Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action

Proceedings of the Workshop
Religion, Politics, Conflict and

Humanitarian Action
Faith-Based Organisations as Political,
Humanitarian or Religious Actors
May 1819 2005
Geneva Switzerland
The Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva

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ISBN 2-8288-0110-1
EAN 9782828801106
Table of Contents
Foreword
Daniel Warner 1
1 Introduction: Faith-based Organisations as Political,

Jonathan Benthall 3
2 Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

Opening Address
Ambassador Walter Fust 9
3 Religion, Conflict, and Peace

David Little 13
4 Faith-based Organisations as Political, Humanitarian or

Religious Actors
Ndioro Ndiaye 23

A Christian Perspective
Franz Schle 29

Eva Christina Nilsson 33
7 Faith-based Organisations as Political, Humanitarian or

Religious Actors: An Islamic Perspective
Dr. Hossam Said 39
8 How Do Islamic Organisations See Their Social Role?

An Islamic Perspective (from Egypt)
Abu El Ela Mady 47

Hindu and Buddhist Perspectives
Jwala R. Pandey 51

An Indian Perspective
Abhaya Kashyap 63
iii
A Nepalese Perspective
Ram Saran Mahat 69
12 Governmental Donor Agencies and Faith-based Organisations

Anne-Marie Holenstein 75
13 Religion, Politics, Conflict and Faith Based Humanitarian

Action: Issues Concerning the Recipients
Devendra Raj Panday 83
14 International Organizations, Multilateralism and

Faith-based Organizations: Unrealized Potential
Frederick Barton with Liora Danan 91
Summary of Discussions and Conclusion

Jonathan Benthall 99
Afterword
Shambhu Ram Simkhada 109
iv
Foreword
Daniel Warner*
The Program for the Study of International Organization(s) of the Graduate Institute of In-
ternational Studies (Institut universitaire de hautes tudes internationales-HEI) organized
on May 18 and 19 of 2005 a workshop on Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian
Action: Faith-based Organizations as Political, Humanitarian or Religious Actors with the
generous support of the Swiss Development Agency.
Participants included experts from Christian, Islamist, Hindu and Buddhist faith-based or-
ganizations, representatives of donor agencies and international organizations as well as
academics. The participants engaged in a lively exchange to share perspectives on the
roles of faith-based organizations and their relationships to humanitarian, developmental
and religious goals.
In addressing the complex relationship between religion, politics, conflict and humanitar-
ian action, a central element was to encompass practical and theoretical points of view to
identify problems and find practical and conceptual solutions. This unique volume gathers
the proceedings of the workshop.
The PSIO, based at HEI, is a research and analysis program set up to further the study of
international organization(s). With this occasional paper devoted to the study of religious
organizations as forces for social organization, change and advocacy, we hope to contrib-
ute to an ongoing dialogue with broad consequences for the international system.
The workshop and publication would not have been possible without the support of the
Swiss Development Agency. Appreciation is also expressed to the participants in the con-
ference. Ambassador Shambhu Simkhada, Visiting Fellow at PSIO, had a central role in
the conception and development of this initiative that was enriched by the contribution
of Dr. Jean-Nicolas Bitter of the Swiss Foreign Ministry. Mr. Jonathan Benthall served as an
outstanding rapporteur for the conference. Thanks are also due to various project coor-
dinators at the PSIO who worked under the efficient oversight of Veronique Burkhalter;
Catherine Rebord and Fabio Oliva for organizing the Workshop and Deborah Ruiz-Ver-
duzco for completing the final publication.
* Executive Director, Program for the Study of International Organizations (PSIO), Deputy to the Direc-
tor, Institut universitaire de hautes tudes internationales/Graduate Institute of International Studies (HEI),
Geneva.

A special note of gratitude to Ambassador Walter Fust, Director General of the Swiss
Agency for Development and Cooperation, for his interest in the conference and his
Opening Address.

1
Introduction: Faith-based Organisations as Political,

Jonathan Benthall*
Faith-based Organisations (FBOs) have rather suddenly attracted more attention from so-
cial researchers than previously. Two conferences held the year before this Geneva work-
shop, in France and in Norway, are mentioned in my summing-up to this volume, and
there have since been papers presented at a session of the annual conference of the De-
velopment Studies Association in Britain. The Department for International Development
of the British Government has awarded a contract for a research programme on faiths in
development to the University of Birmingham. We may speculate on the reasons for the
neglect of FBOs during the previous decade, which saw the sudden growth of an exten-
sive research literature on wider issues of civil society, development and relief aid. But it is
more important to discuss what should be the priorities for future research that are likely
to prove both useful and intellectually stimulating.
A distinguishing feature of this workshop was that the presence of three Nepalese and
one Indian Hindu speaker served to counterbalance the weight of the monotheistic tradi-
tions, which normally tend to dominate this type of debate in the West. Abbaya Kashyap
of the Institute of National Awakening, New Delhi, expresses a widely held view among
Indian intellectuals that faith-based organisations whether Christian, Islamic or Hindu
extremist should be viewed with circumspection since they are disruptive of local belief
systems. Jwala Raj Pandey notes the relatively peaceful coexistence of Hinduism and Bud-
dhism in Nepal over the centuries, and the consequent suspicion that external faith-based
development agencies carry a hidden agenda of conversion. From the perspective of west
Africa too where traditional belief systems continue to coexist with Christian and Mus-
lim imported religion and often to blend into them Ndioro Ndiaye points out that faith-
based organisations, as well as providing much needed humanitarian interventions where
* Honorary Research Fellow, Department of Anthropology, University of London.

For the papers of the Paris conference see Bruno Duriez and others (Editors), Les ONG confessionnelles,
LHarmattan, Paris (forthcoming).
The Oslo conference is described in a short article by Paul Opoku-Mensah, Religious NGOs and the
international aid system: an international research conference. Newsletter, International Society for Third
Sector Research, April-June 2005, pp. 4-5. <www.istr.org/pubs/inside/backissues/apr-jun05>. It is intended
that the proceedings of the conference will be published in due course.

the State has failed to provide, bring with them a proselytizing commitment to which
people living in extreme poverty are specially vulnerable. They also compete with one an-
other. Madame Ndiaye concludes her paper with some strong words: African countries
did not extricate themselves with great difficulty from economic and political dependence
only to fall today into a dependence even more pernicious because it is legitimated in the
name of God.
The positive achievement and potential of religion in stirring consciences to practical hu-
manitarian action of every kind is well argued in the following pages: a worthwhile ex-
ercise, because secular specialists in relief, development and conflict resolution often un-
dervalue these aspects of religion. The recently retired President of the World Bank, James
Wolfensohn, has probably done more than any other single person to change minds,
arguing that the established religions in all their variety provide easily the most extensive
networks of civil society in the world, being relatively independent from both the mar-
ket and the State and having deep cultural roots.
Among the many research topics thrown up by this workshop and other recent gather-
ings, the issue of proselytism among religiously mixed communities is particularly inter-
esting and urgent. We may identify a decided trend for faith-based relief and develop-
ment agencies to distinguish themselves carefully from missionary (or in Arabic dawa)
organisations and to form alliances with the secular aid and development movement. (The
emphasis must fall on Christian and Islamic organisations because of these two religions
long traditions of expansionism.) The practical advantages that ensue from acceptance by
the wider aid community happen to harmonise with the theological argument that it is
wrong to seek to make conversions among people who are hungry, sick or in other ways
distressed. However, it is one thing for such a policy decision to be made in a head office,
and another for it to be unfailingly implemented in the field.
Moreover, some organisations continue to combine humanitarian with missionary or

dawa objectives. Such an organisation may have unchallenged charitable status in the
donor country, but may be suspect or even banned in some countries where it would wish
to operate. Whereas some Islamic charities, such as Islamic Relief Worldwide (represented
in this collection of papers by Hossam Said), have unequivocally decided to specialise in
relief and development only, others such as the Saudi-based International Islamic Relief
Organisation (IIRO) have a mixed agenda. IIRO has concentrated especially on reislamisa-
tion of the Muslim republics of the former Soviet Union, where it sees communism as
having tried over 70 years to destroy an Islamic civilisation; but IIRO also supplies material
aid. If one wishes to criticise this, one should remember that many Christian missions also
This raises the wider issue of the lack of harmonization of charity/non-profit law between different
national jurisdictions.

have mixed goals, but they are generally accepted as part of the charitable fabric of donor
countries.
A useful step, taken since the date of this workshop, has been the sketching out by Gerard
Clarke, of the Centre for Development Studies, University of Wales, Swansea, of a typol-
ogy of faith-based organisations in the context of international development. This is part
of an important paper that seeks to set out a basis for comparison of these organisations
across religious and geographical boundaries, rightly drawing attention to the erosion of
the orthodoxy of secular nationalism in the developing world:
1. Faith-based representative organisations or apex bodies which rule on doctrinal mat-
ters, govern the faithful and represent them through engagement with the state and
other actors;
2. Faith-based charitable or development organisations which mobilize the faithful in
support of the poor and other social groups, and which fund or manage programmes
which tackle poverty and social exclusion;
3. Faith-based socio-political organisations which interpret and deploy faith as a politi-
cal construct, organising and mobilising social groups on the basis of faith identities
but in pursuit of broader political objectives or, alternatively, promote faith as a socio-
cultural construct, as a means of uniting disparate social groups on the basis of faith-
based cultural identities;
4. Faith-based missionary organisations which spread key faith messages beyond the
faithful, by actively promoting the faith and seeking converts to it, or by supporting
and engaging with other faith communities on the basis of key faith principles;
5. Faith-based radical, illegal or terrorist organisations which promote radical or militant
forms of faith identity, engage in illegal practices on the basis of faith beliefs or en-
gage in armed struggle or violent acts justified on the grounds of faith.
This typology is an excellent start, but several cases already cut across it. For instance, a
Christian charity such as the very large World Vision would seem to fit into category 2,
except that it also raises substantial funds from the general public through media cam-
paigns as a broad-based relief and development agency. The IIRO, mentioned above, falls
under 2 and 3. Many Islamic charities in the Middle East and North Africa are informally
linked to opposition movements, some of which would fall under 3 and/or 5. Some of
these, under pressure of political events, will probably dissociate themselves from 3 and 5
For discussion of a range of issues relating to Islamic charities, see Jonathan Benthall and Jrme Bel-
lion-Jourdan, The Charitable Crescent: Politics of Aid in the Muslim World (I B Tauris, London 2003).
Faith matters: development and the complex world of faith-based organizations. This paper has
been submitted to a journal for publication but is available already on the Development Studies Associa-
tions web-site <http://www.devstud.org.uk/Conference05/abstracts/NGO.htm#>.

in the near future, with a view to joining the international comity of accredited charitable
organisations.
I would agree with Anne-Marie Holensteins suggestion at the end of her paper that
FBOs should not be declared a special category of partner organisations by government
donor agencies. This is grounded in her observation that the very concept of religion is
Eurocentric which is another problem with Gerard Clarkes typology.
Faith-based organisations should however be required to abide by the principle of non-

discrimination. This is not breached when such an organisation operates in a region where
a majority of the population, or all of it, belong to that faith. The principle of non-dis-
crimination requires however (as I understand it, at least) that emergency aid should be
given on the basis of need alone in a particular region: for instance, to both Christians and
Muslims in Palestine, or to both Sunni and Shia in Iraq.
For researchers, too, I suspect that a focus on faith-based organisations alone diverse as
these are would be too narrow. They need to be analysed not only in the context of the
respective faiths, but also in the context of the various other ideologies and motivations
that drive non-profit institutions, especially those that operate transnationally. Mention
was made in this workshop of the Geneva theologians of the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC), with their firm adherence to the dictates of International Humani-
tarian Law, and someone has characterized all NGOs as being modern-day mendicant
orders. A post-Christian secular humanist organisation such as Mdecins Sans Frontires
is likely to acquire increasing influence in the years to come: though it has latterly become
more international and more temperate, its early years were a story of mythopoeia, ex-
travagant Parisian rhetoric, and schism. Tragically, both the last-named organisations have
acquired a martyrology of representatives murdered in the field.
An expanded concept of the parareligious would enable us to review in the same

terms both institutions that derive from the world religions and also a wide range of tran-
snational movements Scientology, freemasonry, New Age ecologism and many others
that, though apparently secular, fulfil some, but not all, of the functions of religion. We
need to ask what happens when the religious inclination in society is (in the psychoana-
lytic sense) repressed and emerges in different forms.
See infra Conclusions, under the heading of proselytization, for reference to Hugo Slims concept
of an interim ethic for emergency relief as opposed to medium to long term programmes, when another
principle, that of cultural sensitivity, makes it acceptable to, for instance, rebuild places of worship or reli-
gious schools.
The term parareligion is sometimes used pejoratively, but I mean it in a neutral sense. For this line of
thought I am indebted to Raphal Liogier, Le bouddhisme mondialis: une perspective sociologique sur la
globalisation du religieux. Paris: Ellipses, 2004.

I am sure that readers will pick out many other unifying threads in the papers resulting
from this innovative and timely workshop.

2
Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

Opening Address
Ambassador Walter Fust*
Religion and spirituality are sources of world views and views of life.
Religion and spirituality constitute creative political and social forces; they are forces for
cohesion and for polarisation; they generate stimuli for social and development policies;
they serve as instruments for political reference and legitimacy. They are pillars of identi-
ties and shape dynamics of societies (or of groups of societies). They give meaning and
legitimacy to actions, to life, to ideologies.
Religions are therefore inclusive forces and by their own definition, they are also exclusive
forces. The word dissidence comes from the Latin, to seat outside of the faith.
The separation of the sacred and the secular is alien to many people and societies; in their
view the secular order cannot be different from Gods order. Yet this separation has been
accepted as a mainstream attitude in the Western world, introducing the presence of two
Cities, the City of Men and the City of God.
Religious organisations play an important role: 1) as real forces for social organisation,
change and advocacy; and 2) in many situations as providers of social services and as
social safety nets. They therefore provide both doctrinal support and action. All over the
world today, organisations with a religious background are actors and partners in relief,
reconstruction and development work. They see these as part of their religious and world
duty in a sort of continuum.
Development co-operation and humanitarian action cannot afford to ignore the forces of
religion and spirituality and the role played by religious organisations.
The religious and spiritual values are expressed at the levels of individual and collective
behaviour and serve on both these levels as a source of motivation for social action and
ethics. This constitutes social capital. Where religion and spirituality are rooted in the eve-
* Director General, Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation.

ryday life of people and society they can make an important contribution to sustainable
development, to the respect of humanitarian principles, and to human rights.
Religious and spiritual values can also strengthen the culture of dialogue.
Conversely, they can exclude dialogue, such as in the times of the Crusades for example,
when Pope Urbain II justified them by stating simply Dieu le veut. The Crusades have
been perceived by many observers as the rehearsal of modern political and economic co-
lonialism, and I quote here Jean-Claude Guillebaud, who wrote that, pour limaginaire
musulman, les croisades demeurent la dchirure initiale, la blessure jamais cicatrise et qui
lgitime encore, aux yeux des plus durs, toutes les formes de djihad.
Therefore, religion and spirituality can also constitute elements of another legitimacy,
whether used by power interests or not, because they influence the social, economic and
political balance of power.
Religious communities are prone to the risk of misuse and instrumentalisation from within
and from without because Gods legitimacy is being provided. In situations of social inse-
curity, upheaval, or of socio-cultural alienation, or of search for identities, religions there-
fore provide fertile ground for politico-religious values to come to the forefront and to
develop sometimes into fundamentalism, as we can see today in various faiths, such as
Judasm, Islam or the Orthodox faith.
Religion therefore with God on its side (Gott mit uns) is then used to challenge
politics, economics and the social order. It then leads to the erosion of tolerance, the seg-
regation of population groups and very often leads to the appearance of other religious
groups, convinced also that God is on their side.
Since God cannot be on both sides at the same time, religious-based fundamentalism
(contrary to ethnicity or nationalism) is dangerous for development and peace.
Fundamentalism is found everywhere and in all faiths because it is in the nature of the
faiths to develop both inclusive and exclusive trends.
How are we to manage opposing fundamentalisms while conducting relief and develop-
ment activities?
Very often, development and humanitarian work is to a large extent inter-cultural work
and this dimension often has to do with religion. The socio-religious context is therefore
very important and sound knowledge of it is necessary to achieve good humanitarian ac-
tion and development work.
10
Broad participation, tolerance and respect of cultural plurality are key principles of hu-
manitarian action and development cooperation. But we have to enquire more deeply
what these principles mean in interaction with faith-based organisations and for interfaith
relationships.
Some of the key questions are:

What are the consequences of political stigmatisation of Islamic organisations?
What are the implications for cooperation while Christian organisations (i.e. Western)
are operating in a non-Christian context?
What is the scope of inter-religious tolerance? Where does it end? For instance, when
it comes to questions of gender relations, human rights or the presence of two peo-
ples on the same territory?
How do we achieve a sound contextual analytical basis for understanding the interac-
tion of socio-religious dynamics with political and economic power relations?
How do we deal creatively with the ambivalence of religion and spirituality as so-
cio-cultural forces that are conducive for development and humanitarian action on
the one hand, and carry the risk of misuse and political instrumentalisation on the
other?
Faith-based organisations do undoubtedly play an important role in many contexts, can

be partners and have done good work. But we should not deal with them as a separate
and distinct category of actors. We should also overcome the dichotomy between the
champions and the opponents of engagement with faith-based organisations.
The question is not whether but how to engage with religious organisations. And it is
important to set such engagement in the specific context and to bet on the plurality of
actors.
It is important also that faith-based organisations be willing to engage with actors of oth-
er faiths and with secular organisations on the basis of mutual respect and understanding
of joint common values.
Needless to say, sensitivity for the implications of projects and programmes on the politi-
cal, socio-cultural, socio-economic fabric and religion of a given society is of particular
importance in multi-religious contexts and in situations of political tensions.
There is a need for inter-cultural, professional, methodological and social competence

among staff both at Headquarters and in the field of non-governmental and govern-
mental agencies who deal with the potential and real risks of religion and spirituality.
11
This Workshop provides a welcome opportunity to exchange our reflections and experi-
ences in view of enhancing our understanding and our competences.
I wish you all a fruitful and stimulating debate. Thank you.
12
3
Religion, Conflict, and Peace
David Little*
Introduction
The subject of religion, conflict and peace came to worldwide attention with the decline
of the Cold War and the collapse of the former Soviet Union. Discussion of the connection
of religion and violent national or civil conflict emerged in earnest in the early 90s as a re-
sult of the dissolution of communism in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. That
was true most obviously, of course, in the former Yugoslavia, with the occurrence of the
ethno-national conflicts we are all familiar with in Bosnia-Herzogovina and in Kosovo, but
in other places as well, such as Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian outpost in Azerebajan.
There were even suggestions of ethno-religious conflict in places like Ukraine at the time
we began our work on religion and nationalism at the United States Institute of Peace in
the early 90s. Fortunately, subsequent political developments there reduced the chances
of violence, though ethnic tensions between the eastern and western parts of Ukraine
remain things to watch.
Moreover, many of the ethno-religious conflicts in other parts of the world that we have
become familiar with for example, in Sri Lanka, the Sudan, Israel/Palestine, Northern Ire-
land, Kashmir, Cyprus and so on were all cast in a new light as a result of the changing
international climate. So long as we looked at the conflicts through the lens of the Cold
War, we saw them either as functions of east-west rivalry or as unimportant sideshows.
However, what is important to remember is that, while the Cold War existed, conflicts like
Sri Lanka, the Sudan, Bosnia, Israel/Palestine, and Northern Ireland, were there all along,
but were unnoticed or not taken seriously. It was not that these conflicts suddenly erupted
when the Cold War ended; it was that we began to perceive them in a new way.
On the other hand, there is a growing interest in the constructive side of religion, and not
just in its destructive side. The subject of religion and peace work, if we may call it that,
can, interestingly enough, also be traced to the demise of the Cold War. I have in mind
* T.J. Dermot Dunphy Professor of the Practice in Religion, Ethnicity, and International Conflict at Harvard
Divinity School, and an Associate at the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs at Harvard Univer-
sity.
13
the manifest role of religious actors in places like East Germany and Poland in bringing
about the non-violent transformation from authoritarianism to democracy in the late 80s
and early 90s. The transformation was also linked to successful nonviolent action by more
secular groups in places like former Czechoslovakia, and by religious groups outside the
West, as in the Philippines. There, as you recall, nonviolent religious groups, aided by the
inactivity of the army, overthrew President Ferdinand Marcos in 1986.
This whole movement was further linked to the peaceful transformation of South Africa in
the early 90s and to the development, in part, of religiously-inspired truth and reconcili-
ation commissions as a way of overcoming the hostility and antagonism created between
the races as a result of the brutality of the previous South African regime. Incidentally, the
South African case is very interesting in this regard because the Dutch Reformed Church
at first spent much of its life reinforcing and supporting the Afrikaaner regime, but then
at a critical point in the early 80s reversed itself, and proceeded to help undermine the
legitimacy of the Afrikaaner regime. In a rather dramatic way, religion played a two-sided
role South Africa.
Much of this is related to the role of religion in what are called transitional societies, name-
ly, societies moving from authoritarianism to democracy. It is in those societies that truth
and reconciliation commissions, comparable to the one in South Africa, have proliferated
as a way of coping with the violators associated with authoritarian regimes. They are also
a way of finding a new restorative kind of justice that can either replace, or serve as
a supplement to, more conventional forms of retributive justice. This development is ex-
tremely important, and while we cannot say it is only religion that is behind it, the religious
aspect of these important political and legal developments is highly significant.
I would say, in short, that there has been a kind of revolution in thinking about violent
conflict and the constructive role of religion. There is a growing interest among religious
practitioners in conflict resolution, mediation, conciliation, and other non-violent tech-
niques including what is called, Track II diplomacy, as distinct from Track I, or official diplo-
macy. Track II diplomacy consists of unofficial endeavors, usually undertaken by religious
and other non-governmental groups and individuals, to assist official negotiations or to
create an environment conducive to peace. Indeed, this bundle of efforts has become
a growth industry, as witnessed, for example, by the work of the organization I used to
work for, the U.S. Institute of Peace, funded, by the U.S. Government, and founded in
1984 to promote less violent and non-violent ways of mitigating conflict. Furthermore,
this new interest is echoed in the legal community, with the growing attention paid to
alternative dispute resolution.
14
There is, by the way, a plethora of new books and studies in this area. Religion, the
Missing Dimension of Statecraft, edited by Douglas Johnston and Cynthia Sampson, is
well-known, but there are many others as well. Let me mention in particular a forthcom-
ing book I happen to be the editor of, and one I want to say a word about shortly. It is
called Peacemakers in Action: Profiles in Religious Courage, to be published by Cambridge
University Press next year, under the auspices of the Tanenbaum Center for Religious Un-
derstanding, and it contains the case studies of some seventeen religious peacemakers
around the world. In my opinion, it constitutes an important addition to the literature of
religious peacemaking.
We must also take note of the way terms like forgiveness, mercy, reconciliation,
and restorative justice, words once the exclusive property of theology and religious
worship have moved to the center of public discussion. It is no longer unusual to hear poli-
ticians, lawyers, and international relations experts uttering these terms as they try to find
the best way to organize life in post-conflict settings, including the creation of truth and
reconciliation commissions and the like. While in this new, broader environment, concepts
like these undoubtedly become less parochial and expand their meaning, it is unlikely they
will ever lose their religious significance altogether. This is still another illustration of the
important changes that have taken place in regard to the connections among religion,
conflict, and peace.
Finally, speaking of the book I am editing, Peacemakers in Action, I wanted to highlight

