three Korean vil- ual and thought in ancient India. Translated by David White.
lages, 19511981: An illustrated study of a people and their Oxford: Oxford University Press. 362 pp. $35/Rs. 630
material culture. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology
39. 225 pp. m a r x, a n t h o n y w. 1998. Making race and nation: A compar-
ison of the United States, South Africa, and Brazil. New York:
k r e u z e r, a n n a. 1997. Landwirtschaft und Sozialstruktur in Cambridge University Press. 408 pp. $29.95
Rwanda: Moglichkeiten und Grenzen bauerlichen Wissens
und Handelns als Entwicklungspotential. Pfaffenweiler: Cen- m i d d l e t o n, d e w i g h t r. 1998. The challenge of human di-
taurus-Verlagsgesellschaft. 246 pp. DM 68 versity: Mirrors, bridges, and chasms. Prospect Heights, Ill.:
Waveland Press. 123 pp. $9.95
l a f o n t a i n e, j. s. 1998. Speak of the devil: Tales of satanic
abuse in contemporary England. New York: Cambridge Univer- m i l l e r, b a r b a r a. 1997. The endangered sex: Neglect of fe-
sity Press. 235 pp. $59.95 cloth, $22.95 paper male children in rural North India. Delhi: Oxford University
Press. 223 pp. $18.95/Rs. 340.00
l a m, j o s e p h s. c. 1998. State sacrifices and music in Ming
China: Orthodoxy, creativity, and expressiveness. Albany: m i l l e r, d a n i e l. Editor. 1998. Material cultures: Why some
State University of New York Press. 221 pp. things matter. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 244 pp.
$45 cloth, $22 paper
l a m b e k, m i c h a e l, a n d a n d r e w s t r a t h e r n. Editors.
1998. Bodies and persons: Comparative perspectives from Af- m i t c h e l l, l y n e t t e g. 1997. Greeks bearing gifts: The pub-
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Review: Agency, Creativity, and Biography in African Musical Performance

Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, The University of Chicago

Review Essay: Toward an as exemplified by Western economic theories and the

States. Douglas E. Foleys study of Mesquaki youth in

tant. The independent work of Kosse and, in a smaller

American), it deserves to be adopted for archaeological Abrams/Nicholas P. Goulandris Foundation, Museum of

f a l k, p a s i, a n d c o l i n c a m p b e l l. Editors. 1997. The shop- h e f n e r, r o b e r t w. Editor. 1998. Market cultures: Society

f r a n k l i n, s a r a h, a n d h e l e n a r a g o n e. Editors. 1998. j a r v e n p a, r o b e r t. 1998. Northern passage: Ethnography and

g a l l o w a y, p a t r i c i a. 1998 (1995). Choctaw genesis, 1500 k a r d u l i a s, p. n i c k, a n d m a r k t. s h u t e s. Editors. 1997.

l a r s e n, c l a r k s p e n c e r. 1997. Bioarchaeology: Interpreting m o d o o d, t a r i q, a n d p n i n a w e r b n e r. 1997. The politics

l a y t o n, r o b e r t. 1997. An introduction to theory in anthro- m o u l i n i e, v e r o n i q u e. 1998. La chirurgie des ages: Corps,

l e m e r t, c h a r l e s. 1997. Social things: An introduction to the m u l l a n, d a v i d g e o r g e. Editor. 1998. Religious pluralism

v i g i l, j a m e s d i e g o. 1997. Personas mexicanas: Chicano w i b e r, m e l a n i e g. 1997. Erect men/undulating women: The

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