Medieval Academy of America

Military Service and the Development of Nationalism in England, 1272-1327

Author(s): Barnaby C. Keeney
Source: Speculum, Vol. 22, No. 4 (Oct., 1947), pp. 534-549
Published by: Medieval Academy of America
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 MILITARY SERVICE AND THE DEVELOPMENT
OF NATIONALISM IN ENGLAND, 1272-13271
BY BARNABY C. KEENEY

THE Victorianssaid much and assumed more about the English nation in the
Middle Ages. They felt that it existed under the Anglo-Saxons,deplored its
suppressionunder the alien heel of the Normans, rejoiced that Norman and
Englishmanwereweldedtogetherin oppositionto John,commendedthe wisdom
ofEdward I who gave thenationParliamentas its organofexpression,and finally
acclaimed the emergenceof the Englishnation in substantiallyits modernform
out of the fierycrucibleof the Hundred Years' War.
The modernreactionagainst the assumptionsof nineteenth-century scholar-
ship has underminedthe beliefin the existenceof any sortof nationalismin the
Middle Ages. Recent authoritieshold that threeforcespreventedthe develop-
mentof truenationalfeelingin the earlyMiddle Ages. The claim ofthe universal
Churchon man's higherloyaltiespreventedthemfrombeingattachedto his own
country.The universallanguage,Latin, preventedthe stimulusto national feel-
ing that comes froma patrioticnational literature.Poor communicationsand
limited circulationpreventedthe common man frombecomingaware of his
nation,much less attached to it. His limitedhorizoncombinedwith feudaland
manorialloyaltiesto produceprovincialismratherthan nationalism.2
These assumptionsof universalismof the one hand, and localismon the other
appear contradictory. They are, moreover,only partiallytrue. The Churchwas
indeed universal,but even churchmenthoughtof themselvesas Frenchmenor
Englishmen.As the Middle Ages wore on, men came to be dominatedless by
1 Based on a paper read beforea sessionofthe AmericanHistoricalAssociation,December,1946,at

New York. I am indebtedto the criticismpresentedby ProfessorSidney Painter,to the remarksof

ProfessorB. Wilkinson,and especiallyto ProfessorC. H. Mcllwain, whoseinfluencewill be apparent
throughoutthisarticle.ProfessorsRobert Georgeand C. H. Taylor have been generouswithhelpful
criticisms.
2 For bibliography, see Koppel Pinson,A BibliographicalIntroduction to Nationalism(New York,
1935). The best moderndiscussionsof English nationalismin the Middle Ages are Charles Petit-
Dutaillis, The Feudal Monarchyin France and England (trans. E. D. Hunt, London, 1936), p. 357;
T. F. Tout, France and England: TheirRelationsin theMiddle Ages and Now (Manchester,1922);
V. H. Galbraith,'Nationality and Language in Medieval England,' Transactionsof theRoyal His-
toricalSociety,xxiii (1941), 113-129; and M. Bloch, La Societtf&odale:
les classeset le gouvernement
des
hommes(Paris, 1940), pp. 231-239. See also W. Sulzbach, National Consciousness(Washington,1943),
pp. 11 ff.;M. Handelsman, 'Le Role de la Nationalitedans l'histoiredu Moyen Age,' Bulletinofthe
InternationalCommissionof HistoricalSciences,ii (1929-1930), 235-249; C. G. Coulton, 'National-
ism in the Middle Ages,' CambridgeHistoricalJournal,v (1935), 15-40; and H. Kohn, The Idea of
Nationalism(New York, 1944). H. M. Chadwick, The Nationalitiesof Europe (Cambridge,1945)
attemptsto separatemodernnationalismfrompatriotism.The distinctionappears to be that nation-
alism is a virulentdisease to whichforeigners are subject,whilepatriotismis a virtuepeculiarto the
British.
In an excellentarticle,Halvdan Koht has establishedthe existenceof national consciousnessin
the twelfthcentury.'The Dawn of Nationalismin Europe,' AmericanHistoricalReview,LII (1947),
265-280.

534

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 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327 535
religionandmorebysecularconsiderations. By theendofthethirteenth century,
the numberof secular-minded menwas considerable. Latin was the universal
languageofscholars, buttheywerea smallminority ofthepopulation. It is appar-
ent thatsomemenwhowrotein Latin thoughtin the vernacular. Vernacular
tongueswereusedby all menin theirdailyintercourse. By about1300,serious
as wellas popularworkswerewritten inEnglandin thevernacular tongues, both
FrenchandEnglish.Localismpersisted in Englanduntilmoderntimes,butfrom
thetwelfth century on, the expansionof theroyalcourtand withit theroyal
authority tendedto breakdownprovincial loyaltiesand mademenawareofthe
kingand hiscentralgovernment.
The reaction has gonetoofar.Nationalism initsextreme modern formdidnot
existin theMiddleAgeswithdemandson loyaltyexcluding all otherloyalties.
Therewas,however, a feeling ofobligationto thekingand to thecommunity of
therealmthatcamebetweenthetwoextremes ofuniversalloyaltieson theone
hand,and provincial and feudalattachments ontheother,and whichwas oneof
thecausesofthebreak-down ofthesetwoattachments and theriseofmodern
nationalism.
Manyofthesymptoms ofnationalism areevidentinEnglandat theturnofthe
fourteenth century.The consciousness ofkindsharedby a largegroupofpeople
unitedin one stateis presentin theconceptof thecommunity oftherealm.A
nationfeelsthatit is entitledto determine its owndestiny, and sometimes the
destiny ofinferior
peoples.FromthereignofHenryIII on,thebarons,at least,
feltthattheywereentitled to workoutthecountry's destinywiththeking,and
withoutany outsidehelp.3Thereis a suggestion thattheEnglishthoughtthey
had a missionto rulethe otherpeoplesof theisland.4Co-nationals ordinarily
speakthesamelanguage:it is clearthatnearlyeveryone bornin Englandat the
endofthethirteenth century learnedto speakEnglish,thoughhe mightprefer
Frenchor Latin.5Documentsand seriousbookswerebeginning to appearin
English.6Englishwas thecommonlanguage,but it was notto be the exclusive
I Cf. The SongofLewes,lines9, 65-74, 107-1192,
9285ff.,485 ff.,547 ff.,960 ff.in T. Wright,Political
Songs (London: Camden Society,1839), pp. 72-120.
4 The ChronicleofPierrede Langtoft(ed. T. Wright,London: Rolls Series,1866-1868), ii, 9264-266.
5 To RobertofGloucester,at theveryend ofthethirteenth century,Frenchspeechwas themarkof
Normanblood and highbirth.
So pat heiemenof Pis lond. pat of hor [Norman]blod come.
Holde alle Pulkespeche. Pat hii of hom nome.
Vor bote a man conne frenss.me telp of him lute.
Ac lowe men holdepto engliss.& to hor owe speche 3ute.
Ich wene pet ne bep in al Pe world.contreyesnone.
Pat ne holdep to hor owe speche,bote engelondone.
TheMetricalChronicleofRobertofGloucester (ed. W. A. Wright,London: Rolls Series,1887), ii, 544;
On the question of language, see Galbraith, 'Nationality and Language in Medieval England,
TRHS, xxiii; P. Shelly,Englishand Frenchin England,1066-1100 (Philadelphia,19921);and G. E.
Woodbine,'The Language of English Law,' SPECuLum,xviII (1943), 395-436.
6 The king's adhesionto the Provisionsof Oxfordwas publishedin English,but also in Latin and