something Im calling, the hermeneutics of peace, an interpretive framework presup-
posed in one way or another by all the religious peacemakers discussed in the book. The
framework is grounded in the conviction that the pursuit of justice and peace by peaceful
means is a sacred priority, and it is employed as a way of examining the texts, traditions,
and practices of one religion or another for their contribution to the promotion of justice
and peace. This is a very important development, and illustrates the impact the concern
with peace and justice is having on theological thinking and training.
Religion and Conflict
I shall divide the remainder of my remarks into two sections, religion and conflict,
and religion and peace. Regarding religion and conflict, let me address two general
claims that are widespread and call for response. One is that real or authentic religion
never causes or contributes to violent conflict; only flawed or bad religion does that.
Again and again, one hears from religious leaders in combat zones that, Its not our reli-
gion, properly understood, that has contributed to the conflict here. Its an abuse of that
religion, a debasement of it. Please, dont confuse real religion with what you see here.
15
The second claim is heard mostly from social scientists, and is one that is very important
for people in the field of the study for religion and conflict to deal with. The claim is that
religion is not an important cause of violent conflict; rather it is economic and political
conditions that are of central importance. If the social scientists who say these things
are right, and they are influential, then, by implication, it is not religion, but political and
economic conditions we ought primarily to be addressing in the interest of subduing vio-
lence. On this understanding, religion is at best a supplementary or secondary part of the
solution.
Let us turn to answering these two claims. First, the assertion that real or authentic religion
always brings peace ignores the fact that even the most enlightened and pacific religious
people sometimes, as a matter of fact, heighten tension rather than relax it. They do that
by resisting what they regard to be injustice and mistreatment. The American religious
leader, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., used to tell those who blamed the civil rights movement
in America for disturbing the peace that genuine peace is much more than the absence
of violence. True peace, King said, is based on justice and mutual respect, and these ideals
are seldom achieved without arousing the hostility and often the violent response of the
profiteers of oppression. In other words, religion, even in its purest forms, is not innocent
of connection to violence.
Of course the question of the moral responsibility of non-violent actors, like King and oth-
ers, is something else altogether. King and other peacemakers would hold, I think prop-
erly, that it is not they who are ultimately responsible for violence, but those who oppose
the promotion of peace and justice by peaceful means in defense of wrongful interests.
But even if they are not to blame, the most admirable exemplars of religion are neverthe-
less inextricably entangled with violence. Let us remember that not only King but other
famous proponents of non-violence, like Jesus and Ghandi, also met with violent deaths.
The connections of religion and peace are, after all, more complicated than is frequently
acknowledged.
The second claim regards social science findings. As I said, the connection between religion
and conflict is a controversial subject among social scientists. There continues to appear
in the literature considerable skepticism regarding the role of religion, either as a cause
of conflict or a cause of peace. I shall mention two examples. Paul Collier, a well-known
World Bank economist, has coined the phrase, greed versus grievance, to describe his
general conclusions regarding the causes of modern-day civil conflict. According to Col-
lier, it is economic greed, not grievance, that primarily generates violence. No grievances
Paul Collier, Economic Causes of Civil Conflict and Their Implications for Policy, printed in Chester
A. Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson, and Pamela Aall, Turbulent Peace (Washington, DC: U.S. Institute of Peace
Press, 2001, pp. 143-162.
16
of any kind religious, ethnic, political, or economic are significant in accounting for
civil conflicts. It is the motivations, capacities, and opportunities of economic predators
that make the difference. Another example is the work of James Fearon and David Laitin
in a recently published article called, Ethnicity, Insurgency and Civil War. They take
some issue with Collier, though they come to a similar conclusion. They contend that it is
a combination of economic greed and political ineptitude, rather than religious, ethnic or
other forms of grievance, that accounts for the rise of civil violence.
As I say, if people like Collier, Fearon and Laitin are right, it is critical for the whole analy-
sis of religion, conflict, and peace. From my point of view, the problem with the social
science evidence and conclusions is that when you look at them carefully, they reveal a
more complicated picture than the authors themselves allow for. In both the articles the
evidence presented shows that grievance, at some stage in the course of a conflict, comes
into play as a very important factor. In fact, I have identified three specific areas in which
religious and other grievances appear to bear on and intensify violent conflict: 1) helping
to legitimate an insurgency; 2) helping to recruit and motivate insurgents; and 3) identify-
ing critical objects and areas of dispute, such as the disposition of sacred sites, and the
accommodation of religious expression and practice, that will have in one way or another
to be addressed in any satisfactory peace settlement.
Despite the tendency overtly to downplay the role of grievance religious and otherwise
in regard to the causes of ethno-national civil war, the social science literature winds up,
more or less inadvertently, underscoring the importance of religious, cultural, and ethic
grievances, both as a supporting cause of conflict, as well as a part of the solution. I may
add that my own work on conflicts in Sri Lanka, Sudan, Bosnia, and elsewhere strength-
ens my convictions at this point.
One word about the work of another social scientist who has done made an important
contribution to the study of ethno-national conflict. His name is Ted Robert Gurr, and
he and associates have recently published three important books: Minorities At Risk, A
Global View of Ethno-political Conflict (1994), Peoples Versus States; Minorities At Risk
in the New Century (2000), and Ethnic Conflict and World Politics (2004). In the greed-
versus-grievance debate, Gurr takes a strong stand on the side of grievance. In fact, the
James D. Fearon and David D. Laitin, Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War, American Political Science
Review 97.1 (Feb. 2003), pp. 75-90).
See, for example, Little, Belief, Ethnicity, and Nationalism, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics I,2 (March,
April 1995), and Little, Sri Lanka: The Invention of Enmity (Washington, DC: U.S. Institute of Peace Press,
1994).
(Washington DC: U.S. Institute of Peace Press, 1993).
(Washington DC: U.S. Institute of Peace Press, 2000).
(Boulder: Westview Press, 2004).
17
centrality of grievance is the fundamental argument of all his work. In addition, he puts
forward the arresting claim that, since 1995, there has been a sharp decline in the inci-
dence of ethno-political conflict because of some noteworthy developments. For example,
in recent years, according to Gurr, governments have found new, more accommodating
and less violent ways to deal with minorities. Among other things, they have learned to
address grievances frequently born of a sense of deprivation and discrimination, whether
religious, cultural, economic, or political, as they are widely experienced, in particular, by
minorities. Incidentally, though Gurr does not emphasize the point, his conclusions are of
enormous importance for religious actors. If it is true that extending rights of tolerance
and non-discrimination to minorities is leading more and more to a reduction of overall
ethnic violence, this seems to be an area in which religious groups and individuals could
play a highly significant role in peace making. Unfortunately, Gurrs own work on the
place of religion in conflict suffers from some of the same inconsistency and oversight
that is characteristic of other social science work in the field. I have no time to elaborate
the point, but it is worth stressing that there is considerable room for improvement in the
social scientific study of religion, conflict, and peace.
There are two areas in which religion is particularly important in the generation of violent
conflict: one is nationalism, and the other is terrorism. In regard to nationalism, my work
at USIP reinforced the point that I made earlier about the role of religion in legitimating
and, recruiting participation in insurgencies, as well as in settling conflicts. If there is one
general finding in the studies we did of Sri Lanka, Sudan, Bosnia, Northern Ireland, and so
on, it was the point that religion, after all, often plays a very significant role in intensifying
ethno-national conflicts.
A word in passing about the peace agreement in the Sudan, since the process of peace-
making there is related to the subject of federalism that is of such importance in regard
to working out post-conflict political arrangements. The Sudan peace agreement, signed
between the North and the South on January 9 of this year, is a federal arrangement.
Under the agreement, the North and the South retain considerable regional autonomy,
while at the same time submitting temporarily to an overarching federal structure with
common political, economic, and security responsibilities and shared opportunities for
governance. At the end of a six-year probationary period, the South may decide whether
or not to remain part of the arrangement or to secede and form an independent state.
What I want to stress is the accommodation of religious difference as an indispensable
and unavoidable factor in working out the Sudanese peace settlement. To be exact, the
See Handbook of Federal Countries, Ann L. Griffiths, ed. (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press,
2005).
See Rohan Edrisinha and Lee Seymour with Ann Griffiths, Adopting Federalism: Sri Lanka and Sudan,
id., esp. pp. 433-446.
18
question of Islam and its relation to the government of the country lies at the heart of
the conflict between the North and South and as a consequence, has been an absolutely
central feature in achieving a peace agreement. It is impossible to look at Sudan without
taking account of religion, even though it does not stand alone. Economics, oil, political
concerns, etc. are also enormously important.
Another passing word bearing on nationalist contests and their resolution this one about
Iraq, since that subject has also come up. I have been struck in the discussions of Iraq by
the lack of attention the Bush administration and other observers have paid to the exten-
sive political science literature concerning the difficulties of moving from authoritarianism
to democracy, including federal democracy. For example, the work of Jack Snyder, From
Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict, and now Mansfield and Sny-
der, Electing to Fight: Why Emerging Democracies Go to War,10 bring out several key fac-
tors that spell serious political instability for countries, like Iraq, that are trying to establish
some kind of secure federal system against a seriously dysfunctional background. Among
other problems are the existence of high-energy politics, a weak central government,
sharply-divided, combative, and well-organized political parties, and the absence of stable
national and civic institutions. I would add that when these conditions are intermingled,
as they surely are in Iraq, with strongly polarizing religious impulses, the odds for national
stability are further reduced.
As to the second area of conflict where religion plays an important role, namely, terrorism,
there was significant expansion of religious influence during the 90s. By 1995, religious
terrorists accounted for nearly half of all the international terrorist organizations, and it
is a safe assumption that that percentage has grown further in the past ten years.11 In
the light of the extensive literature on the subject,12 the following core characteristics of
religious terrorism, including suicide terrorism, appear to emerge.
Whereas secular terrorists, even if they have the capacity to do so, rarely attempt indiscriminate killing
on a massive scale because such tactics are not consonant with their political aims and therefore are
regarded as counter-productive, if not immoral, religious terrorists often seek the elimination of broadly
defined categories of enemies and accordingly regard such large-scale violence not only as morally
justified, but as a necessary expedient for the attainment of their goals.13
See Francis M. Deng, War of Visions: Conflict of Identities in the Sudan (Washington, DC: Brookings
Institution, 1995).
10 (New York: W.W. Norton Co., 2000) and (Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 2005).
11 Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), p. 91.
12 Besides Hoffman, see Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 2000), Jessica Stern, Terror in the Name of God (New York: Harper Collins, 2003), Mia Bloom, Dying
to Kill (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), Robert Pape, Dying to Win (New York: Random House,
2005).
13 Hoffman, Inside Terrorism, p. 94.
19
Robert Papes theory of suicide terrorism in Dying to Win is of special interest in the light
of the foregoing. It is that the impulse of nationalism, and particularly the desire of the
group of which suicide terrorists are members, to expel an illicit occupation and thereby
gain or recover a homeland, is what drives the action. Pape points out that in the case of
al-Qaeda, ten times the number of suicide terrorists come from Muslim countries where
there is an American military presence than from other Muslim countries 14
His view of the role of religion is while it is rarely the root cause of suicide terrorism, and
certainly is not a function of fundamentalism in general, religious difference between
the terrorists and the occupiers can inflame nationalist sentiments in ways that encour-
age mass support for martyrdom and suicide terrorism.15 Specifically, the religious dif-
ference a) heightens the understanding of a nationalist contest as zero-sum (reduced
room for compromise); b) leads to demonization of the other side (and both a willingness
to die and to kill large numbers of innocents); and c) legitimates martyrdom or what Pape
calls, sacralized suicide. These generalizations seem to square to an extent with the
conclusions of others writing on this subject, and to fit very will, in particular, with the
profile of al Quaeda and the Palestinian terrorist organizations.
Religion and Peace
The study of religion and peace can be divided into four areas: peace enforcement, peace
making, by which I mean the arrangement of peace settlements, peace keeping, which is
a third-party effort, usually but not always involving military support for whatever peace
arrangements have been worked out, and, finally, peace building, which is the effort to
create institutions and capacities, such as we have mentioned, to sustain and defend
peace. It is particularly in the peace making and the peace building areas that religious
actors have been significant. Let me give a few concluding examples of the way religious
actors have contributed to the peace building and peace making.
In regard to peace building there is an organization called the Bosnia-Herzegovina Inter-

religious Council (IRC) that I, myself, when I was at USIP was, in a modest way, instrumen-
tal in helping to develop. That was a significant accomplishment, which, I think, retains
some potential. The organization brings together leaders of the Jewish community, a
small but significant population in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Serbian orthodox, the Croa-
tian Catholics and the Bosniaks or Bosnian Muslims, and commits them to a concerted
effort towards the support, reinforcement and expansion of the Dayton agreement. In this
context the question of reconciliation has become a very important concern indeed.
14 Pape, Dying to Win, pp. 103-4.

15 Id., p. 88.
20
I should like to tell one brief story regarding Mustafa Ceric, the leader of the Muslim com-
munity in Bosnia, and a member of the IRC. When I first met Mustafa Ceric, he told me
that the idea of reconciliation is an imported Christian idea with no relevance to Bosnia.
He and I had a number of discussions about that. Indeed, the IRC developed an interest
in reconciliation among the different ethno-religious groups in Bosnia, and the interesting
thing is that Ceric gradually changed his mind on the subject, which he mentioned pub-
licly at a meeting I attended in Albania last December. He changed, he said, from his origi-
nal, rejectionist view to a much more positive outlook because he came to believe that it
is not just the former enemy who must make the first move toward reconciliation. Instead,
he went on, the victims will themselves need to make an effort toward overcoming the
hostility and the resentment created by violence and abuse. I have found that same spirit
among other religious groups and leaders I have met with.
I also wanted to mention another group called St. Egidio, a Roman Catholic lay order
headquartered in Rome, which has both had success as peacemakers, and been an in-
spiration to peacemakers everywhere, even in situations where peace was not achieved.
The list of their activities goes on and on. In Mozambique they played an important role in
offering good offices for the resolution of the conflict there. In both Kosovo and Algeria
they outlined terms of agreement that, if followed, would surely have born fruit. Here is
a religious body that uses its reputation for objectivity, acuteness and trustworthiness as a
basis for building confidence and mutuality between conflicting parties.
In the book I am editing, Peacemakers in Action, there are numerous edifying examples of
effective efforts at religious peace building and peace making. Let me close by mention-
ing one of them. This is the remarkable tale of an American Presbyterian minister named
William Lowery, who was active in Southern Sudan in helping to bring about a resolu-
tion of the severe conflict between the Dinka and the Nuer tribes. In an important way,
the agreement consolidated the South and provided a crucial step toward arriving at the
peace agreement worked out in January of this year. Filled as it is with many instances of
this kind, Peacemakers in Action is one more important piece of evidence verifying the
constructive contribution of religiously motivated individuals to the cause of peace.
21
4
Faith-based Organisations as Political, Humanitarian

or Religious Actors
Ndioro Ndiaye*
Humanitarian organisations, whether faith-based or not, are highly active on the African
continent. The intensity of such activities is due in part to the fact that a significant major-
ity of the African population lives below the poverty line, but also to the fact that almost
a third of the countries of the continent suffer from armed conflicts and civil wars. In that
sense, Africa attracts compassion and solidarity, sentiments that are at the heart of values
defended by all religions. Thus, it is not surprising that faith-based organisations are heav-
ily represented in the field.
Nevertheless, the majority of African States, at least in their formal political structure, are
secular states. To my knowledge, only the Moroccan Constitution provides in its first sec-
tion that Islam is the religion of the State. Still, religion plays a significant role in Africa,
where there are the greatest movements for recruitment and conversion of the faithful.
As early as the colonial periods, religion played the role of auxiliary to politics, and was
even a tool of conquest. From the seventh century onwards, there was a wave of islamisa-
tion; this was followed by the progressive penetration of Catholicism and Protestantism
from the nineteenth century onwards, depending on the dominant religion of the colo-
nial powers. Political independence did not stop either the influence of the clergy or the
practice of recruiting the faithful, at least not more so than did economic dependence in
the early decades.
Geographical distribution of populations according to religious belief within Africa is itself

a further reflection of history. The majority of landlocked countries situated on former
caravan routes are largely Muslim, while the majority of coastal states in West Africa are
Christian in those areas that are more easily accessible, and Muslim in the rest of the re-
gions. Such a distribution is particularly visible in the countries in the Gulf of Guinea across
the South/North divide.
* Deputy Director General, International Organization for Migration (IOM). This presentation was origi-
nally delivered in French. Translation for the PSIO by Dima Yared.
23
It is important to note at the outset that traditional religions and their practices continue
to coexist with imported beliefs, and it is common that members of the same family
practice different religions.
For several decades, the majority of African States were managed like family businesses,
profiting their leaders and a courtesan oligarchy. This remains largely true for some of
those States. Concretely, this means a police State, significant breach of trust and corrup-
tion (often encouraged by western companies which seek to maintain market power in
the absence of direct political power), but mostly a lack of redistribution of wealth and an
absence of a public policy worthy of the name.
Further, structural adjustment programs have reduced the investment capacity of States
by imposing significant cuts in the civil service (including in the health and education sec-
tors) and by forcing States to borrow beyond their means. Repayment of foreign debt has
become an unbearable burden, despite programs of differed payments and rescheduling
of successive debts.
This is the case in entire sectors of public life where the States progressive disengagement
has led to increased involvement of civil society in ensuring primary needs. As the popula-
tion itself is financially incapable of meeting the costs of child education, of constructing
public health facilities, or of modernizing agricultural activities a lot of room is left open
for humanitarian action. Such humanitarian action largely escapes State control, even if
the latter attempts to regulate or limit the acts of NGOs (whether they are faith-based or
not).
As a result, daily work is built around the notion of community. The community can
be secular (in the sense of a village, a shantytown, or a group of rural communes which
create a community), or it can be based on a common faith, i.e. founded on a community
of the faithful.
The preponderant role still played by national faith-based organisations in several States
can be explained by the capacity of religious leaders to train local clergies and their his-
torical anchorage in the field. Nevertheless, international structures (whether faith-based
or not) are increasingly influential, largely because they benefit from the notion of glo-
balisation of charity and are aggressive in their communication policies and their search
for donors. Further, their specialisation in certain areas (e.g. emergency medicine, literacy,
construction of small dams) allows these international structures to display their profes-
sionalism, be it in terms of action or in terms of financial management.
Charity for Christians and the zakat for the Muslims are duties that are intimately linked to
faith and religious practice. Thus, it is not surprising that faith-based organisations have,
24
from early on, implicated themselves in social action in its broad sense. Modern humani-
tarian intervention is linked to the Biafra war and its media exposure; misery, famine and
war were offered up for show, thereby generating awareness and an influx of donations
unheard of until then, and entrenching the importance of non-governmental and transi-
tional action in the management of humanitarian crises.
One of the possible explanations for the increasing role of non-governmental organisa-
tions in development lies in the absence or inadequacy of concrete State action in favour
of the poor. In addition, we note a certain weariness on the part of traditional donor
States and even of multilateral cooperation. Often, immediately visible humanitarian
action is preferred, due to its strong resonance in the media and it often does not require
recurring costs.
On the other hand, it is extremely difficult to convince development partners of the need
for long-term investments in projects relating to re-vitalizing the education system or to
the implementation of public health policies. The decrease in amounts allotted to public
aid for development (or its stagnation in the majority of OECD countries), new priorities
linked to EU enlargement, and even the weight of public opinion in domestic areas suffer-
ing from economic crises may also serve to explain governmental disengagement.
Thus, NGOs fill the areas left vacant or insufficiently occupied by States and their bilateral
partners. Such NGOs may emerge from groups of the diaspora, or even have links with
local or territorial communities of developed countries that are often close to the African
populations through twinning or technical cooperation programs.
In the majority of such cases, the approach taken is marked by a concern for transfer of
know-how for pilot projects, intended to be eventually reproducible by the beneficiary
community. Most often, such pilot projects consist of close infrastructures, or programs
directly linked to ensuring a better quality of life for the population (e.g. vaccine cam-
paigns, construction of classrooms). In such cases, in order to avoid substituting one de-
pendency for another, the proportion of aid is limited stricto sensu.
More often than not, existing community know-how and practices are the starting point
in order to achieve perennial improvement in any undertaking that is respectful of local
identity and culture. An example could be the introduction of new crops and/or tech-
niques in agricultural regions where weak production levels (due to bad rain conditions)
prevent the population from being self-sufficient.
Nevertheless, extreme poverty and faith can also render populations vulnerable to differ-
ent forms of injurious action by organisations, which, under the guise of humanitarian
action, seek to deeply modify the peoples habits and conscience.
25
Demographic growth in Africa at a rate equivalent to almost 3% per year in most coun-
tries implies that the continent is a potential reservoir for fundamentalist recruitment,
exercised through particularly questionable methods.
The new missionaries provide clothing, basic materials, even money, in certain missions
of pure assistance in enclosed, desolate areas, or in regions that are especially vulnerable,
such as shantytowns or in the outlying areas of big capital cities. At the start, no com-
pensation is requested. Later, beneficiaries are asked to become recruiters for a particular
faith, church, or group, if they wish to maintain into the long term the benefits they and
their families had received.
It is then that certain restrictions are imposed on clothing or behaviour, and access to
material assistance becomes contingent on engaging in certain religious or sectarian prac-
tices. Religious fundamentalists, be they Christian or Muslim, thus engage in a war of
influence reminiscent of the worst moments of colonialism, and which thrives on human
misery.
This leads to a veritable boom in Koranic schools (mdrasas) in several African countries.
These schools are headed by religious groups or foreign powers who wish to limit access
to teaching the literal reading of the Koran, and some of whom do not hide their desire
to influence the young to serve terrorist causes.
In the same manner, western evangelists dressed in ties who travel in African cities in
groups of two wish to strengthen the weight of a radical and fundamentalist vision of
Christianity on a continent which, due to its economic and human potential, is the object
of many battles.
In both cases, it is apparent that the alibi of religion serves to promote a radical vision
of the world (incarnated by political powers) overtly linked to a certain faith; if they are
warriors, their choices and their decisions cannot be contested because they are dictated
by divine will. The current state of the world shows us that, as in the past, such logic is
totalitarian, even if it advances in subtle forms.
Such practices strike at the balance of African societies. For instance, for a long time, Mo-
rocco was a land of tolerance, where Muslims, Christians and Jews could live at peace to-
gether. The attacks in Casablanca, as well as numerous incidents in urban areas, illustrated
that such logic could permeate: the choice of targets clearly establishes the religious jus-
tification. While, in the name of the values to which it is attached, authority attempts to
fight this trend, misery breeds on fertile ground.
26
In Senegal, the large majority of Muslims have for long lived in perfect harmony with the
Catholic community, and the pilgrimages of the Black Virgin of Popenguine, such as the
Grand Magal de Touba, are opportunities for the Muslim community to demonstrate
its solidarity and tolerance. However, the increase in the number of mosques built from
foreign funds, as well as the activism of the imams who have come from abroad, in the
medium run, have put this balance into question.
Governments which have for long tolerated, even encouraged, the proliferation of reli-
gious groups or communities on the basis that the actions of the latter exonerated the
State from intervening in certain areas, are today coming to terms with the threat posed
by this trend, and are becoming much more cautious regarding the authorisations they
provide.
In agreement with the religious dignitaries of the country, certain political measures are
taken so as to frame and regulate education in particular, and submit it to standards of
conformity and legality. However, the means available are insufficient to combat the pro-
gression of these ideologies, which spread as a result of the immediate material advan-
tages promised to families whose primary preoccupation is survival.
Thus, options must be found to fight this growth of fundamentalism disguised as devel-
opment aid, in order to prevent justifying the use of political tools such as Jihad or inva-
sion with the help of God.
There is no, and there never will be, holy war.
One possible means to tackle this issue would be to regroup and coordinate the efforts of
African governments and national religious institutions, along with the support of non-
governmental organisations and local communities. The aim of such coordination would
be to gain access to viable and current information regarding developments in the field,
and in order to put in place certain remedial measures in areas where groups are sus-
pected of engaging in proselytising.
Working with certain leaders (religious moderates, municipal representatives, traditional

leaders) could serve to counteract this trend, so long as human and financial resources
exist to sustain an alternative, which necessarily includes education.
It is also possible to strengthen control and regulation of educational infrastructures, so

long as the different members of the chain of decision-making are fully aware of respect-
ing minimum standards.
Limiting access of non-nationals to the territory can also be ensured through legislative or
regulatory provisions (as in the case of the ECOWAS for example). African governments
27
are increasingly alerting us to the fact that there are many nationals of other continents,
namely Asia, who have found their way onto the African territory, without any means
of identifying how they arrived. Nigeria and Chad are particularly concerned by the risks
related to such arrivals.
Humanitarian action may very well be linked to religion, due to values of tolerance and
respect that are at the heart of all religions; numerous organisations attest to this truth
amidst challenging conditions. However, the boundary which must not be crossed is un-
doubtedly directly linked to proselytising, which presumes that humanitarian action serves
purposes other than its primary objective of relieving the suffering of others and offer-
ing human beings the means to lead a decent life by providing techniques and adapted
know-how.
African countries did not extricate themselves with great difficulty from economic and
political dependence only to fall today into a dependence even more pernicious because
it is legitimated in the name of God.
28
5

Franz Schle*
The presentation on this subject is very broadly framed and could lead to a consideration
of the issues solely on a very general base. I will thus try to avoid generalisations and base
my paper on my own concrete experiences and observations, made during my aid work
at HEKS (French: EPER) Swiss Interchurch Aid.
HEKS is the relief organisation of the Protestant churches of Switzerland and operates
with the mandate and financial support of its member congregations. It can be called a
Faith-Based Organisation an FBO. The faith-based initiative is made clear in the HEKS
mission statement as follows: HEKS counteracts resignation with hope and puts the con-
cept of Christian charity into practice. HEKS Christian values affirm the respect for people
of all cultures and religions. HEKS assists individuals in need, irrespective of their race or
religion.
These few sentences, drawn from the mission statement, demonstrate that HEKS does
not strive to accomplish missionary work or to promote Christian faith and churches. The
relative power that HEKS has, as an FBO organisation, through its financial means to assist
cannot in any manner be misused or understood to spread Christianity or the Protestant
confession.
The on-site partners in our humanitarian operations are to some extent other church-
based organisations, but also quite often organisations of other faiths or secular institu-
tions.
The prerequisite for co-operation is not a shared religious confession, but rather a shared
solidarity with those affected by unfortunate circumstances. HEKS does not interpret this
conscious avoidance of any form of missionary work in an emergency operation as a
betrayal of its fundamental principles, but on the contrary, as acting in the spirit of the
gospel.
* Secretary-General, Hilfswerk der Evangelischen Kirchen Schweitz (Swiss Interchurch Aid HEKS)
29
Matters seem to be rather simple in the case of natural disasters, at least simpler than the
interventions in regions of war and conflict. People are beset by a collective as well as per-
sonal catastrophe. They are homeless; there is a need for water, food, shelter and medical
care. This kind of aid must be administered in an efficient and unbiased manner ... or that
is at least what you would think should be done. Let me relate two examples from work
in the post-tsunami period in Tamil Nadu, a state in southern India.
I watched a group of Westerners in a hotel lobby in Pondycherry. Before they set off to
work they formed a circle, like a rugby team in a scrum, sang a couple of hymns, then
hopped onto massive land cruisers to fall upon some village. These vehicles held more
people than actual aid goods all of this made a powerful and aggressive impression. This
group of people obviously understood their operation as a chance to carry out missionary
work. Were they aware just how much India has to struggle to achieve a balance between
the different religious communities, the Hindu, Muslims, Christians and Buddhists? This is
the case especially in Tamil Nadu, where political parties fan the fear of Christian read
Western influence. Through their conduct, the Christian aid workers encouraged those
concerns and potentially intensified a latent conflict. This behaviour, close to a crusade,
is even more strange and hurtful because in every catastrophe up to 80% of the disaster
relief is done by neighbours, local and regional NGOs and authorities.
Close to the end of January, I was in a southern Indian village. I noticed how fishermen,
who had lost everything, were loitering around. For sure, they were shocked and trauma-
tised but from my Western-Protestant point of view, I thought they could help in putting
aside some of the rubble or help in building emergency shelters. It would benefit them
I thought. But traditional Indian culture is defined through a caste system, which clearly
defines what kind of labour is done by whom. A fisherman does not construct houses.
A fisherman does not remove waste either, because it is a task that is always done by
the untouchables. The whole cultural and religious system does not provide for this, it is
simply impossible. Here, the desire not to reinforce any Western or Christian influence is
severely challenged. HEKS believes it is extremely important that such value judgments do
not result in open or hidden demonstrations of the supposed superiority of the occidental
and Christian values.
People are injured by these catastrophes; their houses are destroyed, with their few pos-
sessions open to the eye of the public. All those aid workers who come to such a sensitive
situation should be aware how vulnerable these people in need are! As an FBO we know
that victims of a catastrophe are heavily influenced by their religion. To be near them
means to understand and to respect their lives in conjunction with their religion.
30
Such a respectful attitude towards those hit by a calamity can be a short visit to the tem-
ple, a bowing down to the afflicted person, or maybe only a short and respectful pause
before entering a damaged house. It can also mean helping with the reconstruction of a
temple.
FBOs should distinguish themselves by having a particular sensitivity for this kind of is-
sue. They should aim to identify with the human beings concerned in a holistic manner,
with their history, their culture and their religion. For this very reason, HEKS has not cre-
ated a separate emergency aid department to intervene exclusively in catastrophes. For
emergency aid, we employ the same project officers involved in long-term development
co-operation with our organisation and with our partners abroad. The country managers
are long-term, on-site experts who are familiar with local cultures and religions and who
can supervise the emergency aid. The emergency aid experts merely help them out with
technical support. We believe that in this manner, we can best ensure adequate, sensitive
dealings with people and societies in the aftermath of a catastrophe.
Humanitarian interventions in regions of conflict and warfare face even more difficult
challenges. I want to concentrate on the specific role of FBOs, and I do not want to speak
about general questions on peace policy. Personally, I am strongly influenced by my expe-
riences in the Balkan-region, specifically Ex-Yugoslavia, but also the Middle East.
Churches, confessions and religions are founding elements of society. This is true in peace,
in wars and especially in those often long-lasting civil wars. In a chaotic situation, people
find meaning in their faith, they find consolation in their religion, and they search for safe
ground through religious rituals. Because religions are such a fundamental element, they
inevitably are part of the conflict itself. For HEKS as a Christian FBO, this represents a huge
challenge.
Through our values, we are committed to peace. And we can see how our Christian part-
ners are entangled in conflict. How should we express our solidarity with our partners in
a way that it is not misunderstood as taking sides in a conflict? The answer to this ques-
tion is difficult and only possible with respect to a specific situation. If at all possible, one
should remain in contact with both parties in the conflict, and offer aid to both sides. One
should also consider the nature of the conflict and its origins prominently with each party,
and communicate with the partner in a critical dialogue.
HEKS has had relations to the Serbian-Orthodox church for ages. The Serbian-Orthodox
church was on the side of the Serbian nationalists, so that any aid through this particular
institution was completely out of the question. In negotiations we were looking for solu-
tions to lend assistance to help Serbian refugees. Thanks to the work of individual mem-
bers of the Orthodox laity and some independent nuns, this was made possible. When
31
I say above, that religions are part of the problem, of the conflict; the contrary is true as
well: They are definitively part of the solution, of chances for reconciliation.
Shortly after the Dayton Agreement, our program manager for the region visited Banja
Luka in Eastern Bosnia, which was at the time occupied by the Serbs. In this town, all sev-
en Mosques had been destroyed. The worship of the small remaining Muslim community
was held on the ground floor of the seat of their administration, which had been severely
damaged as well. Our program manager financed a makeshift repair, so that the building
was protected from snowfall in winter. Although it was a small sum of money, this opera-
tion attracted a lot of public attention, in Bosnia as well as in Switzerland. Windows for
a Mosque by HEKS, a Christian FBO, was a headline. It was seen by some as a sign of
reconciliation, but aggressively rejected by others, especially by some of our fundamental
parishes.
HEKS is an FBO; HEKS acts from the premise of Christian values, in emergency aid as well
as in development co-operation. It wants to act from its faith, but not in favour of its own
faith. As an FBO, we have a special understanding for the human being as religious hu-
man being. This can be our specific contribution in emergency aid situations. We may not
be the fastest organisation, but our understanding for people who are our concern can
be deepened in this way and our work in the long run may be more effective. Conflict
sensitive situations usually ask for a religion sensitive approach.
32
6

Eva Christina Nilsson*
The Brazilian Archbishop Dom Helder Camara once said: If I help the poor you call me an
angel. If I ask why they are poor, you call me a communist.
Christians in solidarity with marginalised people have been called both angels and com-
munists, as well as many other things. Out of that background we have to make clear
what our identity and driving forces as Christians are. What are the reasons for being
involved in politics, conflicts and humanitarian action? Looking into history we realise that
the motivations have been shifting. If we turn to the present situation it is clear that it
depends on who you ask. There is no single Christian answer or perspective. The different
motivations can also be rather contradictory.
I can contribute with a personal perspective. I was brought up in a small village consist-
ing of four farms and a chapel, which was visited by the missionaries. I knew from the
beginning that the world was bigger than Sweden and that people could have different
colours. My professional context today is the international work within the Church of
Sweden, an evangelical Lutheran church. It sees itself as part of the worldwide church,
wanting to respect people who search God in different traditions. We are cooperating
with organisations of different religions as well as with non-religious organisations. Swe-
den is also a country where the Christian churches have contributed a lot to a rather high
level of solidarity. The government International Development Assistance (IDA) is strongly
supported by the Swedish people, even if there can be criticism of details. IDA receives
nowadays almost one percent of the GNP. The NGOs of different kinds are also highly
supported by the public. There are several roots for this public engagement. Some of the
roots are partly to be found in the missionary traditions from the 19th century, composed
of the three elements chapel, hospital and school. It became a natural identity of the
church and its members to share its resources. Some may argue that the social dimension
of the work of the missionaries was subordinated by the evangelisation dimension. This
* Policy Adviser for Development Cooperation, Church of Sweden.
33
is probably right. At the same time, there was a social pathos among most of the mis-
sionaries. They would believe in the ethics of sharing and the right for everybody to have
a decent life. They would also see the work for a better life as the Christian message, the
gospel, put into practice.
Swedes are also marked by the huge emigration wave to the US in the 19th century. One
million out of four million people left Sweden. Sweden was a very poor country at that
time. A large part of the population was living in poverty. They experienced the difficult
process of leaving the well-known and socially secure context in order to make a living
in a new and unknown country far away from home. This shaped an understanding for
marginalized people.
If we turn to the Bible it is easy to find motivation and obligation, both in the Old and in
the New Testament, for taking responsibility in the world, for taking concrete action. Je-
sus says that as Christians we live in the world but not by the world. Even if we believe in
an eternal life, heaven is understood to begin here on earth. We cannot leave the world
alone. In the synagogue, Jesus quotes the prophet Isaiah and says: The spirit of the Lord
has been given to me, for he has anointed me. He has sent me to bring the good news to
the poor, to proclaim liberty to captives and to the blind new sight, to set the downtrod-
den free, to proclaim the Lords year of favour. (Luke 4:18-19). Saint Paul urges the con-
gregations to support the Christians in Jerusalem, who are in a difficult situation. Sharing
is a way to show love and it is a gift to share. (2 Chor. 8:2-14).
In the Old Testament there are clear messages about justice. False and unjust rulers do not
have a future. In Amos it is written: Listen to this, you who trample on the needy and try
to suppress the poor people of the country, you who say, When will the New Moon be
over so that we can sell our corn, and Sabbath, so that we can market our wheat? Then
by lowering the bushel, raising the shekel, by swindling and tampering with the scales,
we can buy up the poor for money, and the needy for a pair of sandals, and get a price
even for the sweeping of the wheat. I am going to turn your feasts into funerals, all your
singing into lamentation; I will have your loins all in sackcloth, your heads all shaved. I will
make it a mourning like the mourning of an only son, as long as it lasts it will be like a day
of bitterness. (Amos 8:4,5,6,10).
There have also been Fathers of the Church who have taken a firm position about the
responsibility for the poor. Bishop Ambrosius in the fourth century said: The earth should
be used by all and by everybody together. The earth does not recognise any rich, only
poor whom it feeds. It is not from your wealth that you give to the poor. It is a share of
his own you return to him. So there are old biblical and Christian traditions and calls to
work for justice.
34
It is impossible to isolate Christianity from the world. Values like dignity, solidarity, justice
are important elements of the church. As Christians we cannot celebrate the liturgy in the
church, then leave the church as if the message we have just heard does not have any im-
plications for our life. The Orthodox tradition talks about the liturgy after liturgy, meaning
that social, diaconal work is a natural consequence of the gospel that is preached, of the
liturgy. If we want to realise these values we need to be involved in diaconal and practical
work.
I come from a tradition where this practical work gets its inspiration from theology. This is
our driving force. We often discuss if this makes us different. Our tradition is also not to
mix social and diaconal work with proselytism. We do not impose conditions on aid, be it
development projects or humanitarian actions. The purpose of this work is never proselyt-
ism. Christian faith has to be lived. The social work has its own right and is in itself a duty
for Christians. However, there are existing problems, both between religions and between
the different Christian traditions. There are different ways to interpret the Christian tradi-
tions. In some of them proselytism seems to be linked to the social work and the conver-
sion of the soul is seen as the primary goal. These different interpretations of the Christian
faith constantly have to be challenged.
Our theology forces us, in a positive sense, to put people in the centre. When we discuss
globalisation and, for instance, International Financing Institutions we want to promote
systems that are good for people, not try to adjust people to the systems. When we talk
about development projects, participation and ownership by the people concerned is es-
sential. We work through local churches and organisations. It is not the Church of Sweden
doing the work. We are in cooperation with the local churches and organisations.
Last November the Christian Council in Sweden, together with the Swedish Muslim Coun-
cil, organised an international conference on the theme Tools for Peace? The Role of
Religions in Conflict. The starting point was that we know that religions can be a tool
for both conflict and peace. How do we then make religions tools for peace? At the con-
ference people from many religions gathered. The conference was preceded by tensions
with the Swedish Jewish Council, which decided to interrupt their participation in the
planning process. At the conference, however, there was a Jewish participation.
We all know that conflicts can be interpreted in religious terms and we know that reli-
gious leaders can play an active role to prevent conflicts. One purpose in organising this
conference was to bring people together who had experience of violence and conflict,
trying in these difficult situations to find solutions. It seems that the only possibility is that
people get to speak to each other. It is so important to emphasise the need for dialogue
and communication. During the conference it became very clear that there is a great need
35
for self-criticism within the religions. We all have to face the extremists within our own
religions. In the last years there has been much discussion about the clash between civili-
sations. Maybe we are now experiencing rather a clash within the religions. Self-criticism
can only be made internally. It requires a lot of courage. We need to learn how to exercise
it. Since the problems exist in all religions we could learn from each other.
In the conference we had the participation from Nigeria. James Wuye, a pastor and Mo-
hammed Ashafa, an imam. Both of them became fed up with all the violence that had
been going on for many years in Nigeria. The conflicts were interpreted as a conflict be-
tween the Muslim part of the country and the Christian part. They said that they were
both victims of the situation that we both had a part in creating. During the clashes
in 1992, Wuye lost his right hand and Ashafa saw his spiritual mentor being killed. Later,
both began to question the cost of the violence and turned to the Bible and the Koran,
where they found passages showing commonalities between Christianity and Islam and
calling on believers to be peacemakers. They started to talk with each other. Today they
have a mediation centre together. They work intensively to supply training, capacity-build-
ing and attempting to change attitudes, creating space for peace and understanding.
Another example is Liberia, where the Inter-religious council has worked hard to keep
the religions out of that conflict. The media and different actors have tried to make it
into a religious conflict. Churches and mosques have been burned down. But it has not
succeeded. The religious communities have been very firm in their position to keep the
religions out of the conflict.
In this context, the Christian theology of reconciliation is important. God became a hu-
man being in order to reconcile humanity with God and with each other. This is the chal-
lenge to believers, which we have to take seriously. The theology of reconciliation is also
part of the driving force for being involved in conflict resolution and political work.
Before Christmas 2004, the Archbishop of the Church of Sweden wrote an open letter to
the government referring to the many apathetic refugee children in Sweden. The Arch-
bishop said that the refugee and asylum policy in Sweden is a disaster and unworthy of
our country. Let the children who have lost contact with life stay. Later on the Christian
Council started an Easter Appeal, calling for a more humane asylum policy. This is an ex-
ample of how churches could set the political agenda, stressing the values in society. The
ethical question that was put on the table was what happens with ourselves and our so-
ciety when we force these children out of the country. The issue of asylum has become a
very difficult one for the government. The main newspapers have supported the churches
and the political pressure has been strong.
36
In Sweden we have a good and open relationship with Sida, the international develop-
ment agency of the government. We have a discussion about what government money
could be used for. The policy today is that the Church of Sweden is supported because of
our religious identity. It does not mean that we get support for all our work. But we are
a partner because we can bring an added value to the collected Swedish development
assistance, as other NGOs bring other kinds of added values. There is no need to hide
our Christian identity. There has been a growing awareness that religious communities are
important for social development.
The role of religion cannot only be seen as a religious issue. It is also important to maintain
dialogue with the government agencies. How do they look upon society, human beings
etc? What do they see when they go beyond development rhetoric? Who are the people
within the development paradigm? Probably the exchange and conversations beyond the
headings can be very fruitful. All of us, independent of religion or non-religion, are human
beings. All people have a position, an attitude, they have values. They might call it religion
or not, but it seems to be clear that there are no neutral or objective positions. Everybody
believes in something that is making up the motivation for engaging in development. A
neutral position is not possible.
Finally, the clearer we as religious people are about our driving forces, motivation, values
and theology, the better we can play a role as an agent for change, be respected actors
in emergencies and lobby decision-makers. With a blurry theology we can easily enter
into work where we create more danger than good. With a reflecting theology/ideology
we can more easily interact with other religious actors as well as with governments. Dr.
Debbie Weissman says that: Our work for peace will be all the more effective the more it
is grounded in our traditions and texts. The peaceful and more humanistic texts must be
given greater weight than the violent, exclusivist or anti-humanistic ones. Good theology
is about seeing creation and the human being as created by God and understanding that
our role is to be stewards. And if we take the biblical word seriously we need to challenge
rulers that do not work for justice, equity and dignity. We have to be in this work as Chris-
tians, it belongs to our core task with the purpose to form a just society. Solidarity is not
only about words; it has to be practiced.
37
7
Faith-based Organisations as Political, Humanitarian

or Religious Actors: An Islamic Perspective
Dr. Hossam Said*
Introduction
The issue I address in this paper is: what does it mean to be a Muslim NGO in the current
climate where political conflicts are rife, Islam is under constant scrutiny and the motives
of humanitarian workers are questioned?
I would like to propose two main ideas. First, that it is not an easy time to be a Muslim
NGO, but it is also a time when Muslim NGOs have a crucial role to play. Second, that
there is no contradiction between being a Muslim, being a humanitarian and working
in a highly politicised climate. On the contrary, Islam, politics and humanitarianism have
always had an interesting relationship.
I will be using the example of Islamic Relief (UK) to show how humanitarianism fits in with
what Muslims believe. I will also look at what that actually means in practice in the world
we live in today.
Islamic Relief in Brief
Islamic Relief is an international humanitarian aid agency based in the UK and estab-
lished in 1984.
Islamic Reliefs work is inspired by Islamic humanitarian values (this issue will be dis-
cussed in detail afterwards).
We work in many countries around the world: While Islamic Relief headquarters (IRHQ)
is based in Birmingham, UK, because of a historical reason
Our fundraising efforts are based in: United Kingdom, USA, Belgium, France, Germany,
Italy, Mauritius, Netherlands, Sweden, Switzerland, South Africa and very recently Malay-
sia.
* Deputy General Manager and Head of Projects & Field Offices, Islamic Relief, UK.
39
Our projects are implemented through our field offices in: Afghanistan, Albania, Ban-
gladesh, Bosnia, Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iraq, Kosova, Mali, Pakistan and Kashmir,
Palestinian Territories, Russian Federation (Chechnya, Ingushetia), Sudan and Yemen. We
also work in India, China and Jordan through local partners. In addition, we provide emer-
gency relief in other countries on a needs basis.
Charity as a Religious Duty
Charity is a duty for all Muslims. Known as zakah in Arabic, it is not an optional extra.
If you ask any Muslim child what the five most important pillars of Islam are, they will tell
you:
1. Shahadah Belief in the One Creator Allah, and the Prophethood of Muhammad
(peace be upon him).
2. Salat The daily prayer, five times a day.
3. Zakat Charity.
4. Sawm Fasting in the month of Ramadan every year.
5. Hajj The once in a lifetime pilgrimage to Makkah.
The third in the list is zakat, and for Muslims to not give charity is a sin. In the Quran,
the verses that mention charity mention it in equal importance to salat prayer. In fact,
charity is so important in Islam that Abu Bakr, the first leader of Muslims after the Prophet
Muhammad (pbuh), declared war against Muslims who did not pay zakat, even though
they prayed regularly. I will fight those people who distinguish between Salat (praying)
and Zakat he said.
The Islamic Definition of Charity
The equivalent of the Arabic word zakat in English is charity, but this does not fully
reflect the religious definition in Islam. Charity is a voluntary action from donors which
comes from the goodness of their hearts. For Muslims, however, it is also a religious obli-
gation and duty. If a Muslim has savings that are the equivalent of 700 or more, then the
needy have a God-given right to these savings, which is set at 2.5%.
The guidelines for how to distribute charity are very specific in Islam. The compulsory
zakat means that 2.5% of ones savings, per annum, are given to the poor. Other types
of specified charity are restricted to certain times, such as during the Islamic festivals of
Ramadan and Qurbani.
40
Zakat or other charitable donations are distributed to recipients such as widows and or-
phans. These categories are as laid down in the Quran, in Surah Tawbah [9:60]:
Alms are for the poor and the needy; and those employed to administer (the funds); for those whose
hearts have been (recently) reconciled (to truth); for those in bondage and in debt; in the cause of Al-
lah; and for the wayfarer: (thus is it) ordained by Allah, and Allah is full of knowledge and wisdom.
(Al-Quran, 9: 60)
Where Does Islamic Relief Fit In?
In the early days of Islam, the Islamic governments were responsible for the welfare of citi-
zens through a mechanism known as the Bait-ul-Maal The House of Treasury which
is a collective fund for aiding the less fortunate. So Muslims used to give zakat to Bait-ul-
Maal. Islam also opened the gate for all other voluntary charities (Sadaka) to be donated
directly to the poor by the donors. This clearly explains the existence of wide ranges of
Waqfs (endowments), private Islamic schools, and hospitals across Muslim countries.
Nowadays, many Muslims feel that most of their governments have a political agenda
and so they are often not trusted. There is also debate about priorities and where money
should be allocated. This situation has established the need for having trusted Islamic
NGOs to fill the gap and carry out this duty.
As a Muslim humanitarian aid agency, one of the roles of an organisation like Islamic
Relief is to receive and distribute zakat, as well as other forms of charitable donation
(Sadakat). We see ourselves as fulfilling a function without which the donors would find
themselves in difficulty.
According to the Islamic laws Sharia Islamic Relief and any Islamic NGO is obliged
to follow their donors wishes if this does not contradict its strategy. Of course, not all
our donations are made up of the compulsory 2.5% zakat that Muslims have to pay. If a
donation is given as a general donation, we allocate the money according to where the
41
need is greatest. In addition to the categories described in the Quran, we also respond
to emergencies such as earthquakes and other disasters. Much of our work is now also
focussed on long-term sustainable development and Islamic Relief plays an important role
in making people aware of the scale of need around the world.
The Recipients of Charity (Muslim and Non-Muslim Recipients)
Charity work for Muslims is an obligatory religious process, not a voluntary one. When
the early leaders of Islam, the Prophet (pbuh) and the Caliphs dealt with poverty and so-
cial justice, they did not discriminate between Muslims and non-Muslims. There are many
examples in the Quran, where the poor are referred to without reference to religion or
race. For example, even when a prisoner of war is captured, he or she is required to be
fed, even out of the captors own plate.
And they give food, in spite of their love of it, to the needy, the orphan, and the captive
(Saying): We feed you seeking Allhs Countenance only. We wish for no reward, nor thanks from
you.
The second Muslim Caliph, Omar ibn Khattab, found an elderly Jew in extreme poverty
and he subsequently put two laws into place. The first was to scrap taxes for all elderly
non-Muslims, and the second was that the Muslim state should give all elderly people
shelter, daily food and clothing.
The Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) said, He is not a believer who sleeps whilst his neigh-
bour goes hungry. In this statement, there is no mention of the religion of the neighbour.
It has been shown that one neighbour of the Prophet was Jewish, and it is stated clearly
that the Prophet visited his Jewish neighbour when the son of the neighbour was ill.
Working for Everyone (Muslims and Non-Muslims Matter)
The instruction given by Islam is clear: that charity is distributed according to need, not
religion or race. You may ask why is it then that of the 18 main countries that Islamic Relief
operates in, most are Muslim? Is this contradictory to the above statement?
42
The countries we operate in are where there is a desperate need for humanitarian aid
Palestine, Afghanistan, Sudan, Mali, Egypt, Chechnya, Iraq, Bangladesh and most of
these happen to be Muslim. The causes of poverty in these countries vary from long-
standing political conflict to natural disaster. In all the countries we work in, many of our
NGO partners are also working as they too have recognised that aid is needed.
Institutions and governments also recognise this need and for many, Islamic Relief is seen
as an important bridge between the Western and Muslim world. We have, for example, a
Memorandum of Understanding with CAFOD, and institutional funders such as DFID (the
Department for International Development in the UK), ECHO and the UN who also fund
some of our projects.
Another important issue is the fact that we are obliged to respect the wishes of our
donors. 85% of our donations come from Muslim donors and we are under legal and
religious obligation to spend those donations, those restricted funds, exactly where the
donor has specified.
Working in Non-Muslim Areas
In the past, Islamic Relief has also taken part in mosque-building and other Islamic ac-
tivities. However, since 2000 our strategy has been to focus purely on humanitarian and
development needs.
This has enabled us to open up some of our programmes, make them more inclusive.
Islamic Relief works in a number of non-Muslim areas. For example, in the past we have
worked in Latin America, Serbia, Azerbaijan, and currently operate in Sri Lanka and South
Sudan, often working with local partners to implement projects.
As more funds become available in this area, we expect to expand our operations in non-
Muslim areas. To accelerate this process, we are in the middle of an advocacy campaign to
raise awareness of our non-Muslim donors to our Muslim beneficiaries, and vice versa. A
recent example of this was our efforts to help the survivors of the massacre in the school
in Beslan. Another example is the Qurbani project, one of our largest projects, that has
beneficiaries who are both Muslim and non-Muslim.
As a medical doctor, I used to open my surgery every morning and it did not even occur
to me to ask whether my patients were Muslim or non-Muslim. For a doctor, a patient is a
patient, regardless of their faith, and it is in the same spirit that we help the poor.
43
I am proud to say that in over 20 years of operation, in over 18 countries, Islamic Relief has
never received a complaint that our aid workers on the ground have ever discriminated or
been biased, other than on the basis of need. We hope to maintain this record.
Missionary Work and Aid
I can understand how a faith-based organisation may not see a contradiction between
providing relief and doing missionary work.
Some Muslims, Christians and other faith groups engage in missionary activity, and in
principle I can understand this; however, those individuals and agencies that carry out
missionary work alongside humanitarian work should be honest, and not by any means
link the supplied aid and beliefs they communicate to the poor.
Islamic Relief has chosen to be a faith-based organisation which implements its projects
based on the wider humanitarian approach. We choose this because we believe it fulfils
an Islamic duty by carrying out humanitarian work without asking anything in return.
(Saying): We feed you seeking Allhs Countenance only. We wish for no reward, nor thanks from
you.
In Islamic Relief we believe that Islamic values and beliefs are effective tools to motivate
individual donors to give and staff to deliver these donations in the best way.
Working in a Tense Political Climate
After September 11th, Islamophobia affected many Muslim individuals and organisations.
Muslim charities and NGOs in particular were affected and many were scrutinised and/or
closed due to their alleged association with terrorism.
Governmental institutions and the wider public need to be made aware of the fact that
giving charity is a must for any Muslim practising his or her religion. If we do not open the
gates for these donations to be made in a transparent way, the money will be distributed
in a non-organised fashion, making it difficult to track where the money is going and
hence creating a situation where suspicion and insecurity affect everyone.
44
The Way Forward
We in Islamic Relief propose the ARMing of Muslim charities but no, not with military
arms! We mean A-R-M.
A stands for Allow: let the charities operate in the public arena, to raise funds and
implement projects.
R stands for Regulate: let the existing regulation be coupled with self- regulation to
improve standards.
M stands for Monitor: Muslim charities are transparent and open to scrutiny, and this
is a healthy environment.
I believe we need to have a dialogue with those involved in running and regulating chari-
ties. Closing down genuine humanitarian aid organisations, even if just as a precautionary
measure, is not an option. If the wider community and Muslims want to make the world
a safer place, protecting humanitarian space is one of the best places to start.
45
8
How Do Islamic Organisations See Their Social Role?