French. W. Stubbs, SelectCharters(9th ed., Oxford,1929), pp. 387-389. In addition to Robert of

Gloucester'sChronicle(8upra,n. 5), whichis an English versification
fromvarious sources,Robert

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536 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327

language formany generations,nor had the king's English yet suppresseddia-

lects.The mythologyof nationalismincludesa beliefin a commonorigin,real or
fictitious.Edwardian Englishmenliked to thinkthat theyhad a commonorigin
with theirfellowcountrymen, even thoughthey knew perfectlywell that they
were descendedfromdifferent stocks.The historianPierreLangtoft,who wrote
in Frenchversefortheupperclasses,tookgreatpains to showthatBriton,Anglo-
Saxon and Normanhad fusedto formtheEnglishman.In at least one instance,he
deliberatelyfalsifiedhis source.7His work was soon to reach a wider audience
throughthe English translationof Robert Manning of Brunne. The most
obvious symptomof nationalismin Edwardian England is dislikeof foreigners,
but it is the least significant,
sinceit existsamongnearlyall peoples,even primi-
tive tribeswho have no feelingofnationalism.Dislike ofreal foreigners,
as distin-
guishedfromthe foreignerfromthe next village, was stimulatedby the prom-
inence of aliens in the entourageof Henry III and by the long seriesof foreign
wars beginningin the reignof Edward 1.9 National characteristicswere already
typed. Robert Manning knew 'That frenchemen synneyn lecherye,and englys
men yn enuye."0Even patriotismwas expressedby writerswho were obviously
influencedby the classics. Baker described the Scots beforeBannockburnas
'burningwithlove of theircountry'sfreedon,albeit unjustly."' Yet the Scottish
leadersmay have been more opportuniststhan patriots,and many of Edward's
troopsin the Welsh campaignswere Welsh 'friendlies."l2
These feelingsexisted,but they are of no importancehistoricallyunless they
wereconcentratedin politicalchannels,and unlessthe government used themto
further its ends.Even today,emotionsso vague and intangibleas nationalfeeling
need symbolsto give themconcreteexpression.In 1300,the symbolwas the king.
Loyalty to him was concentratedin the conceptof the communityof the realm,
Manning of Brunne compiledan English chroniclebased on Langtoft'sChronicle,of which it is in
large part a translation.The firstpart was editedby F. J. Furnivall, The StoryofEngland byRobert
Manning of Brunne,A.D. 1338 (London: Rolls Series, 1887), and the whole by T. Hearne, Works
(London, 1810), iii and iv. Both chronicleswere writtenearly in the fourteenthcentury.
7Whenhe madeBishopRalph of the Orkneysexhortthe hostbeforethe Battle of the Standardby
remindingthemthat Englishmenand Normanswereone people. Chronicle, i, 476; cf. 18-20,46, 212-
214, 232, 286, 360, 406. Accordingto his probable source,Henry ofHuntingdon,Ralph aroused the
Anglo-Normanbaronsby remindingthemof theirconquests,includingEngland. HistoriaAnglorum
(ed. T. Arnold,London: Rolls Series, 1879), p. 262.
8 Supra, n. 6.
9 In 19296,the Londonersexcused themselvesfromsendingas much serviceas had been requested
because theyfeltit necessaryto guard the city against personssojourningthere'of diversetongues
fromabroad who pretendto be yourfriendsand ours,and whomwe do not trust.'F. Palgrave,Par-
liamentary Writsand WritsofMilitary Summons(London: Record Commission,189.7-34),I, 9278,no.
16. (Henceforthcited as Parl. Writs.)
xviii. For feelingagainst the Welsh, see J. E. Morris,
10 Chronicle(ed. Furnivall), i, introduction,
The WelshWars ofEdwardI (Oxford,1901), pp. 9268-269;forthe Scots and Irish,Langtoft, Chronicle,
Ia, 220, 253 and Coulton,in Cambridge HistoricalJournal,v, 15-40; againstthe Poitevinsand French,
Langtoft,Chronicle,i, 18 and ii, 213-214,and Parl. Writs.,ii, part ii, appendix10, no. 48.
11Geoffrey le Baker, Chronicon(ed. E. M. Thompson,Oxford,1899), p. 7. Cf. 'Song ofthe Scottish
Wars,' temp.Edw. I, in Wright,Political Songs,pp. 160-179, lines 135 ff.,194 ff.
1' Morris,Wel8hWars,pp. 174, 207, 287.

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 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327 537
whichwasat itsheight. Thekingpersonified thecountry and,withthecommunity
oftherealm(whichwasbroadening outfromthenarrow baronialinterpretation),
was responsible as theprotectorand defender ofhispeople,in whoseinterests he
acted.EdwardI putit thus:'The kinghas receivedthegovernment oftherealm
byprovision ofGod,byWhomhe is heldto thedefense oftherealmitselfand of
all hissubjects,clerkand lay."3Moreelaborately, EdwardII said 'We desireas
befitsroyalmajesty,and areboundbyoathto maintainand preserve wholeand
unharmed the rightsof our royalcrown,our royaldignity, and thepeace and
tranquility ofHolyChurchandofthewholepeoplecommitted to ourrule,andto
resistwithGod'shelpall thingswhichmightoccurto theweakening oftheafor-
said rightsor ofourroyaldignity, or in breachor disturbance of thepeace,or
terror ofourpeople.14 On theonehand,thekingregarded all theinhabitants of
his realmas obligedto assisthimin its protection; on the otherhand,it was
generally agreedthathe wasboundto exercise hispowersforthecommon benefit
of the realmand its inhabitants.'5 His conduct,and evenhis household, were
matters ofgeneral concern.1"
Servicewasthought ofas duetotheking,rather than
to thecountry,'7 and offensewas primarily againsthim,but sincetheking,his
crownandhisrealmwerereallyinseparable, treasoncameto be considered an act
againstthepeopleas wellas againsttheking.WhenThomasTurbevilleturned
traitor forthekingofFrance,Langtoft said thatheworkedto 'makesuchdespite
to theEnglishthatKingEdwardwouldlosehisland.'"8Rebelswerethe'king's
rebels'but theytroubledtherealmand its peopleas wellas theking,and the
peoplewereexpectedto helpputthemdown.'9To arousefeeling againstLancas-
ter,and to getaid againsthim,EdwardII published allegedcopiesofcaptured
documents provingtraffic
between Lancaster'spartyandtheScots,showing that
'theyconspired to ourshameand to thedisinheritment ofouraforsaid realmand
thedestruction ofitspeople'byallying'againsttheirliegancesandfidelity' with
the Scots our enemies.20 In anothercase, the treasonableagreement between
Andrew HarclaandBrucewasin a veryrealsensea personalbetrayaloftheking
whohadmadeHarcla,butitwasalsoregarded as an act againsttherealmandits
people,evenbythenotunsympathetic authoroftheChronicle ofLanercost.21
The kingusedthefeeling ofobligation expressed through thecommunity, and
13 Ordinanceof 20 August 1297, Parl. Writs.,I, 396, no. 37. Cf. ibid., I, 10, no. 2; II, part ii, ap-
pendix,34, no. 21. T. Rymer,Foedera(newedition,London,1816-1869),I, 872-873. Chronicondomini
Walteride Heminburgh (ed. H. C. Hamilton,London, 1849), ii, 123.
14 Proclamationofthepeace, 24 February,1312. Parl Writs,ii, part ii, appendix46-47, nos. 31-33.
15Parl. Writs,i, 275, no. 7. 'Song ofLewes,' lines 908 if.
16 RotuliParliamentorum (Record Commission,London, 1832 f.), i, 281-283.
17 Thanks forservicesin war werenotforservicesto the nation,but to thekingand thecrown.Parl.
Writs,i, part ii, 470, no. 55.
18 Langtoft,Chronicle, ii, 227. Cf. Annalesde Dunstaplia,in AnnalesMonastici(ed. H. Luard, Rolls
Series,London, 1866), iII, 399.
19Parl. Writs,i, 347, no. 1; i, 317. no. 1.
20 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, appendix,195-196, nos. 179-184; ii, part ii, 566, no. 136.
21 Chronicon de Lanercost(ed. J. Stevenson,Edinburgh,1839), pp. 248-251. Parl. Writs,ii, part ii,
appendix,262-268, nos. 28-38.