An Islamic Perspective (from Egypt)
Abu El Ela Mady*
Introduction
In the Islamic world the idea of the faith-based organisation is an old one. Accordingly,
the name given to these organisations can be considered the old name for modern non-
governmental organisations of civil society.
Faith-based organisations and agencies that are strongly related to religion is an en-
trenched idea in the Islamic world in general, and in the Arab world in particular. The
waqfs (charitable endowments) based on religion, be it Islam or Christianity, are deep-
rooted in the Egyptian, Arab, and Islamic societies. The donor of waqf waits for his reward
from Allah in the hereafter not from people in the here and now (this is the assumption
behind waqfs). Consequently, the idea spread that building schools, hospitals, modern
universities, mosques, churches, and even military works such as shipbuilding were works
of charity, and the works of the Sufis and other groups specialised in humane social activi-
ties spread as well, as a religious dimension.
At the beginning of the 20th century, the idea of the Islamic organisations that have both
political and social functions emerged first in Egypt and later on in the Arab world. The
Muslim Brothers founded by Al-shaykh Hassan El Bana in March, 1928, was an expres-
sion of this idea.
From that time on, the idea of Islamic organisations that combine religious preaching with
politics spread in many Arab countries. Although these organisations are few compared
to other religious organisations that do not combine religious and politics simultaneously,
nevertheless they are more effective because they have many well-organised members
who influence people by their behaviour, works and preaching.
* General Manager, International Center for Studies, Cairo, Egypt.
47
By the end of the seventies and during the eighties, the idea of Islamic humanitarian relief
work and agencies that are interested in this idea appeared. They were mainly established
to help oppressed Muslims in different places in the world, like Muslims in Afghanistan,
under Soviet Communist occupation, the Palestinians under Israeli occupation, Muslims in
Africa, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Chechnya, and other regions where Muslims
are murdered, dispossessed, and subjected to ethnic cleansing, etc.
At that time some Islamic humanitarian relief agencies started to consider not only the
Islamic dimension of their relief efforts, but also the general humane one, and began to
take care of places where non-Muslims are oppressed or exposed to natural disasters such
as earthquakes, volcanoes, tornadoes, etc.
In my opinion, these later organisations are recommended for cooperation with the Inter-
national donor organisations, because they are both Islamic and generally humane.
Within the last few years, some organisations and agencies started to appear in Egypt and
the Arab world. Though these organisations have a clear Islamic background, they are
still humane. These organisations are not only interested in services and preaching work,
but also in development and in continual cultural exchange with others who are different
politically and geographically and have a different religious belief. This type of organisa-
tion is also recommended to be cooperated with. Also included in this category are the
Arab-Christian organisations which play an integral role in the developmental, cultural,
and educational work.
Islamic Organisations That Have a Direct Political Role
Most Islamic organisations that have a direct political role like that of the Muslim Broth-
ers are not allowed to work directly in many countries like Egypt. But there are other
countries that allow them to work such as Jordan (Muslim Brothers), Yemen (the Ye-
meni Coalition for Reform), Algeria (Peace Society Movement Hamas), and in the
Gulf (Public Benefit Organisations) like the Reform Society in Kuwait and Bahrain etc.
So there are political Islamic organisations in the aforementioned countries that work di-
rectly in social services to achieve political and social change from a religious perspective.
It is also important to note that the Islamic political current is much wider than a single
organisation like the Muslim Brothers, for there are many Islamic groups and societies
that are independent and play different roles, with different viewpoints, from that of the
Muslim Brothers. And most of the Islamic organisations and societies, as I have men-
tioned, do not have political and social goals, but have humane social aims. Though, as
48
I pointed out earlier, the organisations that have both political and social aims are more
effective.
It is also important to note the importance of encouraging Islamic organisations, societies

and unions that are interested in human beings in general and not only in Muslims, and
other organisations that are interested in communication between civilizations, cultures
and religions.
The Motives of Those Who Work in the Islamic Organisations
There is no doubt that the main (assumed) motive of doing works of charity and helping
people is to get closer to Allah. But there are other motives that blend with this motive
and at times go beyond it, such as the motive of convincing people that those Muslims
who work in these organisations are more worthy of undertaking the affairs of the coun-
try, so it is a political motive that leads to positive results in the public voting boxes. (This
motive exists, for sure, only in the organisations that have both political and social aims).
Conclusion
I suggest that cooperation between GDA and faith-based organisations should meet the
following conditions:
1. To make sure that these organisations are legal and work according to the law of the
state where they exist and according to international law if they are international or-
ganisations.
2. To make sure that their beliefs are moderate, peaceful, and not hostile to other reli-
gions, or as it is called in Arab culture, that they embrace middle ground moderate
thought.
3. To make sure that these organisations care about human beings in general, not only
Muslims, whether they are in the same country or in different countries without dis-
crimination on the basis of religion, race or sex.
4. These organisations should be interested in development, construction, education,
communication, and cultural and political discourse between civilizations and reli-
gions.
5. The relation between the donor agencies, Islamic Organisations and the countries in
question (i.e. where these organisations exist) should be organised in a clear transpar-
ent way, especially in the Arab world.
49
9

Hindu and Buddhist Perspectives
Jwala R. Pandey*
Introduction
This topic can be discussed in two different ways. Firstly, we will discuss the relationship of
religion with politics and conflicts mainly from the Hindu and Buddhist perspectives, and
secondly, we will try to identify the role of faith-based organizations for the promotion
and implementation of humanitarian action.
Nepal was once called the Shangri-La (paradise). This tiny land-locked country sand-
wiched between two Asian giants, China and India, was once proposed even as a zone
of peace. Sadly, for the last few years, this nation, noted for its pristine Himalayan beauty,
has experienced spirals of violence, conflicts, and human rights violation.
Some people have been abducted, some have been forced to leave their homes and mi-
grate elsewhere and many have already lost their lives as a result of insurgency or due to
the force used to suppress it. Ironically, Nepal is the only declared Hindu country of the
world and also the birth-place of Lord Buddha, the prince of peace. It is the cradle of both
Hindu and Buddhist cultures where these faiths have co-existed peacefully over centuries.
These religions are noted for their egalitarian philosophies advocating peace and welfare.
They leave very little room for violence in their theology and practice. The ground reality
of present day Nepal, however, speaks differently. Such a contradictory situation leads
one to think hard about the relationship between religion and faith on the one hand, and
violence and conflict on the other. Let us see whether Hindu and Buddhist ideologies help
us to identify the root cause of the problem and show us the way out of it, in order that
proper humanitarian actions can be taken to alleviate the suffering of the people.
Professor Doctor Kathmandu University; Visiting Professor, National Academy of Medical Sciences.
51
Is Religion for Peace or Violence?
Is religion a propagator of violence or is it a tool for its resolution? That is the million dollar
question. Religions have played a crucial, if ambiguous, role in the history of humankind,
particularly in regard to conflict. At times, religion has justified, motivated and mandated
violence and war. At the same time, it has encouraged the resolution of conflict and
reconstruction of broken societies, tolerance, compassion and the need to create con-
ditions of global peace. Understanding the role of religion, both as a source of conflict
and of peace is, therefore, important, particularly for the actors involved in religion and
in humanitarian services. Looking back at the history of mankind, more wars have been
fought in the name of religion than using religion as a tool for resolution of conflicts. Of
late, religious fanaticism has caused disenchantment towards religion in the mind of most
peace-loving people.
What Does Religion Mean to the Hindus and the Buddhists?
Hindus and Buddhists believe that it is not religion but irreligion; it is not faith but lack of
it which initiates and sustains violence. First, we must understand what religion means to
the common Hindus and the Buddhists. The Sanskrit word for religion is dharma and
Hindus and Buddhists consider dharma as the basic foundation of their lives. Dharma is
a conglomerate of different virtuous traits which a Hindu is supposed to adopt as his way
of life. Manu, the original sage who wrote the classic sacred text Manusmriti has defined
dharma as follows:
Dhrtiti kshhama damosteyam shaucha mindriyanigraha dheervidya satyamakrodha dashaka dharmal-

akchhanam
Manu. 6-92
Forgiveness, calmness of mind, non-stealing, purity (internal and external), continence of sensuality,
wisdom, knowledge, truthfulness and lack of anger are ten attributes of dharma.
For the Hindus, dharma is eternal and not associated with a period in history or with a
person. Hinduism is liberal and does not subscribe to a pre-set doctrine. It is also the first
of the four fundamental goals of life, the other three are artha (ability to earn and use
money), kama (procreation and propitiation of sensual desires), and moksha (a longing
for salvation). Similarly, Lord Buddha never tried to be dogmatic. During the last minutes
of his life he even warned his disciples not to follow any dogma or doctrines blindly, not
even his own. For the Buddhist, dhamma (Pali word for dharma) is the search for truth
within oneself, a way to find the solution for suffering and leading life according to the
Noble Eight-fold Path (right understanding, right mindedness, right speech, right ac-
tion, right living, right effort, right attentiveness and right concentration). It is also the
52
panchasheela (five attributes of rightful living non-violence, truthfulness, non-steal-
ing, continence of sensual desires and avoiding intoxicants). We believe that if we adopt
and protect dharma it will protect us (dharma eva hato hanti dharmo rakshati rakshitah)
and it will give us progress in this life and an ultimate salvation (yato avyudaya nishreyasha
sah dharma), but if we abandon dharma we will come to great harm.
Definition of Violence and Peace from Hindu and Buddhist Perspectives
Hindus and Buddhists define violence as baneful activities perpetrated by man with his
thoughts, words and deeds on his own species and on the other creatures and upon his
environment causing physical, biological, mental, social, economic and spiritual pain, suf-
fering and injury, and even leading to death and destruction. When we talk of violent
activities, we mean activities which cause derangement of equilibrium between one faith
and another, one race and another, one system and another as well as causing destabili-
zation between man and man, man and society and man and his environment. Violence
seeps through the crevices of human weakness and erupts in the form of injustice, crime,
terror, political oppression and so forth.
We define peace as a state of happiness and equanimity of the human consciousness

subject to similar perception at its physical, mental and spiritual levels. Peace, these days,
however, has become a far cry in the clamor of violence resounding everywhere. Peace
can be achieved only if non-violence prevails at individual, familial, social and political as
well as at the national and international levels.
Fulfillment of Basic Needs: A Prerequisite for Peace
There is no point talking about peace without talking about fulfillment of basic needs of
the people. A hungry stomach cannot recognise peace. Peace is the state of self-actuali-
zation, the highest state of well-being. In order to achieve that, first the basic needs of
the people such as for food, education, shelter, clothing, security, civil liberty and human
dignity must be fulfilled. It is often seen that when these basic needs are denied to the
people for a long period they tend to revolt. This rebellion may show up as different forms
of violence. At a certain point, the thin line between rebellion and terrorism disappears.
This is exactly what has happened in my country leading to the present cycle of violence
and counter-violence. For the majority of the people living in misery and poverty, religion
becomes a luxury they can hardly afford. It has been seen that under adverse situations
man tends to stray away from the path of dharma (virtue) and lose faith even in God. It is
a sad situation as it leads to unleashing the brutal nature of man.
53
Mans Optimism and the Changing Global Scenario
Despite many upheavals in human history, man has always remained an optimist. Forti-
fied with hope and optimism he has striven to preserve and perpetuate his assets and his
existence in an atmosphere of peace and congeniality. However, the present global sce-
nario is eroding his optimism. Current world events embroiled in conflicts, wars, violence,
religious fanaticism and violation of human rights have imperiled mans progress towards
a happy and peaceful world. Violence, on all fronts, has damaged the cohesive and con-
structive efforts made by him for safeguarding the legitimate interests of this planet Earth.
Inter-ethnic, inter-racial and inter-religious conflicts topped up by the most sinister form
of violence, terrorism, have brought humanity to the brink of a precipice. Mankinds hard-
earned civilization is cracking on all sides. Terrorism is being waged under the guise of a
fight for freedom and as a way to appease God. Fanatic hardliners are promoting sectari-
an violence and zealots are pilfering peoples rights and wealth. In a nutshell, communities
and countries, nay the whole world, has become an unsafe and dangerous place to live. It
is said in one of the most sacred texts of the Hindus, the Bhagawata, that when God cre-
ated man he was very happy and satisfied (Bhagawata XI.9.28), but if He looks upon this
world as it is today He will be hardly amused. Men with their machines of destruction and
misguided motives have brought themselves to a point of committing heinous crimes un-
der any pretext. The conventional military hardware has been reinforced by the chemical,
biological and nuclear arsenal. On the surface, it looks as though Satan has taken center
stage and God has been sidelined as the silent spectator.
It is Mans Own Choice between Good and Evil
It is high time we should say enough is enough. The time has come for some damage
control now. For this we must first find out the etiology of violence which is the common
denominator for all conflicts. We Hindus believe that it is neither God nor the devil that
can be praised or blamed for all the good and bad things happening in the world today.
It is actually mans own will causing him to go astray from the path of right to the path of
wrong. History is the witness that, by and large, man, by his deeds, has chosen the wrong
path, the path of evil:
Man faces two choices, good and bad. A wise person, having pondered over the two, adopts good
things in life, whereas the one who is ignorant will take up bad qualities thinking that it is pleasant in
the short term (not knowing it can be harmful in the long run.) (Kathopanishad 1-2-2)
According to Bhagavad-Gita (one of the sacred texts of the Hindus) man has also two
facets (vide Bhagavad-Gita chapter XVI) the divine and the demoniac or the good and
the evil. The divine heals and the demoniac hurts, the divine bestows happiness and the
54
demoniac brings harm, the divine strives to bring heaven on this earth and the demoniac
lets hell loose. The dividing line between the divine and the demoniac is quite subtle. The
faculty by which man decides to choose one above the other is the faculty of vivek or
discriminative intelligence. Man is the only species gifted with this faculty, as yet, more
often than not, he either does not use it or misuses it more to choose the wrong path.
Hindus believe that armed with the attributes of wisdom and judgment the divine-na-
tured man adopts goodness, peace, harmony and happiness; and the demoniac-natured
man, under the spell of ignorance and infatuation, renounces the good and adopts the
evil in the form of rifts, strife, exploitation, corruption and tyranny and so forth. Elimina-
tion of the demoniac nature and fostering of the divine nature will lead to the path of
non-violence and peace which are the basic tenets for progress and development.
Hindus believe that it is bad karma which leads one to violence, and the Buddhists be-
lieve that violence is the effect the cause of which is mans own wrong doing.
How to Get Out of Violence and Conflicts
Hindus believe that to extricate themselves from the quagmire of violence and conflicts,
man has only three things to hang on to hope, Gods Grace and his own efforts. Hope
is the ambrosia which has sustained man through centuries of ups and downs. Hope
provides impetus to carry on even in the face of all odds. It is with hope man endeavours
to bring about a better world. However, hope and its results are too abstract and quite
unpredictable; moreover, simply hoping may not produce any results without it being sup-
plemented by rightful action.
No doubt, it has been seen over time that God does act on His own to save people and
the nations if suppression, tyranny and irreligion go beyond a certain saturation point.
Whenever righteousness is in decline and unrighteousness

is on the rise, I body myself forth for the protection of the
virtuous and extirpation of the evil-doers, and for establish-
ing dharma (righteousness) on firm footing, I am born from
age to age. (Lord Krishna, Bhagavad-Gita 4-7, 8)
But again, when that can happen is beyond human comprehension. It may be too late
if we keep counting on Gods Grace or Mercy. A predictable outcome, therefore, can be
achieved only through mans own efforts of which he is the controller and the command-
er. He has to make comprehensive effort at all levels physical, mental, intellectual and
spiritual, to achieve his cherished goals. It is true that God will also help those who help
55
themselves. Equipped with the trident of hope, own efforts and Gods Grace, and not that
of hatred, bombs and bullets, we will achieve a more human and peaceful world.
Social and Political Violence
Social and political violence assumes a more grim form and affects a wider section of the
population. Socio-political violence such as sectarianism, social discrimination, exploita-
tion, communalism, ridicule and mockery of other faiths, forced proselytism undermine
the dignity of man and can lead not only to conflicts but even to big wars. Hindus and
Buddhists believe that religion should be kept away from politics or vice-versa. These
faiths, however, do believe that moral and ethical considerations must guide the principles
of governance as this makes politics less brutal and more humane, but when religious
fanaticism joins hands with politics, to wield power and achieve glory, it becomes just the
opposite. Religious bigotry and political power can become bad partners to perpetrate
violence in the sacred name of God and religion. The very character of Lord Buddha exem-
plifies this clearly as he gave up his kingdom of which he was the legitimate heir in favour
of finding a way to relieve peoples suffering.
If peace and human dignity have to be protected and preserved, violence of all sorts, espe-
cially that of a socio-political nature and religious fanaticism must be given up. People and
communities should participate in building up society. Attempts must be made to discover
commonalities and not contradictions and dissimilarities between communities and faiths.
Inter-religious dialogue will help to foster better understanding and improve relationships
between people belonging to different religions. A sense of brotherhood, amity and com-
passion should be the overriding principles in inter- communal co-existence.
At national level, violence takes a more gruesome form. History, both old and contempo-
rary, abounds in instances of state-run violence. Suppression of freedom, denial of basic
human and civil rights, dictatorship, authoritarianism, Fascism, neo-Nazism, apartheid and
state-implemented torture are still being practiced under some regimes. Rulers have used
religion as a tool to wield power and achieve glory. These activities are cruel reminders of
the despicable crimes which evil-natured men are capable of committing. National peace
can be guaranteed only by allowing freedom of expression and faith, guaranteeing civil
liberties, fostering democracy, respecting human rights and creating equalization of op-
portunities.
We must not ignore international violence in the form of inter-state or cross-border terror-
ism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, and exploitation of resources of the poorer nations by
the rich ones and environmental degradation. No war or terrorist act should be waged to
enforce a certain doctrine or ideology.
56
Violence cannot be quelled by counter-violence, but this is hardly understood by many
people especially those in government. Those in power believe that violence can only be
wiped out by using muscle power. How can one extinguish fire by injecting more fuel?
They forget that Gandhi liberated India wearing a loin-cloth and carrying only a cane.
Path of Non-violence (ahimsa)
Like Lord Buddha said in his Four Noble Truths, if there is suffering there must be a way
out of it. Similarly, if there is violence in the world there must be a way out of it.
The way out of violence is non-violence or the path of ahimsa. Hindu and Buddhist
faiths speak very highly of ahimsa or non-violence. Ahimsa is considered the great-
est virtue. Hindu scriptures, such as the Vedas, the Upanishads and the Bhagavad-Gita,
and the Buddhist Dhammapada, are all unanimous about the merits of renunciation of
violence. It can be said, with certainty, that a true religion is the one which promotes and
prophesizes non-inimical and non-violent behaviour towards all beings and bestows hap-
piness through compassion and friendship. These days when one talks of non-violence
as a means to fight violence people tend to laugh. That is, perhaps, the reason we are
going into the vicious cycle of violence and counter-violence. The path of non-violence
is not easy and may generate more suffering for the people propagating non-violence in
the short-term, but in the long-term, it is the only permanent solution to peace. In the last
century, and even now,. generations of people have seen much of violence, conflicts and
wars; hence many of us have forgotten to realize the value of non-violence. The dogma
of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth is over. Anyone who preaches non-violence
and peace will be chastised and even tortured, but this should not daunt the zeal to pur-
sue the path of non-violence.
Buddhists believe that all conflicts can be resolved by ahimsa (non-violence) maitri (love/
friendship), karuna (compassion), mudita (sympathetic joy) and upekhkha (equanimity).
Buddhas humanism crossed all national and international barriers. Buddha was concerned
with the suffering of people and gave up his country and throne to search for the way to
relieve the suffering. While talking about conquering others, Lord Buddha said, The only
conquest that brings peace and happiness is self-conquest.
Maharishi Patanjali, the great sage who wrote the original aphorisms on yoga, has em-
phasized ahimsa (non-violence) as the very first yama (fundamental outward discipline).
Similarly, Lord Buddhas first of the panchasheel (five attributes of righteous life) is non-
violence (ahimsa). Hindus and Buddhists are unanimous on this issue.
57
Hindus believe that the conflicts in the world are actually conflicts in the human soul. In
the words of Lord Krishna, if men were at peace within them or achieve self-realization,
the outer conflicts will inevitably cease. Tensions, conflicts and wars begin in the minds
of the people. People are unhappy and get into conflicts with others because they think
more about themselves instead of things other than themselves. If they stop doing what
they do not like others to do to them, a lot of violence will cease, as mentioned in this
verse from Hindu scripture: atmanam pratikulani mapareshu kadacharet.
Hindu and Buddhist Faith-based organizations as Political, Humanitarian or Reli-

gious Actors
When a donor agency goes to provide humanitarian aid to a certain country it is bound to
face the indigenous faith-based organizations. There are two choices as far as the involve-
ment of the FBOs in implementation of humanitarian actions goes. The donor agencies
might decide to ignore them and deal directly with the government or the community
leaders or to involve them as facilitators. Whether the donors like it or not, the FOBs are
going to be around, and if they are ignored or by-passed, they can simply create animos-
ity and aversion in the minds of the people against the donor agencies and the latter may
have to face lot of opposition. It is, therefore, always beneficial to create good relationship
with the FBOs and use their help as facilitators.
A first reaction the FBOs might show is an opposition to religious conversion, especially if
the donor agency is also faith-based, for example, a Christian organization bringing help
to a Hindu or Buddhist community. In Nepal, there is a law against religious conversion
and occasionally missionaries are penalized for converting local people. In spite of this,
Christianity is spreading rapidly. These days there are more churches and chapels in Nepal
than ten years ago. It is virtually impossible to prevent people from adopting a certain
faith. The reason why most of the younger generations, these days, in the Hindu and
Buddhist societies are converting to some other faiths is because they are frustrated, since
their religions are becoming incapable of fulfilling their physical and spiritual needs.
Despite this, the FBOs still exert a lot of influence in society and can operate as important
actors to bring about change in human psychology and behaviour. The FBOs can be the
bridge between the donor agencies and the recipient governments. Wisdom demands that
the FBOs should be utilized as the facilitators and advocates of humanitarian actions being
carried out in the community irrespective of the source of such help. Religious conversion
may be a hot issue amongst FBOs for accepting the help of donor agencies, especially if
such agencies are religion-based. This problem can be solved by open-minded inter-reli-
gious dialogue and discussion before misunderstanding and mistrust arise. However, most
58
of the Hindu and Buddhist FBOs are still entangled in archaic and outdated practices and
rituals which are irrelevant in the present day world and which do not properly address the
physical, social and spiritual aspirations of modern day man. Consequently, many youths
belonging to these faiths are moving away from the path of their religion or converting to
other faiths. The caste system as practiced in traditional Hindu society is a disgrace, so are
animal sacrifices, the dowry system, child marriages, and exploitation of women. Children
and youths are generally ignored and religion is considered important only for old people
or for those approaching the time of their death. In recent years, as has been shown by
events in some South Asian countries, it has been seen that organizations belonging to
placid faiths such as Hinduism and Buddhism have also taken up shades of militancy and
fanaticism. Some FBOs are even fighting political elections under religious banners to
come in power and use their religious leverage to execute their extremist views. This trend
is very unfortunate and should not be allowed to progress if peace needs to prevail.
In this context, the Buddhist organizations are much better than the Hindu organizations.
There are many Buddhist organizations doing useful community service. At least, Bud-
dhism does not easily produce religious fanatics. Buddhists too are spending more time in
monasteries than at the places where there is real suffering. One great Hindu sage, Swami
Ramakrishna Paramhansa has said, Today we need those god men who will go to light
stoves in a poor mans hut than those who pour milk and honey on some stone idols in
the temples. Such trends are wrong as they are sanctioned neither by Hinduism nor Bud-
dhism. These FBOs must reform themselves by being more open and progressive, move
with the time, work towards removing superstition and fanaticism, and propagate more
human and non-violent aspects of the religion. Hindu and Buddhist organizations should
involve themselves more with service-orientated programs for the people in the field of
education, health, food programs, social welfare and poverty alleviation with missionary
zeal. Children, youths and women should be involved more in bringing about peaceful
change in society through reformed religious and spiritual practices. Most FBOs view orga-
nizations of other faiths with suspicion if the latter are carrying out social and humanitar-
ian activities. Whereas forced proselytism is a bad thing, humanitarian actions from orga-
nizations belonging to other faiths should not be considered merely as conversion tactics.
A sense of suspicion should give way to a sense of mutual respect and consideration. A
Hindu is required to be a thespian full of the sense of benevolence towards others. In this
context inter-religious exchanges and dialogues will encourage brotherhood and under-
standing, and foster amity.
59
Humanitarian Actions: Hindu and Buddhist Approach
Other peoples welfare is the overriding principle of both Hindu and Buddhist philoso-
phies. It is said:
Astadasha puraneshu vyasashya vachanadwayam

paropkarpunyaya papaya parapeedanam
If one were to summarize the whole gamut of Hindu scriptures in two words
it would be biggest virtue is to be benevolent to others, and biggest sin is to
cause suffering to the others.
For this, there is need for understanding and trust between people of different faiths.
The whole world should be deemed as a family, as the Hindus say vashudhaiva kutum-
bakam. Peaceful co-existence is the demand of the day. The following verse from a Hindu
scripture states clearly how Hindus feel about the rest of the world:
Sarve bhavantu sukhinah sarve santu niramaya

sarve bhadrani pasyantu ma kaschiddukhabhagbhaveta
Let all be happy, let all be safe, let all see only goodness and let no-one suffer.
Hindus and Buddhists believe that if war needs to be waged, it should be waged against
poverty, disease, hunger, illiteracy, corruption and injustice, the germinal layers of all forms
of violence. Nations should be judged on what they have spent for the welfare of their
people and not on the amount of wealth they have spent on buying military machines.
Governments should take pride in reconstructing peoples lives and not in destroying
them.
Conclusion
Alas! While the booms of guns, rockets and missiles echo in the sky, the sound of prayer
in the temples and monasteries for peace is muted. The sages have given us the funda-
mental values in the form of pancasheela or the five attributes of a right life and the
devil in man has given us the tools of torture.
There is no doubt that violence is the main destabilizing factor which causes disruption of
the values and virtues so essential for the maintenance of peace at all levels. The wicked
nature of violence transforms man into a beast hell-bent to annihilate his own existence.
Violence is the slow poison, with all its side-effects, which we are imbibing knowingly or
unknowingly in the present day world. Only Peace is the antidote against this slow poi-
son.
60
It is not important what we have achieved so far, materially or technologically, or what we
can potentially achieve in the future. It is only important what we choose to achieve. The
crux of the matter is, therefore, our own choice.
One should lift oneself by ones efforts and should not degrade
oneself; for ones own self is ones friend, and ones own self
is ones enemy. Lord Krishna in Bhagavad-Gita 6-5
By making the right choice, we can achieve peace and prosperity, but if we choose wrong-
ly, we will undergo suffering and adversity. Gifted with intellect, wisdom and power of
judgment, man must choose right from wrong, ahimsa (non-violence) from himsa (vio-
lence) and peace from chaos. There is no time to lose. Man must make a U-turn to the
right path, sooner rather than later.
If we could only learn to live our lives according to the teachings of Mahabharata, a sacred
Hindu scripture Let us not show any enmity towards anyone in thoughts, words and
deeds (adroha sarvabhutanam manasa karmana gira) and also according to the teach-
ings of Lord Buddha Cease to do evil, learn to do good and cleanse thy heart the
world will be a better place in which to live.
Let me finish this discourse with a peace prayer from the Vedas:
Sahana bhavatu sahanau bhunaktu, sahaveeryamkaravavahai

tejashwi navadheetamastu na vidwishavahai
Om Shanti! Shanti!! Shanti!!!
O God Almighty! Protect us both, nourish us both, and let us be strong together in unity, let our
knowledge shine and let us not be defeated in intellectual exercises; let us be joined together in love
and friendship for ever, and let no enmity ever come between us
Let there be Peace! Peace!! Peace!!!
61
10

An Indian Perspective
Abhaya Kashyap*
To better understand the Indian experience and perspective it is imperative that we ex-
amine the collective impact of religion and politics in the Indian context and examine the
potential for faith-based organisations.
Politics
Indian politics is based on a written Constitution which the people gave to themselves after
independence from the British in 1950. It has borrowed extensively from the Westminster
model of democracy and though it has served the country well in many areas many feel
that several of its provisions are unsuitable and have resulted in conflict in Indian society.
One of the main features of the Indian Constitution is an electoral system based on the
first past the post system of election as in the UK. This has resulted in a situation where
a majority of the members are elected to various legislative bodies by a minority of votes
cast. Sometimes the winning vote is as low as less than 10%. In this state of affairs it is
important for the member politician to nurture his consolidated vote bank and encour-
age divisiveness in the rest of the constituency to maintain his position. This has resulted
in a politics of minorities where in practically every constituency the majority is affectively
ignored. The majority-minority divide is often not religious. In the Indian context it can be
caste based, community based, linguistic or even region based. The important thing to
understand is that in such a situation the politicians have a vested interest in exaggerating
as well as encouraging differences and fomenting friction as well as violence to maintain
their own positions.
* Rashtriya Jagriti Sansthan, Institute of National Awakening, <abhaya@sapolitics.com>.
63
Faith
India has a population of about 1.2 billion with more than half of it less than 35 years of
age. In that sense, it is the youngest country in the world. Of the population, 2.5% are
Christians, 17% are Islamic, called Muslim locally, and nearly 80% Hindu. It is important
to note that these figures hide more than they reveal. For example, the distribution of
Muslim population in India, which was nearly 10% at the time of independence, was
evenly spread across several of the Muslim populated states. Now the concentration is
strategic. The population has concentrated itself in strategic border areas and has silently
changed the demographic pattern of these border regions. This has resulted in a grow-
ing corridor of an increasingly Islamic population stretching from the North to the East of
India, challenging the very logic of the Indian State which at the time of independence in-
herited these areas on the basis of their Hindu majority under the two nation theory which
largely divided the Indian subcontinent into Hindu India and Islamic Pakistan. India chose
to follow a policy of secular government as opposed to Pakistan and later Bangladeshs
policy of Islamic government. Interestingly, even in those regions the conflicts are not only
religion based but often region or language play an equally important role.
In this context it is important to note that in the last decade an attempt has been made to
bring about Hindu unity politically and certain fundamentalist elements have arisen within
the fold of Hinduism as a response to perceived persistent minority appeasement, particu-
larly in the case of Islam. This is not in line with Hindu ethos and has been largely rejected by
the intelligentsia of the country, but it is no longer an insignificant fringe movement. Such
organisations are increasingly well-structured and manage to act as effective delivery mech-
anisms, but to support them would be to strengthen them and encourage their actions.
Faith-based organisations
The concept of faith-based organisations comes from the politically correct renaming of
organised religious structures, such as the Church, and organisations engaged in supple-
menting and supporting tasks of organised religion. In the current context, this naming
has become a convenient tool to help raise international and governmental resources as
aid. Most of these governments are declared democracies, bound by the rule of law and
secular practice of governance. As the main donors of such aid are Western, it is natural
for them to look into the possibility of utilising the huge and effective network the Church
has built up. Ironically, this is just another step in the direction of globalisation and devel-
oping synergies. In areas requiring humanitarian support consisting of large homogenous
populations such faith-based organisations can deliver and support the process of delivery
of humanitarian action quite effectively. Here too it is in situations of emergency, such as
64
in case of natural calamities and disasters, that the role of faith-based organisations is
most effective due to their missionary zeal, compassion and geographical reach. In situa-
tions demanding longer term solutions, faith-based organisations tend to be less effective
as they use the opportunity to further their own agenda. The question that begs to be
answered is whether in a globalising world, committed to the rule of law and democracy,
it is fair to allow access to secular funding for faith-based organisations to effectively fur-
ther their own agenda. It might be useful for the West to look into this aspect with a little
more sensitivity, as short-term, convenient policies when implemented without careful
consideration of all their ramifications often return to haunt the promotors. It must not be
forgotten that Al-Qaida too was a faith-based organisation promoted essentially to drive
the satanic Soviet Union out of Afghanistan.
In India the most effective faith-based organisations are Christian in terms of their impact
and acceptability to society at large. There are many more Islamic organisations but they
are, with the exception of a few, regressive, madarsa-oriented and fundamentalist in ap-
proach and their acceptability often is limited to their own followers. As far as Hindus are
concerned they have insignificant number of faith-based organisations with a Hindu iden-
tity. There are many sects with their own networks and strengths in delivery systems. The
best example of an Hindu faith- based organisation is Ramakrishna Mission. Its founder
converted to both Islam and Christianity to discover their truths and came to the conclu-
sion that all religion is one. In this order Islamic and Christian festivals are celebrated along
with Hindu ones. In a submission to the Courts in India sometime back this order claimed
that they were not Hindu but a new order set up by their founder.
The problem with faith-based organisations in India whether they are Hindu, Islamic or
Christian is that they are sectoral and do not represent the people or have the faith of the
people, except perhaps in small pockets. In such a situation channeling aid through them
is fraught with problems that can backfire on the larger objectives that the organisations
may stand for. In a multi-religious and multi-sect population such as India only the most
dedicated faith-based organisations can be trusted to effectively deliver humanitarian ac-
tion in cases of emergency. For long-term action, using such organisations leads to more
friction and problems, and must be avoided.
In India, Western and Middle-East supported faith-based organisations are both looked
upon with suspicion, and it is assumed that their main aim is to foster conversions and
subvert local belief systems. These organisations too have done little to overcome this
prejudice. While people applauded Pope John Pauls initiative for inter-faith dialogue, they
were a little taken aback when from Indian soil he announced that this century Christian-
ity must look eastward to India and China. Indians do not understand why the Church
finds it necessary to convert persons in developing nations while Western countries with
65
majorities of Christians are deserting the Church. Is there a relationship between develop-
ment and acceptability of organised religion? If so, it is obviously an inverse relationship
about which the secular governments of India and China are not very happy. The majority
of Indians do not belong to any organised religion as Hinduism is not an organised reli-
gion. Yet India is nothing if not religious. The emphasis is on individual spirituality. In the
West too, the Churches may be empty, but people are no less religious.
It might not be out of place here to note that the whole package of Aid and Hu-
manitarian Action is looked upon with some suspicion in India as just another means of
extending spheres of influence if not only directed at conversions. The reason for this is
the view of aid and its impact on India in the past. It is perceived that commercial borrow-
ings and market-based deals are far better at long-term solutions and even for short-term
needs aid has often come with riders that only resulted in the onward movement of the
Gravy Train which the whole aid-giving-monitoring complex has become.
Alternative: Resident Welfare Associations and Panchayats
There are two sets of organisations in India which can be alternatives to faith-based or-
ganisations and government as effective systems for sustained delivery and absorption of
secular aid in the region. These are the Resident Welfare Associations (RWA) in the cities
and Panchayats in rural areas. Both these mechanisms have wide acceptability and are
rooted in the ground realities of the area they serve.
India has developed over the last two decades a movement of Resident Welfare Associa-
tions in the urban areas which have grown in capacity to deliver and involve citizens from
all backgrounds, and these perhaps form the nucleus of the emerging power structure for
governance. In the case of urban India, they are best suited for both mobilising resources
for other areas and also distributing resources within their own areas. These are apolitical
bodies consisting of representatives of the area constituted as an NGO.
In the villages there are constitutionally recognised units of self-governance called Pan-
chayats. These were, till some time back, made inoperational to keep power centralised in
Delhi and state capitals, but Rajiv Gandhi thought that power must be decentralised and
thanks to persistent efforts in the last decade this is resulting in a perceptible shift in the
hinterland. Now schemes are afoot to empower them with considerable financial clout
which is expected to cut down corruption and increase the percentage of actuals delivered
to the community from what is allocated in the name of the people. These Panchayats
have 30% reservation for women and many of the Panchayats are headed by women.
66
Conclusion
It is important to remember that both politicians and religious organisations are for the
people, and problems start when they start using people as a resource for their own nar-
row ends and beliefs. In deciding optimum ways to encourage and sustain humanitarian
action, faith-based organisations have a place when matrixed with peoples organisations
in India so that their ambitions are tempered by peoples representatives to ensure uni-
form and equitable distribution of the fruits of humanitarian action.
67
11

A Nepalese Perspective
Ram Saran Mahat*
Service to Mankind Essence of Religion
Service to mankind and helping the needy is the essence of all religions. Benevolence and
compassion are regarded as supreme virtues. In Islam, the holy text starts with the phrase
In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent and Merciful. Charity is one of the principal com-
ponents of Islam. Allah favours all people with deep mercy and benevolence, regardless
of race. The concept of benevolence is also fundamental to Buddhism. Buddha himself
was the personification of benevolence. The object of benevolence is human and all liv-
ing beings. Buddha devoted his whole life to removing the sufferings of living beings and
leading people to enlightenment. In Christianity, compassion goes beyond human love.
The Bible portrays compassion as humanism not confined to human beings alone. There is
a connection between the ones who love and the objects of love. The things we love are
parts of Gods eternity, and are among the existences that will not perish. Hindu philoso-
phy has accorded a high place to social service. Its famous dictum is Paropakara Punyaya
Papaya Parapidam (Helping others is a virtue, while harming is a vice). Another interesting
side of Hindu philosophy is one should not look for fruits while serving others. All hu-
man beings should do their duty in the spirit of renunciation. The Holy Scripture Gita talks
of Nishkama Karma performance of duty without consideration for reward. Ultimately.
God will redeem the evil-doers and protect the righteousness. Works done with unselfish
motives and for the welfare of others are the way to throw tensions overboard, and cause
harmony and peace within, leading to spiritual realisation.
Conflicts and Humanitarian Assistance
The Cold War came to an end towards the end of the last millennium. But the human suf-
fering and pain from conflicts are far from over. Only the character of conflict has changed.
The transition to the new millennium has been marked by deadly conflicts, overwhelm-
* Member of the Central Committee, Nepali Congress (Former Deputy Chairman of the National Plan-
ning Comission, Minister of Finance and Foreign Affairs).
69
ingly concentrated within the borders of the developing countries. Intra-state conflicts
rather than inter-state characterise the modern wars; the nature of victims being non-
combatants: women, children, the old, infirm and other vulnerable groups. South Asia is
considered to possess one of the largest concentrations of non-state armed groups. Once
noted for peace, tranquility, and its Shangri-La image all over the world, Nepal has been
sucked into the vortex of bloody armed conflict since 1995. More than 12,000 lives have
already been lost in the last nine years of Maoist armed insurgency. Thousands of others
have been rendered handicapped and maimed, displaced and uprooted. About half a mil-
lion people have been uprooted from their hearths and homes, and displaced internally.
Many more have left the country to earn their livelihood. Some of the manifestations of
the human and material suffering faced by the country because of the armed conflict are
as follows:
A GDP loss of 2.5% per annum.
Decline in development expenditure by 40%.
Sharp decline in the construction of additional roads, provision of drinking water, ir-
rigation, and other economic services.
Steady decline in annual tourist arrivals from a peak of about 500,000 to 335,000 in
2003.
Growth of primary schools which averaged 1000 per annum has trickled down to a
mere 100. Thousands of private schools in the countryside have been closed due to
insecurity and Maoist threat, extortion and intimidation.
Immunisation of children in the countryside has gone down.
School children abducted in masses for forced indoctrination in the countryside. School
premises used by the rebels for military parades and other associated activities.
The countryside has been stripped of local leadership and youth population; most
have fled to escape the Maoist atrocities.
Large-scale destruction of physical infrastructure including roads, bridges, industries,
power houses and transmission lines, telephone towers and other government build-
ings.
Use of children and women as human shields in most offensives. Use of child soldiers
in the combat.
Cases of illegal detention, extra-judicial killings, fake encounters, disappearances, and
torture by the government forces.
An even more poignant implication of the situation is that the highest incidence of this
damage, human and economic loss has been in those areas and regions which were
already among the poorest and most deprived. The poverty and deprivation of these
regions provided a facilitating habitat for the insurgency. The conflict has made them fur-
70
ther deprived and poorer. This phenomenon has subjected these areas to a vicious circle
of poverty, conflict, and further poverty.
A report by Watch List on Children and Armed Conflict says that many children in Nepal
are growing up in an environment shaped by guns, bombs, bandhs, killings, the sight
of dead bodies, and fear of war, leaving them to be preoccupied with thoughts and
fear about violence and other psycho-social consequences. They worry about losing their
homes, their families, and their societies. Ironically, the poorest and deprived children who
are encouraged to attend school for the first time are the ones most severely affected.
They are forced to leave their homes, migrate, or join the Maoist forces. Another report
indicates that 30% of the Maoist militia and the army consists of boys and girls under age
18. In addition to the socio-economic consequences of this conflict situation in Nepal, the
country has been providing asylum to 100,000 refugees forced out from Bhutan due to
discriminatory ethnic policy. They are also in need of humanitarian support.
A country which already depends heavily on external assistance for its development needs
will have to rely on external assistance to meet the humanitarian needs of the conflict vic-
tims and the refugees. The countrys meagre internal resources cannot meet such needs.
The guiding principle behind foreign aid in Nepals recently announced Foreign Aid Policy
is poverty reduction. The priorities are: infrastructure development, including transport,
energy and rural development, agriculture, irrigation and forestry, human resources and
social development, employment promotion and development of backward areas. In the
social sector, assistance is solicited in practically all areas of human welfare, rural empow-
erment, poverty alleviation and employment generation. The government has recognised
the value of non-government organisations and the civil society as instruments for imple-
menting development assistance in view of their comparative advantages in implement-
ing local level development activities, relief, rescue and rehabilitation, social welfare, and
community level activities. In particular, the high motivation, flexibility, and the spirit of
voluntarism are the highly valued assets of such organisations. The role of these organisa-
tions is particularly encouraged for the welfare and economic upliftment of the weak and
vulnerable, economically marginalised and those suffering from social exclusion.
Space for FBOs
Nepal is constitutionally declared a Hindu state with a Hindu monarch. At the same time,
the constitution recognises the country as a multi-racial, multi-religious and multi-lin-
gual nation where people of all faiths, religions, races and languages are guaranteed the
freedom to practice their faith and religion. People of all faiths are allowed to preserve
and promote their religious identity, develop appropriate trusts and institutions. However,
71
religious conversion of another person and proselytism is not permitted. In an attempt to
separate politics from religion, the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990 does not
permit any political party to be established with a religious and racial objective including
those with Hindu intent and connotation.
Religious and faith-based organisations have been working in Nepal for a long time in
such fields as education, health, rural development, manpower training and other devel-
opment activities. In the past a few English schools and rural hospitals run by Christian
missionary organisations made exemplary contributions in their respective fields. Such
organisations were very few. Now a liberalised government policy, after the restoration
of democracy, towards the use of civil society organisations on the one hand and increas-
ing the volume of external aid channeled through them on the other, have also greatly
facilitated the entry of religious and faith-based organisations as instruments of welfare,
relief, rehabilitation and developmental activities. At present, 107 registered INGOs have
been operating in Nepal. Among them quite a few are believed to be faith-based. Such
registered organisations are permitted to operate in fields, locations and under conditions
defined in the agreement signed with the competent government agency. The state has
no problem with them as long as they observe the defined code of conduct, and do not
indulge in spreading and promoting their faith and religion incompatible with the code of
conduct and the project agreement.
Framework of Cooperation
Religion is a sensitive subject. Nation states treat this subject differently. There can be no
single prescription on this issue. Some states are secular, while others are purely theocratic.
Still in others like Nepal, for historical and other reasons, a particular religion makes alliance
with the government and enjoys benefits. Even when Hinduism in Nepal has made for-
mal alliance with the state and enjoys a special place in state affairs, the state recognises,
respects and permits the necessary space for all other faiths and religions to be nurtured
and grow. Every religion should have the right to nurture itself without any discrimination
from the state. The right to religious freedom should not be restricted in any way. It would
always be preferable to separate religion from the state where a strict neutrality is main-
tained and citizens should not be discriminated against on grounds of religion.
FBOs can act as agents of social change. They generally have greater motivation, religious
zeal, discipline, and commitment. There is also a strong cost effectiveness element in the
working of FBOs. Their contribution deserves strong encouragement, as long as it comes
out of their religious faith and service motive, but not for promoting and expanding the
faithful through conversion and proselytism. The poor and illiterates of backward regions
72
are easily vulnerable to religious conversion under economic incentive. The administrative
capacity of the recipient nations is too weak to properly monitor the activities of the FBOs
working in remote and backward areas without the presence of state surveillance. The risk
of rich and resourceful FBOs taking advantage of the poverty and ignorance of poor people
cannot be dismissed easily. The liberalised social policy of Nepal these days has expanded
the entry of such organisations in a large number. With this, the religious profile of the
country has also undergone changes. In 1971, the total number of Christian population was
2541. In 1981, it increased to 3891 in Nepal. It shot up to reach 31,280 in 1991, 0.17% of
the total population. With the start of a liberalised policy under a democratic Constitution
the decade of the nineties saw a dramatic growth in the Christian population to 101,986,
i.e. 0.45 of the population. Over the years, there has been a sharp increase in the conver-
sions of Hindus and Buddhists to Christianity. Interestingly, these conversions have been in
areas and among communities which are among the poorest. The background and reasons
behind this phenomenon have yet to be properly studied and analysed. A casual glance
would certainly indicate a correlation between poverty and conversion.
The FBOs should not be restricted from humanitarian contribution in situations of extreme
poverty, backwardness, conflict and displacements. Their service-oriented zeal, mission-
ary motivation, discipline and high level of commitment certainly make them effective
instruments of social service and agents of change towards a better future. But for their
part, they should leave no grounds for suspicion that they are taking advantage of the re-
cipients poverty for their religious promotion. Openness, full transparency, and account-
ability in all aspects of their conduct are essential to ensure that the resourcefulness and
financial power of such organisations are not used in promoting the faith and religious
conversions. The acceptability of the FBOs will be enhanced if they work under a mutually
agreed and monitorable code of conduct with the host country. The guiding principles
may be:
Let the FBOs not get involved in the existing inter-religious and inter-racial relations
of the host country and among its people. Inducement for conversion to their faith,
direct or indirect, would not be acceptable.
Ensure full transparency about the sources and uses of finances of the FBOs and sub-
ject them to regular reporting and auditing requirements of the host country.
Operate in areas and among the communities prioritised or agreed by the host state
in accordance with the national plans, priorities and the programmes.
Work in close coordination with the local government and the municipalities. Use lo-
cal NGOs as implementation partners.
Respect and comply with the relevant laws, rules and regulations of the host country.
Also, respect the host countrys time-tested cultural traditions, and social etiquette.
Do not try to interfere.
73
12
Governmental Donor Agencies and Faith-based

Organisations
Anne-Marie Holenstein*
Introduction
In 1949, US President Harold Truman launched a secularised missionary idea, namely the
go-ahead for the invention of development aid by Western governments. Against the
background of the East-West conflict, political and social change for underdeveloped
countries should be brought about by the transfer of capital and western technology. Long
before this appeal Christian missionaries had already been working for improvements in
agriculture, education and health. Missionary societies therefore were among the first
institutions which in the fifties and the sixties of the last century became partners of the
newly created Governmental Donor Agencies (GDAs). In addition, a whole generation of
a new type of Christian development NGOs were founded. Till nowadays a considerable
part of governmental development aid supports the programs of Christian missionary
societies and Christian development NGOs.
Development cooperation by Western governments is bound into the constitutional

framework with its separation of political and religious power. This principle excludes the
co-financing of religious and missionary activities of NGOs by GDAs. In reality, however,
development projects of given communities can be closely linked with religious activities
like the lecture of the Bible and the preaching of the Gospel. Under those circumstances
the borderline to proselytism is not easy to define.
It is noteworthy that for decades the role of religion in development cooperation, be it be-
tween GDAs and NGOs, be it between Western NGOs and their local partners, has been a
taboo. This explains to a certain degree that the general state of analysis and knowledge
regarding the extent, methods and impact of cooperation between governmental agen-
cies and FBOs is weak.
* Consultant, Switzerland.
Kurt Alan Ver Beek, Spirituality: a development taboo, Development in Practice, Volume 10, Number
1, February 2000.
Katherine Marshall and Lucy Keough, Mind, Heart, and Soul in the Fight against Poverty, The World
Bank, 2004, Chapter 1.
75
It was only towards the late nineties that a revival of the debate took place along two
leading questions:
1. How to bring religion and spirituality into global public policy?