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538 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327

in so doing,increaseditsscopeandintensity. Indeed,oneoftherootsofthefeel-
ingofcommunity was theold royalencroachment in local government. By de-
velopingthecommonlaw and by extending thejurisdiction oftheking'scourt
untilit includedall freemen,the royaladministration turnedtheloyaltyoflocal
peopleawayfromtheirfeudaland manorialgroups,and attachedthemto the
community ofthecounty,whichwas capableofrepresentation in centralassem-
blies.The participationoflocalmenas jurorsat thecentralcourt,and as repre-
sentativesinParliament notonlybroadened theviewpoint andloyalties ofa very
important and influentialclass but enlargedthe populus thatparticipated in
government and,as thecommunity oftherealm,sharedresponsibility withthe
kingforthepreservation ofthekingdom.22 The secondroyalpolicythataffected
thedevelopment ofnationalism wasthepracticeofobtaining militaryservicefor
thedefense of therealmfromlargegroupsof menwhohadno feudalobligation
tofight. Thisineffectbroadened the feeling
ofresponsibility fortherealmandits
defense.Commonservicein warfare made menawarethattheywerepartof
something largerthantheirlocalcommunity, and stimulated emotional attach-
mentto the kingand the country. The propagandaused to encourageservice
appealedto men'sloyaltyto thecommunity, andat thesametime,strengthened
it.
The rightand dutyofall freemento possessand use armsto helptheking
defendthe kingdomantedatedand survivedthe conquest,and had been re-
affirmedand usedjust oftenenoughto keeptheidea alive.23 Untilthereignof
EdwardI, however, Englishkingshad reliedprimarily on thefeudalhostsup-
plemented by foreign mercenaries.The unpopularity of foreigners,particularly
mercenaries,madeit inadvisableto use alientroopsin theWelshand Scottish
campaigns, whichwereveryclosetohome,andmilitary problems oforganization,
and terrain
discipline madeit impossibleto relywhollyonfeudalcavalryin these
areas. ThoughbothEdwardI and his son dependedheavilyon a reorganized
feudalarray,EdwardI revolutionized theEnglisharmyby theintroduction of
largenumbers ofpaid nativetroopsunderprofessional commanders.24 He was at
oncefacedwithtwoseriousproblems - finding nativessuitablyequippedand
trainedto serveas infantryor cavalryand persuading or forcingthemto serve.
The naturalsourceofheavycavalrywas theknightly feudalclass.At firstthe
earlsand the greatestbaronswereadverseto servingforpay. The customof
securingtheserviceofunitsofprofessional soldiersby indentureswas notfully
developeduntilthereignofEdwardIII. In theperiodunderconsideration, com-
manders, knightsand men-at-arms wererecruited fromthelesserbaronageand
22 See J. E. A. The Constitutional
Jolliffe, Historyof MedievalEngland (Londou~ 1937), ch. iv. F. M.
Powicke, 'England and Europe in the ThirteenthCentury,' Harvard Tercentenary Publications:
Independence,Convergence, and Borrowing(Cambridge,1937), pp. 135-150.
23 Stubbs,Charters, pp. 183-184,276, 840, 355, 363-365. F. M. Stenton,AngloSaxon England (Ox-
ford,1943), pp. 287-288. A. E. Prince,'The Armyand Navy,' in The EnglishGovernment at Work,
1327-1336 (ed. J. F. Willard and W. A. Morris,Cambridge,1940), I, 346-347.
24 Morris,WelshWars,pp. 35-109; Prince,'Armyand Navy,' pp. 348-349.

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 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327 539
the gentry.25 Neither theirnumbersnor theirwillingnessto serve sufficedfor
protractedand frequentcampaigns.Therefore,distraintof knighthood(forcing
men to be knighted)was used to enlargetheirnumbersby requiringfreemenof
means,regardlessoftheirtenure,to assumethe obligationsofknighthood, and to
equip themselvesas cavalrymen.Though distraintmay have been used by the
Angevinsprimarilyto raise moneythroughfinesand compositionsforfailureto
comply,as is sometimesstated,26the Edwards used it chieflyto increase the
supplyofavailable men-at-arms and war horses.27
Assumptionof knighthoodwas
encouragedby offersof freearmssuppliedfromthe royalwardrobe.28 These new
knightsincreasedthe numbersof available cavalrymen.
One of the most importanttrendsin the developmentof mediaeval tactics is
the increaseduse of foottroops.As earlyas the twelfthcentury,dismountedbut
stillarmoredknightswereused effectively.By the turnofthe thirteenth century,
men-at-arms,mounted and afoot, and infantrywere used togetherunder the
leadershipof knights.At the end of the thirteenth century,the developmentof
the long bow providedthe English infantryman with the efficientarmor-pierc-
ing missileweapon that was to make him the superiorof the armoredknight,
horsedor on foot.The longbowand the difficult terrainof Wales and Scotland
combinedto make the plebeianfootsoldier,whosemeans did not permitthe pur-
chase of adequate armor,an efficientfightingman ratherthan the relativenui-
sance he had been hitherto.29Any freemanwas available for service,and was
requiredby theAssize ofArmsto possessweaponsand armorin keepingwithhis
income.30 This obligationwas restatedby the Statuteof Winchester,but prima-
rilyto providea forcecapable of preservinginternalorderagainst malefactors."
In 1315, Edward II, who was fullyaware of the originalintentof that statute,
26 Morris,WelshWars,pp. 68 ff.;Prince,'Armyand Navy,' 348-355. N. B. Lewis, 'An Early Four-
teenthCenturyContractforMilitary Service,' Bulletinof theInstitutefor HistoricalResearch,xx
(1944), 111-118.
26 W. Stubbs, The Constitutional Historyof England (4th ed., Oxford,1896), ii, 115, implies that
Edward I used distraintprimarilyto raise funds.Austin Lane Poole, Obligationsof Societyin the
XII and XIII Centuries(Oxford,1946), p. 4.
27 'Quia de magniset competentibus equis ad arma magnus est defectusin regnonostro,per quod
nos,quibus ipsiusregniregiminisonusincumbit,ad majoremipsius regnisecuritamet pro commodo
incolarumejusdemregniquod ex hoc eis poteritevenirede nostroconsiliostatuimuset providimus
quod quicumque de regnonostroqui trigintalibratas terrehabueritin eodem regno,sibi provideat
deceteroquod promptumhabeat unum equum fortemet competentemad arma una cum armaturis
competentibusad eundem,qui in casibus emergentibussibi servirepossit quociens sit necesse,tibi
precipimusfirmiter injungentesquod id per totamballivamtuam publiceproclamariet firmiter facias
observari.'Lettersto sheriffs, 26 May, 1282. Parl. Writs,i, 226, no. 8. In 1295,Edward orderedthat
thesheriffs orderall knightsand otherswithfortypoundsrevenueto prepareto serveas men-at-arms,
at his wages. Parl. Writs,i, 267, no. 8. Cf. i, 10, no. 1; 281, nos. 4-5; 330, no. 15. Prince,'Armyand
Navy,' p. 352.
Fines werestilltaken in some cases. Parl. Writs,ii, part i, 418-419, no. 2.
28 Parl. Writs,i, 874, no. 6.