New links were created for inter-religious and interfaith dialogue with and within the
UN.
2. How to make better use of the potential of religion and spirituality in development
cooperation?
In 1998 James D. Wolfensohn (then President of the World Bank) and George Carey (then
Archbishop of Canterbury) invited Faith Leaders to a first meeting.This led to the founda-
tion of the World Faiths Development Dialogue (WFDD) as a platform for consultation
with representatives of major faith traditions about issues linked with poverty reduction
(PRSP). In 2001, WFDD published a paper which addressed ways in which culture and
spirituality may be taken into account in development processes.
Meanwhile we observe growing awareness that development work is to a large extent

inter-cultural work and that religion is a relevant factor in a given cultural setting. Where
religion and spirituality are rooted in the everyday life of people and society they can make
an important contribution to sustainable development but religion can also be abused
to enhance conflicts.
A broad research agenda on religious NGOs was recently proposed by the participants
of an international conference held in Oslo on April 7-8, 2005, comprising the following
topics for research: origin, growth, impact, role and types of operations of religious NGOs;
their relation to the state, as well as to issues of global governance, human rights, health
and advocacy; changing socio-political contexts, evangelism & development, and political
content of religion.
In contemporary European societies GDAs are confronted with the transformation of their
social environment by immigration. The UK Department for International Development
(DFID), for example, is systematically enlarging its cooperation with UK- based mosques,
synagogues, Sikh, Hindu and Buddhist temples for awareness work in the UK and for
building support for development in these communities, both within the UK and be-
yond.
In this context, the NGO Division of the Swiss Agency for Development and Co-opera-
tion (SDC) and Swiss NGOs started a project in 2002 which aims at the exploration of the
Thierry Verhelst with Wendy Tyndale, Cultures, spirituality, and development, in: Development and
Culture, Edited by Deborah Eade, Oxfam GB 2002, page 13.
76
Role and Significance of Religion and Spirituality in Development Co-operation. The
overall objective is a holistic understanding of the religious factor in the discourse of nor-
mative, strategic and operative questions between partners in development, be it GDAs,
secular NGOs, Faith-Based Organisations (FBOs), grassroots organisations or the target
groups of development projects. The project is now moving into its third phase with case
studies regarding the creative handling of the ambivalence of the religious factor in the
context of development and with networking between the project of SDC/NGO Section
and the international discussion.
Thinking About Basic Concepts
We have already mentioned that development aid is a Western invention. Till today the
international discourse on development is dominated by Western thinking. Representa-
tives of GDAs and FBOs willing to start relationships of cooperation among them should
be aware that many more basic concepts involved are possibly understood by their part-
ners of non-European cultures in quite a different way.
One example is the concept of religion. On account of its history it is Eurocentric in

nature. In most languages of non-European cultures the term has no exactly correspond-
ing equivalent, either semantically or as regards its content. This is why the practice of
development co-operation has to reckon with a far more complex set of relationships de-
termining religion and culture than that suggested by West European history and use of
language. In their co-operation with partners and actors from different cultural settings
The project is conducted by Anne-Marie Holenstein, consultant. For the results in phase 1 and 2 see:
Role and Significance of Religion and Spirituality in Development Co-operation. A Reflection and Working
Paper Written by Anne-Marie Holenstein. The publication is available in print in English, German, French
(June 2005) and Spanish from< info@deza.admin.ch> and as pdf-file on the website of SDC <www.deza.
admin.ch>.
Development is
For the Bahais laying the foundations for a new social order that can cultivate the limitless poten-
tialities latent in human consciousness (ICOREC, 1998).
For the Hindus: a process of enabling a sustainable livelihood in harmony with natural resources, as a
foundation for spiritual progress.
For the Taoist: harmony or a right balance must be the key ingredient of any developmental goals, the
balance between rich and poor, and between human society and the whole universe.
from: Astrid Stckelberger, The Neglected Reality of Development. New Trends and Features in the Inter-
national Development Debate, Paper presented at a workshop of SDC/ NGO Division, Bern, 9. Oktober
2002.
Compare Hans-Michael Haussig, Der Religionsbegriff in den Religionen, Philo, Berlin und Mainz
1999, pages 4 and 18.
Partner = partner organisations on the spot, that is both NGOs and grass roots organisations.
Actors = beneficiaries, target groups of development and humanitarian projects.
77
Western people should not start out with the supposition that the religious factor can be
isolated from the general context of life.
Partners in development should also be aware that the separation between the institu-
tions of political and religious power between the state and the Christian churches is
specific to the history of Western Europe and North America. This relationship between
the secular order and religious belief developed during centuries of conflict between the
Pope and the Emperor over the Reformation and the Enlightenment. It has formed the
framework of Western social order and secular constitutions. State-supported develop-
ment co-operation is also bound into this constitutional framework.
Yet it is important to distinguish between secularisation processes and secular order.

The secular order of a state does not necessarily presuppose a non-religious society or
the exclusion of cooperation of GDAs and FBOs. A secular order frees the state from be-
ing patronised by religion, but it also frees religion and religious communities from being
patronised by the state.
Likewise, human rights concepts vary according to their cultural environment. Some reli-
gious communities derive their canon of human rights directly from their religion. Advo-
cates of universal human rights claim, however, that human rights can never be validated
exclusively on religious grounds, but rather that their universality is derived directly from
the value and dignity of every single person. There is an urgent need for further work to
be done on the question of how much consensus about human rights in the dialogue
between partners is necessary as a precondition for co-operation and, more specifically,
how this consensus can be reached.
It would be wrong to conclude that partners from GDAs and FBOs first of all had to reach
a general agreement on these very basic concepts. The crucial factor is rather whether
they can find a tentative common value base which is sound enough for the realisation
The following episode illustrate this: In the context of a research project on Religion and Modernisa-
tion in Singapore, a sociologist of religion carried out an interview with a young Indian woman living in
Singapore. The Indian woman came from an immigrant Brahmin family with a rich Hindu tradition. At the
end, she said:
You have asked me to tell you how I understand myself as a Hindu. I have responded to this request
to my very best. But, please, do not understand all that as if I have talked to you about my religion. I
have passed through a Western system of education here in Singapore, and I think I know quite well
how you Western people are used to think about man and God and about religion. So I talked to you
as if Hinduism were my religion, so that you may be able to understand what I mean. If you were a
Hindu yourself, I would have talked to you in quite a different fashion, and I am sure both of us would
have laughed about the idea that something like Hinduism does even exist. Please, dont forget this
when analysing all the stuff you have on your tape.
From: Religion: eine europisch-christliche Erfindung? Beitrge eines Symposiums am Haus der Kulturen
der Welt in Berlin. Hg. Haussig u.a., Berlin 2003, page 14.
78
of a given programme. The test for its soundness is whether it allows partners to handle
problems linked with the ambivalence of the religious factor.
Dealing With the Ambivalence of the Religious Factor
Religions and faith communities can be effective as angels of peace as well as war-
mongers. This ambivalence of the religious factor has a lot to do with the fact that the
relationship of the world religions to violence is equivocal. All great God-narratives are
familiar with traditions that legitimise force in certain circumstances, claim victims in the
battle for their own beliefs and demonise people of other religions. However, at the same
time there are sources that proclaim the incompatibility of violence with religion, demand
sacrifices for peace and insist on respect for people of other religions.
A source of danger lies in the nature of religious conviction:

Religion is focused on the absolute and unconditional, and thus it can easily take
on totalitarian characteristics. Monotheistic religions in particular have difficulty in
distinguishing between the claims of the absolutely divine and the historical nature of
human existence.
Religion can increase aggressiveness and the willingness to use violence, by reason of
the symbolic value added that is provided by the sanctification of profane motiva-
tion and aims.
Religious zeal can also be used by hierarchies within faith-based organisations to le-
gitimise the abuse of power and the violation of human rights. Since these hierarchies
are mostly male dominated, gender issues and womens human rights need to be kept
under careful observation.
GDAs, FBOs and their local partners, therefore, have to learn how to deal with the am-
bivalence of the religious factor. This ambivalence can be reduced to the following de-
nominators:
Risks Potential
With their spiritual and ma- In the framework of their

terial resources, religion and cultural environment, re-
spirituality are endangered ligion and spirituality are
by the misuse of power and powerful sources of energy
instrumentalisation that make motivation, in-
clusiveness, participation
and sustainability possible.
These paradoxes and ambivalences are present in the environment of many develop-
ment programmes. However, to evade them in the interest of a superficially understood
79
avoidance of conflict means cutting out a part of lifes reality. It cannot be a matter of an
either/or between potential and risks.
Principles, Methods and Leading Questions for Cooperation between GDAs and
FBOs
There is a general consent that support of development programs by GDAs has to be

based on principles of partnership. They include respect for democratic principles and hu-
man rights, forthrightness, transparency and readiness for comprehensive observation of
effects and impact of given programs.
It is obvious that these principles are valid as well for cooperation between GDAs and
FBOs. They create the overall framework for the handling of sensitive issues like proselyt-
ism and the ambivalence of the religious factor. On this behalf the Geneva Spiritual Ap-
peal10 asks to strictly adhere to the following principles:
a refusal to invoke a religious or spiritual power to justify violence of any kind;
a refusal to invoke a religious or spiritual source to justify discrimination and exclu-
sion;
a refusal to exploit or dominate others by means of strength, intellectual capacity or
spiritual persuasion, wealth or social status.
Mutually acknowledged principles are not enough; quality management must guarantee
their implementation. The staff members of FBOs should therefore work with the interna-
tionally valid methods of Programme/Project Cycle Management. An important factor
for building mutual confidence is reporting and financial governance according to inter-
national audit standards.
It is advisable that GDAs and FBOs agree on joint observation of what actually goes on in
the field. That means monitoring whether and to what extent their programmes contrib-
ute to the prevention of violence and to peaceful settlement of social conflicts or whether
they inadvertedly allow violence to escalate. Questions of the following type might
help to guide this process:
Does the programme make a contribution to social harmony beyond its own faith
community?
Does the programme strengthen group solidarity exclusively inside its own faith com-
munity or does it have a socially integrating effect? That is, do others besides its own
people really benefit?
10 The Geneva Spiritual Appeal was launched in 1999 and co-signed by several heads of international
organisations and religious leaders.
80
How is a given local FBO anchored in civil society? Which organisations does it cooper-
ate with?
How are women represented at different hierarchical levels? What access do women
have to the resources of the respective religious institutions (infrastructure, finance/
budget competence, educational and health programmes etc)?
How is a local FBO seen by the local population?
In conflict-sensitive situations it is recommendable to use methods for Conflict-Sensitive
Programme Management (CSPM) which facilitate the participation of local project part-
ners and actors, including beneficiaries.
After all, the programmes of GDAs and FBOs have to defend the right of the people to set
their own priorities. Let me finish this part with a quote, taken from Amartya Sen in De-
velopment as Freedom: If a traditional way of life has to be sacrificed to escape grinding
poverty or minuscule longevity (as many traditional societies have had for thousands of
years), then it is the people directly involved who must have the opportunity to participate
in deciding what should be chosen.11
Conclusions
From the above reflections we conclude that it will not do to formulate fixed general crite-
ria or a special check list for cooperation between GDAs and FBOs. The essence of coop-
eration should be understood as an ongoing dialogue and negotiations between partners.
Emphasis should be put on common objectives and the content of programmes. A major
objective should concern the better understanding of the given social, cultural and politi-
cal context. Leading questions which are approved from both sides can then function as
points of reference. Capacities for quality management and professional PCM (Project
Cycle Management) are requested as a precondition for cooperation. Last, but not least,
it becomes evident from these concluding remarks, that FBOs should not be declared a
special category of partner organisations.
11 Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom, Oxford University Press 1999, p.31.
81
13
Religion, Politics, Conflict and Faith Based

Humanitarian Action: Issues Concerning the
Recipients
Devendra Raj Panday*
Introduction
Premises and Scope
According to the programme of this Conference, this paper should be about issues con-
cerning the recipient governments. By recipient governments, I assume, we mean
the developing countries that are recipients of different kinds of official development
(ODA) and humanitarian aid channelled through governments, financial institutions and
various types of international non-governmental organisations (INGOs), including faith-
based organisations (FBOs). I should also clarify that our interest here is with the issues
concerning the entire society, not just the government in the recipient countries. What
the recipient people think of FBOs and their work including the potentials, the promises
and the threats perceived should be more important than the attitudes of their govern-
ments.
This paper consists of three parts. In this introductory section there will be a brief submis-
sion on why the issue of religion in the context of politics and conflict management is
important for the developing countries. In the second part we will present some issues
concerning the role of humanitarian action from the standpoint of the recipient countries.
And finally, in the third part we will try to delineate an agenda, not so much of activities
and projects as about philosophy and vision to enable FBOs to address the challenges and
opportunities in an integrated fashion.
Chair Rural Self-Reliance Development Centre; Former President, Transparency International Nepal; Former
Finance Minister of Nepal.
83
Conflicts, Politics and Religion and the Recipient Countries
When one thinks of conflicts and recipient countries, the images of countries like Rwanda
and Burundi or Congo and Sudan, or Afghanistan and Iraq, and now Nepal among many
others, come to ones mind. Conflicts driven by politics and religion have, however, a
wider salience covering the shores of donor or developed countries as well. The growing
inter-connectivity of religion and politics and the geographic indivisibility of the issues of
peace and conflict together justify the global approach to how we articulate and deploy
our beliefs and experiences, passions and interests constructively. It is also necessary to
note that not all conflicts in the recipient countries are associated with the issues of reli-
gious faith as, for example, currently in Nepal.
The case of recipient countries becomes interesting for interrogation from an additional
angle. First, there is this reality that since World War II nearly all the wars fought have been
in the developing world. The same is the case with internal conflicts and civil strife.
Second, whatever its source, conflict in the recipient countries destroys, in addition to
precious human lives and livelihoods, societys energy for building democratic institutions
and a just social order.
Conflicts in the recipient countries are also related to the post-colonial performance of
development and development assistance. There are some good stories of achievements
in economic and social fields made possible by the recipient people as well as the donors
not only in countries that are obviously doing well, but also in other countries in Africa
and elsewhere that are not. However, one cannot help but wonder about our commit-
ments and performances, as we look at the many development decades, declarations and
targets that have passed leaving few positive outcomes for the poor and the exploited.
An investigation of the issues of politics and conflict and of humanitarian actions has to
capture this institutional and social deficit in our record.
The advancements in science and technology have made their mark. Many of us can now
do things and live a life of ease and comfort and excitement unimaginable a few decades
ago. These advancements, however, have also contributed to making wars and conflicts
more deadly and terror widespread. Without the progress in designing and producing
expensive lethal weapons, military spending would not reach the one trillion dollar mark
it has reached today. It does not take much imagination to see why conflicts are more fre-
quent, pervasive and deadly today when we also note that annual disbursement of ODA
to the recipient countries is not more than 7% of this amount To make the matter worse,
a significant portion of aid, together with revenues domestically generated is siphoned
off by self-seeking middlemen in the donor as well as recipient countries, thanks, often
to bad politics.
84
If science and technology have failed us in this respect, the help we receive from social
science knowledge also appears to be inadequate. It is at least partly this inadequacy that
is responsible for landing politics where it is today, not only in recipient countries but also
in the politically more advanced ones. The practitioners do not seem to have the neces-
sary knowledge and tools to access and retain political power without losing ethical sense
or moral values. To this day we are ignorant of the ways and means of institutionally
reconciling liberal democracy with social equality. And we do not know how to accom-
modate self-oriented human nature to the demands of social responsibility. While science
and technology, including social science knowledge, have their value, social and political
leaders and workers, driven by rational impulses leading to conflicts they cannot man-
age may benefit more from moral tenets of religions as they deal with these contradic-
tions.
FBOs have been making important contributions in the recipient countries through hu-
manitarian and development assistance. The valuable work of many of them in the after-
math of devastating wars from the world wars to the Korean war for relief and reha-
bilitation has been extended to cover such humanitarian fields as education and health
(dealing with diseases from leprosy to HIV/AIDS, among other things), justice for women
and children and the poor, and so on. In Nepal, the people have similarly benefited from
various FBOs engaged in activities from building infrastructure to providing social services
and humanitarian action for several decades.
The question is: apart from direct benefits flowing from such projects and activities, what
can FBOs contribute to promote a moral order or a system of values that can help produce
better results from general development efforts so that conflicts can be prevented from
arising? If there is a gap in the understanding of the role of values and ethics in politics
and development, FBOs should be able to fill such gaps. FBOs may need to revisit their
objectives and practices in order to claim greater legitimacy and credibility for a more pro-
active role as necessary.
Issues Concerning Humanitarian Action
Against this background, we can list the important issues concerning the relation be-
tween FBOs and recipient societies in two groups: those concerning concepts and goals
and those about the more mundane matters of finance and operations.
85
Concepts and Goals
1. Humanitarian action involves more than humanitarian relief and rehabilitation or pro-
vision of safety nets in the form of food and shelter or even routine educational and
health services. It is about making human societies capable of approaching their full
potential in social, physical and moral terms. The goals of humanitarian action should
be to ultimately render itself redundant except in cases of natural disasters. Looking
at the record of development and development assistance, on the one hand, and the
continuation of man-made conflicts, on the other, there is a danger that humanitarian
assistance may become a permanent feature of global society. From our experience
with conflict management, we can see that the need of a given society transcends the
needs of individuals or a specific community to which FBOs often cater. When govern-
ments, the ODA donors and the secular civil society are unable to identify these needs
and address them, the great religions of the world with the help of their FBOs may
need to step in to fill the void.
2. With the emergence and growth of INGOs and the assimilation of FBOs into that
process, the latter are bound to be associated with both the negative and positive per-
ceptions about the INGOs. When FBOs are perceived merely as a subset of the INGO
sector and where the latter mode of donor-recipient partnership is unpopular or
resented, FBOs get dragged into controversy and occasional disrepute. First, there is
the post-colonial view of development partnership that sees all INGOs and exter-
nally sponsored NGOs and other civil society initiatives as an extension of colonial or
capitalistic interests in the post-colonial world. Then there are other routine griev-
ances against donors and INGOs in general that are also applied to FBOs, rightly or
wrongly.
3. FBOs need to project a distinct identity and specific set of values as a unique set of
organisations defined not only by their religious inspiration but also by their integrity
and exclusive concerns for a more inclusive, just and peaceful society. They can es-
tablish themselves as organisations that are there not so much to do projects as to
contribute to reforms necessary to stifle conflicts. Then the government, donors and
other organisations engaged in development can also perform better, enjoying the
conducive social and moral environment so created.
4. FBOs have to be sensitive to the culture and traditions of recipient societies. Quite of-
ten, however, a change relevant to humanitarian interests cannot take place without
challenging certain traditions and practices. Of all the external actors, FBOs may be
the most credible partner to induce such change. They can voice moral outrage as no
other can if they can show that they have no ulterior interests.
5. Perhaps, the most important issue facing the FBOs about their goals and missions
is the controversy about the possible inducement to conversion into their respec-
86
tive faiths created either by their work or by direct proselytising. One can ignore the
charges made by zealots from other faiths, like the Hindu fundamentalists who may
not want to entertain any competition in this respect. But even objective people from
outside the faith can see some contradictions in certain aspects of these religions. This
has to do with the evangelical imperative in Christian churches, for example, to work
towards what amounts to increasing the sizes of their flocks, where possible. FBOs
are great bodies to work with on development and humanitarian action because like
ODA donors they do not have this-worldly strategic objective. But if and when they
show the other-worldly objective of spreading the Gospel or saving the infidel,
this can be equally threatening and counter-productive.
Operations and Finance
1. There are some concerns of an operational nature generally applied to ODA practices
that are also pointed at times towards INGOs and, therefore, at FBOs as well. They
are about (a) transparency of accounts and operations, (b) use of expensive expa-
triate personnel, (c) need for better coordination among themselves and with other
partners including the government, (d) adherence to policies and practices prescribed
by the host government, and (e) ownership by local groups for sustainability. These
issues may be applicable to some FBOs and not to others and only to some recipient
countries. Whatever the case, they are too well known to require elaboration.
2. INGOs and FBOs, in particular, are a part of what used to be called the voluntary
sector. It is difficult to be certain if, in this age of professionals and professionalism,
voluntarism is an attractive impulse any more. Today there is very little room for a
vocation; there is plenty, it seems, for a personal utility-maximising profession. Yet,
FBOs are the only group of actors that may be capable of preserving and promoting
the value of voluntarism. By definition, they are inspired by the mission in the service
of God, and not by the pecuniary attachments that may come with the work. This
value is pertinent especially in the context of larger contributions to development
beyond the traditional humanitarian work that FBOs can and must make.
3. FBOs raise most of their funding through voluntary contributions or through their par-
ent religious establishments. Even then, there is some competition and dependence
on ODA budgets. A growing need to compete for contracts and government funds
may lead FBOs to lose their cutting edge as a unique set of organisations driven by
a unique set of humanitarian and spiritual interests. Besides, dependence upon the
market for funding means a possible loss of autonomy in independent thinking,
analyses and agenda setting.
87
4. There is also the possibility that strategically inspired governments that fund FBOs are
not as objective about humanitarian action as the taxpayers who finance the execu-
tion of their policies. In one important view, There is an inbuilt discrimination in the
sense that if we all agree that a human life has the same value wherever he or she
is born, there should be the same attention to northern Uganda as to northern Iraq,
the same attention to the Congo as there was to Kosovo.
The Future
What is the world going to be like, say in twenty, fifty years from now? Fifty or so years
ago, we started out on a civilising or modernising mission to help the poor people
of the freshly-free colonies and other backward countries. In this period, ODA, INGOs
and FBOs have all made some contributions towards making the lives of the people
longer, less diseased and relatively more equipped. But the suffering continues, especially
for people exploited by unjust systems and conflicts for which they are neither the source
nor the beneficiary. Even for the more fortunate of them, in rich countries or poor, the
quality of life is nowhere near the potential or what is desirable.
In the context of many recipient countries, with politics in disarray as in Africa and South
Asia, conflicts are eating into the very fibre of their societies. Often, humanitarian workers
themselves become a victim of these conflicts. And just as atrociously, political groups in a
conflict situation may come in the way of delivering humanitarian assistance as currently
in northern Sri Lanka. Five months after the devastating Tsunami, the government and
Tamil rebels have not been able to agree on the organisation and methods of distributing
relief in rebel controlled areas. Elsewhere in the Tsunami affected regions of the world,
corruption has raised its head to eat into the little hope that is left in the aftermath of the
disaster. Humanitarian actions cannot succeed in a lasting manner unless we address the
institutional factors that generate such conditions.
FBOs must try to contribute to social transformation by aligning with appropriate stake-
holders directly though their operations and indirectly through such methods as support-
ing the causes of democracy, justice and human rights for all peoples. They can also nudge
the political classes to respond positively to these urges. Importantly, they need to do the
same to the ODA donors. The donors exercise tremendous power vis--vis the govern-
ment and other influential elements in the recipient countries. Together, they tend to be
status-quoist, even as they all profess development.
Reported statement of Jan England of the United Nations to the Security Council, The Himalayan
Times, Kathmandu, May 12, 2005.
88
There is this increasing tendency to equate liberal democracy with capitalism. In the social
and economic context of many recipient countries under reference, capitalism excludes
important sections of the people from its fold. On the other hand, it can induce politi-
cal, bureaucratic, military and even evangelical or, more generally, religious interests to
converge against the larger interests of humanity. Allegedly, this is happening in contem-
porary United States. And this is happening in other countries including those that abuse
the tenets of Islam or the universalistic messages of Hinduism for imperious, if not directly
capitalistic purposes. FBOs can help reverse this condition and make economic systems
inclusive in a real sense, by facilitating the participation of all sections of the population in
the process of generating and owning wealth.
What the world lacks most today is an ethical sense in nearly every sphere of human
enterprise. This is not to say that ethical conduct is not possible without religious injunc-
tions. In fact the idea here is to seek secularised morality by fusing the moral systems of
world religions with the enlightened thinking of sections of political class and secular civil
society. Some influential thinking in this respect is already emerging in literature as, for
example, in the work of Hans Kung on global ethic. Such initiatives need ground sup-
port from FBOs engaged in practical work with practical human beings. FBOs, driven
by a mission of bringing about social transformation can help generate a necessary value
shift across society as no other can.
One redeeming feature of religious experiences of human society is that all religions teach
the same thing when it comes to understanding the values of compassion, selflessness
and charity on the one hand, and the sins of economic and social exploitation, on the
other. This fact alone should allow religious leaders and FBOs to fully engage in inter-
faith collaborations in support of universally valid humanitarian actions. The bottom-line
question is: can we embark on a modern-day civilising mission without the Bible (or the
Quran or other religious texts), but with its humanistic messages?
Concluding Remarks
The rise of religious politics or the use of religion for accessing and retaining political pow-
er is a curse of our time not that this is a new development in history. This deadly mixture
rarely solves any problem even for the perpetrators. In the short term, religion and politics
may mix well for ambitious politicians and religious leaders attracted by power. But even
the creation of a nation-state on this ground, as in the case of Pakistan for example, does
not seem to have gone as planned. Not that the Muslims in the undivided sub-continent
Even the World Bank is showing some initiative in this respect as in the writings of Katherine Marshall,
Director of Development Dialogue on Values and Ethics at the World Bank.
89
who wanted a separate state did not deserve it. Only that their rulers were not able to
keep the countrys territorial integrity in tact by simply relying on religion. The use of the
concept of Hindu Kingdom by Nepali monarchs for the same reason (in a country that
has much to benefit from genuine pluralism) has also begun to implode. For many other
rulers also driven by opportunistic use of religion, sectarian conflicts in their countries are
becoming a burden for them.
To help people-friendly politics and resolve conflicts, the religions of the world have to
First, end conflicts and contradictions within them;
Second, make larger room for facilitating inter-faith collaborations, institutionally and
programmatically; and
Third, interact with secular society for establishing a system of global ethic to guide
the FBOs as well as secular entities in support of democratic and just social order.
Thus "empowered," the concerned religions, with the FBOs they inspire or promote, can
contribute to lasting social transformation in needy societies, making regular humani-
tarian action unnecessary.
90
14
International Organizations, Multilateralism and

Faith-based Organizations: Unrealized Potential
Frederick Barton*
with Liora Danan**
Todays daunting global crises require that all of us do more. War, social disintegration and
suffering are widespread and our stressed-out international organizations are not capable
of meeting the many challenges. If our common goal is to shrink conflict and to deal with
the root causes of societal breakdowns, then we must think in fresh, integrated ways.
Expanding the circle of capable partners is an essential first step.
One community with significant, unrealized potential is faith-based organizations. Ground-

ed in some of the most troubled spots, faith institutions have considerable experience and
resources. Traditional practices, biases, and a lack of familiarity have led to missed oppor-
tunities by both the faith-based organizations and the multilateral community, but there
are still many hopeful partnership possibilities.
Shared values
The faith and multilateral communities converge on basic global goals; both endeavor for
greater equity and justice and the alleviation of human suffering. Most faiths promote the
principle behind Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states that,
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with
reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
While this is a secular document, it has clearly been informed by religion. This same senti-
ment can be found in a statement by one of the worlds largest faith-based, international
humanitarian organizations, World Vision International: We regard all people as created
and loved by God. We give priority to people before money, structure, systems, and other
* Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies.
** Research Assistant, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies.
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, December 1948,
<http://www.un.org/Overview/rights.html>.
91
institutional machinery. We act in ways that respect dignity, uniqueness, and intrinsic
worth of every person.
Within the Christian community, Roman Catholic bodies are motivated by a commitment
to what Pope John Paul II called globalization with solidarity the building of peaceful
unity across the boundaries of religion, race, ethnicity, and class. Other Christian groups
also act on the concept of liberation theology, which focuses on Jesus as a liberator and
bringer of social equality. Jewish groups are similarly inspired by messages of social justice,
and the Koran explicitly teaches that, We created you from a single pair of male and fe-
male and made you into nations and tribes, that you may know each other. Buddhists,
meanwhile, are taught to always act with compassion toward fellow humans.
As Kofi Annan recognized, In every great faith and tradition one can find the values
of tolerance and mutual understanding. Most major groups are able to find common
moral ground with universal human rights causes, suggesting significant opportunity for
working together.
Successes
Such core values have traditionally led to collaboration in spheres such as health care and
childrens and refugee issues. UNHCR, for example, has long worked with faith-based
organizations, channeling over $721 million to faith-based NGO partners between 1994
and 2003. The World Bank, though it historically has had a fairly limited relationship with
faith-based organizations, has held a series of meetings in recent years aimed at further-
ing dialogue with faith institutions. UNICEF has worked successfully with faith-based
organizations on projects worldwide. In Antigua, the Diocese of North Eastern Caribbean
and Aruba (Anglican Church) created a telephone hotline aimed at providing a support-
ive service for youth and adolescents in times of crisis. UNICEF and the Christian NGO
Children at Risk were among a number of groups in the Netherlands to introduce The
World Vision International, <http://www.wvi.org/wvi/about_us/who_we_are.html>.