29 Morris, Welsh Wars, ch. ii. Prince, 'Army and Navy,' passim. Poole, Obligations, pp. 86-88,
49-52. 30 Stubbs, Charters, pp. 183-184.
31 Stubbs, Charters,pp. 468-469; Parl. Writs,i, 888, no. 24.

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540 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327

consciouslyreinterpretedit to requirethe possessionofarms'not onlyto preserve

thepeace ofour realmbut also to repelthe Scots our enemiesand rebels'since'in
such difficultiesand necessity... no one . .. can nor should be excused from
thosethingsthat pertainto the conservationof our crownand royaldignityand
therepulseof our said enemiesand rebels.' This and othersimilarproclamations
used the statuteas a basis formilitaryservice12
Both distraintand the reinterpretation and enforcement of the Statute of
Winchesterprobablyhad the effectof increasingthe numbersof men equipped
for service mounted and on foot. The problemof gettingthem to serve was
handled in several ways. Commissionsof array were frequentlyissued giving
commissioners power to musterthe men of a countyand to select a specified
numberof footor horse to serve at the king's wages in a particularcampaign,
oftenoutsideof England.3 In an area threatenedwithattack,a custodian,cap-
tain or lieutenantwas oftenappointed,sometimesat the request of the local
people. He was empoweredto raise all the forcesof the countyor otherarea in-
volved.34Servicewithinthe threatenedarea was ordinarilyat the expenseof the
individualor local community, but the troopsmightbe asked to serveoutsideat
the king'swages.5
Thoughbothcommissioners and captainswereempoweredto coerce,theyseem
to have negotiatedwith the local communitiesfor grantsof service. In 1299,
Thomas de Furnivall was assigned to Nottinghamand Derby to 'select, try,
orderand assess men-at-arms... both foot and horse fromall those who are
aged betweentwentyand sixty'accordingto a scale of equipmentbased on in-
come.36Evidently,he negotiateda grantof service,because whenthe kinglater
wrotehimto alertthe troopsforservicein Scotland,he said that 'the men of the
countiesof Nottinghamand Derby assessed forarmspromisedand concededto
us that they would be preparedto go with our personto the aforsaidparts of
Scotland.'37In 1303thecountyof Northumberland grantedalmostuniversalserv-
ice in a meetingwith royal representatives, and the countypalatineof Durham
grantedmen-atarms and foot.38In 1311, the countieswere asked to grantthe
serviceof one footsoldierfromeach vill. They did so, but the servicewas can-
celled,perhapsbecause oftheoppositionofLancasterand othermagnates.39 Such
a grantwas made in Parliamentin 1316,but cancelledon grantof a sixteenth.40 A

32 Lettersto sheriffs, Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, appendix,94-95, no. 8. 8 August,1315. Cf. ii, part ii,
668, no. 60; ii, part ii, 735-737, no. 22. In 1310, the statutewas interpretedconventionallyas an in-
strumentto preserveorder.Ibid., ii, part ii, appendix,28, no. 28. Prince, 'Armyand Navy,' pp.
355-356.
33 Prince,'Armyand Navy,' 355-364; A. M. Noyes, The MilitaryObligation in MediaevalEngland
(Columbus,1930). There are many commissionsin Parl. Writs.
34 Parl. Writs,i, 318, no. 3; 320, no. 16; 272-275,nos. 1-6; 368-369,nos. 8-10, 12; 372-373, no. 23;

ii, part ii, 379, no. 14; 436, no. 30.

36 Parl. Writs,i, 272-275; ii, part ii, 371, no. 15. 36 Parl. Writs,i, 320, no. 16.
87 Parl. Writs,i, 326, no. 5. 38 Parl. Writs,i, 369, nos. 7-10; 370, no. 13.
39 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 408-414, nos. 38-41, 43, 47-52, 55.

40 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 464-466, nos. 43-45; 157, no. 22; 468-469, nos. 53-54; 473-475, nos. 3-

7; 500, no. 80.

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 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327 541

similargrantof servicein 1322 was used.41 From time to time,the townswere

requestedto supplythe serviceof a specifiednumberof troops.42
Year afteryear, the king raised sizeable bodies of troops,usingnot only his
feudalrightto servicebased on homageand fidelity, but his royalrightsbased on
allegiance.He could hot do this arbitrarily, since his rightsto such servicewere
not based on well definedfeudalobligations.He had to negotiateand overcome
opposition.43It is characteristic
of the periodthat most of the numerousrequests
forservice,even feudalsummonses,explainedat lengthwhyservicewas necessary
and whythe individualshouldserve.The reasoningin the royalpropagandadis-
tributedto convinceEnglishmenthat they should servein war must have been
foundedon a knowledgeof what was likelyto arouse the emotionsof the various
classes of the population.There is no basis forthe assumptionthat it is mere
rhetoric.An analysisof thispropagandashouldcast some lighton nationalismin
this period.
Throughoutthesedocumentsthereis a recurrent appeal to the popularconvic-
tion that the king personifiesthe realm and is responsibleforits defense,and
thatall his peopleare obligedto helphimin timeofneed. He triesto identifythe
interestsof the people with the interestsof the realm. Sometimesthe ideas are
clearlyexpressed;more oftenthey are merelyalluded to or taken forgranted.
WhenEdward I wrote'What touchesall shall be approved by all' and 'common
dangersshould be met by measuresprovidedin common,'44 he was doubtlessas
concernedwithcommonactionas withgeneralapproval. In 1297,he orderedthat
all men with twentypounds income (no matterof whomtheyheld theirlands),
prepareto servewhereverthe kingshouldlead themto defendthe realmagainst
the kingof France, since 'the matteris so greatand thus touchesall and each of
our said realm,so that we can deferto no one.'45In the same year,he and his
41 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 572-578, nos. 165-167; 597, no. 888; 602, no. 12.
42 Parl. Writs,i, 278-279, nos. 18-17; ii, part ii, 505, nos. 5-6; 568, nos. 124-126; 670, no. 99; 675,
no. 186; 679, no. 149. 43 Prince,'Armyand Navy,' 844-848.
44 Stubbs, Charters, p. 480; Parl. Writs,i, 30, no. 5. In his corresponding parliamentarysummons
thelay barons,Edward was less elevated. 'Quia superremediiscontrapericulaquae totiregnonostro
hiis diebus iminentprovidendum,vobiscumet cum ceterisregninostriproceribushabere volumus
colloquiumet tractatum.... Stubbs, Charters,p. 481; Parl. Writs,i, 31, no. 6. Cf. Parl. Writs,i,
10, no. 1, and W. Prynne,A Brief Register. . . of all ParliamentaryWrits (London, 1659-64), I,
3-4.
45Lettersto the sheriffs, 5 May, 1297. 'Quia nobis adhuc non constatquando fidelibusnostrisde
regnonostroindigebimusoccasionepresentisguerreinternos et regemFrancie existentis,et aliquid
per inimicorumnostroruminsidiasemergeresubito posset, quod nobis et ipsis fidelibusnostris,ac
eciamtotiregnonostrodampnosumet periculosumforsitanesse posset,nisinos et ipsiessemusmelius
et cicius premunitiet ad hoc apponeremusconsiliumquod possemus,volenteshujusmodidampniset
periculiscaucius obviare,perpendentesquequod istud negociumest tam gzande et ita communiter
omnes et singulosde dicto regno nostrotangit quod in hoc neminideferripotest,tibi precipimus
firmiter injungentesquod statimvisislitterisistis,scirefacias omnibusillis de balliva tua infraliber-
tateset extraqui habentvigintilibratasterreet redditusper annumet illis similiterqui plus habent,
videlicettam illis qui non tenentde nobis in capite quam illis qui tenent,ut de equis et armis sibi
provideantet se preparentindilate,ita quod sic sintpromptiet parati ad veniendumad nos et eun-
dumcumpropriapersonanostrapro defensioneipsorumet tociusregninostripredictiquandocumque
pro ipsis duxerimusdemandandum.... Parl. Writs,i, 281, no. 4. Cf. 281, no. 5, and 282, no. 7.

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5492 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327

councilordainedthat the clergypay a heavy subsidysince 'his enterprisescould

notbe successfully accomplishedto thehonorand profitand salvationofthe king
and his realmwithoutthe commonaid of the clerksand laymenof his realm.'46
Edward II appealed to thesameprincipleofcommonobligationin requestingserv-
ice against the Scots in feudal summons,47in appointingcaptains fordefense,48
in justifyinghis reinterpretationof the Statute of Winchester,49 and in asking
help fromthe Church.50He summedit up when he wrote,'Not only kingsand
princespresidingover theirrealmsand lands, but also theirsubjects (subditi)in
accord with the responsibilityinherentin theirpositionand the obligationof
theirfidelityare obliged to expend aid and counsel in accordance with their
strength,wheneverthe occasion demands,to recoverrightsand kingdomsand
otherlands that have been takenaway and wrongfully occupied.'5'This doctrine
of commonobligationfordefensewas not new, nor was it peculiarto England.
What was novelwas a determined effortto enforceit on a nationalas wellas on a
feudalbasis.
One of the most strikingcontrastsbetweenthe baronialand the royaltheories
of government is in theirrespectiveconceptsof the realm.To the king,his realm
embracedall his possessions;to the barons,it was a fiefin whichtheyheld their
ownfiefs.The king'spossessionsoutsideEnglandwereotherfiefsin whichtheywere
not obliged to serve unless theyheld lands there.Even beforethe loss of Nor-
mandy,baronswhoseinterestsweremainlyin England triedto avoid continental
Once Normandywas gone,fewbaronshad any personalinterestin the
service.52
king'spossessionson the continent,and it became moreand moredifficult to get
themto serveabroad. The questionofoverseasservicewas one ofthe mainissues
disputedbetweenJohnand the barons.It was not settledin Magna Carta, unless
John'spromisenot to proceedagainstanyonewithoutjudgmentwas regardedas
protectionagainst arbitraryaction forrefusalto go to Poitou.53Johnmay have
been tryiigto raise a substituteforcein 1213 whenhe summonedall freemenfor
overseasservice.It is generallybelievedthat his chiefdesirewas to raise funds,
and he did take theirexpensemoneyfromthe troopsand send themhome. It is
possible,however,that he had intendedto assembleand use a non-feudalarmy,
but dismissedthe ordinaryfreemenwhen he saw theywere an ill-equippedand
disorderlymob, whichthey certainlywere.54 The confusedappeal of Henry III
to the bishops for help in defendinghis 'land of Gascony' reflectsthat king's

46 Parl. Writs,i, 896, no. 87.

47 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 476, no. 12.
48 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 506, nos. 7-8.

49 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, appendix,94-95, no. 8; supra, n. 88.

50 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 664, nos. 13-15; 749, no. 74.
51 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, appendix,140, no. 5 (20 July1819). Cf. ii, part ii, 122, nos. 78-75.
52 Poole, Obligations,p. 42.
53 Stubbs, Constitutional History(6th ed., Oxford,1908), I, 561-568. Roger of Wendover,Liberqui
diciturFloreshistoriarum (ed. H. G. Hewlett,London: Rolls Series,1886-89), ii, 83. Ralph of Cogge-
shall, Chronicum Anglicanum(ed. J. Stevenson,London: Rolls Series,1875),p. 167. WalterofCoven-
try,Memoriale(ed. W. Stubbs, London: Rolls Series, 1872-73), ii, 217. Stubbs, Charters,pp. 272,
297. "4Wendover,Florem historiarum, ii, 66-67.

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 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327 543

desiretoavoidraisingtheissueoftheobligation to serveabroadona feudalbasis.

Instead,he hintedat thecommon obligation
to defendtherealm.5In 1297,when
EdwardI basedhissummons to thebaronsforforeign serviceonthegeneralsum-
monsofthatyear,ratherthanonhomageandfidelity, it wasnothisintention to
commitan impudence, but ratherto obtainthe service'forthe salvationand
common utilityoftherealm,'whichhefeltincludedGascony, ratherthanhaveit
deniedhimon thegrounds thatthebarons,as vassals,werenotobligedto serve
outsideEngland.This approachconfusedthe barons,and theyhad difficulty
finding otherexcuses.56Had Edwardsucceededin 1297,he and his successors
wouldhave had availablea forcewhosesize wouldhave beenlimitedonlyby
practicalconsiderations,
and whoseservicewouldhavebeenbasedon allegiance
- almosta nationalarmy.However,theacceptanceoftheobligation to serveat
theking'scommandand at his wageswas notfarenoughdevelopedin 1297to
permit itsapplicationoverseas.Edwardandhissoncontinued to regardGascony
and Scotlandas partoftherealm,57 and gradually theygainedacceptanceofthe
principle thatEnglishmen wereobligedto serveoutsideEnglandat theking's
expense. Therelationofthisobligation tothedutytodefend therealmofEngland
is shownbythepracticeofpayingtroopsaftertheycrossedtheborder.In someof
the Scotchcampaignsof EdwardII, troopsservedat the expenseof thelocal
community untiltheycrossedtheTweed;afterthat,at theking'swages.58 In the
futileGasconcampaigns ofEdwardII, baronsand othersserved,butit appears
thatmost,ifnotall, servicewas at wages.59
"I ' . . . quam quidem terramin tanto periculoconstitutam,contra tam potentemprincipemsine
communiregninostriAngliaeauxilio defenderenon valemus; dolentessi regnumpredictum,quod in-
ter caeterosmundiprincipatusprobitategentiumfloreresolet,propterviriumimpotentiamaut seg-
nitiempropriamsuis viribusdestitutumsuccumberet.'Henryis talkingabout the defenseof Gascony
againstthe kingof Castille. Prynne,BriefRegister,i, 8-4. (88 HenryIII).
56 'Cum pro dampniset periculisque nobis et toti regnonostroper insidiasinimicorum nostrorum
evenirepossentcaucius precavendis,nuperpreceperimussingulisvicecomitibusejusdem regniquod
scirefacerentomnibusillisde ballivissuis infralibertateset extraqui habent vigintilibratasterreet
redditusper annum et illis similiterqui plus habent,videlicet,tam illis qui non tenentde nobis in
capite quam illis qui tenent,ut de equis et armissibi providerentet se preparentindilate,ita quod sic
essentpromptiet parati ad veniendumad nos et eundumcum propriaperonsanostrapro salvacione
ipsorumet tocius regninostripredictiquandocumquepro ipsis mandaremus,ac nos passagiumnos-
trumad partes transmarinaspro salvacione hujusmodijam duxerimusstatuendum;vos affectuose
requirimuset rogamusquatinus attendentesquod vos oportetet condecetcirca salvacionemet com-
munemutilitatemdictiregnimanusapponere adjutrices,sitisad nos London. die dominicaproxima
post octabas Sancti JohannisBaptiste proximefuturascum equis et armisparati transfretarecum
corporenostroad partespredictasad Dei nostriet vestrihonorempro salvacioneet utilitatesupra-
dictis.Ita quod vobis exindead perpetuasgraciarumacciones meritoteneamur.'Parl. Writs,i, 282,
no. 7. The generalsuimmons are in similarformand wording,and are printedibid.,i, 281, nos. 4-6.
The reactionsofthe barons to thissummonsare well known.It appears, that theywereconfusedby
the formand natureof the summons,whichwere novel. Affectionate requestswere not unusual,nor
were general summons,thoughthey were seldom applied to the barons, but the combinationof
thesefeatureswitha case ofoverseasservicewas. Stubbs,Constitutional History,ii, 140-141. Edward
admittedthat serviceabroad shouldbe at wages,even in the case of vassals.
57 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 664, nos. 18-15.
58 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 871, no. 15; i, 869, nos. 9-10.
69 Prince,'Armyand Navy,' p. 849. Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 664, nos. 18-17.