Kofi Annan, Nobel Lecture, Oslo, December 2001, <http://nobelprize.org/peace/laureates/2001/annan-
lecture.html>.
Kofi Annan, Nobel Lecture, Oslo, December 2001, <http://nobelprize.org/peace/laureates/2001/annan-
lecture.html>.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, NGO Partnerships in Refugee Pro-
tection: Questions and Answers, September 2004, <http://www.unhcr.ch/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/
home/+bwwBme3cibexGwwwwhFqo7E2RN02ItFqopwGBDnG5AFqo7E2RN02IcFqShwoBre2hww5n-
madGtwDoSwBodD5Dzmxwww1FqmRbZ/opendoc.pdf>
Katherine Marshall, Chapter 14: Development Challenges for the New Millennium: Dialogue and
Partnership Issues for Faith and Development Institutions,<http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DEVDIA-
LOGUE/Resources/ChristianEconomists.doc>.
92
Rugmark Foundation, which recruits carpet producers and importers who make and sell
carpets without employing child laborers.
HIV/AIDS has also developed into an area of greater partnership. The UNAIDS Secretariat
and Caritas Internationalis (a confederation of 162 Catholic relief, development and social
service organizations present in more than 200 countries and territories) have established
a Memorandum of Understanding on cooperative responses to HIV/AIDS. Last month
an International Conference on State, Religious and Public Organizations in Solving the
Problem of HIV/AIDS: Prospects for Cooperation convened in Moscow and recognized
the role of religious organizations in contributing to efforts for HIV/AIDS prevention. Spe-
cifically, 25% of all HIV/AIDS care throughout the world is Church-sponsored, and Caritas
Internationalis has put millions of dollars into support for AIDS service.10
While cases of collaboration on health care and childrens issues provide a strong base of
successes from which to build, they hardly represent the full spectrum of past experiences
or future possibilities for faith-based organizations and multilateral collaboration.
Barriers to Further Growth
Greater potential is sometimes lost among the obstacles to coordination. On the most
fundamental level, poor analysis exists because secular and religious groups often use very
different vocabularies.11 Policymakers and field personnel are either unaware of religious
activity, or they may be compelled to oversimplify through faulty personal or institutional
frameworks for understanding religion. Before faith-based organizations and develop-
ment institutions even approach one another, misperceptions and stereotypes can pro-
hibit the groups from working together effectively. Confusion exists even about the types
of groups involved and the accompanying terminology. For example, Katherine Marshall
of the World Bank has pointed out that the tendency of faith-based organizations to call
multilateral organizations donor organizations limits the ability for the groups to see
each other as long-term partners.12
Sharing common goals: UNICEF, faith-based organizations and children, UNICEF, <http://www.uni-
cef.org/media/media_4537.html>.
Memorandum of Understanding Between the UNAIDS Secretariat and Caritas Internationalis, <http://
www.google.com/url?sa=U&start=1&q=http://www.caritas.org/Upload/a/aids-ING.qxd.pdf&e=9707>.
State, Religious and Public Organizations in Solving the Problem of HIV/AIDS: Prospects for Coopera-
tion, International Conference, Moscow, April 2005.
10 Rev. Robert J. Vitillo, The Role of the Catholic Church in Meeting the Challenges of HIV/AIDS in Af-
rica. Talk sponsored by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, June 2002.
11 Frederick Barton, International Organizations, Multilateralism and Faith Based Organizations, speech
delivered at the Workshop Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action, Geneva, May 19, 2005.
12 Global Assessment and Strategy Session on Faith Communities Accessing Resources to Respond to
HIV/AIDS, Ecumenical Institute of Bossey, Geneva, January 2005.
93
Faith-based organizations also represent a wide range of capabilities and structures. A
distinction can be made between confessional NGOs, which officially belong to specific
religious groups, and faith-inspired NGOs, which base their organizational missions
more loosely on certain religious values.13 The former category has historically inspired a
certain degree of mistrust from multilateral organizations that are unfamiliar or uncom-
fortable with the accountability and structures of religious groups.
As some faith-based organizations change from more traditional church bureaucracies to

new NGO-style administrations, they have also adapted their organizational goals and be-
come a different type of partner for multilateral groups. With this new shift, international
organizations are often unaware of the full catalog of faith-based organizations strengths
and resources, beyond caring for spiritual needs.
Coordination is also frequently hindered by the natural competition that exists within the
community of caring. Groups that should be working together instead often clash with
each other over limited funds. Faith-based organizations are particularly vulnerable to this
reality, as they often do not have the resources or infrastructure to submit proposals, or
they are not eligible for larger grants that are available. Minus funds, faith-based organi-
zations are unable to build the human resources necessary for monitoring and evaluation
of their efforts in different countries, further inhibiting effective exchange with multilat-
eral groups.14
Donor organizations sometimes prefer to fund governments, which may deny faith-based
organizations access to funds. Even when government funds do reach faith-based orga-
nizations, uncertainty surrounds how this government money may be used. Confusion
stems from a longstanding tension between church and state. Although there is wide ac-
ceptance of the freedom of religion concept in the international community, there is not
consensus about whether an international standard separating church and state should
be established.
Finally, secular organizations are often uncomfortable with the emphasis that faith-based
organizations have traditionally placed on evangelization and personal salvation. In gen-
eral, the moral directives driving faith-based organizations are sometimes at odds with
the goals of other involved groups. For example, American AIDS activists have often taken
issue with the Catholic Churchs teachings on HIV/AIDS, specifically its attitude toward
contraception and its preference to focus on abstinence education.
13 Jonathan Benthall, Religious NGOs in the Ascendant: the Muslim Case, March 2004.
14 Global Assessment and Strategy Session on Faith Communities Accessing Resources to Respond to
HIV/AIDS, Ecumenical Institute of Bossey, Geneva, January 2005.
94
Beyond specific issues, secular and religious organizations have generally been suspicious
of each others motivations. A trusting partnership will require some demystification of
both religion and politics. Those from faith-based groups must accept that working in
conflict-prone places and giving funds are both essentially political activities. At the same
time, secular groups do not need to be afraid of a religious presence in daily operations.
As Dag Hammarskjold said, God does not die on the day when we cease to believe in a
personal deity, but we die on the day when our lives cease to be illumined by the steady
radiance, renewed daily, of a wonder, the source of which is beyond all reason.
Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights defends this right to religiously-
inspired life, declaring that, Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience
and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom,
either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion
or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.15
New Challenges and Potential for Coordination
Where can faith-based organizations be of greater help? Like many humanitarian-cen-

tered organizations, faith-based organizations have been reluctant to address the tough
political challenges of a peace-building agenda.
Religious groups have a mixed record in this arena. We have sometimes seen religious
leaders or organizations promoting division, as in the Balkans, Sri Lanka, Rwanda and
India. Nigerian Imams have increased religious tensions by suggesting that anti-polio cam-
paigns are an effort by the West to wipe out its Jihadists. The Roman Catholic Church in
Guatemala, on the other hand, was a leader in the effort to uncover the killing of 200,000
people during military regimes. A fundamentalist Muslim womens organization in Bosnia,
initially overlooked because of their religious affiliation, was the best-run organization in
Sarajevo. Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani in Iraq is in an interesting position, but it remains an open
question whether he is more like Desmond Tutu or Ayatollah Khomeini. So far he has
been a mostly moderating force in that nations evolving political debate.
Often, religious leaders and groups contribute to some conflict-prevention or post-conflict

goals, but interfere with others. In post-Saddam Iraq, for example, Shiite cleric Muqtada
al-Sadr has helped provide food, medical care and security in poor neighborhoods and
has prevented widespread Shiite attacks on Sunnis or U.S. civilian groups, but he has
15 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, December 1948,
<http://www.un.org/Overview/rights.html>.
95
simultaneously encoureged violence against U.S. Soldiers.16 Hamas is also well-known for
coupling charitable works with support for terrorist activities.17
This varied track record suggests greater opportunity for religious groups, especially con-
sidering the increasing need for strong, effective institutions in these areas. Faith-based
organizations can be an important partner with multilateral organizations within a four-pil-
lar framework of issues that must be addressed in conflict-prone settings: security, justice
and reconciliation, governance and participation, and economic and social well-being.18
Religious and faith-based organizations can be especially effective in justice and reconcili-
ation efforts. Inter-religious dialogue, intra-religious dialogue, and joint projects that focus
on shared needs of different religious communities have often proved to be successful
mechanisms for post-conflict societies. For example, peace-building workshops have been
sponsored by the Jesuit Refugee Service in Kakuma Refugee Camp and by an incipient
Catholic justice and peace commission in Rumbek, Southern Sudan.19 These sought to
promote mutual Christian and Muslim understanding about reconstruction efforts. The
Italian community SantEgidio, active in more than 70 countries, is also well-known for its
projects in dialogue and conflict resolution.20
Religious communities, often locally-based, have been invaluable in social reconstruction

work, helping to bring people together and provide hope in a post-conflict environment.
Recent research, such as work by the Metanexus Institutes Program, has shown that
spirituality contributes significantly to the formation of social networks and promotes eco-
nomic and social progress.21 In some respects, the work of religious organizations (such
as faith-based groups or charities) and institutions (such as mosques, churches and syna-
gogues) appears to be more closely aligned with local needs than that of secular, interna-
tional organizations, not only because of a common religious or cultural heritage, but also
because they often take a long-term perspective on their work. Religious groups can thus
have a deeper understanding of evolving local situations than their secular counterparts,
improving their ability to build capacity for sustainable social services. They are also often
in a special position on the ground to advocate for just ways of allocating resources and
help raise challenges to social divisions.
16 Janine Di Giovanni, Reaching for Power, National Geographic, June 2004, p. 19.
17 Haim Malka, Forcing Choices: Testing the Transformation of Hamas, The Washington Quarterly,
28:4, Autumn 2005, pp. 37-54.
18 Center for Strategic and International Studies and the Association of the United States Army, Post-
Conflict Reconstruction Task Framework, May 2002.
19 Hollenbach, David, S.J. Religious Communities and Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Comments Pre-
sented at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, April 2004.
20 Community of Sant Egidio. <http://www.santegidio.org/en/>.
21 Spiritual Capital Research Program, <http://www.metanexus.net/spiritual_capital/>.
96
The erosion of traditional power structures in a post-conflict country often allows for new
groups, including religious ones, to play a significant role. In order to activate change,
emphasis must be placed on identifying local leaders and creating local ownership over
reconstruction efforts. Religious communities and organizations are often in a special
position on the ground to advocate for just ways of allocating resources and help raise
challenges to social divisions.
Conclusions
It is essential that the development, humanitarian and peace-building worlds welcome

all actors who can contribute to reconstruction efforts. The UN Secretary-Generals High-
level Panel has recommended in its 2004 Report on Threats, Challenges and Change
that a Peace-building Commission be established that will seek the involvement of those
regional and sub-regional organizations active within relevant countries.22 Faith-based or-
ganizations could participate at this level, and they should advocate for this commission,
which would help promote many of their own goals.
Faith-based organizations involve many more citizens in the international humanitarian

and reconstruction efforts by appealing to organized religious communities. In some areas
of the world, faith institutions represent significant manpower in Germany, for example,
Caritas Internationalis is one of the countrys largest employers.23 In order to mobilize
those who are interested, we will need renewed interaction and exchange between faith-
based and multilateral institutions. Communication could be channelled through publica-
tions or lead organizations, such as larger faith-based groups, to help make multilateral
organizations more aware of the full spectrum of faith-based organizations needs and
capabilities.
As wars become increasingly internal, we have a new opportunity to contain conflicts and
build a more peaceful world. But there is an immense amount of work to be done, and
we will need all of our combined talents and strengths to make it happen. Kofi Annan
recognized the enormity of this job. When asked why he had not yet implemented orga-
nizational reform whereas God created the universe in seven days, Annan replied, The
Lord had the wonderful advantage of being able to work alone. Multilateral organiza-
tions, on the other hand, will have to work together with other groups, and they stand to
benefit from increased coordination with faith-based organizations.
22 A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility, Report of the Secretary-Generals High-level Panel
on Threats, Challenges and Change, United Nations, 2004.
23 Interview, Rev. Robert J. Vitillo, May 2005, Center for Strategic and International Studies.
97
Summary of Discussions and Conclusion
Jonathan Benthall
It is a privilege to be asked to try to summarise these rich and fascinating discussions. Ide-
ally I should be just a juice-extractor, merely condensing what you have all said into a pure
essence. However, as a Christian I was brought up to believe in Original Sin, and I cannot
resist the temptation to add in some scraps of my own reactions. Besides, the Chairman
has given me permission.
When ideas capture the minds of men, they become a material force in society said
one of the opening speakers, quoting the Indian Prime Minister Singh in what seems to
be a subtle variant on Marxism, which contends that ideas either reflect or obfuscate
material realities. As Professor David Little made clear in his address, it is a matter of aca-
demic controversy whether religions can and do act as independent determinants; but
this workshop has explored the proposition that they do though as David Little said, they
are never the only determinant. In the academic context of our meeting, we have on the
whole observed the principle that we can discuss religions in a historical or anthropologi-
cal way without personal commitment as to the truth-values of their doctrines, but also
trying to be as culturally sensitive as possible to the life-worlds of those who adhere to
religious belief-systems other than our own an effort in which anthropology among the
social science disciplines has led the way.
The viewpoint of social science does however run up against that of some religiously
committed people in that it insists that all religions are vigorously adaptative discursive
systems. There has been and is a wide variety of interpretation within the intellectual
confines of each religion, as well as wide divergence between elite and vernacular forms,
and differing forms of relationship with political power. (To some extent this can be at
odds with the view of those historians who prefer to seek out longue dure continuities.)
For a devout Muslim it is self-evident that the Prophetic Revelation occurred independ-
ently of Muslims, for a devout Christian it is self-evident that the Incarnation occurred
independently of Christians; but social scientists have to look at the behaviour and in-
stitutions of actually existing believers. Our gathering over these two days has been one
of ecumenically minded, tolerant individuals from many backgrounds; but if we had had
representatives of fundamentalist or integrist traditions present, there would have been
sparks flying, because of their power to produce a trump card direct access to divinity
that sweeps the board against mere social science.
99
The proposition that religion can be an independent determinant runs up against ortho-
doxies both in sociology, which thirty years ago or so was deeply wedded to an over-
simple secularization theory, and in development studies: hence the virtual neglect of
confessional NGOs as a research topic until recently. The first conference that I know of
on this topic was held in Paris in February 2004, and the second in Oslo in April 2005
where Katherine Marshall, a director of the World Bank and adviser on religious matters
to President Wolfensohn, said she thought the topic of faith in development was at the
same stage as gender was, say, ten or fifteen years ago, that is to say not yet having come
into its own.
It does not follow however that inter-faith dialogue is the only or the best way forward.
Secularization is an extremely tricky technical term with six or seven slightly different
meanings in the sociology text-books, but it would be idle to deny that secular, rational,
post-doctrinal humanism provides many people today, especially in Europe, with an ac-
ceptable substitute for religious sensibility. Post-Darwinian evolutionary biology is prob-
ably more compatible with the Asian religions than with the Abrahamic monotheisms
the line between the human species and the other animals being a little less marked
but it presents all religious doctrines with a strong intellectual challenge. Faith-based
humanitarians must surely enter dialogue not only with humanitarians of other religious
persuasions but also with those who rely on secular principles only.
Of course Dr Hugo Slim and others were right to insist in our discussions that secularism
can all too easily become a quasi-religious ideology that obscures realities. France and the
United States both purport to be secular republics but the social reality is rather different
in both cases. As Little pointed out, nearly all nation-states Switzerland being probably
an exception have come historically to be dominated by one ethno-religious group.
Many humanitarian organisations had religious origins: for instance, Genevois Calvinism
in the case of the Red Cross, and the influence of the Quakers, a once persecuted sect, in
launching humanitarian organisations such as Oxfam has often been noted. Moreover, a
historical background of religious claims about the nature of humanity surely pervades our
modern secular humanism and arguably provides the glue that keeps society from falling
into barbarism, for without it we would be left merely with the cult of show-business and
See supra footnote 1 in Introduction.

See supra footnote 2 in Introduction.
Secular realms differentiate from religious norms and institutions, with loss of power to the latter; faith
is marginalized or privatized; faith beliefs and practices decline (a.k.a. disenchantment, desacralization); re-
ligions come to be seen as human creations; faith movements adapt to this-world rather than other-worldly
goals; faiths have to compete in a market of consumable ideologies; practice rather than belief is empha-
sized (orthopraxy as opposed to orthodoxy). Thus there are many versions of the secularization thesis rather
than a single one.
100
football celebrities. No attempt to extrapolate an ethical system from science alone has
yet been very successful.
The scene was set yesterday by a clear introduction from Ambassador Fust, who empha-
sised the need to consider religion in its inclusive as well as its exclusive forms. This got us
quickly to the heart of the matter, later expanded by Anne-Marie Holenstein in her paper
where she spoke of the ambivalence of the religious factor. In many societies, religion
is not distinguished from other aspects of daily life in the same way as it has been in the
West since it came to be regarded as a matter for individual choice. Though religion can
legitimate identity politics and ensuing conflict, it equally gives rise to social capital, pat-
terns of cooperation and mutual aid deeply embedded in local cultures. Thus religion can
no longer be neglected by development practitioners.
We have had the benefit of three confessional case-studies as it were, and I will consider
these briefly in turn before singling out four themes.
The two papers on contemporary Christian NGOs were both excellent. Many of us will
remember Franz Schles vignette of the evangelical Western aid workers he called
them Westerners but I fancy they were American singing hymns in the hotel lobby
in Pondycherry, before driving out to a village with massive land cruisers carrying more
people than the actual aid goods.
Eva Christian Nilsson from Sweden then evoked the spirit of South American Catholic
liberation theology and stressed the need for self-criticism in the churches. But our two
speakers were perhaps unrepresentative, coming as they were from a modernist, liberalis-
ing, post-doctrinal background in the Protestant churches. It would have been good to
hear and I understand that it was not for want of trying by the workshop organisers
from a representative of World Vision, now the biggest American overseas NGO, having
recently overtaken CARE in size. However, someone from the Southern Baptists, let alone
Samaritans Purse who wanted to bring aid into Iraq after the recent war and convert
the Muslims , would have undoubtedly shattered the congenial atmosphere of our meet-
ing. There are also major tensions within the Catholic church over HIV/AIDS programmes
run by Catholic voluntary agencies, some of which are rebelling against the Vaticans rul-
ing against condom use because they see this as the only proven way to slow down the
spread of HIV.
The Islamic section was extremely informative because we had the benefit of the pres-
ence of four different Muslim experts Dr Abbas Aroua, Mr Abdul Fatah Said Mohamed
of Al-Muntada Al-Islami Trust (London), Mr Abou El Ala Mady, a prominent moderate
101
Muslim politician in Egypt, and Dr Hossam Said who presented on behalf of Islamic Relief
now probably the worlds largest Islamic relief and development agency. They did not
shy away from answering some difficult questions. What Dr David Warner calls the up-
stream the sacred texts enjoining charity, the centuries-old traditions of public waqfs
had often been expounded, but I have not till now heard the downstream issues
discussed with such clarity in a public setting: issues such as the relation between welfare
and politics, between proselytization and relief aid, interactions with other faith-based or-
ganisations and with secular agencies, the effects of indiscriminate blacklisting of Muslim
charities by the United States and the UN Sanctions Committee since 9/11. Our speakers
perhaps understated their case, for Muslim agencies are sometimes the only ones able to
operate in certain difficult areas, for instance today in Iraq or with Chechen refugees in
Ingushetia.
The right of all religious denominations to found and operate charitable and humanitar-
ian agencies is specifically enshrined in Article 6 of the Declaration on the Elimination of
All Forms of Intolerance and Discrimination Based on Religion and Belief, proclaimed by
the UN General Assembly in 1981. This right should surely be defended by all the govern-
ments who assented to the Declaration. I am pleased to be involved with efforts currently
being made by some people round this table to try in a practical way to see how the ob-
stacles impeding bona fide Islamic charities could be removed.
The question of charity regulation and monitoring is fundamental. This raises the question
of how tightly each legislative system should demarcate the protected zones of activity
that we call charitable and, in the narrow sense, non-political while being aware that in
a wider sense all human institutions are inevitably open to political analysis.
The South Asian section was specially valuable in that it offered a perspective from outside
the purlieus of the Abrahamic monotheisms. Upstream, the doctrinal differences appear
in our present context to be less great than they might appear at first sight to be; but it is
in fact clear that all the world religions enjoin charity in rather similar ways.
Our Nepalese speakers brought home to us vividly the tragedy of their countrys apparent
political impasse in May 2005. They gave us an uplifting holistic vision of how FBOs ought
to develop, though it was also sad to catch the note of disillusion with the inability of their
Excluding the special case of the Aga Khan Foundation.