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544 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327

In thefirstParliament ofEdwardIII, theprotests againstserviceabroadwere

renewed.60ServiceoverseasduringtheHundredYears' Warwas on the basisof
contractthrough indenture,notofnationalobligation.6'Thus,by 1327,therealm
was tacitlydefined as England,and all menwereobligedto defendit. Troops
raisedto defendEnglandagainstthe Scotscouldexpectto receivethe king's
wagesif offensiveoperations intoScotlandwereundertaken. The obligationof
commondefensehad neverbeenseriously questioned;what had beendebated
wastheextentoftherealm.Thus,thekinghadto compromise to theextentthat
nationalserviceforthedefense oftherealmwasrestricted to England.He could
raisetroopsto serveoutside,buthehadto paythem.
Sincethekingpersonified therealm,an offense againsthimwas an offense to
therealm.At firsttheWelshand theScottishwarsweretreatedas a matterof
rebellionby a vassalagainsthis lordthekingand throughout the strugglesno
opportunity waslosttodescribe LlewelynorBruceas a rebelliousandtreacherous
vassal.This presentation shouldwarnus againstoverestimating contemporary
orientationtowardsnationalism.As the wars went on, however,the king
attemptedto arouseindignation by describing the ravagesof the Scots. The
accountoftheirmisdeeds was almostreducedto a formula, butnewhorrors were
addedfromtimeto time.Thoughtheseverytangibleoffenses weremostimpres-
siveto theinhabitants oftheborder, theroyalpropagandists musthavebelieved
thattheywouldarousetheireofanyEnglishman, forthedocuments describing
themwereusedthroughout thecountry.62
In theMiddleAges,a peoplewasmosteasilyarousedbyappealsto religion, as
in thecrusadesagainsttheMoslems,and in Germany againstthepaganSlavs.63
All theenemiesofEnglandwereChristians and notevenheretics (thoughPhilip
theFairwasno friend ofthePope and RobertBrucewasexcommunicated three
times).64Yet EdwardII described theScotsas iftheywerepagans,whosepurpose
was to destroytheEnglishChurchbothmaterially He declared
and spiritually.
thattheScotsburnedchurches, shedChristian blood,and intendedto 'impose
60 Prince,'Armyand Navy,'-p. 349; Rot. Parl., ii, 8, 9.
61 Prince,'Armyand Navy,' pp. 347-348,352-855.
62 A typicalsummarywasthatsentin 1318 to Londonand manyothertowns. 'Quia ad refrenendam

Scotoruminimicorum et rebelliumnostroruminduratammaliciam,qui occupacionibuset devastacion-

ibus castrorumet villarumin terranostraScocie, necnonet homicidiiset depredacionibus,incendiis
et aliis malis innumeris,per ipsos in eadem terraante hec temporaperpetratisnullatenussaciati,fines
regninostriAngliaepostmodumin ingentiarmatorummultitudine, pluribusvicibushostiliteringressi,
castranostraet fideliumnostrorumoccuparuntet occupata tenent,ac consimiliaflagiciaet majora pro
viribus inhumaniterperpetrantes. . . 'Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 505, no. 5. Cf. ii, part ii, 383, nos. 4-8;
412, no. 47, 489, no. 59. The feudalaspect of the offenseof the Scots is emphasized in i, 302, no. 1
and infra,n. 71. For descriptionsoftheWelshdepredations,see i, 224, no. 5 and passim.
63 Fulk fitzWarinwas presentedas hatingtheSaracens,but onlybecause oftheirreligion.He prom-

ised to serveas theirchampionagainst a Christianruleriftheywould be converted.LegendofFulk

fitzWarin,in Radulphi de Coggeshall,Chronicon Anglicanum(ed. J. Stevenson,London: Rolls Series,
1875), p. 400.
64 Scotland was underthe interdictfrom1822 to 1327. W. S. Reid, 'The Papacy and the Scottish
War ofIndependence,'CatholicHistoricalReview,xxxi (1945), 283-301.

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 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327 545

tributeon ourpeopleand Holy Church.'"The kingof France was sometimescast

in the same role.66It is curious to findtwo peoples of undoubtedChristianity
presentedin thislight;it showsthe potenthold of religionon the popularimagi-
nation.
The task ofthepropagandistwas easiestwhentherewas threat,real or fancied,
of an invasion.Both Edwards warnedthat the Frenchintendedto invade, with
the purposeof extirpatingthe Englishtongueand of destroyingthe Churchand
therealm.67 Here thekinghad an ancientand undoubtedrightto call on everyone
fordefense,and since invasionwas a matterof generalconcernand caused gen-
eralfear,reference to it arousedpopularemotionmorereadilythanwouldallusion
to an abstractbelief,howeverwidelyheld.
Thus, propagandato raise troopswas based in generalon these threethings:
the honorof the kingand the realm,the threatto Holy Church,and the obliga-
tionto help the kingdefendit and the realmagainstaggression.There was likely
to be a difference classes of the
of emphasis,however,in the appeals to different
population. Summons to barons to rendermilitaryservicewere no longerthe
terseordersof the Normanperiod,68 but werealmostalways prefacedby a more
or less elaborate argumentshowingthe necessityforsuch service.The prefaces
were apt to be most flowerywhen theyintroduceda request forservicebeyond
the servitiumdebitum- serviceat wages, or forserviceaffectionately requested,
to whichthe kingwas not clearlyentitled.69Since the audiencethoughtin feudal
terms,emphasiswas likelyto be given to feudal offenses, but not solely.70The
ravages of the Welsh and Scots,71the threatof the kingof France to subdue the
realm,72the danger to Holy Church,73offensesand rebellionsagainst the king
werefrequentlycited,74as was the generalobligationto defendthe realm.75
65 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 476, no. 12; 280-281, nos. 63 and 70; appendix,96-97, nos 12-13; 107,

no. 17.
66 Parl. Writs,i, 396, no. 37; ii, part ii, 670, no. 99; 679, no. 149.
67 Stubbs, Charters, p. 480. Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 476, no. 12; 478, nos. 14-16; 756, no. 13; 760, no.
25. In 1322,manymagnateswererequestedto reinforcetheirmen-at-armsin theirhouseholds'ultra
familiamvestramconsuetam'and to spend the winterin one of theirmanorsnear York because of
the threatofScotch invasion.Ibid., ii, part ii, 612, no. 55. Because of the Frenchthreatin 1324,the
Statute of Winchesterwas applied again to service against a foreignenemy,and requestsforlarge
contingentswere made of the towns. Ibid., ii, i, 668, no. 60; 670, no. 99; 679, no. 149. Paymentof
clericalsubsidieswas sometimesmade contingenton theactual occurrenceofthe invasion.Parl. Writs
ii, part ii, 63, no. 72. 68 E.g., Stubbs, Charters, p. 97.
69 Stubbs, Constitutional History,ia, 141. Parl. Writs,u, part ii, 513, nos. 47-48; i, 265, no. 1; 302,
no. 1; ii, part ii, 411, no. 45; i, 327, nos. 8-9, ia, part ii, 466, nos. 46-47; i, 244, no. 1. In 1297, theking
describedhis troopsas coming'Les uns par priere,les autres par somounsedu Roy.' Rymer,Foedera
i, part ii, 872. The constableand the marshalseem to have maintainedthat a requestto servedid not
obligatethemto performtheirmilitaryfunctions.
70 Parl. Writs,i, 224, no. 5; 275, no. 7.
n Supra, n. 62, and Parl. Writs,i, 224, no. 5; ia, part ii, 381, no. 1; 461, no. 32.
72 Parl. Writs,i, 896, no. 37; ia, part ii, 668, nos. 11-12.

78 Parl. Writs,ia, part ii, 476, no. 12.

74 Parl. Writs,ia, part ii, 394, nos. 73-74.

75 Parl. Writs,i, 327, nos. 8-9; n, part ii, 476, no. 12. In 1295, the barons were remindedthat the

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546 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327

In theireffortsto establishthe principlethat churchmenwereas muchobliged

to help defendthe realmas laymen,the kingsencounteredmuchopposition.The
positionofthe clergywas complicatedby thepolicyof Boniface,on the one hand,
and, on the other,by the growinganti-papalfeelingmanifestedin contemporary
legislationand other documents.76 At the same time,prelateswere of all people
most capable of understandingan appeal to the duty of all to protectthe state.
The famouswritof 1295,withthe quod omnibustangit77 clause was addressedto
the clergy.They wereremindedfromtimeto timethat all wereobligedto defend
the state (respublica),and that sinceclerkscould not fight,theyoughtto pay as
well as pray.78Likewise,theywere told of the offensesagainst the Church,and
remindedthat the dangersand damages of an invasion would fall on them as
much as on laymen.79A royal order to the archbishopto convoke the clergy,
transmitteddownthroughecclesiasticalchannels,was likelyto receiveverylofty
additionsas it passed fromhand to hand, but it sometimeshappened that the
mostelevated sentimentsproducedthe least resultsor the mostferventdenial of
obligation.80
Commissionersof array induced men to serve by verbal persuasionand by
pressureratherthan by documentsand proclamations.The commissioners and
those helpingthem were orderedto use every inducementto enlistmen to fill
theirquotas and in one case theywere instructedto offerbonuses.81The men of
the countieswere sometimesflatteredby receivinga royal commendationfor
theirpreviousservicesshortlybeforethe arrivalof a commission.82 The commis-
sionersmusthave used the prefacesof theirlettersof appointmentas an outline
of the pointsto touchon in theirdriveforrecruits.These letters,and thoseto the
sheriffs,whichwerepublishedin the county,touchon all the pointsused in gen-
The generalobligationto defendthe realmis
eral to arouse people forservice.83
impliedbut not emphasized.84In 1322 the king orderedthe alleged treasonable
correspondencebetweenLancaster's supportersand the Scots publishedin the
counties,probablyto helpcommissioners arouse feelingagainsttherebelsand the
The eloquenceofthe commissioners
Scots and to facilitaterecruiting.85 was direc-
attacks ofthe kingof Scotland injuredthe rightsofthe crown,'ad quam integramet illesamconser-
vandam et defendendamsacramentivinculoastrictiestis.' Parl. Writs,i, 275, no. 7.
76 Clerical resistancemightbe based on some bull of Boniface,generalprivilegesof clergy,or on

somelegal technicality.Parl. Writs,i, 396, no. 37; ii, part ii, 123, no. 79. Langtoft,Chronicle,ii, 268-
272; Heminburgh,Chronicle, ii, 116 ff.For lay oppositionto papal interference, see Parl. Writs,i, 20,
no. 3; 102-104, nos. 49-43.
77Stubbs, Charters, p. 480. 7 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 122, no. 75.
7 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 259, no. 78; 280, no. 63.
80 E.g., Part. Writs,ii, part ii, 281, no. 70.
81 Supra, p. 538 f. Parl. Writs,i, 326, no. 6; 370-371. nos. 14-15.
82 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 470-472, nos. 55, 56-59, 60-64.
83The commissions frequentlycontainedthe same prefacesas the feudaland othersummons.E.g.,
Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 381-383, nos. 1-6.
84 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 667-668, nos. 60-95; 658, no. 118.
85 Orderedpublished1 March, 1322.Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, appendix,195-196,nos. 179-184. Orders

to raise forcesagainstLancasterare dated 26 Feb. 1322,and otherswere issuedlater. Parl. Writs,ii,

part ii, appendix,180, nos. 90-91; ii, part ii, 559, nos. 106-107; a, part ii, appendix,181, no. 102.

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 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327 547