It was suggested in discussion that it was conceptually important to use terms such as charity, hu-
manitarian etc. in strictly defined ways. However, except in contexts where they have special legal meanings
as in the Charity Commission of England and Wales, or International Humanitarian Law I believe it is
better to use a range of such words, if only for the simple reason that some of them (such as the above two)
do not translate exactly into non-European languages such as Arabic.
102
countrys own faith-based organisations to help resolve some of the problems of a country
that was formerly a beacon of toleration.
Professor Kashyap presented a picture of Indian Hindu charities as quite different from
that of Islamic charities. There is little if any national coordination but a great deal of com-
munity activity, rather difficult for external development agencies to relate to systemati-
cally. This is a barely documented field as far as I know, and it would be good to know
more about how individual Hindu charities operate, especially perhaps the caste and com-
munity associations which are transnational.
It remains for me to pick up four would-be unifying themes: reciprocity, proselytization,

gender issues and non-violence.
Reciprocity
According to the Quran, as Hossam Said told us, when a donor gives food to the needy,
the orphan or the captive, their sentiment should be la nuru du minkum jaza an wa la
shukuran, We wish no reward, nor thanks from you (Q. 76: 9), for the reward is in heav-
en. As in other religions, a form of blessing or merit is achieved in return for the gift. This
results in the strong motivation of many FBOs, which has often been commented on.
However there are also earthly rewards in the here-and-now al-dunya and in practice
Islamic charities make use of promotional techniques with considerable professionalism,
just as do other charities. Despite the existence of pooled activities in Britain such as the
Disasters Emergency Committee and BOND (British Overseas NGOs for Development),
there is in fact strong competition between the British Muslim overseas NGOs, as in the
wider NGO field which Mr Barton rightly called a vibrant marketplace. One writer on
Islamic charities, Abdul-Rahman Ghandour, has written of the christmasization of Ram-
adan, for this holy month has become the climax of the annual fund-raising calendar. We
may observe the same kind of use of what marketing experts call brand loyalty when a
donor is invited to contribute to Oxfam, Christian Aid or Muslim Aid: when you decide to
support an NGO you are in a figurative sense buying an identity, which is a consumable.
Proselytization
This has been one of the guiding themes of the workshop and a serious political issue in
some regions such as South Asia and particularly parts of Africa where Muslim and Chris-
tian influence overlap. Indeed, because of the relative institutional weakness of Africas
103
own traditional religions, there is a risk of sub-Saharan Africas becoming a regional thea-
tre for the notorious alleged clash of civilizations between Christianity and Islam.
Of course, the objection is not to missionary activity in itself. Only the most rigid adherents
to belief-system A are against people trying to persuade others of the merits of belief-sys-
tem B. This is one manifestation of the principle of freedom of religion. But one speaker
in the workshop rightly stressed the importance of a level playing-field. The key issue
is abuse of a power relationship when proselytization is mixed with humanitarian and
development aid.
Dr Slims notion of an interim ethicwhich he raised in discussion may be helpful. The

interim ethic applies to short-term emergency relief, and in these situations of crisis it
forbids any form of discrimination within a population of emergency victims. In medium
to long term programmes, however the phases of reconstruction and development
the principle of cultural sensitivity should apply, which may include sensitivity to reli-
gious practices. Restricting emergency food-aid or shelter, for instance, to co-religionists
or potential converts is against the interim ethic, which is now endorsed by the leading
Islamic agencies (at least those operating from Britain) as much as by the leading Christian
agencies, that is to say those that comply with internationally accepted codes of conduct
for NGOs. But at the later stage of reconstruction, there would seem to be no ethical rea-
son why a religious NGO should not apply funds to rebuilding a mosque or a church.
The trend towards the separation of humanitarian charities from proselytizing charities is
not yet completed, but there is no doubt that the mainstream FBOs concerned with relief
and development are increasingly abstaining from proselytism.
Gender Issues
As observed by Katherine Marshall at the Oslo conference, there is an intellectual con-

sensus in the development world on questions of gender and reproductive health rights.
Hence a clash with the ideologies of many FBOs. Dr Astrid Stuckelberger noted that some
90 per cent of religious leaders all over the world are male. We have already mentioned
the Catholic Churchs opposition to condoms which has probably resulted in hundreds
of thousands of deaths. CAFOD, the British Catholic development agency, is hoping that
the Vatican theologians will relax their opposition to condoms as a defence against HIV,
in what might qualify as a complex moral situation without prejudice to the Catholic
Churchs position on birth control.
As for the Muslim world, an Islamic feminist movement has grown up, especially in Malay-
sia and Iran, as well as a more secular feminist movement, but neither has yet had much
104
effect on Islamic relief and development agencies. This is likely to be a flashpoint in future.
In general, Islamic charities are still more concerned with service delivery than for instance
with such issues as advocacy, empowerment and capacity building. The widely influential
Muslim Brothers are radical as political opposition movements but still patriarchal as re-
gards gender issues.
Non-violence
It was rightly pointed out that non-violence can breed violence as well as non-violence
(Jesus, Gandhi and King all meeting violent deaths), but that does not invalidate it as a
powerful ethical tradition. India is the locus classicus of non-violent movements but there
is also a submerged tradition of non-violence in Islam, and Christianity is founded on the
non-violent ideal even if it does not always live up to it.
We need to consider under what regimes non-violence has a chance of working or not
working. Under the Nazis, the Jehovahs Witnesses practised civil disobedience but were
completely neutralized and many of them murdered. It did work with the British occupa-
tion in India, and it has worked in Poland and some other East European countries. The
issue seems to be one of appealing to a higher moral ground when there is a shared
cultural heritage, often a religious one. Does this not point to a possible strategy in Israel-
Palestine for Palestinian resistance? The shared Abrahamic religious heritage may offer
an alternative space to the strategy of violent resistance against one of the worlds most
sophisticated armies. If a Palestinian non-violent movement were to draw on an Islamic
vocabulary and symbolism, rather than one more inspired by alien figures such as Gandhi
and Martin Luther King (as is the case at present), it could have a chance of providing a
robust alternative.
For the sake of continuity, I would like to mention two earlier conferences on FBOs men-
tioned above.
The conference in Oslo last April, hosted by the Norwegian Institute of International Af-
fairs, brought together a wide variety of data from many faiths and political positions,
effectively refuting the notion that charity is still a Western monopoly (a task which still
needs to be done in some circles). The resulting publication will be valuable, but one may
question the need to seek to identify faith-based Organisations as a discrete field for
study, within the already narrow field of NGO studies, which may result in too confin-
ing a field of research. However, the opening speaker, Professor Terje Tvedt, a Norwegian
historian and well-known social critic, read a sinister interpretation into the fact that reli-
gious NGOs had been neglected until recently. According to him, the immemorial world
religions were attempting to tap into the resources of the international aid system, which
105
is of far more recent origin and far more volatile. Hence according to Tvedt, the Islamic
NGOs are merely downplaying their proselytizing ambitions in order to get funds. How-
ever, Tvedts analysis was founded on no evidence. In fact, academic research on NGOs
in general is fairly new: there were hardly any doctoral theses or books on the topic pub-
lished until the early 1990s.
The Paris conference in 2004, hosted by the Association des Sciences Sociales de Religion,
was largely confined to Christianity but with some sophisticated analysis. For instance,
one historian of 20th century Catholic overseas agencies emphasized continuity with 19th
century missions and the traditional option for the poor of the Catholic church, whereas
another identified a particular turning-point in the 1960s with the Catholic youth move-
ment, tiers-mondisme and the student riots of 1968. I summarised some of the themes
that emerged in an article enclosed in the conference packs here, Religious NGOs in the
Ascendant: The Muslim Case, published in Nouveaux Mondes (no. 14, Autumn 2004).
Perhaps the most striking theme that emerged in Paris was transnationalism. The world
religions have always been transnational by definition, and there are now big opportuni-
ties for religious NGOs. We may be witnessing a transfer of some degree of religious au-
thority from traditional hierarchies to new bureaucracies. For instance, in Britain Christian
Aid and CAFOD are immensely respected, whereas fewer young people are supporting
the churches themselves. In the Muslim world a crisis of religious authority has often been
commented on. The more progressive Islamic charities have already made much head-
way in establishing themselves as accepted institutions in European countries, despite the
blacklisting problems since 9/11, while in the Arab heartlands of Islam they could play a
major role in helping to revive civil society in nations whose governments are under in-
creasing pressure to democratise.
We are also likely to see new FBOs on the lines of the Soka Gakkei, a globalised Buddhist
movement with many international branches and a development wing. Even the Scien-
tologists are apparently now seeking recognition by the United Nations.
We need to look at structures of authority in FBOs. Some such as Caritas are run through
traditional religious hierarchies; others such as the Salvation Army or World Vision are run
by independent lay figures. World Vision indeed has a management board of business-
men, and is the nearest of all NGOs to a true multinational, with centralized offshore ac-
counting. In Britain, Islamic Relief relies on the theological advice of religious scholars, but
its trustees are laymen.
106
Conclusion
One or two speakers mentioned the decline in voluntarism, which is indeed a serious
problem. However, professionalism is probably more important in the complex and politi-
cally sensitive field of relief and development.
Much depends on the quality of staff, especially in the field and of volunteers in the case
of organizations such as Mdecins Sans Frontires or their Muslim equivalent, Doctors
Abroad and their training and management. As Professor Sampatkhumar wisely said,
Values shine through actions and, in field situations, through face-to-face encounters
between individuals. Fieldworkers are often able to overcome their apparent limitations.
This is known in Christian theology as Grace, in Arabic as baraka, in Sanskrit as prasada,
but we could also describe it in non-religious terms as a strong humanistic commitment.
Hence we should try to avoid these issues becoming over-intellectualized with the buzz-
words to which the development community is so addicted.
107
Afterword
Shambhu Ram Simkhada*
Introduction
How do religions, those supreme guides, making human life meaningful by offering a
higher goal than just the search for food, recreation, reproduction and politics, the most
vital of the human arts or human sciences, interface with each other in the discharge
of humanitarian actions especially in conflict situations? And what role do faith-based
organisations play in such a context in the increasingly globalising world of the 21st cen-
tury? I am very happy to be a part of this workshop with the participation of political and
religious leaders, academics and humanitarian workers organised by the Program for the
Study of International Organisations (PSIO) of the Graduate Institute of International Stud-
ies (HEI), Geneva, and devoted to greater reflection on and better comprehension of these
questions.
Religion in divine purity is service to humanity in all faiths. Service to humanity underlines
the teachings of Christianity. Concepts such as Bashudhaiba Kutumbhakam or Jaqat signi-
fy selfless service at the core of Hinduism and Islam. In ancient India, politics was described
as Nitinam Raja Rajaniti king of all policies. It was on this basis that the notion of Ram
Rajya or the ruler only eats after his people have eaten were conceived. But when religion
and politics are misunderstood or misinterpreted as instruments of power to promote
narrow individual, communal or national goals, the divinity of religion or the idealism of
politics end and conflicts begin, making humanitarian actions often difficult, impossible or
even meaningless. What make misunderstanding and misuse of politics and religion ironic
today is they not only continue but take even more destructive dimensions causing much
suffering to humanity. And this happens in the face of unprecedented access to informa-
tion and communication, knowledge and know-how, education and learning for change
and reform. Let me elaborate some paradoxes as I see them:
* Visiting Fellow of the Program for the Study of International Organization(s), Institut universitaire de
hautes tudes internationales, Geneva. The author can be contacted at <simkhada@hei.unige.ch>. This
foreword draws from a presentation at the opening session for the Workshop.
109
Credit to Human Enterprise: Sad Commentary on Human Wisdom
In the 20th century humanity has made amazing progress in science and technology,
health and education, art and architecture. The end of the 20th century was marked by
momentous events like the fall of the Berlin Wall. As a result, indeed Europe seems to be
trying to genuinely come together. But many other walls remain and new ones are in
the making. The end of the Cold War could have ushered in a new era of global peace
and prosperity. But, many other wars have replaced it and sections of the human family
continue to endure unimaginable poverty, hunger and disease. Knowledge and know-
how have gone so far that there is talk of creating a new human. In terms of potential
we live in exciting times. But, compare these developments with those living in destitu-
tion and persecution, suffering from extreme poverty, violence, ignorance, disease, facing
discrimination because they are of different colour, from a different region, killed because
they are of different ethnicity, religion, belief, class or caste, and is it not a sad commen-
tary on human wisdom?
Humanity at the Crossroads
The recent report of the UN High Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change points
out Differences of power, wealth and geography do determine what we perceive as the
gravest threats to our survival and well being. Differences of focus lead us to dismiss what
others perceive as the gravest of all threats to their survival. The Report continues What
is needed today is nothing less than a new consensus ... among peoples mired in mis-
trust across an apparently widening cultural abyss. Of all the threats facing society today,
mans war with himself due to loss of faith in many things religion, politics, leaders and
institutions but most seriously mans loss of faith in faith itself is the biggest danger. All
religious scriptures talk of the war between the divine and the demonic or the good and
the evil in human beings, underlining the need to overpower the evil by good inherent in
all. The question is how to unleash the good and restrain the evil so that the tremendous
power human beings innately possess and are now capable of enhancing through science
and technology is used only for the good of all human beings. Amidst the unprecedented
potential to learn and reform a Nobel laureate asks, will humanity ever learn? At the dawn
of the new century, the new millennium, humanity stands at the crossroads of time with
the potential of unleashing the power of creativity to create an unprecedented peace and
prosperity for all or falling into the quagmire of conflict and chaos in which ultimately
everyone suffers.
110
Where to Begin?
The oldest of the Vedas says Yatha Pinde Tatha Brahmande or as the microcosm so the
macrocosm. Right thought is the first of the Buddhas eightfold paths. From the little I
know of the Torah, Bible and Koran all religious scriptures teach the importance of right
thought as the starting point of right action. Speaking in the Partnership Summit in
Kolkota recently, the Prime Minister of India, Dr. Man Mohan Singh, himself a scholar and
thinker quoted another thinker: When ideas capture the minds of men, they become a
material force in society. Which ideas have captured the minds of men more than the
Gita, Bible, Torah and Koran or the teachings of Buddha, Guru Nanak or Bahaulla? This is
perhaps why Gandhi was intent on using religion as the guiding light in politics of morality
and non-violence.
The Power of Ideas
Religion or politics, understood and channelled well power of competing ideas propel
societies to a higher level of political, spiritual, social or economic development. Unable
to comprehend or lead in the right direction powerful ideas sink societies deeper in the
ocean of anger and hunger, violence, destruction, despair and death. Angry minds and
hungry stomachs can provide energy for positive and peaceful transformations. They can
also be devastating tools of terror and tyranny. Ignorance and arrogance block the vision
of hope, the potential of time and technology for peace and prosperity for all.
Such paradoxes challenge the world today. On the one hand man is able to launch crafts
to probe the Titan; yet other parts of the same global village are becoming Titanics, sink-
ing deeper in oceans of poverty and political, ethnic, religious and sectarian violence,
denial and deprivation, hunger and anger, hatred and hopelessness. But in an increasingly
interconnected ocean (global village) a Titanic sinking in one part creates ripples affecting
the lives of peoples in another; the failed state of Afghanistan provided the ground for
the terror attacks of 9-11 in New York and the Tsunami near an island in Indonesia killed
so many people of so many nationalities in the Indian Ocean region. What more examples
are needed to demonstrate our common humanity? Does not a common humanity need
some common code of human conduct? How do we make religion and politics the source
of such a common code of human conduct for peace, prosperity and tolerance?
New Highways of Hope and Healing
New highways of hope and healing connecting different societies, cultures, thoughts,
ideas, faiths and religions for all peoples of the world to be able to travel together are
111
needed. An intellectual traffic jam caused by a clash of ideas wrapped around religion and
politics, but primarily designed to promote and protect individual, communal, regional
and national egos and interests, is blocking the entrance to such highways. Divisions
of north and south, east and west, Christians, Muslims, Jews, Hindus, Buddhists, Jains,
Bahais, Sikhs, whites and blacks, higher and lower castes, Sunnis and Shiites and so on
within an increasingly globalised world make human interactions highly vulnerable to mis-
understandings, misuse, conflict and violence. Natures bounty and mans ingenuity can
make a new era of peace and prosperity for all possible. Communication and dialogue
acquire great importance to transform conflicts into cooperation, confrontation into con-
vergence. As humanity begins its new voyage into the 21st century, 3rd millennium AD, this
is the real opportunity created by the dynamics of time and technology; this is also the
challenge to faith-based organisations in the New Age.
This workshop is the result of a question Ambassador Walter Fust, Director General of
the Swiss Agency for Development Cooperation (SDC), posed once: why do humanitar-
ian workers get targeted while undertaking humanitarian work in conflict situations?
This workshop was made possible by financial support from the SDC. Let me conclude
by thanking Ambassador Fust for throwing the intellectual challenge at HEI and for the
inspiration to think outside the box. Having posed a few questions for reflection, I want
to end with this thought from Denis de Rougemont in LAvenir Est Notre Affaire (The Fu-
ture Is Up To Us) I shall not ask you all to become saints. I shall not bid you to love one
another. I shall merely say: Change this system, which provides so many opportunities for
hatred, for another, which encourages and calls for solidarity. Now, no such change will
occur in the city ... save if it has first taken place within you. If you would alter the future,
alter yourselves.
112
WORKSHOP
Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action
Faith Based Organisations as Political, Humanitarian or
Religious Actors
List of Participants
18-19 May 2005
Conference Centre of Varemb, Room B, Rue de Varemb 9-11, Geneva
Mr. Simon AMMANN Deputy Head, Human Rights Policy Section, Swiss
Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, Bern, Swit-
zerland.
Dr. Abbas AROUA Director, Center for Conflict and Peace Studies,
Geneva, Switzerland.
Ms. Jessica ATLASS PhD Candidate, University of Geneva, Switzer-

land.
Dr. David ATWOOD Director, Quaker UN Office, Geneva, Switzerland.
Ms. Claudie BARRAT Project Coordinator, Islamic Relief Switzerland,

Geneva.
Mr. Frederick D. BARTON Former United Nations Deputy High Commission-

er for Refugees, Senior Adviser and Co-Director
of the Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Cent-
er for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS),
Washington D.C., USA.
Mr. Jonathan BENTHALL Honorary Research Fellow, Department of Anthro-

pology, University College London, United King-
dom.
113
Dr. Jean-Nicolas BITTER Civilian Peace Operations, Swiss Federal Depart-
ment of Foreign Affairs, Political Division IV, Hu-
man Security, Bern, Switzerland.
Ms. Afia BLASCO Humanitarian Affairs Officer, United Nations Of-

fice for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
(OCHA), Geneva, Switzerland.
Mr. Jean-Luc BLONDEL Head, Division for Policy and Cooperation within
the Movement, International Committee of the
Red Cross, Geneva.
Prof. Philippe BORGEAUD Ordinary Professor, Faculty of Humanities, Univer-

sity of Geneva, Switzerland.
Ms. Flore BRANNON Communications Assistant, Center for Humanitar-

ian Dialogue, Geneva, Switzerland.
Prof. Pierre BHLER Professor of Theology, University of Zurich, Zurich,

Switzerland.
Prof. Philippe BURRIN Director, Graduate Institute of International Stud-

ies (HEI), Geneva, Switzerland.
Mr. Lossni CISSE International Organization for Migration, Geneva,

Switzerland.
Ms. Lise COLLOMB Islamic Relief Switzerland, Geneva
Mr. Abou EL ELA MADY General Manager, International Center for Stud-
ies, Cairo, Egypt.
Dr. Elizabeth FERRIS Coordinator, Diakona and Solidarity, World Coun-

cil of Churches, Geneva, Switzerland.
Amb. Walter FUST Director, Swiss Agency for Development and Co-
operation, Federal Department of Foreign Affairs,
Bern, Switzerland.
Rev. Hansulrich GERBER Coordinator, Decade to Overcome Violence,

World Council of Churches, Geneva, Switzerland.
114
Mr. Jean-Pierre GONTARD Deputy to the Director, Graduate Institute of De-
velopment Studies (IUED), Geneva, Switzerland.
Ms. Karin GRIMM Project Assistant, Geneva Centre for the Demo-
cratic Control of Armed Forces, Switzerland.
Ms. Nahla HAIDAR Chief of Africa 1, North Africa, the Middle East
and Afghanistan Section, United Nations Office for
the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA),
Prof. Jean HALPERIN President, Centre of Jewish Studies, University of

Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland.
Ms. Anne-Marie HOLENSTEIN Consultant, Switzerland.
Ms. Mersiha KARABASIC Project Coordinator, Islamic Relief Switzerland,

Prof. Abhaya KASHYAP Director, Rastriya Jagriti Sansthan, New Dehli,

India.
Mr. Jamal KRAFESS Director, Islamic Relief Switzerland, Geneva, Swit-

zerland.
Prof. David LITTLE Dermot Dunphy Professor of Religion, Ethnicity

and International Conflict, Harvard Divinity School;
Faculty Associate at the Weatherhead Center for
International Affairs, Cambridge, USA.
Dr. Ram Sharan MAHAT Central Committee Member, Nepali Congress

(Former Deputy Chairman of the National Plan-
ning Commission, Minister of Finance and Foreign
Affairs).
Mr. Murezi MICHAEL Programme Officer Middle East, Federal Depart-

ment of Foreign Affairs, Bern, Switzerland.
Mr. Abdul Fatah Said MOHAMED Director, Al-Muntada Al-Islami Trust, London,
Great Britain.
115
Ms. Ndioro NDIAYE Former Minister for Social Development, Senegal;
Deputy Director General, International Organiza-
tion for Migration, Geneva, Switzerland.
Ms. Eva Christina NILSSON Policy Adviser for Development Cooperation,

Church of Sweden.
Mr. Fabio OLIVA Project Coordinator / PhD Student, Graduate In-

stitute of International Studies, Geneva, Switzer-
land.
Dr. Devendra Raj PANDAY Chair,Rural Self-Reliance Development Centre,

Former President, Transparency International Ne-
pal, Former Finance Minister, Nepal.
Prof. Jwala Raj PANDEY Kathmandu University, Nepal.
Mr. Tony PFANNER Chief Editor, International Review of the Red

Cross, International Committee of the Red Cross,
Geneva.
Dr. Hossam SAID Head of Projects and Field Offices Division, Islamic
Relief, Birmingham, United Kingdom.
Prof. Rajagopalan SAMPATKUMAR Secretary General, International Society for Hu-

man Values, Geneva, Switzerland.
Prof. Konrad SCHMID Professor of theology, University of Zurich, Zurich,

Switzerland.
Mr. Franz SCHLE Secretary General, Hilfswerk der Evangelischen

Kirchen Schweiz (HEKS), Zurich, Switzerland.
Ms. Laila SHEIKH Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, Swit-

zerland.
Dr. Shambhu Ram SIMKHADA Visiting Fellow, Graduate Institute of International

Studies (HEI), Geneva, Switzerland.
Dr. Hugo SLIM Chief Scholar, Center for Humanitarian Dialogue,

116
Dr. Astrid STUCKELBERGER Consultant for the UN, EU and SDC, Scientist and
Teacher, University of Geneva Public Health Pro-
gram, Geneva, Switzerland.
Mr. Meinrad STUDER Senior Advisor, Department of Humanitarian Aid,

Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation,
Bern, Switzerland.
Amb. Jaskaran TEJA Former Ambassador of India to the UN, Geneva,

Switzerland.
Dr. Franklin THVENAZ Head of Multilateral Affairs, Department of Hu-

manitarian Aid, Swiss Agency for Development
and Cooperation, Bern, Switzerland.
Dr. Daniel WARNER Deputy to the Director, Graduate Institute of Inter-

national Studies (HEI), Geneva, Switzerland.
117
Additional copes of PSIO Occasional Papers can be obtained by contacting
PSIO
Institut de hautes tudes internationales
P.O. Box 36 1211 Geneva 21, Switzerland
Fax: +41.22.908.57.10
E-mail: psio@hei.unige.ch
http://hei.unige.ch/psio/index.html

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Proceedings of the Workshop

Religion, Politics, Conflict and

The Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva

1 Introduction: Faith-based Organisations as Political,

2 Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

3 Religion, Conflict, and Peace

4 Faith-based Organisations as Political, Humanitarian or

5 Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

6 Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

7 Faith-based Organisations as Political, Humanitarian or

8 How Do Islamic Organisations See Their Social Role?

9 Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

10 Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

12 Governmental Donor Agencies and Faith-based Organisations

13 Religion, Politics, Conflict and Faith Based Humanitarian

14 International Organizations, Multilateralism and

Summary of Discussions and Conclusion

Introduction: Faith-based Organisations as Political,

* Honorary Research Fellow, Department of Anthropology, University of London.

Moreover, some organisations continue to combine humanitarian with missionary or

Faith-based organisations should however be required to abide by the principle of non-

An expanded concept of the parareligious would enable us to review in the same

Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

Ambassador Walter Fust*

* Director General, Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation.

Some of the key questions are:

Faith-based organisations do undoubtedly play an important role in many contexts, can

There is a need for inter-cultural, professional, methodological and social competence

I wish you all a fruitful and stimulating debate. Thank you.

Religion, Conflict, and Peace

Finally, speaking of the book I am editing, Peacemakers in Action, I wanted to highlight

Religion and Conflict

Religion and Peace

In regard to peace building there is an organization called the Bosnia-Herzegovina Inter-

14 Pape, Dying to Win, pp. 103-4.

Faith-based Organisations as Political, Humanitarian

Geographical distribution of populations according to religious belief within Africa is itself

There is no, and there never will be, holy war.

Working with certain leaders (religious moderates, municipal representatives, traditional

It is also possible to strengthen control and regulation of educational infrastructures, so

Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

Eva Christina Nilsson*

* Policy Adviser for Development Cooperation, Church of Sweden.

Faith-based Organisations as Political, Humanitarian

Dr. Hossam Said*

Islamic Relief in Brief

Charity as a Religious Duty

The Islamic Definition of Charity

Where Does Islamic Relief Fit In?

The Recipients of Charity (Muslim and Non-Muslim Recipients)

Working for Everyone (Muslims and Non-Muslims Matter)

Working in Non-Muslim Areas

Missionary Work and Aid

Working in a Tense Political Climate

How Do Islamic Organisations See Their Social Role?

Abu El Ela Mady*

* General Manager, International Center for Studies, Cairo, Egypt.

Islamic Organisations That Have a Direct Political Role

It is also important to note the importance of encouraging Islamic organisations, societies

The Motives of Those Who Work in the Islamic Organisations

Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action:

What Does Religion Mean to the Hindus and the Buddhists?

Dhrtiti kshhama damosteyam shaucha mindriyanigraha dheervidya satyamakrodha dashaka dharmal-