ted at themembers ofthecountycourt,whoprobablyhelpedmaketheactual

choiceofrecruits, whilecoercion probably was appliedto themendrafted.
In thelettersappointing custodians,
captainsandlieutenants inareasthreatened
byinvasion, referencewas sometimes madeto thecommon obligation to defend,
and theemphasiswas almostalwayson theactionsand intentions oftheenemy
whowas to be repelled. Thoughthecaptainsand custodians had broadcoercive
power,it is evidentthattheirefficiency dependedlargelyon verbalpersuasion,
thedetailsofwhichwe cannotknow.86
Whenforces wereraisedfromthetownsseparately fromthecounties, thelocal
officials
ordinarilydidtherecruiting,notroyalcommissioners. Royalletters were
sentthemayorand aldermen, requestingthemto filla quota.In 1318theletters
reviewed theactsoftheScots,pointedoutthattheearlsandbaronshadpromised
to serveinperson,andwenton to say 'thatforsogreata necessity it is fittingto
requireand requestthatour liegesand subjectslikewiselendhelpinghands.'
Theseletterswereordinarily theonlymeansofpersuasion.87
It is difficult
to determine howeffective all thisrecruiting
propagandawas.
Service,military orfinancial,was notpopular.88 The reactionofthebaronageto
whattheyconsidered an unwarrented demandin 1297is wellknown.The clergy
was equallyunwilling to contribute
in thisyearand in others.89 Amongother
classes,volunteers werenotsufficient to fillthequotas,and wagesand bonuses
had to be supplemented bycoercion.Therewerenumerous desertions amongthe
menfromthecountiesand boroughs,90 and evenamongthebarons.9' On at least
oneoccasiona largepartofa levyrefused to serve.92At times,lordsof franchises
obstructed effortsto recruitwithintheirliberties.
This unwillingness to servein thefieldwouldindicatea somewhat less than
burning patriotism.Despitethesmallsize of the forcesactuallyin thefieldin
thisperiod,campaigns wereso frequent thatthe draftmayhavefallenon much
thesameindividuals morethanonce.93 It seldomtakesmorethanonecampaign
86 Parl. Writs,I,270, no. 16; 318, no. 3; 326, no. 5; 369, nos. 10 and 1;
372-373, no. 23; ii, part ii,
432, no. 5; 440, nos 79-82; 478, no. 16; 506, nos. 7-8.
87 Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, 505, nos. 5-6; i, 278-279, nos. 13-17.
88 The authorofthe Chronicle ofLanercost,p. 249, remarkedin commentingon the peace proposed
by Harcla, 'pauperes et mediocres,et agricultores,in partibusborialibus,non modicumlaetabantur
quod rex Scotiae libere teneretregnumsuum,eo pacto quod ipsi possentvictitarein pace; sed rex,
necmirum,cumconsiliosuo mirabiliterest turbatus.... 'The chroniclerofDunstable remarkedthat
thepreparationsto repelinvasionin 1295 wereonerousand grievousto thepeople whohad to provide
guards. Annalesde Dunstaplia,pp. 398-399.
89 Parl. Writs,i, 283, no. 8, and Palgrave's note in the -chronological abstract,i, p. 32, n. 1, from
Heminburgh,ii, 116. Parl. Writs,ii, part ii, no. 79; 139, no. 44. Langtoft,Chronicle,II, 268-272.
90 Parl. Writs,i, 339, no. 22; ii, partii,602, no. 12,and passim.
91Parl. Writs,i, 378, no. 24.
92 Parl. Writs,i, 340, no. 23; ii, part ii, 507, no. 11.
93The populationofEngland in thefourteenth centuryhas been estimatedat 2.6 million.J. C. Rus-
sell, 'Medieval Population,'Social Forces,xv (1937), 503-511. A sizeable forcein thisperiodwas 10,-
000; 20,000 was enormous.In March, 1322, Edward II summonedat his wages 39,000 Englishfoot
6,000Welshfoot,6,000Irishfoot,and 1,000hobelars.In May, Parliamentmade thelevy ofone foot-
man fromeach vill. The townsmade aids or suppliedtroops.All menbetweensixteenand sixtyin the

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548 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327

to convince a sensiblemanthattherearebetterwaysofmakinga livingthanby

military service.Sucha conviction was reinforced by theconfusion thatcharac-
terizedthewarsofEdwardII, whomadeandcalledoffleviesandevencampaigns
timeand again. Those responsible forraisingtroopswerenot blameless;they
acceptedbribesand abusedtheirpowerby drafting morethantheirquotasand
thenexactingfinesforexemptions.94 The fact remains, however, thatenough
troopswereraisedto permitfairlycontinuous campaigning between1282and
1327.
Thesesourcessuggestthata steptowardmodernnationalism wasmadeat the
turnofthefourteenth century, butthattheconceptin itsmodernformdidnot
reallyexist.Certainly therewas nothingofthefanaticalintensity oftwentieth
century nationalism. Nor can we arguethatall Englishmen wereaffected, since
therequestsforserviceandthepropaganda wereaddressed onlytofreemen - in
practice,the moresubstantialfreemen. Probablythe mediaevalrootsout of
whichourirrational devotion tothenationgrewdiffer inkind,as wellas indegree,
from themodern conception.Ratherthandevotion tothenationandthenational
state,we findloyaltyand a senseofdutytowardthecommunity oftherealm
whichwas capableofdeveloping intonationalism. The community oftherealm
consistedof individualsgroupedinto subordinate communities, such as the
Church,thecounty,theboroughand thebaronageorpeerage.The subordinate
communities werein theprocessofbreaking down,and theloyaltiesattachedto
themwerebeingboundto thecommunity oftherealmandtheking,itsheadand
personification. Thoughthekingstilldealtwiththesubord'inate communities as
groups,he was beginning on theonehandto handletheirmntmbers as individual
subjectswithcommonobligations, and on theotherhand,to dealwiththecom-
munityofthewholerealmin Parliament.
It is clearthatfeudalsentiments ofloyaltywerestillimportant, butthetend-
encywas to centerthemin thepersonofthekingratherthanin theimmediate
lord.Again,theappealtoprotecttheChurchwasusedwitheffect. It is generally
feltthata primary loyaltyto religionindicatesa lackofnationalfeeling. Yet the
Churchto be protected is termedtheEnglishChurch,and thepeoplewhowere
attackingit,thoughChristians, wereforeigners-Scots orFrench.A feelingof
whatmay,withgreatcaution,be callednationalChristianity seemsto be evident
amongbothclergyand laity,perhapspartlyas a resultofthepapal policyof
treating largeblocksofChristianity as provinces thatcorresponded roughly to
politicalunits.Whentheconceptoftheuniversal Churchbrokedown,thisnotion

northern countieswerearrayed.The payrollsshowthatin July-August, thereassembledat Newcastle

4439 Englishfoot,6460 Welsh foot,376 English,10 Welsh,and 139 Irish hobelars,and 25 Irish men-
at-arms.On the basis oftheseand othermiscellaneousfigures,Morrisconcludedthattherewere7053
English,and he conjecturedthat therewas a total of about 14,000 infantrycountingthe Welsh, a
force'of morethan average strengthforthat day.' Figuresare not available forbarons and knights
in thiscampaign.J. E. Morris,'Mounted Infantryin Mediaeval Warfare,'TRHS, Third Series,viII,
88-90.
94Parl. Writs,i, 859, no. 22; ii, part ii, 460, no. 24.

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 MilitaryServicein England,1272-1327 549

of a national churchmightbe a veryimportantsource of national feeling,and

providethe emotionalismthat was not yet associated withthe lay state.95
The importanceof the communityof the realm in the developmentof the
nationalmonarchyand of nationalfeelingis indicatedby the broadeningof the
meaningofthe termitself.Earlierin thethirteenth century,it had referred
to the
baronagealone. By the end of the reignof Edward II, the phrasecommunityof
the realmsometimesidentifiedthe unionof all individualsand subordinatecom-
munities,ofwhichthe baronagewas one; in othertextsit excludedthe baronage
and the Church,and meantthe commonsin Parliament,whorepresentedmostof
the restof the freepopulation.Thereis evidencethat peasants wereloyal to the
communitylong beforetheybecame an active part of it.96The feelingof obliga-
tion to the realm by all the membersof its communitybecame an important
factorin royalpoliticswhenthe kingfoundit worthwhileto appeal to it to gain
supportforhis plans and policies.
The idea of the communityof the realmand obligationto it gains significance
in thehistoryofnationalismbecausemanyofthesecondaryevidencesofnational
feelingare associated with it. The English of the fourteenthcenturyliked to
thinkofthemselvesas one people witha fancifulcommonoriginand a vague sort
of destiny.They were thoroughlyaware that they were Englishmenas well as
Yorkshiremen;theydislikedforeignforeigners more than theydislikedthe man
fromthe nextcounty.We findan anticipationofsomemodernnonsensewhenwe
read that 'one Englishmancan annihilatemany Scots.'97
BROWN UNIVERSITY.
95The king,the prelates,the barons,and the chroniclers were alreadyprotestingagainstpapal in-
terference in Englishecclesiasticaland secularaffairs.Supra, n. 76.
96 F. M. Powicke,King HenryIII, and theLord Edward: The Community oftheRealmin theThir-
teenthCentury(Oxford,1947), pp. 509-510.
97 'Song ofthe ScottishWars,' in Political Songs (Camden Society),p. 175, line 199.

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